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Scientific translation

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Olohan, M. (2020). Scientific translation. In M. Baker, & G. Saldahna (Eds.), Routledge Encyclopedia of
Translation Studies (3rd ed., pp. 510-514). Routledge.

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 Accepted Author Manuscript

Olohan, Maeve (2020) ‘Scientific Translation’, in Mona Baker and

Gabriela Saldanha (eds) Routledge Encyclopedia of Translation Studies,
3rd edition, London and New York: Routledge, 510-14.

Scientific translation
Maeve Olohan

Addressing research questions and issues relevant to scientific translation requires reflection on
two key concepts, science and translation. The concept of translation is critically examined in a
variety of ways by translation scholars who seek greater understanding of the place of
translation in the world. The concept of science, no less complex, receives abundant critical
examination in a different body of scholarship. The overlapping fields of science studies, science
and technology studies (STS), and science, technology and society (also STS) are concerned with
greater understanding of the place of science in the world. Both science studies and translation
studies are inherently interdisciplinary and employ a wide range of theoretical and empirical
approaches to address historical, philosophical, social, cultural and political questions. Our
understanding of the place of scientific translation in the world may therefore benefit greatly
from scholarship at the confluence of these two disciplines.

Perspectives on science

In the European and Anglophone context, philosophers of science began to address the cultural
significance of science in the inter-war years and after World War II (Turner 2008), but the
seminal work of Thomas Kuhn in the 1960s paved the way for the more extensive development
of social studies of science during the 1970s and beyond. Kuhn (1962, 1970) was interested in
how scientific communities are organized and how scientific knowledge evolves through
different periods of scientific revolution or paradigm shifts. His and subsequent contributions,
which approached the concept of science from historical and sociological perspectives,
increasingly challenged assumptions of scientific realism. Alternative, often constructivist,
understandings of science emerged through critical analysis of the doing of science and of the
relations between science and society. Challenges to post-positivist epistemology included
rejection of the assumptions that science is unitary and universal, i.e. that there would be no
culturally distinctive differences between different scientific disciplines or between science
performed in different institutional settings, or in how knowledge is shaped by and shapes the
society in which it develops (Harding 1998:3).
Constructivism contrasted with positivism and logical empiricism in focusing on how sciences
and cultures are co-constitutive and co-evolving. Studies undertaken through the 1970s and
1980s focused on how science is shaped by the interests of relevant social groups (Bloor 2001)
or how scientific knowledge is locally negotiated by scientists through their practices (Latour
and Woolgar 1979; Traweek 1988), among other questions. This understanding of science as
practice and as culture (Pickering 1992) shifted researchers’ interest away from science as the
pursuit of universal truths and towards a focus on studying what scientists do and the
enculturation of those situated knowledge practices (Franklin 1995). Science was no longer
presumed to be universal, disinterested and value-free. Instead, researchers seek to
understand the culture of the lab and the local strategies of sense-making, as well as the
embeddedness of those local scientific cultures in wider cultural meanings (ibid.).

It could be argued that scholarship on scientific translation is following a similar trajectory,

though with an interlude of some decades. The majority of publications that focused on
scientific translation prior to the 2000s aimed to serve as guides to translators or translation
students. Early contributions reflected an underlying conception of science as knowledge and of
scientific discourse as communication of invariant referential meaning. Manuals produced
during the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s were designed and used as practical guides to scientific
and/or technical translation (Jumpelt 1961; Maillot 1969, 1981; Finch 1969; Pinchuck 1977;
Bédard 1986, 1987). Many fulfilled their didactic function through a strong normative emphasis
on techniques for achieving terminological accuracy and precision of expression. A small
number of contributions focused on the translator’s development of conceptual scientific
knowledge and understanding (Hann 1992, 2004). Since the turn of the century, guides to
scientific translation have reflected a growing understanding of the social and cultural
importance of scientific translation as part of scientific practice, and increasingly offer a much
more contextualized view of scientific communication, providing insights into the activities of
professional scientific and technical communication and/or focusing on specific scientific genres
(Schmitt 1999; Byrne 2006; Scarpa 2001; Montalt and González Davies 2007; Scarpa 2008;
Stolze 2009; Byrne 2012; Olohan 2016).

Aligned with universalist and positivist views of science, many of the earlier contributions on
scientific translation that involved textual analysis were limited by an understanding of
scientific texts as serving primarily informative or referential functions, a view that is reflected
in Ortega y Gasset’s (1937/2000:50) assertion that scientific translation is easier than
translation of literary texts, due to a perceived universality of the language of science and/or of
scientific thought. This perspective overlooks the significant expressive and operative functions
of scientific discourse, as the means by which authors construct meanings, make claims,
challenge others, enrol allies and pre-empt contestation, seek to build consensus within a
scientific community, exclude or include non-members of that and other communities and
establish and drive research agendas (Latour 1987; Myers 1990; Swales 1990, 2004). Failure to
acknowledge these social and rhetorical functions of scientific discourse can lead to a focus on
precision of terminology and accuracy of description, and moreover a consideration of both as
somehow culturally invariant. This conceptualization of science, in turn, may be responsible for
the relative lack of attention to scientific translators’ social and textual practices, compared to
the breadth and depth of research on their counterparts in literary domains. The typical
backgrounds of translation researchers, for example in literary and linguistic studies, may also
mean that they are less prepared to engage with scientific disciplines, ideas and discursive
practices.

Research themes

Among the relatively small number of research contributions on the translation of science, a
significant set is historiographical. It is widely acknowledged that translation has played a major
role in the production and circulation of scientific knowledge throughout the ages (Salama-Carr
1995). Some historical research therefore takes scientific and technical texts as a basis for in-
depth theoretical reflection on the role of translation. A key contribution in this regard is
Montgomery’s (2000) analyses of translation activity in several periods. A central assumption in
this work is that translation is involved in knowledge production at all levels, and Montgomery’s
case studies serve to illustrate the role of translation in the shaping and reshaping of ideas as
they travel between cultural and linguistic contexts. Cases analysed include the history of
translating astronomy in Europe from antiquity to the Renaissance, and the translation of
science in Japan from the late medieval period into the twentieth century. Other specific
cultural contexts and periods in which scientific translation has been examined include
Dodson’s (2005) research on translation into Indian languages in nineteenth-century colonial
India, Raj’s work (2007) on collaborative scientific production in India between 1650 and 1900,
and Meade’s (2011) study of the development of engineering knowledge in early Meiji-era
Japan.

The ninth-century, which witnessed a strong movement focused mostly on the translation of
ancient Greek texts into Arabic, and the Middle Ages, when a considerable number of
translations were carried out from Arabic into Latin, form two periods of translation that have
been extensively studied by historians of science and translation scholars, with researchers
challenging assumptions about knowledge diffusion and translation as acculturation that
underlay traditional accounts. In their reappraisals of the translation of science from Greek to
Arabic around the ninth century, Saliba (1994, 2007) and Rashed (2006, 2009b) treat
translation, research and learning as being closely linked; translators and their Arabic
translations are shown to play crucial roles in the advancement in scientific endeavours and
research programmes of the translator-scholars or scholar-translators, their patrons and
institutions (Rashed 2006:172). Saliba (2007), for example, argues that the Greek astronomical
tradition was assessed critically by translators into Arabic, who reworked and reevaluated the
research. Rashed (2009a) examines the case of Thābit ibn Qurra’, a Baghdad-based scholar who
translated texts by Archimedes, Apollonius and others from Greek into Arabic and revised
translations by others, including Euclid’s Elements and Ptolemy’s Almagest, during the second
half of the ninth century. Thābit ibn Qurra’s translation work enabled him and his masters, the
Banū Mūsā, to pursue their own research in astronomy, philosophy and geometry (Rashed
2009a:6). Both scholars, Saliba and Rashed, conclude that the translation movement was
governed by social conditions of the time and that translation was concomitant with research,
contributing to the development and implementation of new research programmes, often
through patronage.

Likewise, Burnett’s extensive research (2001, 2005, 2006) on the translation of mathematics
and science from Arabic into Latin in the Middle Ages reveals how the preferred translation
practices were related to the prestige values attached to the source or target language or
culture at particular periods. Gutas (1998, 2006) compares two translation movements –
Græco-Arabic and Arabic-Latin – and situates both in their internal and international political
and social contexts, thereby observing numerous differences in motivation for the two
translation movements. Other scholars have also shown that translation was an essential part
of scientific practice during these periods, focusing their attention on the misnomered ‘schools’
of Baghdad (Salama-Carr 1991, 2006; Gutas 1998) and Toledo (Hernando de Larramendi and
Fernández Parrilla 1997; Foz 1998; Pym 2000), respectively.

While these two periods and translation movements garner most attention, the intricate
relationship between translation and scientific research has been observed elsewhere too.
Jardine and Segonds (1999), for example, discuss how the German astronomer Johannes Kepler
reworked, emended and glossed Aristotle’s De caelo, not for the sake of literary embellishment
but so that the text could offer him a basis on which he could present his own work in
astronomy. These and other historical cases exemplify the need for research to move beyond
the texts to consider the scientific context, the motivations for translation, revision and
retranslation, the role of patrons, and many other aspects which help to illuminate the
“dialectic of translation and research” (Rashed 2006:193).

Other historical analyses with a strong focus on translation include the work of Wright (1998,
2000) on how Western chemistry travelled in China in the nineteenth century. Wright’s interest
in the development of concepts and terms is framed by detailed studies of the actors involved
in translation activities and their converging and diverging interests, with due attention also to
the intellectual and political circumstances in which those activities took place. Further studies
of the circulation and construction of knowledge in China include volumes edited by Lackner et
al. (2001) and Lackner and Vittinghoff (2004). The anthology of Chinese discourse on translation
compiled by Martha Cheung, with extensive editorial apparatus, traces specific translation
practices in China; Volume Two in particular, completed by Robert Neather (2017), focuses on
the translation from Latin into Chinese of European texts on science and technology. It is useful
to read these studies against the backdrop of Needham’s substantial series Science and
Civilisation in China and critics of that project. The series, consisting of seven volumes, each
comprising several parts, was published from 1954 onwards, with Needham authoring much of
the work himself during his lifetime. Needham’s goal was to recognize and acknowledge China’s
contributions to science but, in doing so, he adhered to mainstream ideas of the time that
conceived of modern science as uniquely ‘Western’, thus perpetuating notions of the divide
between so-called Western (modern) science and Chinese (traditional) science (Hart 1999).

Canonical figures and their scientific works have traditionally tended to be a focal point for
historians of science (Jardine 2003:133) and this tendency is also seen in translation research.
One notable example is Darwin’s On the Origin of Species, which has been studied in relation to
its positivistic translation into French (Brisset 2002), the expression of epistemic stance in Dutch
translations (Vandepitte et al. 2011) and the handling of unfamiliar Darwinian concepts and
terms in Arabic translations and scientific discourse (Elshakry 2008). Other studies of canonical
translations include the publishing of Euclid in China (Engelfriet 1998), retranslations of
Newton’s Opticks in French (Baillon 2008) and translations of Linnaeus’ Systema naturae into
French and other languages (Dietz 2016; Duris 2008; Hoquet 2008).

In parallel, historians and translation scholars have also begun to focus on the contributions of
women to scientific endeavour through their translation work, which was variously
acknowledged or unacknowledged, visible or invisible, cautious or confident. Martin (2011,
2016), for example, explores the contributions of women translators of botany in the early
nineteenth century and scientific travel writing in the late eighteenth century; her detailed
analyses show how the translators deploy various narrative strategies to mark their
involvement in the process of scientific knowledge-making.

While there is near boundless scope for historical accounts of the work of a particular translator
of science or the translation of a particular text or its reception in specific times and places,
studies that are of particular interest to translation scholars also implicitly or explicitly reflect
on underlying conceptualizations of translation. A transmissionist or diffusionist model of
translation may treat knowledge as being wrapped, boxed and transported in the translation
van before being unpacked, placed and admired in its new location. By contrast, other models
may focus on how knowledge is shaped and transformed in and through translation.
Increasingly, the cultural and ideological situatedness of scientific translation practice is of
interest to scholars. Examples include Somerset’s (2011) study of shifts in ideological
orientation in the translation of a seminal popular science work of the nineteenth century and
Sánchez’ (2011, 2014) study of Carmen de Burgos’ paratextual and textual interventions as she
challenged the misogyny of a scientific treatise by Möbius when translating it into Spanish.
Elsewhere, Sánchez (2007) explores how gender is represented discursively in a French edition
of a popular science magazine and the Spanish translation of part of the French publication.
That analysis contrasts the social constructivist perspectives on gender that are reflected in
discursive choices of the French magazine with a foregrounding of biomedical perspectives and
biological determinism in the Spanish. In the Spanish translations in particular, through
discursive moves that gender the body, the feminine and the masculine are presented as
natural and mutually exclusive categories, and “difference replaces differentiation” (Sánchez
2007:191). The respective scientific discourses are thus seen to reflect and participate in
contemporary social and legal debates on gender roles and sexual dichotomy.

Any consideration of the translation of science must also consider the issue of the dominance
of the “Tyrannosaurus rex” of English (Swales 1997:374) and the implications of this dominance
(Montgomery 2009; Gordin 2015). One area of corpus-based study has involved investigating
the possible influence of translation on language change, with a strong focus on popular science
discourses (House 2002, 2003; Baumgarten et al. 2004; Malamatidou 2013; House 2013). A
second area of enquiry has been initiated by Bennett’s (2007a, 2007b, 2011) analyses of the
role of translation in reinforcing the hegemony of English and scientific epistemologies of the
Anglophone world and undermining or obliterating non-Anglophone epistemologies, drawing
on Santos’ (1995) use of the term ‘epistemicide’ to denote the destruction of knowledges by
European expansionism and Northern oppression of the South from the sixteenth century
onwards. Finally, given that much present-day translation is of popular science discourse, a
growing body of work focuses on key features of such texts. In-depth analyses of how
translators deal with metaphor (Shuttleworth 2011, 2014, 2017; Manfredi 2014) and other
metadiscursive features of reader-writer interaction (Liao 2011) provide important insights into
how discursive practices can shape public understanding of science.

Future directions

Translation studies still has a number of blind spots when it comes to scientific translation.
There remains considerable scope to develop more complex understandings of the
transcultural nature of science (Olohan 2014). Productive approaches from historians of science
include Secord’s (2004) work on knowledge in transit and Raj’s (2007) conceptualization of sites
of intercultural contact. These approaches are interested in how scientific knowledge and
practices circulate and interact and are influenced by both the processes of circulation and the
local conditions in which they are entangled; they require further studies of the socio-cultural
and material aspects of scientific translation practice.

Scholarship on scientific translation policies and practices can also be further extended by
engaging with approaches to the study of power inequalities that have emerged in areas of
science scholarship such as postcolonial science studies and feminist science studies, the latter
as exemplified by Sánchez’ work (2007, 2011, 2014). An understanding of science as
constitutive of colonialism, for example, requires science and colonialism to be studied as co-
emergent and co-produced; such studies can then challenge. colonial logics, including
categories, identities and concepts that have been given epistemic credibility by Eurocentric
and modernist science (Hamilton et al. 2017:613). Translation research can continue to play a
crucial role in studying how knowledge systems and knowledges are bestowed or denied
legitimacy, whether through colonizing projects or the exercise of other forms of
epistemological power.

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