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 57

REVIEW OF LITERATURE

INTRODUCTION

~erging awareness about human rights and changing international

economic relations have reinforced child labour concerns on a greater degree

than before thus leading to burgeoning of literature on this subject. Most of

the literatures on child labour have focused on poverty, labour relations,

production organizations, poor wages and on the health impact on child

labourers. Thrust has predominantly been on child labour and hardly there is \ t)-
\\
any academic research on bondage of children. Incidentally a few studies

have been carried out on bonded labour but bonded child labour is referred to

as one of its types, thus no concerted focus has been given to bonded child

labour in any of the social science research. Bonded child labour is a social

problem that hinders the child's harmonious relationship with the family,

affecting the physical and mental development of the child· this warrants a
I
special attention to it. Moreover adult and child problems are not the same

though both may be involved in the same activity as the impact of work is

different for adults and children. Similarly bonded child labour is different

from child labour in a few crucial aspects namely in terms of wages, number

of hours at work, treatment at work place, freedom in changing their

employment, deprivations in terms of schooling, play time and socio-

psychological ramifications. Regrettably, studies focusing exclusively on

bonded child labour are very much limited in number, particularly (V

sociological anal s focusing on bonded child labour are rare and there has

hardly been any empirical study on the bonded child labourers in the silk
 58

industry of Kanchipuram. Thus the present study is a modest attempt in this

direction.

The objective of this chapter is to bring to review a range of studies

carried out on bonded labour and child labour separately, in order to draw a

holistic perspective of the multi dimensional problem in focus. This chapter is

organized into three sections with the first section analyzing the economic

factors of debt bondage and traditional social relations giving an impetus to

bonded labour. The second section on child labour deals with a multitude of

contributory factors such as poverty, illiteracy, unemployment,

underemployment, informalization, lack of schools, and social security

measures, low social status and family dynamics etc. The third section

analyses various but limited studies about the magnitude, causes and

+ consequences of bonded child labour.

STUDIES ON BONDED LABOUR

Forced labour in the form of debt bondage affects very large numbers

of adults and children in India today. Though bonded labour is

acknowledged by the state and the legislative framework has been enacted, in

practice, bonded labour persists and very little scientific research has been

carried out in this regard in India. The first survey of bonded labour was

carried out by Gandhi Peace foundation and the National labour institute

during May to December 1978 and it placed the total number of bonded

labourers at 2.62 million (Sarma: 1981). The 32nd round of the National Sample
+
Survey organization gave an estimate of 343,000 bonded labourers in 16 major

states. Bonded labour is widespread throughout the country, but as evidence

 59

is scattered, clear and systematic basis for deducing regional or sectoral trends

are not possible. As bonded labour is illegal, it is hidden, and their

employment goes unreported by government surveys. Often obscured from

-+
the eyes of the public these bonded labourers work for long hours in arduous

condition for little or no pay. Despite their invisibleness empirical studies

have been conducted on bonded labour and these studies have focused on the

economic conditions of the agricultural labourers to virtual slavery.

Mukherjee (1933) states that their ancestors obtained small loans from their

landlords for marriages and thus they became their creditor's bond servants.

He adds that such is the custom of the country in parts of India that zarnindar,

malguzar or ordinary cultivator nearly always continues to get his servant

into debt, thus obtaining a hold over him which extends to even his children.

Lal (1977) maintains that the bonded labourers are the disadvantaged lot for
+-
providing for the master as assured labour supply during the peak season at

off season rates. Analysis of the existing evidence suggests that agrestic

slavery is seen as the main form of bondage in India. According to National

Commission on Rural Labour (NCRL) 1991, agricultural bondage was higher

in states and districts characterized by high percentage of agricultural

labourers, poor infrastructure and minimal irrigation facility and agricultural

productivity. It is also seen as capital penetration in agriculture which has led

to capitalist methods of exploitation in the form of free wage labour. Studies

show that the prevalence of this system can be attributed to the traditional

practices as well. Traditional social relations have sanctioned caste based

division of labour in which servile caste are expected to perform menial jobs

and are thus placed low in the social hierarchy. This form of personalized
 60

servile relationships based on the traditional social structure is persisting in

some parts of the country and mostly in agriculture. Bonded labour involves

poverty, debt, inter-generational bondage and loss of freedom amongst the

weaker sections of the society, particularly the scheduled castes and

scheduled tribes. Although the terms and conditions of debt bondage are

different in various states, the principle is that the debtor pledges himself to

work for the creditor in lieu of the interest on loan or even for the principal

amount either on nominal or no remuneration, thus making debt as the

condition of bondage. A brief review of the literature on the transgression of

bonded labour wil~ able a better understanding of poverty and debt as a I

major factor that Qryaults and their dependent members into bondage and

also provides a wider view by stressing on the caste and traditional factors

that reinforce the system.

+
Breman (1974) in his study titled 'Patronage and Exploitation' analysed

the relations between landowners and agricultural labourers in the southern

part of the state of Gujarat, it indicated that the relation between the

landowners and the landless tribal labourers was based on bondage and this

was generally known as the 'hali' system. Hali was the term applied to a farm

servant who with his family was the permanent employee of a landlord due

to the debt incurred by him at the time of his marriage. This lifelong service

system was reinforced by some hereditary features as well. According to the

author, attachment for an indeterminate period, often its prolongation into

following generations, work obligations for the servant's whole family and

finally the non-specific and exchangeable nature of the service were the chief

elements of servitude in the past. The counter service that the agricultural
 61

labourers received from the landowners was rearing and feeding in years of

scarcity and the charges of settling them in marriage. An interesting fact

noted was that servitude was in fact preferred to free labour by landowners
+
and agricultural labourers alike. As for the landowners it was more to offset

the risk of temporary labour shortage and for the labourers subsistence was

assured in an economy of scarcity. The study delineates that the system

started disintegrating between 1930 and 1950 due to a number of reasons and

the most plausible reasons were the drastic changes in the crop system which

did not entail permanent labour and on the other hand as opportunities for

employment outside the villages increased landless labourers were not

prepared to be bound for life. Along with economic changes, politico-social

factors also played an important role in diminishing the bonded labour

system. Thus the relationship between the labourer and his master which had

characteristics of patronage ceased to exist when traditional service fell into

disfavour with the rise of market economy and led to partial dependence of

the labourers on the farmers, government functionaries and politicians.

Mundie's (1979) study on 'Backwardness and Bondage' highlighted the

widespread incidence of indebtedness across different classes in the villages

of Palamau district of Bihar. In this study, bonded labour system is seen as a

product of capitalization of land, wherein the landowners sought surplus

product not through investment on land but through exploitation of the

agricultural labourers. This system which was known as the 'Kamauti' bond

was executed from the instance a man received loan and undertakes to labour

for the lender as he may require until the original loan was repaid. The

essential features of this system comprised of acquiring cheap captive labour

 62

through the advancement of credit by the landowners to the labourers for

which the precondition was that the landless labourers were in chronic need

of debts and this made them remain in bonded state forever. Thus the weak

economic position of the labourers was used to the advantage of the

landowners by giving them credits and extracting work from them for very

poor wages. A minimum subsistence wage was thus a basis as well as desired

result of the bonded labourer. According to the author, the bonded labour

system was a result of capital in agriculture and not due to traditional pre-

capitalist relationship. Thus the imbalanced power relations and a sense of

'ethics' and security of assured employment compared to free labourers,

makes the bonded labourer hesitant to break the bond thus leading to the

persistence of bonded labour system.

.........._
I
Vyas (1980) in his study on 'Bondage and Exploitation in Tribal India',

aimed at analyzing the socio-economic dimensions of indebtedness and

exploitation among the tribal and non tribal people in the villages of the

Dungarpur district in Southern Rajasthan. A sociological perspective was

adopted by the author in analysing the problem of indebtedness particularly

known as the 'sagri system'. Despite the variations in the economy and

culture of the tribals and non- tribals it was revealed that there were

significant aspects of commonality in terms of indebtedness and could even

be considered as a normal fact of life of for both the small peasant and the

tribals. The tribal families of a lower economic status also had lower social

status and they were more indebted, as they had to rely on debts even for

mere subsistence. Similarly among the non tribals indebtedness was higher

among the caste Hindus of lower socio- economic status. Vyas stated that as a
 63

hierarchical reality, caste status had nothing to do with indebtedness; the

determining factor was the lower socio-economic status of the indebted

families. Their poor repayment capacity and at the same time their rigidity in

conforming to the observance of customs and traditions made them

vulnerable to exploitation in the form of bonded labour. It had been observed

that modernization and commercialization of agriculture had not effected any

change in the position of the bonded labourers. The landlords were not keen

on investing in agriculture as they feared that the bargaining position of the

bonded labourers might improve. Similarly, the landless labourers were also

not in a position to invest on agriculture as they did not have the necessary

inputs. Also since the increased production was usurped by the landlord it

was quite an uninviting proposition for them. As for the tribals concerned,

they were exploited by the money lenders and even the advantages of tribal

development programmes were enjoyed by the traders and outsiders, thus

leading to the intensification of the exploitation process wherein the traders

became richer and the tribals poorer. Thus the author concludes that

indebtedness is the root cause of bonded labour among the tribals and non

tribals.

Marla's (1981) survey on 'Bonded labour in India' revealed that in the

rural scene 86.6% of the bonded labourers came from the scheduled castes

and scheduled tribes and 25% belonged to the age group below 20 years. The

rationalization given in this study for the existence of bonded labour system

was the exploitation of the situation by the landlords by usurping surplus

labour in their regions and offering these labourers a kind of economic shelter

by openly taking advantage of the weakest, in the social positions. Debt was
 64

the most important obligation under which they were forced into bondage

and the labourers forfeited their right to choose alternative employment. He

concludes by stating that mere enactments of Acts cannot solve the problem,

what was required was a creation of appropriate devices resulting in the right

environment where human individuals are conceded for their due dignity

and rights.

Kamble (1982) in his study on 'Bonded Labour In India' concentrated

on the household and economic conditions of bonded labour system in

Tumkur district of Karnataka, which revealed that poverty was a compelling

force to make a person accept terms detrimental to one's interest and to the

extent of accepting slavery. Their disadvantaged position in terms of

labourers' illiteracy, low social status and poverty was taken advantage of by

the employers, thus leading to the perpetuation of bonded labour. It was a

vicious cycle that these bonded labourers were caught in which poverty,

inequality, exploitation and oppression continued. This study also examined

the legislative measures taken to curb bonded labour and the loopholes

present in the legislative system that lead to the continuation of the bonded

labour system. It pointed out that the number of bonded labour families was

larger than the number of families released, and thus exposed the failure of

the measures adopted to abolish bonded labour system. Moreover as bonded

labourers were economically and socially weak they were unable to take

advantage of the legal provisions and as they did not have alternative source

of employment even when released from bondage, the chances of relapsing

into bondage was always higher. The author concludes that unless the gap

•
 65

between the rich and poor reduced the exploitative and oppressive forces will

continue to exist.

~n a similar vein Hamilpurkar (1989) observed that debt is the main

and dominant reason for bondage in his study on 'Changing aspects of

Bonded Labour in India' which was undertaken in the villages of Karnataka.

The study revealed that agriculture was the main source of livelihood for

these villagers, and sometimes due to crises in the family or natural calamities

resulting in poor crop yield, they were forced to enter into debt bondage

irrespective of caste status. Thus poverty, indebtedness and family crises were

cited as causes of bonded labour system in the Gulbarga and Bidar districts of

Karnataka, and the system prevailed irrespective of the different land tenurial
I

system that prevailed in these areas. According to the author, this system

expresses a master-servant relationship, in respect of the period of service, the

nature of work to be performed and in their mode of payment. An analysis of

the personal characteristics of bonded labourers revealed that the highest

number of bonded labourers belonged to the scheduled caste, whereas the

backward class of caEte Hindus and Muslim community had lowest

percentages. Marriage was pointed out to be the main reason for incurring

debt, thus leading to attached services and on account of low wages they were

always under deficit and heavy debts leading to inter generation of debt

bondage. He concluded by stating it is not caste, colour or creed which is now

responsible for bonded labour, but their low economic position, therefore

improvement of economic conditions of these labourers alone will lead to

eradication of bonded labour system.

 66

Cederlof (1997) in her study on 'Bonds Lost' explored the rural social

relations and the transformations that it underwent due to rapid agricultural

changes in the Coimbatore district. The author observed that the relation
·+-
between landowners and agricultural labourers needs to be understood from

a social and economic perspective. The study indicates that prior to

commercialization of crops the landowning community (Gounders) and

landless agricultural labourers (Madhari) were closely related to each other.

Economic changes in the society led to an increased need for labourers on the

farms and as the labourers were also leather workers, their skill was

indispensable for providing the necessary irrigation supply for the farms. As

competition for labour scaled up agricultural labourers were increasingly

'tied' by advance payments to work for a farmer which was known as the

pannai or farm system thus leading to bonded labour. This system persisted

in spite of the introduction of other profitable farming with casual labourers.

In the late 1930's and 40's there was a kinship wise mobilization among the

madhari labourers to convert to Christianity, this was violently opposed by

other members of the society, as every step the labourers took to free

themselves from the gounder's was seen as a threat. Finally during a long

period of drought the farmers electrified the irrigation process and thus

brought an end to the pannai system by dismissing a major part of the

permanent labour force. The author concludes that the bonded labourers

became free, but lost a secure livelihood and protection which they received

from the gounder' s during family crises, as attached labourers.

Vidyasagar (1985) in his study on ' A Case study of Agricultural

labourers and handloom weavers' aimed to analyze the nature and forms of
 67

bondage as a cheap source of labour mobilization in agriculture and

handloom weaving sector in south Arcot district. This study begins with a

description of the structure of precapitalist land rights in this area which was
+-
in the form of collective holding of land. This form gradually gave away to

individual household proprietorship and use of land and slaves. The same

system continued in the Muslim rule and only in the colonial rule the

government arrogated to itself the power to seize and sell slaves on defaulting

estates in order to realize revenue arrears. Since the low castes were debarred

from owning any means of production taking an advance against repayment

through labour was indeed the only means of survival for them. In the

analysis of the village in South Arcot it was revealed that there were two

distinct forms of bondage, one among the hill tribes and the other in the

plains and among the latter bondage was associated with the untouchable

status. With the modernization of agriculture the dominant caste were

interested in acquiring more land through mortgage from the small and

marginal farmers through money lending and as for the harijans they were

forced to work on these lands and subjected to extreme forms of bondage.

Among the handloom weavers, collective ownership of looms and

command over the labour of artisans by a body of landed proprietors in each

village, had been common in the pre-colonial era. The putting out system

developed extensively in the colonial era and at the end of the colonial rule

majority of the weavers was without own looms and were thus obliged to

take advances from the merchants. In his case study the author showed that

the merchant capitalist owned weaving units in the village which controlled a

majority of the weavers. The putting out system was employed through
 68

which yarn was advanced to dependent weavers, and the master weavers

owning looms controlled the loom less weavers, thus restricting their choice

to seek employment elsewhere. In the weaving industry loom less weavers

were at the bottom of hierarchy in handloorn weaving and invariably all of

them were engaged as bonded labourers and majority of the cases reported to

have incurred loan for consumption purposes. Lack of assistance from

institutionalized sources was seen as the reason for the poor to pledge

themselves. Alternative employment and financial assistance from credit

societies were seen as a solution to this problem.

Iyer and Singh's (1985), study on 'Migrant labourers in Rural Punjab'

attempts to highlight pre capitalist methods of labour exploitation practiced

in the villages of Hoshiarpur. This study presents in detail the way in which

the labour requirements of an expanding capitalist agriculture were sought,

by imposing stringent conditions on migrant labour. It revealed that the

tribals from Ranchi were recruited through agents who took some

commission for every tribal from the Punjabi landlord. The employer

premeditated this as wage advance and provided only two meals a day

without any cash wages for five to six months to the workers. The study

intensely illustrated the atrocious conditions and the precapitalist method of

direct coercion on the tribal labourers and referred to it as "slave trade"

practice. According to them capitalist development in agriculture in the

district has generated labour demand and the capitalist penetration in

agriculture was consistent with the capitalist methods of exploitation in the

form of free wage labour.

 69

Tripathy (1989), in his study on 'Bonded labour in India' examined

debt bondage in the agricultural sector of the most backward district of

Phulbani, in Orissa, which was inclusive of tribal villages. The survey

revealed that there was high concentration of tribal population and due to

lack of employment opportunities and exploitation, these tribals were hard-

hit by poverty. The merchants from the plains exploited the tribals by

usurping their agricultural produce and by maintaining credit transactions

with the tribals under the garb of helping them in their times of need, they

were made to be indebted to the merchants forever . The study also

highlighted the system of bonded labour prevalent in other districts in the

state of Orissa, known as 'gothi' which was widely prevalent among the

tribals and the lower caste people due to the exploitative revenue policy of the

British government and the unscrupulous action of moneylenders which

resulted in bondage of the tribals. Debt slavery also known as 'kambari' was a

result of ignorance, ritual obligations and poverty of the tribals in the Koraput

district of Orissa. Along with these exploitative bonded labour systems, the

author states that another form of bonded labour known as 'Dadan' system

had developed wherein the labourers from the socially and economically

backward sections of the population were recruited into service which was

nothing but a disguised form of bonded labour. Thus the overall socio

economic backwardness of the tribal people was a cause and consequence of

their isolation from the outside world and the deceitful behaviour of the

traders and moneylenders pushed them into a deplorable state. The author

also exposed the practice of bonded labour in different states by delineating

that in Andhra Pradesh the system of bondage was due to strong village
 70

leaderships, in Bihar the money lenders and liquor contractors commanded

greater control over the labourers, thus leading to bonded labour. In Tamil

Nadu the privileged castes acted as landlords cum moneylenders

perpetuating the system of slave labour and in Kerala it was the religious

festivals that determined the terms and conditions of bondage. According to

the author bonded labour was a result of economic exploitation caused by

social inequality.

Report of the commission on Bonded labour in Tamil Nadu (1995), the

Supreme Court appointed a two member commission comprising of Mr. Siraj

Sait and Mr. Felix Sugirtharaj to verify the affidavit of the government of

Tamil Nadu that there were only stray cases of bonded labour in the state of

Tamil Nadu and the commission submitted the report to the court on

1995.The commission stated that bonded labour existed in substantial

numbers spread over 23 districts and 20 occupations in the state of Tamil

Nadu and conservatively estimated the number to be over 10 lakhs. The

commission revealed that invariably all the case of bonded labourers whether

in agriculture or non-agriculture, the element of bondage was debt. Bondage

was imposed upon the poor by the structure and proliferation of informal

production process in the manufacturing sector. It indicated that of the total

bonded labourers 76% of them were constituted by schedule caste, schedule

tribes and most backward caste. The commission recommended multi-

pronged and integrated strategy to deal with various aspects of the problem

to address the entrenchment of the bonded labour system.

The National Human Rights Commission (2001) constituted an Expert

Group in 2000 to identify bonded labour prone districts and occupations for
 71

various aspects relating to legislation and implementation. The expert group

in its report submitted to the NHRC in 2001, stated that although the Ministry

of Labour had identified 13 states and 172 districts as being bonded labour

prone areas, the system was prevalent in all most all the states. It stated that

bonded labour was more in the agricultural sector and Andhra Pradesh,

Bihar, Haryana, Karnataka, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Orissa, Punjab

and Tamil Nadu had a high incidence of bonded labourers. In the non-

agricultural sector the system seemed to be rampant in brick kilns, stone

quarry, beedi, carpet weaving, and construction activities and in the silk

industry child bondage was more common. It concluded that migrant bonded

labour involved states such as Bihar, Jharkand, Chhatisgarh, Tamil Nadu,

Madhya Pradesh, Orissa, Rajasthan, Punjab and Haryana represented an

aggravated form of deprivation and exploitation of the labourers due to

bondage.

Srivastava (2005) in his study on 'Bonded Labour in India: its incidence

and pattern' assessed the problem of bonded labour and provided evidence of

the persistence of bonded labour in a wide range of economic activities and in

many States. It indicated that the older forms of agrarian labour attachments

are on a decline and new form of bondage have emerged according to the

changing modem agrarian scenario and it is widespread particularly in the

informal economy. This study also pointed out that the migrant labourers

were vulnerable to bonded labour exploitation due to the recruitment

systems, wherein the labour contractors and middlemen lure the ignorant

workers with advance payments and false promises. The study concludes by

stating that the broad linkages between bonded labour systems, production
 72

structures and the pattern of development needs to be better understood since

the roots of bondage are related to factors such as production technologies,

economic vulnerability and structural inequality and finally the persistence of

the problem could be attributed to the weak enforcement of bonded laws.

Certain studies depict tradition and caste to be the determining factor

in bonded labour system such as Lal (1977), in his study, 'Politics of poverty'

explored the patterns of bondage and the conditions favourable to the system

of bondage in the village of Shankarapur of Gaya district in Bihar. It indicated

that bonded labour is a remnant of the feudal and colonial past, which was

still operative in Shankarapur and known as 'kamauti' system in the local

parlance. This study depicts bonded labour system to be a rigorous and

exploitative version of the Jajmani system. The arrangement as

institutionalized under the bondage system was conducive to the system

maintenance of a hierarchical order which was ascription oriented and a

prototype of the rigid social inequality. This system was seen as a tool to

regulate the economic exchanges between the two groups of individuals

placed diametrically in the caste system. This system did not facilitate mutual

contingent exchange of benefits between the landlords and harijans; rather it

was a system wherein advantages accrued to the landowners thus making the

institution a one way obligation. According to the author debt was not the

immediate cause of bondage, but caste was the determining factor and debt

was only a mechanism to enhance still further the dependence of the succour

needing landless people on to the masters. It had been observed that due to

family crises all the labourers had fallen into the clutches of the landlords and

these loans were available for usurious rates, the patron caste was thus able to
 73

tighten the grip over these labourers. The author ends by stating, that

Shankarpur represents a situation where ascriptive as well as achieved modes

of inequality enmeshed to perpetuate the traditional exploitative institution of

bondage. Whereas ascription tends to create inherited differences, achieved

dimension strengthens the tradition by providing new means of prosperity to

the elite castes.

Tiwari (1985), in his survey 'Bondage in the Santhal Parganas'

established that servitude and bondage was an enduring phenomenon among

the Santhal Parganas. This system was sanctioned since permanent settlement

of Bengal in the late eighteenth century and had led to various forms of

bondage in agriculture. For the purpose of the study two categories were

analysed, first comprised of those who were bonded and rehabilitated by the

government and the second were those in bondage. The analysis revealed that

the first category of workers on an average aged 54, and the second category

labourers were aged around 43. It was interpreted that the older category of

workers were quick in releasing themselves from this drudgery and also

would have faced less pressure from their masters due to their advancing age

as compared to the younger group who realized it much later. In both the

categories a high proportion of them were traditional bonded labourers for

more than one generation. The investigations revealed that in the two

generations of bonded labour there was no significant change that had taken

place in the pattern of their life cycle. Examination of the caste structure bears

out a high proportion of scheduled caste to be bonded labourers like the

charnars, musahars and other depressed scheduled castes. Both the groups

experienced compulsion to work for their masters only and the usual
 74

phenomenon of almost total absence of education was also observed in both

the groups. The average wages for both the categories were same and there

was no difference at all between the hours of work that the bonded labourers

served for their masters. The study states that the rehabilitation programmes

introduced by the government did not make any dent in the system of

bonded labour, as the survey revealed that majority of the workers had

returned to the occupation of agricultural labour which was responsible for

their bondage and many of the rehabilitated labourers were on the verge of

relapsing into bondage again. Caste structure and landholding patterns of the

master reflected the traditional patterns of the dominant master caste on the

means of production and the prevalence of bondage has always been linked

with a particular landownership pattern. Thus the author concludes that

bonded labourers assume that redistribution of land to be an essential pre

condition for their liberation. To them ownership of land denotes one's social

status and therefore it meant equality.

Chopra's (1985) survey on, 'Bondage in Green Revolution area: A

study of brick kiln workers in Muzaffarnagar District' is an intensive study of

over 300 brick kiln workers. The author observed that majority of the bonded

labourers belonged to the scheduled caste and backward classes and three

fourths were illiterates and nearly landless. Their bondage arose from debts

for consumption taken from the landlords and kiln owners. It is interesting to

note that most of the kiln owners were landlords as well which permitted the

bonded workers to freely move from agriculture to kiln work and back. These
t
bonded labourers due to the debts, were obliged to do unpaid agricultural

work along with their families and often women were kept as 'hostages' until
 75

the debt was cleared. The author remarked that bondage was a persisting

form of precapitalist relations; it represented the survival of a past mode of

production based on landed proprietorship in Muzaffarnagar district. He

concludes that the problem of bondage can be eradicated by overthrowing

existing land relations altogether, as they represented, not developing

capitalist forms, but moribund survival of a past mode of production.

STUDIES ON CHILD LABOUR

Existing literature on child labour reveals that this area has been a

subject of varied research. The issue of child labour has been empirically

investigated by several social scientists from various angles. Majority of the

studies, irrespective of the perspectives with which they have been examined,

throw light on the socio-economic factors responsible for child labour. Along

with the causes of child labour, studies have also drawn the attention of the

policy makers to the hazards of child labour, as these are the priority concern

of any study on child labour. Hence, the studies on child labour in this section

are classified under economic causes of child labour, social causes of child

labour and hazards of work on children.

ECONOMIC CAUSES OF CHILD LABOUR

Child labour persists, despite classifying child labour as undesirable

and harmful, because of underdevelopment and poverty (Swepston, 1987).

There are number of important economic factors associated with child labour

which occur at the micro level and macro level. A commonly held view is that

child labour is fundamentally a by-product of poverty, strongly suggesting

that policy should focus on the economic development and increasing income
 76

to eradicate child labour (Nardinelli, 1990). The All India Child Labour

Survey conducted in 1983, reported that poverty and underdevelopment were

the basic reasons for the persistence of child labour in India. It is widely

believed that child labour is an important source of income for poor families

and that the survival of many poor families depends on the income generated

by child labour.

Singh (1987) in his study entitled 'Child labour in Agriculture'

explored the problem and needs of the child labourers in the agricultural

sector, in Uttar Pradesh. According to his study child labourers had been

compelled to take up work at an early age due to poor economic conditions of

the family. Majority of the households with child workers fall below the

poverty line. According to the study 47% of the families have been on debts.

Correspondingly, many of these household's belong to scheduled castes

which is a reflection of their poor economic and social status. This study

recommended education for children and gainful employment for parents as

a pragmatic approach to eradicate child labour.

According to the household model it is the family which takes the

decision of sending the children to school or work and this decision is

influenced by the economic status of the household. John and Singh (2003)

emphasized in their study on 'A study of child labour in the Zardosi and

Hathari units of Varanasi' that child labour was caused by poverty and hence

majority of the children remained uneducated. As children's income

supplemented family income child labour was seen as a requisite for their

survival. According to the findings of the study parents were unable to afford

the cost of education due to poverty and were forced to discontinue their
 77

child's education and initiated them into work force. A high drop out rate

from school indicated that children opted for work at an early age as their

income was seen as a major contribution to the family. It also revealed that the

child labourers were exploited in terms of low wages and long working hours

that too in poor working environment. The study concluded that alternative

employment opportunities for adults and schools with adequate teachers

would definitely be an impetus to send children to school rather than work.

The relationship between poverty and parents' dependence on

children's earning was highlighted by Sharma (2001) in the study on 'Socio-

Economic profile of Child in a developing economy: A case study of Punjab'.

His study revealed that poverty coupled with unemployment and

underemployment among the adults increased the likelihood of parents

discontinuing their children's education and initiating them into labour force.

Age wise analysis of children indicated that in the younger age groups, the

school enrolment was higher and with the advancement of age, drop out from

school increased. In the opinion of the author, eradication of poverty by

introducing gainful employment for adult workers and enabling them to earn

adequate wages would be a permanent solution for child labour.

Similarly, Narayana (2000) in his study on 'Child Labour in Handloom

Industry: A case Study' had stated that the primary cause of child labour was

poverty. About 56.5% of the child labourers had pursued work due to

unemployment of parents and family debts. Similarly, 26 % of the child

workers were compelled into work due to family crises and 17.5 % of the

children were engaged in work due to lack of interest in studies or parents'

lack of interest in children's education. Further, the study indicated that the
 78

income of the child labourers helped in raising the family income of the poor

household's thus making child labour inevitable. As poverty is the main

reason for child labour, the author recommended gainful employment for

adults and a comprehensive legal protection to child labourers.

Prabha and Kalyani in (1994) their study on 'Child labour m

agriculture' aimed at outlining the factors responsible for child labour m

agriculture. It highlighted the fact that children were engaged as child

labourers when the responsibility of supporting the family and managing

family debts was placed on the child. Low income families were

supplemented with the income of the working children. Therefore, it

indicated that children's education was not the priority for the parents. Poor

economic status of the family and lack of educational facilities were seen as

the main cause of child labour.

Mathur and Singh (2002) in their study titled 'A study of child labour

in the gem polishing industry of Jaipur examined the supply side factors of

child labourers and their contributions to household income. It highlighted

that poverty coupled with unfavourable attitude of the parents towards

children's education was an important determinant of child labour. The study

indicated that the problem of child labour was a structural one wherein the

employment of adults and education system had to be redesigned. Poverty

being the primary cause, poverty alleviation programmes with sound

employment opportunities was recommended by the authors. Vocational

+ training in schools was also considered to be an effective strategy to attract

children to school and in curbing the problem for child labour.

 79

Non-availability of schools and poor infrastructure in schools tends to

intensify the problem of child labour. This view was confirmed by Vidyasagar

and Kumarbabu' s (2002) study on 'A study of child labour in the match

industry of Sivakasi'. It was observed that 15 % of the child labourers had

never enrolled in schools and 62 % of them were primary school drop outs. It

revealed that there was no starvation in the study area and the general

economic standards were relatively better when compared to many other

areas. Hence, poor quality of education and better opportunity cost for

children's time at work influenced the high drop out rate of children from

school. Due to agrarian backwardness and lack of employment opportunities

the population provided a reserve army of cheap labour, which facilitated the

expansion of the industry. The study concluded that elimination of child

labour had to go hand in hand with universalisation of elementary education

and development of agricultural sector.

Brown et al (2001) observed that return to education for a poor child is

lower than the children of other economic categories. A low return to

education for poor child occurs when schools are far away, inadequately

staffed, lack of educational supplies etc. The return to education may also

simply be unappreciated if the parents themselves are not educated. The

findings of Kulkarni and Rajarama (1996) in their study 'Child Schooling and

Child Labour in Northern Karnataka' support the above view by indicating a

positive association between school attendance and socio-economic status of

households. It revealed that a large number of children were withdrawn from

school when parents sensed that the child was fit for work and thus made to

bear the family responsibilities. Along with poor income of the households,
 80

the literacy level of parents influenced the education of children. As education

of father's increased, children's participation in work force decreased.

Another influential factor which caused child labour was the non-availability

of schools within the vicinity of their neighbourhoods. Therefore the study

recommended better school facilities to combat the problem of child labour.

Persistence of child labour in the carpet industry of Uttar Pradesh was

attributed to poor returns from schooling by Srivastava and Raj (2000) in their

study on ' A study of Child labour in Carpet Industry of Uttar Pradesh' . It

reported that 60 % of the children working in this industry had never been

enrolled in schools. NGO governed non formal schools have also not been

functioning efficiently and some had even closed down. The supply side

factors for child labour in the form of the parents' perception of education in

terms of low return from school and poor quality of education discouraged

children from enrolling in schools. Therefore, according to them school

education need to be made more locally relevant and quality of education had

to be improved in order to retain children in schools, consequently, the

community's perception of the need to keep children at work could also be

altered.

Visaria and Jacob (1995) in their study on "Child labour in India:

Results of a Methodological Survey in Surendranagar and Surat Disticts of

Gujarart State", highlighted the fact that child labour was rampant because

education was viewed with contempt in rural areas. Lack of interest in studies

t was attributed to poor motivation by parents, fear of teachers and failure in

exams were the reasons for the high rate of drop out from school. There was a

significant association between proportion of households with child labourers

 81

and the illiteracy level of the villages. As the proportion of child labourers

increased, the level of school attendance decreased. The distance between the

school and the village was also an important reason for increased rate of

children from school especially at the secondary level. Thus the study

recommended awareness campaigns on the value of education and

improvement of the quality of education, by introducing student friendly

curriculum to sustain the interest of children in studies, reduce and

eventually eliminate child labour.

Similar view was expressed by Krujtbosch (1996) in his study on 'Child

and Adult labour in the export oriented garment and gem polishing industry

of India'. According to him the main push factors responsible for child labour

in the hosiery industry of Tirupur were poverty, inadequate primary

education, poor facilities in school and high wages of child labour. The factors

which caused for child labour in gem polishing industry of Jaipur were high

wages of child labourers and parent's positive attitude towards child labour

and their negative attitude towards primary education. The study concluded

that although poverty was an important cause of child labour, equally

important reasons for it were lack of awareness on the adverse effects of child

labour and the importance of education for children. Therefore the need for

awareness creation among parents on the importance of education was

recommended. It also recommended that primary education should be made

meaningful, attractive and joyful to eliminate child labour in India.

t Kanderwal et al (1998) in their study on 'Child labour in the sports

goods industry in Jalandar: A case study' revealed that child labour has

become rampant in the sports goods industry with the emergence of home
 82

based production. The involvement of children in the manufacturing of sports

goods took place at the household level. Majority of the children were

involved in stitching of footballs, and this led to neglect of their education. A

relationship between education and child work was established by the study.

At the age of five, 56 % of the children were only studying, and by the age of

14, children combined both school and work. Sooner, work pressure led to

discontinuation of their studies and eventually, making them child labourers.

The main reason for drop out from school was financial crises in their families

and lack of interest in studies. The study concluded that child labour will

persist as long as home based production continued, as it was the only

alternative source of survival for the parents in the event of excessive family

debts and poverty.

+ Another study conducted by Singh et al (2002) study on 'Hard labour

at tender age: child labour in the home based Industries in the wake of

legislation', revealed that production organizations allow for segmentation of

work which enabled children's participation in different stages of production.

Child labour was seen as demand driven. It could be understood in terms of

organizational structure of the industry, in order to minimize operation cost it

led to sub contracting. This type of structure fetched profit for the employers,

hence the employers engaged children rather than adults. The study also

highlighted that there was awareness among the parents and employers

about the illegality of employment of children below fourteen years, in spite

of it child labour prevailed as production was home based. The study

concluded that there is a lacuna in the Child Labour (Prohibition and

Regulation) Act, according to which children working in homes are not

 83

considered as child labourers and this made the implementation of the Act

difficult.

The fact that informal sector employed more number of children was

also emphasized by Sharma and Mittar (1990) in their study on 'Child labour

and Urban informal sector'. It revealed that the low level of literacy of the

parents led to employment of their children in the informal sectors.

Employers also preferred children as it was a source of cheap labour and thus

led to exploitation of children in the informal sector. Other important push

factors were poverty, unemployment of adults and indebtedness of the

households. Thus the study suggested gainful employment for adults and

compulsory education for children as effective measures to combat child

labour.

Likewise, Singh and Sharma (2002) in their study on 'Child labour in

the bangle making units of Ferozabad' emphasized that home based industry

was a cause for child labour. It reported that the structure of the industry

supported the sub contracting system, wherein with the production of glass

spirals in the factory the entire the process of bangle making was shifted to

household units and it was in these household units that the incidence of

child labour increased. The study recommended formalization of the informal

sector to tackle the problem of child labour. Finally, it was suggested that

enforcement of Child Labour (Prohibition and Regulation) Act in the informal

sector would help in the elimination of child labour.

 84

SOCIO-CULTURAL FACTORS

There are several socio-cultural factors that are responsible for child

labour. Culturally determined roles of children and value of child and

socialization process are some of the socio-cultural factors that contribute to

child labour. In certain parts of the world, there is a general disapproval for

children's involvement in the labour force. On the contrary, in other places

children's economic participation in work is seen as a part of socialization

process. This perception holds good particularly among the artisans, as they

want to ensure that their children acquire the skills early.

Anandlakshmy (1970) in her study on "Socialisation for Competence:

A Field study of Families from different occupational groups" stated that the

training of children in the community of weavers in Banaras begins when

boys are between 7 to 14 years of age. In families where there are looms for

absorbing the services of the young apprentice, the boy is taught the craft at

home. However, some weavers still prefer to send their children to another

weaver for learning as they believe that outsiders with no emotional

attachment can give rigorous training. The assumption underlying the

apprenticeship in hereditary occupation in the early age of children is to

prepare them for future and to ensure economic security.

Sekar's (2004) study 'Child labour in the hazardous industries: The case

of slaughterhouse and allied occupations'. It reported that slaughtering is a

traditional occupation of the 'Qureshi' Muslim community, and skills were

k
I
passed on from one generation to another. Therefore children were involved

in it to learn the family occupation. In such an environment, education was

 85

perceived as futile by parents as well as children. Hence these child labourers

were either early drop outs from school or had never been enrolled. The study

highlighted the fact that child labour in slaughter houses was predominant

among particular religion and caste community which was a reflection of

marginalization of certain socially disadvantaged social groups in the society.

Therefore, the study recommended the need for greater inclusion of such

groups into the mainstream society to remove all kind of discrimination

against these groups. It concluded that only with stringent enforcement of

Child Labour (Prohibition and Regulation) Act, involvement of children in

such a hazardous occupation can be prevented.

Jeyaranjan (2002) in his study on 'Child labour in Chrompet leather

manufacturing Units' of Tamil Nadu reported that leather work was

associated with social stigma, and therefore had limited supply of labour in

this occupation. With informalization of leather industry there was an

increased demand for labour. Hence women and children of the same caste

were recruited in large numbers to meet labour demands. The study indicated

that occupational hierarchy and associated caste discrimination were strong

factors in forcing children into the leather industry.

Kanungo's (1991) study on 'The young girls helping us in our

household work' examined the problem of girl children engaged as assistants

in household work in Bhubaneshwar. It revealed that the children were in the

age group of 12 to 14 years, and majority of them were involved in labour

force at the behest of their parents. There was a demand for girl children as

domestic helpers among the employers and parents of these girl children also

opined it was safe to send their children for household work than any other
 86

activity. These girls worked for more than 10 hours a day and were paid Rs.60

per month. The study highlighted that as parents were illiterates they did not

appreciate the value of education but were bound by cultural values and thus

led to the perpetration of child labour. The study suggested that compulsory

education and effective implementation of the Child Labour (Prohibition and

Regulation) Act can help in eradicating child labour.

Singh and Sharma's (2002) study on 'Child labour in the bangle making

units of Ferozabad' supported the conventional view that families with child

labourers are large in size. The comparative analysis of households with and

without child labourers in the study revealed that the households with child

labourers are generally large in size than that of the households without child

labourers. It revealed that children's contribution to family income was

valued more than education. Therefore the study recommended that

compulsory education and formalization of the informal sector could help in

eradicating child labour practice

Mathur and Singh's (2002), study on 'A study of child labour in the

gem polishing industry of Jaipur' revealed that there is a close association

between family size and child labour. Also, it was the home based nature of

work in gem polishing industry that contributed for child labour. Children

were involved into work to minimize cost of production. Negative valuation

of education by parents aggravated the problem of child labour in this

occupation. Thus the study concluded that only with economic upliftment of

the people and awareness about the benefits of education can child labour be

curbed
 87

Singh and Sekar's (2002) study on 'Child labour in the knife industry

of Rampur' revealed that since knife making was a traditional household

occupation, child labour in the form of family workforce became inevitable, in

spite of the fact there was less demand for child labour. Knife manufacturing

was considered as a family craft wherein the trade secrets where passed on

from one generation to another. The nature of work did not require any group

work and added to it, the zeal to maintain the secrets of the trade, led to

isolation of the knife producing community. Under such conditions large

numbers of children were employed as assistants to parents, thereby leading

to high drop out rates from school. The study concluded that the traditional

nature of craftsmanship did not cater to the changing demands of the market

and therefore had led to the decline of the knife making industry. Poverty

made child labour inevitable at the household level. According to the study, a

comprehensive development plan alone can bring about a change in the

attitude of the people and help in eradicating child labour.

When the family requires the income from child labour, children are

discontinued from education. This was highlighted in Kaul's (1996) study on

'Child labour in Andhra Pradesh: A profile of Child Workers in four cities',

that the employers recruited children into work only at the behest of the

parents, as parents were in favour of the employment of their children for

want of extra income . About 93 % of the parents stated that children

contributed to the family income and therefore they were not interested in the

eradication of child labour. Similarly, as children gained respect and

f·
economic freedom due to their earning capacity they also detested the idea of

abolishing child labour. It was revealed that 74 % of the children remained

 88

illiterates as education was not given priority by the parents. Therefore the

study recommended social awareness campaign against child labour,

compulsory education for children and gainful employment for parents as

methods involved in eradicating child labour.

Economic necessity alone does not force parents to decide in favour of

child labour. Some parents irrespective of their economic status are

completely not altruistic toward their children. This type of behaviour was

observed in Jeyaranjan's (2002) study on ' A study of Child labour in the

knitwear industry of Tiruppur'. It reported that children were forced into

child labour not because of poverty rather it was due to their desire to

augment material resources for the family . Child labour was one of the

strategies adopted by the households to elevate their social status in society. It

highlighted that after primary level of education, drop out rate from school

increased and the largest section of child labourers belonged to the age group

of 12-14 years. The wages of the child was another important factor that kept

children away from schools. These children earned Rs.150 to Rs.200 a day on

an average during peak season and a minimum of Rs.100 during lean period,

thus leading to the fulfilment of family commitments and needs of the

households as well as that of children. The study stressed on the regulatory

role of the government in curbing the menace of child labour, as mere

enactment of Acts cannot curtail it.

IMPACT OF WORK HAZARDS

The central concern on child labour arises due to the impact of

exploitative and dangerous work on children's well-being and development.

 89

A significant number of children experience highly detrimental conditions at

workplace and as such suffer major health problems. Several studies have

noted that work participation of children in poor working conditions and

)4. ,
hazardous work activity hamper the physical and cognitive development of

the child. Giri, (1959), in his study on 'Labour problems in Indian industries'

reported that the informal sectors operated in an environment which was not

only unhygienic but highly dangerous as well. The workshops were badly lit

and poorly ventilated with no drinking water or toilet facility leading to

health and safety problems for children.

Burra, (1986) states in her study on 'Children in the glass Industry of

Firozabad' that different industry posed different type of health hazards for

children. In the glass industry children carried molten glass on a seven-foot

iron rod from the furnace to the adult worker and back to the furnace . These

children were also made to sit in front of the furnace where the temperature

was said to be about 700° C. In many of the factories where the children were

drawing molten glass from tank furnaces the temperature was between 1500°

C and 1800° C, the face of the child was within six to eight inches away from

the furnace. The factory floor was strewn with broken glass and uncovered

electric wires and added to such risks was the noise in the factory which was

deafening. Thus children were undoubtedly the most common victims of

industrial accidents and were prone to tremendous eye-strain and

tuberculosis as well.

Sekar's (2000) study on 'Child labour in Hazardous industries: The

Case of Slaughterhouse and Allied Occupations' that young children worked

on blood-spilled slippery floors amidst scattered wool, feathers, and other

 90

wastes of carcass, hides and skins. Very young children worked late in the

evenings and out of fatigue they acquired injuries while working, especially

when they had to cut meat into small pieces using sharp knives. Apart from

physical ill-health, such as severe backaches due to their bad posture as

demanded by the activities relating to slaughter work, these children were

also easily prone to be affected psychologically as they were exposed to

killing of animals continuously. The study revealed that majority of the

children complained of more than one health problem like respiratory

problems, pain in the joints, headache, and stomach-ache.

Burra, (1987) in her study on 'Child Labour in the lock Industry of

Aligarh' highlighted the various processes in which children were involved

in the lock making industry, which included polishing on buffing machines,

electroplating and spray painting. Children working in electroplating units

had to keep their hands in solutions of dangerous chemicals like potassium

cyanide for long periods and this proved fatal if the children tasted anything

out of curiosity. Children in spray painting units inhaled large doses of paint

leading to chest disorders. Breathlessness, fever, tuberculosis, bronchitis,

asthma and pneumoconiosis were some of the symptoms and diseases that

affected the children of lock industry. Children working on hand-presses

were often injured and the tip of their fingers was cut in the machines due to

their sloppiness caused by exhaustion as they were made to work for twelve

to fourteen hours a day. The author opined that the only course of action in

such a condition was a complete ban on children working in this industry and

its strict enforcement.

 91

In another study on 'Child labour in Brassware industry' Burra, (1997)

analysed the two most hazardous processes in the brassware industry, that is,

moulding and polishing processes and appallingly it was in these two

processes that child labour was most prevalent. The children were involved in

rotating the wheel and when the temperature reached a certain level children

were made to test it by opening the top of the underground furnace and

throwing a little powder into it to see if the molten brass was ready. The child

then had to take a large pair of tongs and lift the crucible of molten brass from

the furnace and hand it over to the adult. Thus the child labourers were under

constant threat of getting burnt and due to constant inhaling of the fumes and

gases which were let off from the furnace they developed tuberculosis and

other respiratory tract infections. Poor nutrition and bad working conditions

reduced the life span of brass workers by half. Similarly, Burra's study of the

child labourers in pottery making revealed that many children were affected

by silicosis and therefore complained of frequent cough and cold. Other than

minor ailments the three main complications of silicosis are almost frequent

causes of death and those are pulmonary tuberculosis, respiratory

insufficiency and acute pulmonary infection. According to this study, out of

300 tuberculosis patients registered in a local hospital of Khurja, 70% were

potters. The workers, who worked as firemen at the kiln, lost their eye sight

by the age of forty and those who worked on the ball machines became deaf

after sometime. Thus children involved in these activities were affected by

various illness and sometimes death itself. The study concluded that

elimination of such hazards on children could be made possible only with

compulsory education and strict enforcement of laws.

 92

Barse's (1985) study on 'Child Labour hit by Power loom Closure'

reported that all the child labourers who worked in power looms suffered

from silicosis. This disease was caused by cotton dust which gets embedded

in the lining of the lungs and caused fibrosis of the tissue. This reduced the

normal capacity of the lungs and put pressure on the surviving tissues. A

patient of byssionsis was highly susceptible to bronchitis and tuberculosis.

Thus the child labourers in these industries on a large scale suffered from

tuberculosis and other lung diseases. It has been revealed that child labourers

involved in pencil mines also had a high incidence of silicosis and other

respiratory diseases due to the inhalation of dust emitted by the electric saw

while cutting slate pencils. This infected the children's lungs, thus leading to a

slow and painful death.

Another hazard associated with work is extremely long hours of work.

Nangia (1986) reported that in the carpet industry of Uttar Pradesh, the

children were forced to work in dark, dingy rooms which were filled with

wooden dust. They were pressurized to work for long hours and when they

complained or slowed down in work they were beaten with iron rods and

jabbed with scissors used for cutting carpet edges. Children working in such

industries suffered from eyestrain, leading to near blindness, breathing

difficulties, tuberculosis, silicosis, poisoning and other incapacitating

conditions.

Kothari (1983) in her study on 'Child labour in Sivakasi', district

observed that children were forced to work beyond their physical capacities

and were yet paid very low wages. The working conditions particularly in the

cottage units were very poor. These industries were unsafe and detrimental to
 93

the mental and physical health of working children and the risk of fire and

explosion was ever present in these industries. There was a high risk of

acquiring diseases of the upper respiratory passage such as pharyngitis from

the dust given off when the splints were polished. Children were also at risk

of dermatitis at many stages of production of matches and crackers. Besides,

children suffered from various discomforts and postural defects due to

squatting for activities like frame filling, box filling and labelling. Thus the

study recommended a ban on child labour use in these industries through

strict enforcement of laws.

An assessment of occupational hazards by industry gives an

impression that particular industries cause specific hazards. However, the

most serious hazards are not occupationally specific but prevalent across all

economic sectors arising from unsafe and poor working conditions.

Conditions that threaten children across all occupations are lack of drinking

water, sanitation, poor light and ventilation, proximity to dangerous

machinery, exposure to loud noise, high level of humidity, extreme

temperatures and long working hours.

STUDIES ON BONDED CHILD LABOUR

In contrast to the bourgeoning literature on child labour, there are only

few references about bonded child labour. Limited literature on bonded child

labour corroborates the view that that this issue has been neglected. The

available studies on bonded child labour assert that economic factors alone

does not lead to the perpetuation of the problem but also due to social

subjugation and marginalization of the depressed classes in the society

 94

contribute to bondage. In India the key elements perpetuating the problem of

bonded child labour are debt-bondage, lack of institutionalized credit

systems, deficient concerted social welfare schemes, limited alternative

employment opportunities for adults and social and political apathy. Review

of literature on bonded child labour also discloses the interrelatedness

between child labour and bonded labour. In this section literature survey on

bonded child labour is presented, throwing light on various dimensions of the

problem.

Juyal's (1981) study on' A Survey of magnitude and patterns of child

labour in Varanasi city' aimed at determining the magnitude and forms of

exploitation of the children in domestic service, silk and silk products, non-

metallic industries, mechanic units, construction, hotel and restaurants, food

processing and textile industries. Among the various types of economic

activities, the study revealed that there was an element of bondage involved

in the employment of child labour in the Varanasi silk industry. It reported

that in the silk industry there was a widespread practice of receiving an

advance from the employer by the parents at the time of initiating their

children into the labour market. Few were able to resist the temptation of

taking an advance before initiating their child into the workforce because the

loan was interest free, but it was adjusted against the child's wages. It

highlighted the fact that the parents pledged their children mostly to meet

festival expenses or sickness in the family. The study illustrated that the

causative factors of child labour were plainly economic, where sale of children

took place when parents were not able to earn sufficiently for the family. It

also pointed out that the distressing factor was that extensive borrowing had
 95

led to bonded child labour a permanent feature in this industry, due to which

rather than the child's labour being commodity the children themselves

became a commodity in the silk industry of Varanasi district.

Karunanidhi's (1995) study on 'Child Labour in North Arcot

Ambedkar District: An in-depth study of pledged children in Beedi works'

explored bondage of children from an economic perspective. It revealed that

the practice of pledging children to the contractor's beedi industry was a

common custom in this area and majority of the parents who pledged their

children belonged to scheduled castes and backward castes. The loan amount

was determined by the agents according to the skill of the children in beedi

making and later this amount was deducted from the wages of the children.

These children were also paid low wages as compensation for the interest free

loan advanced to the parents. The child labourers received a wage of Rs.10

per day for rolling 2000 beedis in about 10 hours. Children so pledged were

subjected to gruelling hard work from dawn to dusk and the parents lost

control of their children due to the advance received by them. The study

revealed that a high percentage of children so pledged were in the age group

of 12-14, and their age and the nature of work made them prone to many risks

at the work place. These children were vulnerable to a number of

occupational health hazards such as tuberculosis, chronic bronchitis and eye

irritation. The study indicated that there was a large scale ignorance of legal

provisions on the part of parents due to illiteracy and the half hearted

enforcement of the legal provisions did little in curbing the problem of child

labour.
 96

Similar stand p oint was revealed by Kumar (1995) in his study

'Children in the beedi industry'. It revealed that the poverty of the parents

pressed children into bondage for petty sums to contractors who employed

them in their beedi units. Children worked for 10 hours a day and were

involved in the processes of rolling, tapping and packing beedis. The average

daily wage for these children was Rs.3.81 for boys and Rs.3.54 for girls which

were less than half of the actual wage. Over 70% of the bonded child

labourers in this industry belonged to scheduled caste.

Whittaker's (1988), study 'A pattern of slavery - India's carpet boy' s'

divulged that there were 100,000 children working in Uttar Pradesh and

about 15 percent of these children had been sold into debt bondage. It

reported that they were forced to work in shoddily lit and inadequately

ventilated sheds for 12 to 14 hours a day and earned at most a few rupees a

day and some were not paid any wages due to the loan advanced. The study

disclosed that these children laboured in inaccessible villages and were often

beaten with stone bags and ill-treated on the pretext that they had made

mistakes in the weaving. Severe penalties followed any suspicion of shortages

in the wool, yarn and other raw materials. This report exhorted the state

authorities of Uttar Pradesh and Union government to recognize the problem

and implement a comprehensive programme of reform, together with a

timescale for its execution, as it believed that Child labour (Prohibition and

Regulation)Act, 1986 offered no solution to the problem.

Likewise, Vijayagopalan's (1993), study on 'Child labour in the carpet

industry'also examined the problem of child labourers in the carpet industry,

of Mirzapur and Bhadoli belt in Uttar Pradesh. It reported that parents

 97

initiated their children into workforce with the help of middlemen and

virtually all the children were bonded due to the advance given to the

parents. Generally, the contract extended for a number of years, but when

parents decided to revoke the bond, the parents were forced to repay the loan

with the interest in a single instalment. But poverty of the parent's averted

them from repaying the amount and consequently the children were bound to

work for the employer for long period of time. Children were ill-treated not

only committing mistakes but even when they earned to see their parents.

They worked in inhuman conditions and were confined to dark small rooms.

The study urged for special initiatives to tackle the problem of bonded child

labour in the carpet belt.

Bureau of International Labour Affairs (1995) in its report "By the

sweat and toil of children" indicated that bonded labour was most commonly

found in small scale farming, domestic services, prostitution, . variety of

industries including glass, lock making, match and fireworks, beedi, silk,

brick kiln industries, manufacture of hand knotted carpets and in mining. It

identified bonded child labourers as those children whose work was offered

to repay a debt taken by the parent from the employers. It highlighted the fact

that poor families became trapped in debt due to high interest charges, low

wages and deductions for missed work, mistakes, meals and lodging. It

reported that it was common for workers to request supplementary loans

throughout the year in order to help support the family. Thus the families

were caught in a never- ending cycle of debt and servitude. For the employers

the cheap labour provided by the bonded labourers was often more valuable

than the recovery of the original debt. This report brings to light the fact that
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child bondage is a commonly prevalent in many sectors in different states of

India.

Venkateswarlu's (2003) study on 'Girl bonded labour in Hybrid

Cottonseed Production' revealed that girl children were hired on a long term

agreement in return for loans advanced to their parents by local seed

producers. Majority of the children employed in this industry belonged to the

scheduled castes and scheduled tribes, they being economically in a

disadvantaged position, were forced to pledge their children. It was evident

from the fact that 95% of the children employed in this occupation were

bonded. These bonded girl children were further discriminated by the

employers by paying low wages when compared to boys or adults. This led to

preference for girl children in this occupation. Wages for these children were

fixed either daily or monthly according to the employer's discretion. Some

amount of money was deducted from their wages due to the loans extended

to their families. Generally, these children were forced to work for nine hours

and during the winter season it extended to twelve hours per day. Children

working in cottonseed farms were exposed to pesticides thus causing severe

headaches, physical weakness, convulsions and respiratory diseases. Thus the

study calls for the attention of the NGO's to create awareness about the

problem and effective implementation of the appropriate Acts.

Human Rights Watch (1996), 'Small hands of slavery: Bonded child

labour in India' conducted a field survey to bring to light the magnitude and

the working conditions of bonded child labourers in silver, synthetic gem

stones, agriculture, silk, beedi and hand woven carpet industries. It revealed

that approximately 15 million children work as bonded labourers in India.

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According to the r eport, these bonded child workers w ere forced to w ork for

12 to 16 hours a day, with no holidays. Bonded children' s wages varied from

one sector to another, but in all the activities these children were paid v ery

low wages or sometimes no wages to compensate for the loan advanced to the

parents. Without variance, these children were abused by the employers and

co- workers. The study r evealed that since bonded child labour was cheap

and dependable, there was a demand for children under bonded conditions.

Other factors associated with bondage were caste, lack of welfare schemes,

low adult wages and lack of alternative employment schemes. It revealed that

laws on labour and bonded labour were flouted with impunity, thus it

stressed that bonded child labour can be eradicated only with political will,

strict enforcement of laws and compulsory education.

According to a study conducted in Karnataka by the NGO called

MAYA (Movement for Alternatives and Youth Awareness) 1999 working

towards eradicating child labour revealed that children worked in all

segments of sericulture industry - in mulberry cultivation, cocoon rearing,

winding, doubling, twisting and re-reeling. Sericulture was the source of

livelihood for over 51,700 families in Channapatna, Ramanagaram, Magadi

and Kanakapura taluks of Bangalore rural district, the major silk production

centres of the state. It reported that according to the Human Development

Report, 1999 approximately 400,000 people depended on sericulture industry

for their survival and of these an estimated 100,000 were children and

majority of these children were working under conditions of bondage. To

meet family requirements, it reported that parents receiv ed an advance from

their employers and pledged their children into bondage. These children w er e
 100

made to work for 10 to 12 hours in appalling conditions. The place of work

was cramped, dark, wet and poorly ventilated and often had generators

working which released carbon monoxide and other obnoxious fumes. As

reelers, children had to dip their hands into boiling water and palpate the silk

cocoons, to sense whether the fine silk threads have loosened enough to be

unwound. At the age of 10 their palms and fingers were white with the thick

tracks of fissures, burns and blisters. As in the case of winding children had to

stand continuously and observe the yarn to ensure it does not break or knot.

The strain of this work often led to backache and eye problems. There were no

weekly holidays and they were paid less than Rs.10 per day. Bronchial

ailments, coughs, persistent back pain, leg pain asthma were endemic among

child reelers. This report called the attention of policy makers and

government officials to put an end to this egregious form of child labour.

Human Rights Watch (2003) study on 'Bonded Child Labour in India's

Silk Industry' found a high incidence of bonded child labour in the silk

weaving industries of Karnataka, Kanchipuram district in Tamil Nadu and

Varanasi district in Uttar Pradesh. The report estimated that 350,000 children

were engaged in silk thread making and in weaving silk sarees, working for

more than 12 hours a day only with short recess for breakfast and lunch.

Child assistants were paid per month, initially from zilch to Rs.100 and

eventually Rs.400 a month only when the child had acquired the skill. Almost

all the children belonged to backward caste, which confirmed the view that

low economic and social status in the society made them more vulnerable to
...;..,
I

bondage. Children were subjected to injuries due to fumes, machinery, sharp

threads and boiling water. These children also suffered breathing problems,
 101

eye strain and pain in the shoulders and upper backs due to the nature of

work. Physical and psychological abuse by the employers and co-workers

were very common forms of ill-treatment at their work place. Though there

are number of legislations enacted, unfortunately the report revealed that

they rarely protected the most vulnerable sections of the society, the children,

as they continued to toil in most hazardous conditions from very young age.

Report of the Commission on Bonded labour in Tamil Nadu (1995),

investigated by Felix Sugirtharaj and Siraj Sait revealed that children were

employed as bonded labourers through debt bondage in silk industry in

Kancheepuram district. It estimated that 50,000 child bonded labourers

worked in silk handlooms and these children were made to work for long

hours and merely one day in a month was an unpaid holiday. Invariably in all

the cases the element of bondage was debt as parents pledged their children

to meet loan obligations, consumption purposes and for social expenses.

Other occupations which were reported to comprise of bonded child labour

were agriculture, beedi, floriculture and match works. The report

recommended anti-child labour drive to reach out specifically to those

children in bondage. It opined that the existing rehabilitation package for

adult bonded labourers did not conceive of bonded child labour and the

problem demands a specially devised multi-pronged solution.

From the review of literature it may be inferred that poverty and

household dynamics are the important causes for bondage of children. At the
-J-
\
same time cognizance should be given to the fact that society and state also

have a role to play in the continuance of exploitation of the poor and the

children in particular. Structuralist's view of poverty as having its roots in

 102

historical, social, cultural, economic and political factors is more grounded to

reality. Studies on bonded labour have also brought to light that the social

structure of the past have kept the economically and socially poor people in

servitude, and with emerging changes in the economy their position has only

shifted to a different form of bondage. In today' s economy it should be

recognized that the parents themselves are employed in the unorganized

sector which is characterized by social oppression, economic exploitation and

political marginalization. The Structuralist also points out that the faulty

education system as another significant cause for bonded child labour. The

cost involved in educating children, the poor quality of schooling, and the

socio- cultural bias which places little or no value on education drives

children out of the schooling system. This view has been supported by a

number of studies as reviewed above. The most significant contributing factor

affecting bonded child labour is the most vulnerable families, those whose

low income allows little or no margin to cope with family emergencies. Debt

or the threat of debt is very often the root cause of bonded child labour and

coupled with traditional and cultural factors of engaging the child in same

processes perpetuates this aberrant practice. On the demand side flexibility in

wages, security of labour and the docile work force are observed to be the key

factors influencing the system of mortgaging children.

The bourgeoning literature on child labour and limited studies on

bonded child labour per se is a ground for encouraging more empirical

inquiries on this subject. The present endeavour is an attempt in the absence

of basic credentials in this subject to fill a gap in literature about children

working in conditions of bondage and to understand the problems and

_/''--
describe child bondage in the silk industry of Kanchipuram district: . ../