This document discusses applying Marr's levels of analysis framework to computational social science. It proposes that social systems can be viewed as distributed information processing systems. The three levels are: 1) the computational problems social systems solve, 2) the algorithms or mechanisms used to solve those problems, and 3) how those algorithms are implemented in social behaviors and structures. Examples like waiting in lines show how social behaviors can implement computations like first-in-first-out queues. The document reviews related work and argues Marr's framework can provide a productive cognitive perspective for analyzing social systems.
This document discusses applying Marr's levels of analysis framework to computational social science. It proposes that social systems can be viewed as distributed information processing systems. The three levels are: 1) the computational problems social systems solve, 2) the algorithms or mechanisms used to solve those problems, and 3) how those algorithms are implemented in social behaviors and structures. Examples like waiting in lines show how social behaviors can implement computations like first-in-first-out queues. The document reviews related work and argues Marr's framework can provide a productive cognitive perspective for analyzing social systems.
This document discusses applying Marr's levels of analysis framework to computational social science. It proposes that social systems can be viewed as distributed information processing systems. The three levels are: 1) the computational problems social systems solve, 2) the algorithms or mechanisms used to solve those problems, and 3) how those algorithms are implemented in social behaviors and structures. Examples like waiting in lines show how social behaviors can implement computations like first-in-first-out queues. The document reviews related work and argues Marr's framework can provide a productive cognitive perspective for analyzing social systems.
This document discusses applying Marr's levels of analysis framework to computational social science. It proposes that social systems can be viewed as distributed information processing systems. The three levels are: 1) the computational problems social systems solve, 2) the algorithms or mechanisms used to solve those problems, and 3) how those algorithms are implemented in social behaviors and structures. Examples like waiting in lines show how social behaviors can implement computations like first-in-first-out queues. The document reviews related work and argues Marr's framework can provide a productive cognitive perspective for analyzing social systems.
Thomas L. Griffiths (tom [email protected]) Department of Psychology, University of California, Berkeley Social Science Matrix, University of California, Berkeley
Abstract level of analysis—representing social systems as distributed
Marr’s levels of analysis constitute one influential approach to computer programs. The naı̈ve application does not neces- the central program of cognitive science—the multilevel anal- sarily extend through to the computational level, in which the ysis of cognition as information processing. The distinctive combination of agent behavior, taken holistically, would have aspects of Marr’s framework are an emphasis on identifying the computational problems and constraints faced in cognition, to yield coherent distributed computation at the population and conceptual machinery to relate cognitive mechanisms to level. To address this difficulty, we pursue a program of iden- that computational level of analysis. Although related ideas tifying which social behaviors and structures can be produc- have been explored in a range of social science disciplines, Marr’s framework, and particularly its notion of the precise tively conceptualized as having computational roles. formulation of computational problems and solutions, has yet There are several existing approaches in the social sciences to be applied widely in social analysis. In the present work related to Marr’s framework. The field of organization sci- we develop a formulation of Marr’s levels for social systems, provide examples of this approach, and address potential criti- ence has explicitly adopted information processing perspec- cisms. The consequence is a computational perspective on the tives since the seminal work of Herbert Simon. Simon, who sociological school of structural functionalism, and an appara- was an early thinker on the topic of information processing tus for conducting multiscale analysis of social systems. in the context of human behavior (Simon, 1978), also applied Keywords: Computational social science; Marr’s levels of analysis; structural functionalism; analytical sociology; com- these ideas to organizations. In one famous passage, Simon putational social theory writes: “In the post-industrial society, the central problem is not how to organize to produce efficiently ... but how to Introduction organize to make decisions, that is, to process information” Marr (1982) famously argued that any information processing (Simon, 1973, p. 269–270). Financial markets are also com- system can be analyzed at three levels, that of (1) the compu- monly understood as information processing systems. In a tational problem the system is solving; (2) the algorithm the classic economics paper, Hayek states: “the economic prob- system uses to solve that problem; and (3) how that algorithm lem of society ... is a problem of the utilization of knowledge is implemented in the “physical hardware” of the system. not given to anyone in its totality” (Hayek, 1945, p. 519–520). This decomposition offers both functional and mechanistic Marr’s algorithmic and implementation levels are akin to perspectives on information processing systems. Marr’s main mechanistic explanations. Mechanistic explanations are pop- aim was understanding psychology and the human brain, and ular in the classical area of mathematical sociology, such as his levels of analysis have proven to be a useful conceptual in Schelling’s seggregation model (Schelling, 1971) or Gra- tool for generations of cognitive scientists after him. novetter’s threshold model (Granovetter, 1978), and remain Considering that aspects of human cognition can be pro- popular in the modern area of analytical sociology (Hedström ductively viewed as information processing, and that social & Bearman, 2009). Recent progress in the field of economics groups consist in part of sets of people who exchange infor- and computation highlights the algorithmic side of the math- mation, it is natural think about how Marr’s levels of analysis ematical notion of game-theoretic equilibrium (Daskalakis, could be productively applied in the analysis of social sys- Goldberg, & Papadimitriou, 2009). Mechanisms have also tems. An immediate difficulty occurs with a naı̈ve applica- been a target of inquiry in organization science, such as in the tion, however. Taking the disciplinary commitments of cog- study of transactive memory (Wegner, 1987). nitive science for granted, we can clearly model social sys- These existing lenses in the social sciences fit naturally tems as distributed computer programs. Yet, there is no guar- within Marr’s framework, and therefore point towards a syn- antee at all that the resulting computer programs implement thesis of a cognitive, information-processing view of a wide any coherent distributed solution to particular computational variety of social systems. At the same time, many of these problems. Far from all human collective behavior, or for classic works did not draw explicit parallels to distributed that matter far from all combinations of synthetic intelligent computation, or did not leverage the hierarchies of abstrac- agent behavior, has any functional purpose. Well-recognized tion familiar to computer scientists that Marr deploys. Cog- examples of collective dysfunction resulting even from in- nitive scientists have begun to explicitly explore the appli- telligent agents include information cascades (Bikhchandani, cation of Marr’s levels to social systems. Hutchins (1995) Hirshleifer, & Welch, 1992), phantom traffic jams (Kerner & pioneered the application of Marr’s levels to social systems Konhäuser, 1993), and the tragedy of the commons (Ostrom, in his ethnography of distributed cognition in team behavior 2015). The naı̈ve application of Marr’s levels of analysis to on a naval vessel. To Hutchins, the computation performed social systems therefore only extends as far as an algorithmic by a naval vessel was that of navigation—calculating where you are and determining how to get where you want to go. Hutchins provided a detailed account of how this function is accomplished by the crew members and their interactions with each other and with artifacts on the ship. Hutchins’ example makes it clear that the explicit applica- tion of Marr’s levels can be productive in the context of teams and organizations. However, one of the reasons this exam- ple easily fits into Marr’s framework is because teams and organizations have well-defined group boundaries and have functions that are explicit in the goals of these groups. These goals then dictate the information processing challenges the groups face. An important outstanding question is to what extent Marr’s approach can be applied to more loosely orga- nized social systems that are often the subject of sociology. The functionalist lens, used in sociology for a variety of less strictly organized and less explicitly engineered so- cial systems, provides reason to believe that there is space for such an attempt to be fruitful. Structural or sociologi- cal functionalism—i.e., the pursuit of understanding social structures and behavior in terms of how they solve social problems—is one of the classic theoretical perspectives in so- ciology. Many early sociologists held views that a variety of social phenomena played functional roles in society. For in- stance, Spencer (1898) advocated for an equilibrium view of society and drew extensive analogies between social and bi- Figure 1: Marr’s levels of analysis for waiting in line. ological function. Durkheim (1893) presented a functionalist argument that division of labor acts as a mechanism of so- cial solidarity promoting a cohesive social bond. Although each standing behind another. This social behavior imple- functionalism was and continues to be controversial in soci- ments the computation of a first-in, first-out (FIFO) queue. A ology (Weber, 1922; Giddens, 1984), scholars still lean on it FIFO queue is a simple function used in computer science, in modern studies. Yet, unlike in organization science, ex- for example to prioritize computer processes in the CPU. A plicit information processing analogies are barely ever used FIFO queue takes as input a stream of entries, maintains the in sociology. order of those entries, and outputs entries in that order. The In the present work, we explicate the application of Marr’s representation that is used to solve the FIFO queue problem levels to loosely organized social systems, review examples in the case of waiting in line is to maintain a linked list data of recent work that fit within this paradigm, address chal- structure between elements of the queue, and pop elements lenges to this approach, and explore its potential and limi- off the list as needed. A linked list is another data struc- tations. The main benefit of Marr’s approach is that com- ture used computer science, in which each entry contains a putation provides an expressive language for high-level, ab- “pointer” to the next element in the list. To “pop” a linked list stract theory, while providing the conceptual machinery to re- means to remove the head element. In the example of waiting late that abstract level to mechanistic explanations. Computa- in line, the distributed algorithm that implements this linked tional social theory can therefore be precisely specified, and list is for each person in the line to keep track of who is ahead tested via its relation to algorithmic and behavioral descrip- of them. The physical implementation used to keep track of tions. At the same time, Marr’s charge to identify compu- who is ahead of you in the line is simply to stand behind that tational problems that information processing systems solve person. Figure 1 illustrates this example. could provide inspiration for research questions in computa- There are many failure modes to standing in line. Two peo- tional social science. ple can arrive at a similar time or be in a similar position and not be certain who is ahead of whom. Some people cut in Illustrative Examples line. Sometimes lines fail to form at all or totally collapse Before more carefully defining Marr’s levels for social anal- and become disorganized crowds of people waiting. There ysis, we begin with three motivating illustrative examples. is also cultural variation in how much importance or value people place on lines as a useful mechanism. Taking Marr’s Waiting in Line approach abstracts away these details and exposes the under- A simple example that illustrates Marr’s three levels of anal- lying information processing challenge at the heart of stand- ysis in a social system is waiting in line. A line, for instance ing in line. Our ability to reason about the computational outside a professor’s office, consists of a group of people, function of waiting in line can also suggest other engineered solutions. Waiting in line is not the only solution to the FIFO computational problem. The computational problems in our queue problem. For example, some delis, grocery stores, and examples were implementing a FIFO queue, resource alloca- government offices implement ticket and announcement sys- tion, and distributed inference. Other common computational tems that obviate the need to keep your own place in line. problems in social systems include aligning group mem- ber preferences and solving coordination problems (Krafft, Status Hierarchies 2018). Unlike in cognition, in which computational problems As another example, many species of animals maintain some are frequently posed by the external environment, many com- kind of social hierarchy, influencing the interactions between putational problems faced by groups are endogenous. The animals in a group and the way that they allocate resources need to coordinate is one example. The need to coordinate such as food. At a computational level, this structure can be is an inherent result of existing as differentiated people. An- viewed as a solution to the problem of performing resource other type of endogeneity is in problems that are created by allocation with a minimum of conflict—an alternative to a history dependence. For instance, Durkheim offers that one costly free-for-all whenever resources become available. At view of the division of labor could be that by increasing our the algorithmic level, there are many kinds of algorithms that ability to create goods to relieve our increasing fatigue, divi- can be used to impose an ordering on a group through pair- sion of labor functions in part to meet the needs created by its wise comparison (i.e. fights or displays)—a whole branch of very existence (Durkheim, 1893). theoretical computer science is devoted to questions about The computational level of analysis is important because it sorting. However, here the implementation details matter: allows the researcher to answer “why” questions—to under- most sorting algorithms involve maintaining some kind of stand why people behave in a certain way. In order to justify global record of the current ordering of the items being sorted. a teleological interpretation of a social function, that function In an animal group, each animal needs to maintain such a should either be explicitly intended or otherwise be evidently record independently. Thus it makes sense to think about addressing a problem that threatens the group. For instance, distributed algorithms in which individual animals operate as we can say that conventions about which side of the street to computational elements. Flack and Krakauer (2011) applied drive on exist in order to solve a coordination problem. Some exactly this approach to modeling the decisions of monkeys to coherent distributed computations do not meet this criterion engage in fights, viewing these individual decisions as form- of solving a computational problem associated with an inten- ing “adaptive social circuits”. tion or a need of the group. In the tragedy of the commons, rational agents are computing an equilibrium, and therefore Rumors and Collective Sensemaking accomplishing a computational function, but this outcome is As a final motivating example, a classical and now well- neither intended nor meeting a need. Therefore this collective supported sociological theory of rumors conceptualizes ru- behavior cannot be productively interpreted as functional, and mors as a natural part of a process of collective sensemaking Marr’s computational level does not apply. (Shibutani, 1966; Bordia & DiFonzo, 2004; Huang, Starbird, Another important qualification in the social case is that Orand, Stanek, & Pedersen, 2015). According to this view, the computational problem is one faced by the group, com- people try to make sense of the world together when they munity, or society. Every individual in a group has their own find themselves in uncertain environments. A computational problems and goals, and some behavior will be oriented to- perspective of rumors based on this view is as functioning to wards those individual needs and not any shared needs of the communicate hypotheses about the state of the environment group. Selfish behavior of this sort is one reason why we can- (Krafft, Zhou, Edwards, Starbird, & Spiro, 2017). This per- not treat all compositions of rational behavior as functional spective frames rumors as oriented towards a distributed in- group behavior. This issue is at play in the tragedy of the ference problem of inferring the state of the world given the commons and other social dilemmas from game theory. evidence at hand. The definition of social functions is also only with respect to the boundaries of the group being analyzed, and does not Marr’s Levels for Social Systems represent a moral judgment. Accomplishing a computational Having motivated computational and algorithmic perspec- function in one group can cause problems for other groups; tives of social systems through our examples, we now expand consider the case of one group finding a new place to build upon the usage of Marr’s levels of analysis in social systems. a settlement and displacing another group. In line with We- ber’s interpretive approach (Weber, 1922), insofar as we are Computational Level aiming to understand why people are engaging in certain so- The first level of analysis Marr defined is the computational cial behaviors, we must interpret function with respect to the level. The computational level describes the problem that an values of the people in the group being analyzed. information processing system is oriented towards solving. The information processing function that the social system Algorithmic Level accomplishes may be explicit due to design or implicit, as Marr’s second level of analysis is the algorithmic level. The in Merton’s manifest versus latent functions (Merton, 1949). algorithmic level describes the way in which a computational For this level of analysis to apply, the group must face some problem associated with an information processing system is solved. An algorithm involves both the representations of in- coordination, there is a wealth of literature in computer sci- formation used and the transformations of those representa- ence on engineering distributed systems. tions. In social systems, the fundamental algorithms at play A second benefit is a rigorous approach to providing math- are most readily conceptualized as distributed algorithms, in ematical evidence for functionalist sociological theories. Tak- which multiple people are participating as agents akin to net- ing the rumor example again, suppose we wanted to provide worked computer processors. This perspective of social pro- evidence that rumors function as a mechanism of collective cesses as distributed algorithms is closely related to agent- sensemaking. Suppose we can show that a distributed in- based modeling (Macy & Willer, 2002), the study of social ference algorithm as a behavioral model explains observed mechanisms in analytical sociology (Hedström & Bearman, behavior better than alternative mechanisms, such as a con- 2009), and the study of natural algorithms in theoretical com- tagion model or a thermodynamic model. The evidence for puter science (Chazelle, 2009). that distributed algorithm then in turn provides evidence for The critical criterion for an algorithmic explanation within the functional interpretation of rumors since there is a math- Marr’s framework is that the behavior being examined offers ematical relationship between the algorithmic model and the a proper solution to the computational problem posed in the problem of distributed inference. computational level of analysis. This criterion pushes beyond A final benefit is for design. Once a social problem is spec- purely descriptive studies of social mechanisms, as in many ified precisely as a computational problem, then we can do agent-based or rational models, towards a formal relationship more than just understand how current social behavior might between mechanisms and social functions. In the example of address this problem. We can also search for alternative social waiting in line, the FIFO queue is accomplished if each per- behaviors or structures that better solve the problem accord- son keeps their place. While deviant behavior such as line- ing to some criteria. The value of precise computational spec- cutting could be included in an agent-based model, a strict al- ification is that this search through design space can be auto- gorithmic analysis does not accommodate cases when some mated. An example of this approach is in automated mecha- people cut in line for no reason other than their own self- nism design (Conitzer & Sandholm, 2003). interest, because this behavior undermines the correct com- putation of the FIFO queue. Challenges to the Approach Implementation Level There are several interrelated challenges and potential cri- tiques of the indiscriminate application of Marr’s approach The final level of analysis Marr defines is the implementation to social systems. We now address what we view as the level. An algorithm is an abstract process-level description. major challenges. Our responses to these challenges center The implementation level explains how the algorithm is im- around an argument that a program of Marr’s approach to plemented through actual interaction of basic elements. In social systems aims to produce useful, idealized hierarchical social systems, the definition of the implementation level is mathematical descriptions, but should not be conducted with- contingent on what elements of the system are taken as prim- out also paying careful attention to the specifics of the social itive. Typically, social systems are reduced to psychologi- context being studied and the political aspects of that inquiry. cal processes, and connections to neural processes are left to cognitive scientists. This division leaves the implementation Multiagent Systems versus Human Social Systems level to be concerned with psychological processes, details One potential criticism that we can readily dismiss involves of social interaction, and contextual elements such as geogra- the difference between human social systems and artificial phy, social network structure, and artifacts in the environment multiagent systems or distributed computer systems. Com- as building blocks. The implementation level can be thought puter networks offer quite different affordances and con- of as a second, lower-level algorithmic analysis. straints as compared to social systems. For instance, comput- ers can easily communicate their entire internal states with Benefits of the Approach complete precision to each other. Communication is much There are several potential gains to be had from employing harder for people, but at the same time, people have a richer Marr’s levels of analysis to understand social systems. One range of distinctive forms of communication, including sym- benefit is a deductive approach to discovering mechanisms. bolic and cultural systems. Social networks, the physical- In analytical sociology, the discovery of mathematical de- ity of human interaction, social norms and institutions, and scriptions for social mechanisms is often post hoc and in- many other contextual factors form additional components ductive from observations. Marr’s levels provide a deductive, that must be considered in the case of social systems. Al- reverse-engineering approach. In this approach, the compu- though distributed computer systems and distributed social tational problem being faced by a group is specified first, and systems clearly have widely differing constraints and affor- then algorithms to solve that problem are explored. For in- dances, the mathematical language we use to describe both stance, in the case of conceptualizing rumors as distributed types of systems, the classes of algorithms that are employed, inference, we can look to the literature on algorithms for dis- and some fraction of the computational problems each type tributed inference in search of mechanisms. To understand of system faces could still be similar. Methodological Individualism At the same time, we might think that segregation is actually a maladaptive characteristic of a population. In a more recent A classic criticism of functionalism is that of methodological example, a group of analytical sociologists presented a mul- individualists or “reductionists”. The view of methodologi- tiscale analysis of adolescent sexual behavior, and showed cal individualism would assert that a group-level functional- that the behavioral mechanisms of these people led to net- ist perspective is unnecessary for explaining the behavior of works that tended to have structures similar to spanning trees social systems. Under such a view, any group-level structure (Bearman, Moody, & Stovel, 2004). Spanning trees are good supervenes on the individual-level beliefs, intentions, plans, for the sexual health of the community in some ways but bad and behaviors. A social system therefore cannot be properly in other ways, and thus do not serve a clear function. These understood as having a function. To have a function means analyses benefit from the same mathematical machinery that that the social system as a whole has a causal role in a broader we use in the computational level analysis, but fall outside its ecosystem. But according to the reductionist view, the social scope in our definition. system as a whole plays no causal role in the system dynam- ics. The only causally relevant entities are the components. Dysfunctional Collective Behavior There are several responses to such a criticism. The re- sponse requiring the weakest logical commitments is that Another concern is individual behaviors that lead to incoher- function can serve as a useful description that succinctly ent or unstructured collective behavior, and individual or col- summarizes the behavior of the system, without making any lective behaviors that appear functionally oriented but fail to causal claims. The usefulness of the description alone justi- accomplish any function. Social behavior that leads to in- fies a functionalist inquiry. When conceptualizing social sys- coherent or unstructured collective behavior, such as people tems “as if” they had functions allows us to better understand going about their own individual business within their homes, them, then such concepts are valuable. Another response is to simply may not have group-level structure that lends itself to assert that there can be multiple scales of causal explanations, illuminating interpretation via Marr’s levels. One prominent and functions serve a causal role at an aggregate level. For in- and perhaps surprising example of this sort is agent-based stance, in a counterfactual world where people have no way models. Although agent-based models can be described as to implement a FIFO queue at the professor’s office, then the computer programs, their aggregate dynamics are sometimes operations of the group—who gets in when—would be fun- chaotic or unstructured. The scope of Marr’s levels therefore damentally different. Therefore the operation of office hours is not as wide as the class of all processes that can be de- can rightfully be conceptualized as having a dependence on scribed as distributed computer programs. Other behaviors the ability of people to implement a FIFO queue. may appear functionally oriented but are suboptimal or to- A related response is that certain functions are irreducible tally dysfunctional. Here, Marr’s approach simply may not emergent properties of the social system, meaning that the apply if the social system does not have group-level informa- behavior of the social system cannot be properly understood tion processing characteristics. without understanding its emergent functions. This argument asserts that there is downward causality from emergent func- Sociological Critiques tion to the constituents of the system. For instance, consider A final set of threats to applying Marr’s levels to social sys- two competing hunting groups whose members must hunt tems are inherited from other challenges to sociological func- together to be successful, and suppose the members of one tionalism. Despite still being influential in contemporary so- group have synchronized clocks. It is the ability of the group ciology, functionalism has been criticized for abstracting and to accomplish the task of coordination that allows the group obscuring many key details of social phenomena. Conflict to be more effective, not anything about the individuals in and theorists have emphasized how functionalism diminishes the of themselves. If the clocks did not accomplish the function struggle of marginalized groups, the importance of revolu- of coordination, the individuals would not benefit. tionary change, and the role of individual human agency in society. In a somewhat separate line of critique, Giddins’ Non-adaptive Functions structuration theory explores how function and structure co- We argued in our definition of the computational level of anal- evolve continuously across space and time and cannot be ysis that the computational functions being analyzed must be neatly separated (Giddens, 1984). beneficial to the group in order for the function to have a tele- We follow Weber (1922) in responding to these criticisms ological interpretation, which is an implicit aim of Marr’s by noting firstly that a functional description can still be use- computational level. Some collective behavior implements ful for certain ends, although non-functional aspects must coherent computation that is either harmful or epiphenom- be considered for a complete treatment of any system; and enal. For instance, Schelling’s (1971) segregation model a functionalist analysis may still be illuminating to see how showed how small individual biases could lead to a popu- a population deviates from an idealized solution. That said, lation clustering itself according to attributes such as race. we must always keep in mind the balance between the clarity Clustering or sorting could then be said to be an information provided by abstraction and the frequent importance of the processing function implemented by Schelling’s mechanism. details that are abstracted away. Conclusion Bordia, P., & DiFonzo, N. (2004). Problem solving in social inter- actions on the internet: Rumor as social cognition. Social Psy- Analysis of social systems is challenging in part due to the chology Quarterly, 67(1), 33–49. diversity and complexity of the people in these systems and Chazelle, B. (2009). Natural algorithms. 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