MUSIC AND EMOTION ‘em art music idioms (I include Holst’s band music in these idioms). While it be interesting to examine different styles, such as contemporary, pre nineteenth ity, and popular styles, it is also sensible for the time-teing to restrict the number ‘les investigated, given that continuous response methodologies are still being lished and are already associated with a potentially large number of complex, icting variables, Restricting stimuli to the romantic music idioms is logical because are idioms that are defined by the importance of expressing emotion (c.g. man 1987). tinuous self-report measures have arisen from a need to provide greater ecological ity in emotion-in-music investigations and through technological developments, rave made such an approach to research feasible. However, researchers using this ‘odology need to remain cognisant as to why they are using the technology. It seems perimental music psychologistshave required a period ofexplorationand discovery sre fully realize the potential of continuous response measures. conclusion, continuous response researchers need to become more aware of the tical problems created by serial correlation, an inberent part of much time- data. There are simple, effective solutions available for dealing with the problem, as differencing, autoregressive adjustment, and other techniques associated with ssion-type analysis. I is vital that researchers are willing to apply these methods ther non-parametric techniques to maximize the benefits of continuous research adology, and in particular to exploit its capacity to provide a basis for understand- e sill elusive dynamic nature of emotion in music. rences am, F.D., Abraham, R. H., Shaw, C.D, & Garpike, A. (1990). A visual introduction to amical systems theory for psychology. 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Urbana I Daiversity of Hlinois Press strom, C, W, (1990). Time series analysis regression techniques, Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications. ksepp, J. (1995). The emotional sources of ‘chills’ induced by music. Music Perception, 13, 171-208, hlmann, K.C. (1995). Principles of digital audio, (3rd edn). New York: McGraw Hill, xdocy, R.E. & Boyle, J.D. (1988). Psychological foundations af musical behavior. Psychological foundations of musical behaviour, 2nd edn). Springfield, IL: Charles C. Thomas. ner, LG, (1980). Classic music: Expression, form and syle, New York: Schirmer. jbinson, C.R. (1988). Differentiated modes of choral performance evaluation using traditional procedures ad a continuous response digital interface device. Unpublished doctoral disseration, Florida State University, Tallahassee. sing, T.D. (1990). The scence of music, (2nd edn). Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley. ssellJ.A.(1980).A cicumplex model of affect. Journal of Social Psychology, 38, 1161-78. ssellJ.A. (1989). 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(1999), Measurement and time series analysis of emotion in muse, Unpublished doc: dissertation, Univesity of New South Wales, Sydney. ‘GE, (19996). Measuring emotion continuously: Validity and reliability ofthe two dimen- {emotion space, Australian Journal of Psychology, 51, 154-68. ‘VE, (2000). Unresolved issues in continuous response me:hodology: The case of time correlations. In Proceedings of the Sixth International Conference of Music Perception and tion, (CD rom) (ed. C. Woods, G. Luck, R. Brochard, F Sedion,& J. A, Sloboda). Keele, ‘eele University 1s E. & Dunsmuir, W. (1998), Regression modelling continuous data in music psychology: ‘sic, mind, and science, (ed. S. W. Yi), pp. 298-352. Seoul, Korea: Western Music Research ste, College of Music, Seoul National University 4J.A, (1991). Masic structure and emotional response: Some empirical findings. alogy of Musi, 18, 110-20. 1s J-A. (1992). Empirical studies of emotional response to music, In Cognitive bases of al communication, (ed. M. R. Jones & S, Holleran), pp. 33-46, Washington, DC: American alogical Association »J-A., Lehmann, A. Cx & Parncutt, R. (1997). Perceiving intended emotion in concert- ard performances of Chopin’s Prelude No. 4 in E-minor. In Proceedings of the Third tial ESCOM Conference, (ed. A. Gabrielsson), pp. 629-34. Uppsala, Sweden: Department chology, Uppsala University. 44}. (1995). CoreCD (version 1.4) (Computer software). Core Development Group, Inc M, & Loy,G.D. (ed. (1991), Music and connectonsim. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press (1996), Developing a two-dimensional continuous response space for emotions perceived in ‘Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Florida State University, Tallahassee 1m, M. (1996). Emotional responses to music: Implicit and explicit effects in listeners and mers. Pychology of Music, 24, 53-67 K, B, (1942). The nature and measurement of musical meanings. Psychological raph, $4, 1-43, - (1972. Evaluation ofa three-dimensional model of emotional expression in music: 5 from: the Psychological Laboratories, University of Stockholm, 49,20. P.(1912). An experimental study of musical enjoyment. Arrican Journal of Psychology, 308, C. Mu Fournier, M. Pelland, R., Weir, D, & Makarec, K, (1986). A dictionary of affect -vage: IV. Relibilty, validity, and applications. Perceptual and Motor Skills, 62, 875-88 TTCHAPTER 18 EMOTIONS IN EVERYDAY LISTENING TO MUSIC JOHN A. SLOBODA AND SUSAN A. O’NEILL c are several key assumptions underpinning our focus on emotion and ‘everyday’ c listening. Firstly, music is always heard in a social context, in a particular place rime, with or without other individuals being present, and with other activities 1g place which have their own complex sources of meaning and emotion, The ional response to the music i coloured, and possibly sometimes completely deter- sd, by these contextual factors, Emotions should not be thought of as abstract is such as ‘anger’ or ‘elation; but rather as actual moments of emotional feelings lsplays in particular situations within a particular culture. Emotional responses to c are linked to a sequence of events based on conventions and rules that depend nly on shared understanding and representations, but lso a common background jowledge and beliefs. Music isa cultural material (as is language) that provides a of semiotic and affective ‘power’ which individuals use in the social construction rotional feeling and displays. As such, the impact of music on emotion is not direct nterdependent on the situations in which itis heard. Any meaningful account of, C's role in the emotional response of individuals must involve the recognition of complex, interdependent social factors. We therefore focus in this chapter on al investigations which attempt to preserve, or take account of, as much of the I context of music listening as possible. condly, music is ubiquitous in contemporary life. The prevailing contexts in which \counter music are, by definition, mundane. They include those contexts in which rost routine activities of life take place: waking up, washing and dressing, cating, ing, shopping, travelling. There are, of course, special and ‘out of the ordinary’ s which music can form a part of, even a crucial and defining part, but we would that in order to understand fully these special events and their emotional signif , we must consider them in relation to everyday experience. I is the everyday and ial which frames and helps define the special. This chapter focuses, therefore, on ual and routine modes of engagement with music. irdly, despite the growing recognition that our experience of emotion is inextricably d to the social world and the linguistic practices used to make sense of that world, nd to think of our emotions as personal, ‘private’ experiences, especially if they do avolve ‘public’ emotional displays. For example, when we feel angry, we might ce our anger 38a private emotion which may or may not be‘acted out in theAUSIC AND EMOTION in which the Ifalok (Samoan and Pintupi Aborigines) use emotion words to their relationship to events and other people, and notas expressions of private, states. The closest translation of anger in the Ifaluk language is the word ‘song’ 1eans justifiable anger. It isnot considered a privately owned feeling but rather and public account of some transgression of accepted social practices and cf. Burr 1995). As such, emotional feelings and displays are not considered to it internal states of an individual (whether innate or acquired through learning erience) that result in physiological reactions to environmental stimuli. Rather, meaningful displays that are taken as emotional when they are embodied ons of judgments, and in many cases, ways of accomplishing certain social acts, & Gillett 1994). Our focus in this chapter is on research which attempts to and, atleast in part, the inextricable connection between individual personal” ral experience and the ‘social’ forms of meaning associsted with music listening rerspective makes it necessary to exclude any significant treatment of three types amenon. The first exclusion relates to the extremely intense, sometimes transcen- periences to music which people characterize as defining or life-changing (e.g sson & Lindstrm 1995; see also Gabrielsson, this volume). These events rarely the lives of individuals,and soare difficult to study empirically. One retrospective Sloboda (1989a), which we will discuss in more detail ina later section, provides ve evidence that these peak’ events can occur in childhood, and, when they do, a profound influence on a person's attitudes towards, and commitment to, ndeed, people who devote their lives to music often inelude such experiences in es of their developing commitment (e.g. Brodsky 1995). This, then, brings us to nd exclusion of our chapter. We shall not be examining the everyday emotional the professional musician or the intending professional musician (ie. the music \- The emotional experiences ofthese groups are covered in other chaptersin this cersson, this volume), and we would wish to claim thatthe everyday contexts in rusicians experience music are so different from those of non-musicians (who = vast bulk of the population of industrialized nations) that they require separate at Finally, we do not intend to provide a comprehensive review of the literature 2d with emotional response to everyday music listening. Much of this iterature i, elsewhere in this book (DeNora, this volume; Becker, this volume; Gabrielsson, ime). In many cases, previous research in this area include laboratory studies or ssi experimental research, which have quite specific socal features that make it vany other music-listening situations. Rather, our aim isto highlight a number of ares of research in this area which are based on the assumptions outlined above, amples from several studies, many of which we have been involved in ourselves. ‘ay, we hope to address important questions that are leftunanswered by laborato- ‘ch, stimulate further discussion and debate on the topic, as well as indicate some 1s for future research. ‘apturing everyday experience the problems with studying everyday experience is that it happens outside the (ore ting, be ex day i may) cut with ‘real- expe (Slob adap every ever} meth emot heusi andr Th (ESM their parti each 2-ho stop book quest Pagir theb Th 18.1 parti aly tion the b ‘opis pict week The prim time signa AEMOTIONS IN EVERYDAY LISTENING TO MusIC 417 en attempt to experimentally manipulate) musical engagement in a single set- cis difficult to observe directly the entire range of settings in which music might rienced, even in the course of a single day. A second problem is that the every- by definition, unmemorable, and so retrospective studies (such as interviews) ot capture the richness and diversity of musical experience. The more mundane fences are simply forgotten or filtered out. Understanding how music interacts veryday contexts requires a method that not only exaraines the phenomenon in vorld’ situations or events, but that does so as the events are unfolding and are ienced by individuals in the course of their daily lives. For these reasons, we wda etal, 2001) recently conducted a pilot study with eight individuals where we ed a method developed by Csikszentmihalyi and Lefevre (1989) which enables lay experiences to be studied in some detail. Our aim in presenting this research to make generalizable claims about the frequency of musical occurrences in Jay life. Rather, our aim is to illustrate, through this exploratory research, a od in which we might begin to capture individual subjective experience of on concurrent with everyday activities where music is heard, and highlight the tic features of the findings in order to inform future theoretical development search, - method we employed in our study is known as the experience sampling method ) It involves participants carrying electronic pagers with them at all times during raking hours. The pagers are connected to a computer that is programmed to call ipants at preprogrammed intervals. In our study, participants were paged once in hour period between 0800 and 2200. The precise timing of a call within each 1r block was determined randomly. On each paging, participants were asked to yhat they were doing as soon as practicable and complete one page of a response et, which they were also asked to carry with them at al times. The booklet asked ons regarding the most recent experience of music listening since the previous s. If there had been no music experienced in that peried, participants completed oklet with respect to the activity taking place when the pager sounded. eight participants in our study were all adult non-musicians between the ages of d 40 years who were either studying or working at our institution (half of the ipants were not involved in psychology). They each car-ied a pager with them for eck period. Analyses of the data collected provided some quite revealing informa- bout their everyday music use. First, 91 per cent of pagings resulted in a page of Joklet being filled in (we call each event described ir the response booklet an de’). This suggested a high level of compliance and involvement in this task over ended period of time. It also meant that the method provided an almost complete ¢ of the musical and non-musical experiences of each participant over a normal (none of the participants reported the week in question being unusual or atypical) per cent of pagings which did not result in a report sheet being recorded were rily due to technical problems, participants not having the pager with them at the (eg. during swimming or showering), or participants not hearing the pager's (e.g. due to travelling or being in a very noisy location). econd major finding was that 44 per cent of all episodes involved music. In otherMUSIC AND EMOTION 4. Ithas repeatedly been claimed that music pervades everyday life. Our data m this and provide a specific estimate ofits frequency. ticipants were asked to respond in their own words to the question: ‘what was ‘ain thing you were doing?’ Reported activites were coded post hoc according ‘ee main categories: personal, leisure, and work, Personal activities cover those day activities that are a necessary consequence of living, and were further +d into states of being (e.g. sleeping, waking up, being ill, suffering from a wver), maintenance activities (e.g. washing, getting dressed, cooking, eating at « housework, shopping), and travel (eg. leaving home, driving, walking, going ). Leisure activities were divided into three subcategories: music listening : were no examples of performing music), leisure-passive (e.g. watching m, putting on the radio, relaxing, reading for pleasure), and leisure-active ames, sports, socializing, eating out, chatting with friends). Work activities categorized according to whether they were primarily solitary activities (e.g {8 computing, marking/assessing, reading for study) or primarily group-based ies (eg, planning for a meeting, in a lecture/seminar, making appointments, reeting) particularly significant that listening to music as a main activity accounted for small percentage of all episodes (2 per cent). This suggests that the concentrated, ‘ve, focusing on music that is paradigmatic ofthe classical concertor the laboratory ‘ment is a rather untypical activity for most listeners. Instead participants were vuting their attention across a complex situation of which music is only a part. 6 there were three categories of activity which seemed particularly likely to « music. These were the personal maintenance, personal travel, and active leisure tional reactions to the music were measured by asking participants to rate their neleven bipolar scales (e.g. happy-sad,irritable-generous, bored-interested) with tto how they felt before the music started and how they felt after it had ended. We that these scales grouped under three main factors. The frst factor related to the of positivity or negativity, the second factor to the degree of arousal or alertness, « thitd factor to the extent to which participants’ attention was focused on the t situation or elsewhere (e.g. reminiscing, daydreaming, nostalgic). These factors haracteristics in common with previous research done on emotional response to (ee Sloboda & Justin, this volume). found that, on average, the experience of music resulted in participants becoming 2ositive, more alert, and more focused in the present. Insofar as such emotional ions are desired and beneficial, it could be concluded that in general music made >articipants feel better’. An examination of the number of episodes resulting in « for each of the factors indicated that where there was change, arousal rarely Lin the direction of lower arousal (7 per cent of changes), and little more so in the ‘on of less positivity (13 per cent). However, present-mindedness showed 35 per “change episodes involving moves away from the'positive pole. It seems, in other as though emotional states arising from a focus on ‘things and people not 15 such as nostalgia, are a particularly important subcategory within everyday 18 dif to: fro in fur me par tha Tab ror funEMOTIONS IN EVERYDAY LISTENING TO MUSIC 419 2 Functional niches within daily life - working assumption has been that music has different emotional functions in erent contexts (cf. Merriam 1964). In our ESM study we were, therefore, interested ee whether there were any cases in which mood change factors were dissociated n one another (i. cases where one mood increased simultaneously with another od decreasing). Inspection of cases showed that 16 per cent of music episodes were nis category. These cases are particularly important in beginning to identify di ctional niches for music engagement. The largest group of such episodes (1 ved increases in positivity along with decreases in present-mindediness Nne example of this comes from a male participant who reported being at home xing with a group of friends and acquaintances. The activity was being done out of ice. There was ambient music playing on a CD, although the participant had not sen it. The participant commented that ‘the music was very tranquil and relaxing, others present were ‘discussing work boringly, and that he was very, very tired’ s episode was also associated with a decrease in arousal during the music. It would. easonable to assume that the participant was using the music asa means of relaxing, disengaging from the surrounding conversation, second example from the same category is provided by a female participant who srted being at home, tidying a bedroom as part of the normal basic routine. The ipant had chosen to listen to apiece of popichart music on a tape. The participant ymented that the music was chosen to enhance the wonéerful experience of cleaning’ ‘was ‘very lively’ This episode was associated with an increase in arousal during the ic. It seems as if the purpose of this music was to allow the participant to focus ntion on the music, and away from the uninteresting domestic chore, and this sed attention was used to increase energy levels. ‘was less easy to find examples of episodes where positivity decreased, but one clear ode involved a female participant at home, alone, doing the washing up as part of a c routine, She had chosen to listen to rock music on the radio and commented that track was'a favourite song I had not heard for some time... It brought back certain nories. The music increased this participant's nostalgia, sadness, and loneliness, at same time as making her more alert. Itis clear that this esisode reminded the partici- {ofa significant past event which brought on nostalgia. At the same time, it appears she had chosen the music to engage and arouse during an uninteresting routine task. 1a separate study, usinga stratified sample of 76 panel members from the Sussex Mass ervation Archive (Sloboda 1999; ee also Sheridan, 2000), respondents were asked to ¢,in open-ended fashion, about the uses they made of music in their everyday lives. ¢ 18.1 shows theactivities and functionsspontaneously mentioned by membersof the ple. The most frequently mentioned activities were housework and travel. This mir- <1 quite closely the distribution found in the ESM study. Functions mentioned were ed but hada predominantly affective character, with many participants (particularly nen) explicitly mentioning musicasa mood changer or enhancer. The most frequently stioned function was essentially nostalgic. Participants found it natural to link ions to activities, often mentioning both in the same sentence (c.g, on arrival home 10)MUSIC AND EMOTION 1 Percentage of mass observation respondents reporting various functions and activites chosen “po ving 2 bath ‘excising longo 10 (desk work) to (housework) al home fom work ving» meal tnd while socializing 2pany sexual/omanti events sing >gctto sleep iving/uningeyling «public transport (Walkman) ‘of valued past event experince Sua images pose pimpleishivers £ pleasuefenjoyment {agood mood tearfstharsinelease 8 2 10 6 6 2 2 4 5 8 6 fF comfortealing sothesrelaesecleves stress hancement mood ‘interview study involving 52 women ranging in age from 18 to 78 years, most of were not accomplished musicians, DeNora (1999) also found examples of nal self-regulation involving a number of musical strategies described by partici- s‘rewing up’ of ‘calming down ‘getting in the mood’ (eg. fora particular social ‘getting out of a mood’ (e.g to improve a‘bad’ mood o:todestress), or venting? emotions. For the most part, as in the two previously mentioned studies, these redominantly described at the ‘personal’ or intrapersonal level as a means of g, enhancing, sustaining, and changing subjective, cognitive, bodily, and self- tual states. According to DeNora, the women exhibited considerable awareness nusic they ‘needed! to hearin different situations and at different times, often £845 disc jockeys'to themselves: ew upon elaborate repertoires of musical programming practice and a sharp awareness of. ‘mobilize music to arrive at, enhance, and alter aspects of themselves and their solf- ‘This practical knowledge should be viewed as part of the (often tact) practices in and 1 which respondents produced themselves as coherent social and socially disciplined oth son ang hol dis die dis ‘act “kn this out aliz as‘ obs tar helEMOTIONS IN EVERYDAY LISTENING TO MUSIC 421 addition to the emotional functions at the intrapersonal level, DeNora found aples in which music played a social function in communicating emotions to rs. For example, university student described repeatedly playing at full volume a from Radiohead entitled ‘We Hope You Choke? not only as way of diffusing her against her boyfriend’s parents when she lived with them over the summer lays, but also as a way of communicating her anger to them. In other words, the ay of anger or irritation described by the respondent expressed a judgment of the al quality of some other person's actions. Such a display was also an act of protest -ted towards the boyfriend’s parents. Music provided one means by which this jay was ‘acted out at an interpersonal level. However, as DeNora points out, music simply used to express some internal, private feeling or state, nor does it simply upon’ individuals, like a stimulus. It is a resource for the identification work of wing how one feels”—a building material of subjectivity” (DeNora 1998, p.41).In way, music becomes part of the construction of the emotion itself through the way hich individuals orientate to it, interpret it, and use it to elaborate, ‘fll in} or ‘ill to themselves and others, an emotional feeling or display. } Autonomy and individuality of the questions in Sloboda, O'Neill, and Ivald’s ESM study asked participants to the music in each episode on an 11-point scale according to the degree of personal ce exercised in hearing the music (from 0 = none at ail, to 10 = completely own ce). There was a significant effect of degree of choice on the degree of emotional \ge experienced while listening to the music. For each emotion factor this showed a lar effect—the greater the choice the greater the change. We found that high choice tions were most likely to occur when the person was aione, travelling, or working, ome of in a vehicle, or undertaking activities for duty. Low choice situations red more often when with others, during ative leisure or personal maintenance es, in shops, gyms, and entertainment venues, and when doing activities because wants to, Most of these findings are not surprising, although the link between ce and activities undertaken for duty is not intuitively obvious. It may be that ssing music to accompany duties is a way of bringing some autonomy and person- tion back to them, DeNora (1999) suggests that the music associated with duties is asa catalyst to shift individuals out oftheir reluctance to adopt what they perceive jecessary” modes of agency, and into modes of agency ‘demanded’ by particular imstances. he issue of choice and individuality also permeated the responses of the mass vation panel (Sloboda 1999). Many of the musical situations described were soli- and some participants graphically characterized a difference between the private a, where emotional work of one sort or another could be accomplished with the of music, and the public arena, where self-presentation or the conflicting demands thers precluded this kind of activity. One respondent wrote: ‘When I'm down I nto this [a specific track] and go down as far as I can, then I cry, I ery deep from J. I wallow in self-pity and purge all the gloom from my body: Then I dry my eyes,MUSIC AND EMOTION xd‘the car isthe only place where I can listen to it loud enough without annoying reople. \y participants displayed negative, or at best, ambivalent reactions to the music ey experienced in public places, such as shops, restaurants, and bars. These es were sometimes associated with reports of dramatic behavioural consequences igh emotional charge (c.g. abruptly leaving a shop with disliked music, arguing vaiting staff in a restaurant about getting the music turned off). In several ses, the appropriateness of the music was a major theme. Judgments were made bout the situation itself, and about the fit between tke music and the person's entity and preferences. For example, restaurant music could be acceptable so it matched the ambience or mood of the venue (e.g. oriental music in an oriental ant, ‘mellow’ music during a romantic encounter), or if its general acoustic eristics matched the listeners’ needs (e.g, not so loud that conversation was diffi- at loud enough to cover potentially embarrassing silences and to prevent people ‘by tables overhearing one’s conversation). In other cases, although music in places might be generally disliked, exceptions were made where the music itself uc for the participant (¢g.‘I have discovered Waterstones Bookshop in Newcastle ‘ood music: the last time I was there Beethoven's ‘Egmont Overture’ was playing, «trouble is that I pay more attention to the music than to finding the book | In this example, because the music was judged to be ‘good’, the participant was ced to let his appreciation of the music partially override his main intention of a book. The issue of ft’ between music and its context has been investigated ‘nentally. For instance, North and Hargreaves (2000) showed that people make ent discriminatory judgments about the music tha is suitable for such activities bic exercise or yoga, and that specific characteristics ofthe music (e.g. tempo) are ated in these judgments. ‘eis evidence that resistance to music in public places increases with age. DeNora found that most of her respondents over 70 years (and, interestingly, those who ‘ined musicians) found it antithetical to conceive of music as background’ to ag. Data from the Sussex Mass Observation Archive also showed that males in the year age group reported more negative emotional recctions to music in public than any other group. It may be hypothesized that the higher average status a has, the less tolerant it will be of removal of autonomy. However, there are also ‘nore complex subcurrents to do with intergenerational and intergroup stereo- The following example reveals much about the attitudes of one middle-aged man public self-presentation of some younger men: I also dislike the din that some ake when they pass by, infesting the streets with their thumping noises from How they can drive properly with such a din in their cars, God knows. It ris me too that they wouldn't be able to hear the sound of an ambulance or police h such a noise going on inside their cars. It seems to me, rather like the fastest » its usually young men between the age of 17 and 25 who are the main culprit sually like to have their driving, seat window open, elbow leaning out of the car oking macho: It appears as though young people are more tolerant of, and re towards, music in public places. Further investigation is needed of these sty tit a terEMOTIONS IN EVERYDAY LISTENING TO MUSIC 423 ne phenomenon which deserves greater study and theorizing is the unique position e busker (street mus the affections of even the most hardened opponents sic in public places. Many mass observation respondents spontaneously singled buskers as evading the opprobrium of other forms of public music. It often was ted as relevant that this music is live rather than prerecorded. Two quotes are ded as representative: Both my husband and I have performed on the streets. My ands still a regular busker. This to me is musical entertainment at its purest form, joy of busking i its spontaneity. Your audience is free to come and go as it wishes, ty oF not pay, to listen or not listen. There is a beautiful freedom about busking that e, and I hope we never lose street entertainment! “The music in the streets is accept- Quite often the musicians are quite good and anyway the noise is dispersed.” sably, street musicians do not undermine the sense of agency and autonomy that pe like to experience. The musician is potentially amenable to interaction (you can 1est your favourite song, and audience reactions can be assumed to matter to the cer). There is also a sense of groundedness in a busker. The piped music in shops is duced by unknown people in unknown places, and mediated through hidden duction mechanisms (e.g. an under-the-counter sound system), for hidden purposes suspected manipulation of buying behaviour). The busker, by contrast, is earning honest’ living by aiming to please and entertain through the exercise of visible craft isthe result of personal effort and investment. It may also be significant that jern busking is probably the phenomenon which comes closest to meeting the con- ons under which most people in most cultures through history have interacted with, sc. Its liv, public, improvisational, spontaneous, participatory, and social It te a small arena of the communal in a pervading culture of individualism and iso on. It may meet an emotional need that is quite fundamental, but which there are ‘opportunities to indulge in. 4 Personal and social identity ecent years, there has been a growing questioning of traditional approaches to the iy of identity, which fil to take into account the multiple dimensions of identity as a tinual process of negotiation and change. Discursive psychology, which views iden- as constructed out ofthe discourses that are culturally available to us and that we ‘when communicating with others, has radically alteree the way social psychologists .ceptualize and study identity. Music provides numerous ways in which musical terials and practices can be used as a means for self-interpretation, self-presentation, for the expression of emotional states associated with the sel. According to DeNora 99, p. 50), a sense of self is locatable in music, in that ‘musical materials provide ms and templates for elaborating self-identity’. For example, one of the respondents ner study described a preferred type of musical material (juicy chords’) as like ‘me life, associating certain musical structures with her sense of self. DeNora (1999, 51) suggests that ‘music isa “mirror” that allows one to “see one’s self” Iti, also, wever, a "magic mirror” insofar as its specific material properties also come to contig- "(c.“transfigure’,“disfigure’, etc.) the image reflected in and through its (perceived)USIC AND EMOTION ere is this more apparent than during adolescence, where identities are being xperimented with, and explored. According to Green (1999), music can offer a L cultural symbol, which aids in adolescents’ construction and presentation of cral studies suggest that musical tastes are predictive of a wide range of non- activities and attitudes, such as clothing, media preferences, drug use, and f sexual activity (Hanaken & Wells 1990; Lewis 1995), + as the processes involved with the formation and maintenance of adolescent are key to an individual's self-image and well-being (e.g. Shotter & Gergen ven we would expect emotions to be deeply implicated in this process. Because olescents do not have jobs or family responsibilities they have more ‘dis- Y time than many adults do (estimated as up to 50 per cent of waking hours by \tmihalyi and Larson 1984). Much of this time is taken up with media use, ‘Vand music. Bighty-one per centof young people say that music isan important heir life, and has influenced how they think about important issues (Leming aisis in direct contrast to TV watching, which most adolescents do not believe ‘any major influence on their lives (McCormack 1684), In an experience- {study of adolescent daly lives, Larson et al. (1989) found that music listening siated with greater personal involvement than TV watching (which was asso- ith feeling less happy, less alert, more passive, and more bored than at other arson and Klciber (1993, p. 130) summarize their findings as suggesting that oving lyrics of ballads and the hard-driving beat of tock appear to stimulate a level of volvement that is lacking in TV watching. A teenager may be lying face-down on her ‘er mind is alive and active, thinking about fiends, school, or the Future: cent study by North et al. (2000), marked gender differences were found in 1fs' reasons for listening to music. Girls were more likely to report that music used as a means of mood regulation, whereas boys reported that music could ns of creating an external impression with others, Iti perhaps not surprising c girls than boys referred to emotionality in relation to music listening, given culine’ identity tends to be associated with an ability to keep one’s emotions €s reasoning, However, the boys’ reason for listening to music was particularly 1g in that the majority of respondents reported that they usually listened to their own. Thus, the external impression the boys sought to accomplish did ssarily involve direct social contact with others atthe time they were actually to music. Rather, it appears as though adolescent boys, in particular, were xwolved in the construction of their identity through the use of stereotypes and role models associated with the music they listened to (e.g. the ‘macho’ and age of male pop/rock musicians playing mainly guitars and drums). In rds, the cultural stereotypes, atitudes, and opinions associated with par- res of music appears to provide adolescent males with a vision of what it » be ‘trendy’ or ‘cool; which is ‘acted out’ or reinforced during their music experiences. O'Neill (1997) points out that adolescents’ musical values are by culturally defined stereotypes that, once learned, are extremely resistant and disconfirmation. In this way, musical associations or prevailing discourses’ which states 18.5 insta how ¢ Ho of vai conte study from were event them inter neutt wh inter aneg onac 109} many ofan wast posit carol ThEMOTIONS IN EVERYDAY LISTENING TO MUSIC 425 we might fashion or construct aspects of the self and the expression of emotional associated with the self. The balance between context and content onal responses to music are a complex outcome of the contribution of a person's mn to the content (i. the musical materials themselves and their associations) and eactions to the social context in which the music is embedded. For instance, the { may determine the amount of attention available to place on the musical content parent out shopping with an irritable and loudly complaining small child and embarrassed by the hostile looks of other shoppers may barely notice the‘soothing’ t playing quietly in the background). At the same time, the content may be subtly ing the way the person construes the context (e.g. the Mozart excerpt suggests the sinal message that this is a“high-class’store for serious, well-behaved? adults, and noisy children have no place here—thus intensifying the feelings in the parent of rrassment and shame). These effects have been studied experimentally by, for ce, manipulating music-film pairings or music-picture pairings and observing vnstrued emotional meaning i affected (Cohen, this vole). wever, everyday life does not provide opportunities for controlled manipulation ables, and so itis difficult to disentangle the unique contribution of content and . The work that comes the closest to providing an insight into these issues is a by Sloboda (1989a) in which 70 individuals were asked to recall any incidents he first 10 years of life that were in any way connected with music. This period josen becatise a major aim of the study was to find connections between early experience and later attitudes to music. For each incident recalled, participants sked to say as much as they could about the context (who they were with, what the music formed part of), and what meaning or significance the event had for This allowed each incident to be assigned a value on each of two dimensions—an al dimension, concerned with the musical content, and an external dimension red with the context. On each dimension the significance could be positive, 3, or negative en the 113 incidents elicited were cross-tabulated on these two dimensions, some ting features emerged. First, there were very few cases where the musical contenthad tive significance, One person recalled disliking the sounc of a particular setof pipes surch organ, but there were few other clear cases. This was not however, the result of view of childhood where ll negative memories had been erased, because there were cases where the musical context was negative. Many people remembered situations ‘ety, pain, and humiliation, mainly connected with negative appraisal of theit ality by adult authority figures (particularly teachers). The most extreme incident herea teacher physically beat a child fora performance error. There were, however, ve contexts t00. For instance, one respondent recalled rehearsing carols for a school ‘oncert, What gave the incidentits positive significance was the sense of enjoyment gthe group, undertaking this festive preparation in place ofnormalacademic lasses. : second important feature was the almost complete absence of incidents whereMUSIC AND EMOTION night interpret this finding by supposing that where the immediate context is a of threat or emotional challenge, there is little chance of musical content cap- 3 the emotional system. This study suggests that positive emotions derived from ‘ement with musical materials is only possible when the context is appraised as, at ‘emotionally neutral. The specific contexts where strong content-related emotions “eft included home, church, and the concert hal, alone or with friends and family. tended not to include lessons at school, or situations in the direct presence of a +t. Although hopefully not inevitably so, it seems that formal instructional settings tendency to be inimical to emotional engagement with music, This may be se of the emphasis within such settings on achievement, success, and failure, with mcomitant threats to self-esteem and self-worth. It has the paradoxical con- ‘ace that people may be driven to express their deepest znd most personal relation- with music in private, or in supportive peer reference groups outside, and hidden the formal educational process. Everyday music use as self-therapy preceding paragraphs, we have seen much evidence of music being used deliber- and consciously to achieve psychological outcomes which are reflected in ‘nal change. Music clearly is used by people to make them feel better or different, p them accomplish or attune themselves to some concurrent or anticipated y. These kinds of activity have sometimes been, perhaps rather glibly, cited as Ales of ‘self-therapy’ (Sloboda 198%b, 1992). However, therapy, as understood by ists, is not simply about manipulation of emotions, itis about helping the indi- in therapy to develop more appropriate and functional responses to the problems 1g (cf. Bayne & Nicolson 1993; Bunt & Pavlicevic, this volume). There is almost agin the literature on everyday uses of music that would count as strong evidence articular self-chosen music improves problem solving or decision making, as sted to:no music, or different music. It would be an interesting study to ask people ly themselves any self-chosen music for a period of time, and compare their nent on a number of psychological measures to that found during normal music 53M would seem to be particularly well suited to the measurement ofthe effects of ranipulations. ‘ever, the strong claims made by users of music ina wide range of studies, ted by subjective and anecdotal evidence, make it likey that such effects do exist, gh the mechanisms by which they are mediated are poorly theorized. There is, et, one very plausible class of mechanisms by which music could have a thera- effect. Much is made in the literature about ‘everyday’ psychological disorders, 5 depression or the effect of cognitive set or narrowing. A depressed person is ‘ocked in a cycle of negative and self-defeating cognitiens, unable to call to mind ole alternatives to the narrow circle of linked aversive scenarios (Blaney 1986; « & Williams 1998). These cognitions are also often accompanied by anomalous of arousal, such as high anxiety, insomnia, or lethargy. Well-chosen pieces of may be able to help individuals break out of such cycles by the specific combina 18 Ii ex th inEMOTIONS IN EVERYDAY LISTENING TO MUSIC 427 rinsic cues may remind the person of situations, scenarios, people, and emotions ‘outside the closed loop of the pathological state. Intrinsic cues (the ebb and flow ension, resolution, expectancy, etc.) may provide means for altering arousal states in ive directions. In addition, the unique capacity of music to engender emotional ase (asin crying; see Sloboda & Juslin, this volume) may be in itself therapeutic. For cons that are not well understood, emotional release agpears to assist psychological ustment (through a process sometimes called catharsis, eg. Davis 1988). A fuller -king out of some of these ideas in the context of music's role in spirituality is vided by Sloboda (2000). 7 Conclusion a significant feature of many of the emotional feelings and displays that individuals rience in relation to the everyday musical scenarios that we have outlined that jough they may occur in solitude, their point of reference is the relationship between ‘music user and others. Although viewed as essentially ‘private’ experiences, involv- ‘a great deal of autonomy or agency, emotional feelings and displays are deeply bedded in a social context, which exerts a powerful influence (albeit often implicitly) our music listening, Reliving past relationships, constructing identity, using music to hon off” emotions that are not for public presentation: all of these depend on, and used to negotiate and develop, the complex web of cognitions and behaviours that stitute sociallife.Assuch,music becomes partof the construction of emotional feelings {displays that are both reflective and communicative ‘embodied! judgments used to omplish particular social acts. In other words, musical emotions are a form of social resentation, which is negotiated as an interaction between culturalfideological ues of a society, the values and beliefs operating in a socal grouping or subculture in t society, and the individiua’s own social and personal experience. Our research highlights the importance of studying emotional feelings and displays as ‘tof a sequence of everyday music listening based on conventions and rules of a par- ilar social context and the unfolding episodes in which they occur. Our recent study oboda etal, 2001) involving electronic pagers and self-eports (experience sampling, thod) provides one approach which may be used to capture individuals’ subjective seriences of emotions during ‘eal, evolving musical episodes. Another possibilty is approach the analysis of episodes involving music an¢ emotion in a similar way to w we might analyse conversations in discursive psychology. This is not to say that we ould analyse the actual vocabulary used by individuals to define emotion words in ation to music. Rather, a ‘discourse’ in this sense can be thought of as a kind of frame reference, a conceptual framework in which our emotional feelings and displays can interpreted. One method of discursive analysis which nay prove particularly useful the study of music and emotions is what has been referred to asthe ‘positioning triad’ : Harré & van Langenhove 1999). It consists of three elements: (a) the story (or con- 1) of an evolving episode; (b) the relative positions of individuals in terms of the Itural/social conventions involved in speaking (and listening) during or about the isode, displaying judgments, and/or expressing acts and (c) the social act the episodeMUSIC AND EMOTION \Llife, evolving situations that could be used by researchers seeking to identify and er our understanding of the role of music and the people engaging in emotional ys. wever, a word of caution may be necessary. Most of us are not aware of the fact ur musical activities are completely enmeshed in a social and cultural world. cngagement with music leads us to ‘forget’ or become unaware of the grounds on 1 our feelings and behaviours are based. This ‘forgetting’ is the product of years ining, socialization, and the institutionalization of music. Not only have our al practices become routine and invisible, but as musicians and psychologists we tmited in our ability to describe musical materials in a way that is free of the aptions and biases associated with our own experiences and training. For exam- rere are many examples of research where specific discourses involving musico- \Ucharacterizations of emotions (e.g. reference to specific musical works or to ural and symbolic features of these works) are introduced before an attempt is to characterize the user’s emotional responses in rection to them. In doing so, tinue to perpetuate the historical projections and sccial preoccupations of the 4s professional elites that have dominated the work of defining what music is “hat it is for, not only for themselves but for the wider culture. By turning our ion to the role of emotional ‘work’ in relation to music, which takes into account ‘ual subjective experience of both emotional feelings and displays as they occur ryday evolving situations, it might be possible to retrieve some of these forgot- «hidden? practices. Only by revealing the meanings associated with our evalua- udgments embedded within a particular context or general conceptual ‘work, can we hope to gain a better understanding of te complexity of emotions tusic in everyday life ‘ences R, & Nicolson, P (1993), Counselling and psychology for health professionals. London: oman & Hall, » LH, (1986). Affect and memory: a review. Pychological Buietin, 99, 229-46. ‘ys W. (1995). Career stress and performance anxiety in profesional orchestra musicians: A of individual differences and their impact on therapeutic ouscomes. Unpublished doctoral tation, University of Keele, England, + (1995). An introduction 10 social constructionism. 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