Ciências Do Desenvolvimento 2.6
Ciências Do Desenvolvimento 2.6
Ciências Do Desenvolvimento 2.6
Development
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What is This?
Behavioural genetics will continue to ow into the mainstream of behavioural research as more
behavioural scientists incorporate this approach in their research. Future research will go beyond
simply asking whether and how much genetic factors inuence behaviour to ask questions about
development, about relations among traits, and about the interplay between nature and nurture. The
identication of specic genes associated with behaviour will make it possible for behavioural
scientists to ask more precise questions about how genotypes become phenotypes.
perspective. Entire disciplines within the social and beha- yields a genetic structure that corresponds to its phenotypic
vioural sciences—such as economics, education, and sociol- structure (Loehlin, 1992).
ogy—are still essentially untouched by genetic research. Two other general directions for multivariate genetic
The greatest need is for quantitative genetic research that research are links between the normal and the abnormal and
goes beyond heritability, that is, beyond asking whether and between behaviour and biology. Adifferent type of multivariate
how much genetic factors are important in behavioural genetic analysis can address the extent to which genetic and
development. We need to address the mechanisms by which environmental effects on disorders are merely the quantitative
genetic factors have their ubiquitous effect on behaviour. How extremes of the same genetic and environmental factors that
do genetic effects unfold developmentally? What are the affect the rest of the distribution (DeFries & Fulker, 1985;
biological pathways between genes and behaviour? How do DeFries, Gillis, & Wadsworth, 1998). Or are disorders
nature and nurture interact and correlate? These three different in kind, not just in quantity, from the causes of the
directions for genetic research—developmental genetics, multi- normal range of behaviour? The surprise from such research so
variate genetics, and ‘‘environmental’’ genetics—will play an far is that the former seems to be the rule (Deater-Deckard,
increasingly important role in future behavioural genetic Reiss, Hetherington, & Plomin, 1997) with a few exceptions
research that goes beyond heritability. (e.g., Dale et al., 1998). This nding—which implies that there
may be no disorders, just the extremes of normal dimensions—
is of great relevance to molecular genetic studies of behaviour,
Developmental genetics as discussed later.
Finally, multivariate genetic analysis also can be used to
Developmental genetics considers change as well as continuity
explicate the mechanisms by which genetic factors inuence
during development throughout the lifespan. Two types of
behaviour by assessing genetic overlap between behaviour and
developmental questions can be asked. First, do genetic and
biological processes, such as hormones, neurotransmitters, and
environmental components of variance change during devel-
brain imaging. For example, despite the increasing use of
opment? The most striking example to date involves general
cortisol assays in developmental research, there has been no
cognitive ability (g). Genetic effects become increasingly
quantitative genetic research on cortisol or its links with the
important throughout the lifespan (McClearn, et al., 1997)
behavioural adjustment. Similarly, in the cognitive realm, there
and shared environmental effects that make siblings growing
has as yet been no quantitative genetic research on neuro-
up in the same family similar in terms of g are important in
imaging measures and their relationship to cognitive perfor-
childhood but are negligible after adolescence (McGue, 1993).
mance (Kosslyn & Plomin, in press).
The second type of question concerns the role of genetic
and environmental factors in age-to-age change and continuity
during development. Using g again as an example, we nd a
surprising degree of genetic continuity from childhood to ‘‘Environmental’’ genetics
adulthood. However, some evidence has been found for
Genetic research has made some of the most important
genetic change as well, for example, during the transition from
discoveries about the environment in recent decades, especially
early to middle childhood when formal schooling begins
about nonshared environment and the role of genetics in
(Fulker, Cherny, & Cardon, 1993).
experience. More discoveries about environmental mechan-
isms can be predicted as the environment continues to be
investigated in the context of genetically sensitive designs.
Multivariate genetics Much remains to be learned about interactions and correla-
Multivariate genetic research addresses the covariance between tions between nature and nurture.
traits rather than the variance of each trait considered by itself. Perhaps the single most important nding from genetic
A surprising multivariate genetic nding in the cognitive realm research is that the way the environment works in development
is that the same genetic factors affect most cognitive abilities must be very different from the way it has been thought to
(Plomin & Petrill, 1997). These ndings will need to be taken work. Instead of making two children growing up in the same
into account in cognitive neuroscience which currently family similar to one another, which is what theories of
emphasises modularity, a view of cognitive processes that are socialisation generally assume, genetic research shows that
specic and independent (e.g. Pinker, 1994). Even more environmental inuences that affect behavioural development
interesting is the multivariate genetic nding that genetic operate to make children in the same family different (Plomin
factors that affect school achievement are the same genetic & Daniels, 1987). We know this, for example, because
factors that inuence cognitive abilities (Wadsworth, 1994). genetically unrelated children growing up in the same adoptive
For psychopathology, one of the most important multivariate family scarcely resemble each other for personality, psycho-
genetic results is that the same genetic factors are involved in pathology, and cognitive abilities after adolescence. Other
anxiety and depression (Kendler, Neale, Kessler, Heath, & behavioural genetic results converge on this surprising conclu-
Eaves, 1992), suggesting that this traditional division in sion that growing up in the same family does not make siblings
affective disorders needs to be rethought. In developmental similar for environmental reasons (Plomin, Chipuer, &
psychopathology, such genetic comorbidity seems to be the Neiderhiser, 1994). Siblings are similar of course, but for
rule rather than the exception (Rutter et al., 1999b). Multi- genetic rather than environmental reasons. The environment is
variate genetic research will contribute to a genetic (rather than important, but environmental inuences operate to make
symptom-based) nosology of psychopathology based on children in the same family different, not similar. This topic
genetic constellations (comorbidity) and components (hetero- is called ‘‘nonshared environment’’ because these environ-
geneity) of psychopathology. Unlike cognitive abilities
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psychopathology, research on self-report personality generally same family.
32 PLOMIN / BEHAVIOURAL GENETICS IN THE 21S T CENTURY
This nding does not mean that family environment is Pike, McGuire, Hetherington, Reiss, & Plomin, 1996). Much
unimportant. What it means is that environmental inuences remains to be explored in this territory of the nature of nurture,
in development have their effect on an individual-by-individual which supports a more active model of the environment in
basis rather than on a family-by-family basis. The key question which children select, modify and construct (and reconstruct
is why children growing up in the same family are so different. in perception and memory) their experiences.
Nonshared environment is a crucible for environmental
research. Unless an environmental variable can be shown to
be experienced differently by siblings growing up in the same Molecular genetics
family, it cannot be an important environmental predictor of
developmental outcomes. The discovery of the importance of The behavioural sciences are at the dawn of a new era in which
nonshared environment has sparked research in psychology molecular genetic techniques will revolutionise genetic re-
that studies more than one child per family and asks why they search by identifying specic genes that contribute to genetic
turn out so differently. variance for complex dimensions and disorders. The quest is to
The largest study of nonshared environment, begun over a nd, not the gene for a trait, but the multiple genes (called
decade ago, is the Nonshared Environment of Adolescent quantitative trait loci, QTLs) that affect the trait as probabil-
Development (NEAD) project (Reiss, Neiderhiser, Hether- istic propensities, not as predetermined programming (Plomin,
ington, & Plomin, in press). The results from NEAD showed Owen, & McGufn, 1994). The breathtaking pace of
that differences in family experiences were strongly related to molecular genetics, such as the Human Genome Project’s
differences in adjustment outcomes in the adolescent siblings. efforts towards sequencing the entire 3.5 billion bases of DNA
However, one of the reasons why siblings growing up in the in the human genome in the next two years or so, leads me to
same family are so different is genetics—siblings are 50% predict that behavioural scientists will routinely use DNA
similar genetically but this also means that they are 50% markers in their research in order to ask more precise questions
different genetically. For this reason, the NEAD study was about how genotypes become phenotypes. QTLs, or at least
embedded in a genetically sensitive design that included chromosomal regions that harbour QTLs, are being found for
identical and fraternal twins, full siblings, half siblings, and personality (Hamer & Copeland, 1998); reading disability
genetically unrelated siblings. NEAD results suggest that (Fisher et al., 1999a; Gayán et al., 1999), and g (Chorney
siblings are treated differently because adolescents’ genetically et al., 1998; Fisher et al., 1999b), in addition to the main area
inuenced patterns of adjustment elicit or evoke different of research in psychopathology (e.g. Rutter et al., 1999b).
responses from their parents. In other words, differences in Although attention is focused now on nding genes
parental treatment do not cause the differences in adolescent associated with behaviour, few behavioural scientists are likely
adjustment by means of nonshared environment. to join the hunt for genes because it is difcult and expensive.
The big question for future research is this: If family However, once genes are identied, it is easy and inexpensive
environment is not responsible for nonshared environment, to use them in order to ask questions about development at the
what is? One possibility is that nonshared environment lies behavioural level of analysis (Plomin & Rutter, 1998). In 1993,
outside the family. A reasonable candidate in adolescence is the rst QTL identied for behaviour was a gene for
differential experiences with peers, which is the theme of a cholesterol transport, called apolipoprotein-E, which is the
recent provocative book called The nurture assumption (Harris, only known predictor of late-onset Alzheimer’s disease (Corder
1998). However, the only behavioural genetic study in this area et al., 1993) and has been replicated in dozens of studies. In
suggests substantial genetic inuence on choice of peers research on dementia, it is now necessary to genotype subjects
(Manke, McGuire, Reiss, Hetherington, & Plomin, 1995). for apolipoprotein-E in order to ask whether results differ for
Although it makes sense to investigate systematic sources of individuals with and without this genetic risk factor. This is the
nonshared environment such as families and peers, we need to way in which genes will enter all areas of the behavioural
keep our minds open to the possibility that chance also sciences during the next decade.
contributes to nonshared environment in the sense of idiosyn- It is surprisingly easy and inexpensive to obtain DNAand to
cratic experiences (such as the formative experience when Bill genotype a few genes (Plomin & Rutter, 1998). For example,
Clinton as an adolescent met John Kennedy) or the subtle blood is not needed. Cheek swabs sent through the mail yield
interplay of a concatenation of events that might be thought to enough DNA to genotype thousands of DNA markers.
be chance (Dunn & Plomin, 1990). Thousands of genotypings can be conducted in a day using
NEAD is one of a dozen studies that have found genetic automated DNA sequencing mechines. Departments of
inuence on measures of the environment, a second important behavioural science will not need to have their own molecular
discovery about the environment that has emerged from genetic laboratories to do this work. There is a dramatic
genetic research. Although most research on the ‘‘nature of economy of scale involved in such high-throughput work and
nurture’’ has focused on family environment, genetic inuence companies exist that will carry out this work as well as
has also been reported for life events, social support, peers, and molecular genetic colleagues at universities for whom such
work environment (Plomin, 1994). If ostensible measures of analyses are routine. DNA assays are less expensive than
the environment are inuenced by genetic factors and if cortisol assays, which are now frequently used in behavioural
developmental outcome measures are also inuenced by science research. Also, DNA lasts indenitely, which means
genetic factors, the implication is that the links between such that DNA can be collected and stored until genes are identied
environmental measures and behavioural outcomes can be that are relevant to the research topic. The message is that
mediated by genetic factors. This is the main nding from now, not just in the next century, it is important to collect
NEAD (Reiss et al., in press) and several other studies DNA on any valuable sample.
(reviewed by Plomin, 1994; see also Downloaded Ge et fromal., 1996; at UNIV OFWhat
jbd.sagepub.com do
MICHIGAN we6,do
on May 2014with genes once they are found? The answer
O’Connor, Deater-Deckard, Fulker, Rutter, & Plomin, 1998; is functional genomics, understanding how genes work. The
INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF BEHAVIORAL DEVELOPMENT, 2000 , 24 (1), 30–34 33
molecular geneticists’ agenda for functional genomics is clear: Dale, P.S., Simonoff, E., Bishop, D.V.M., Eley, T.C., Oliver, B., Price, T.S.,
Purcell, S., Stevenson, J., & Plomin, R. (1998). Genetic inuence on language
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bottom-up perspective of molecular biology. However, as Dimensions and disorders of adolescent adjustment: A quantitative genetic
analysis of unselected samples and selected extremes. Journal of Child
behavioural scientists, we need to emphasise that the top-down Psychology and Psychiatry, 38, 515–525.
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the function of a gene. The term behavioural genomics has been Behavior Genetics, 15, 467–473.
proposed to emphasise the importance of top-down levels of DeFries, J.C., Gillis, J.J., & Wadsworth, S.J. (1998). Genes and genders: A twin
study of reading disability. In A.M. Galaburda (Ed.), Dyslexia and
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Rutter, 1998). That is, do the effects of genes change during Plomin, R., & Owen, M.J. (1999a). DNA pooling identies QTLs for general
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Fulker, D.W., Cherny, S.S., & Cardon, L.R. (1993). Continuity and change in
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This picture of the future will conrm some people’s worst nurture, and psychology (pp.77–97). Washington, DC: Psychological Associa-
fears about DNA. They fear that nding out about genetic risk tion.
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A.W., Olson, R.K., Pennington, B.F., & DeFries, J.C. (1999). Quantitative-
ways that might lead to discrimination for insurance and trait locus for specic language and reading decits on chromosome 6p.
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Kendler, K.S., Neale, M.C., Kessler, R.C., Heath, A.C., & Eaves, L.J. (1992).
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