Selma Abdelhamid

Phoenician Shipwrecks of the 8th to the 6th century B.C. –

Overview and Interim Conclusions

Recent study of Phoenician shipwrecks offered si- and a bowl found close to one another are interpreted
gnificant insights into Iron Age exchange patterns, atte- as the crew’s belongings and might indicate a cabin or
sting to a multiplicity of small and large networks condi- kitchen at the stern of the ship. In the center, several
tioned by diverse ship types, routes, markets and goods. rows of amphoras are still standing upright; the majority,
The studied period – namely the 8th to the 6th cen- however, have toppled over. Bathymetrical data shows
tury B.C. – was a crucial phase in the construction of that, when referring to an artificial baseline, the height of
the Mediterranean. Phoenicians and Greeks progres- the amphoras increases about approximately 1 meter to-
sively settled in the West, laying the groundwork for wards the center of the ship. Given an average amphora
later power- and exchange relations. However, the scar- height of 68 centimeters, it is therefore theoretically pos-
city of Phoenician seafaring testimonies and in particu- sible to assume 2 layers of amphoras at this point.
lar shipwrecks strongly limited the research possibili-
ties: until 1989 merely the wrecks in Rochelongues in The strikingly similar remnants of Elissa extend
France and Bajo de la Campana in Spain were known. over 5 x 12 meters. 396 visible amphoras are complet-
It is only later that the discovery of further ships in Spain ed by further elements probably indicating kitchen and
and then the Eastern Mediterranean as well as the re- stern, namely cooking pots, a mushroom-lipped de-
cent work resumption on the Bajo de la Campana wreck canter, a small amphora, an incense stand, and a mor-
breathed fresh air into the study of Phoenician seafaring, tarium. The Eastern area in particular is up to 1 meter
turning it into an up to date topic within maritime ar- higher than the rest, a situation induced either by a dou-
chaeology itself. On the basis of six known shipwrecks, ble amphora layer or by topographical reasons, the ship
a comparative study was made possible for the first time. having originally drafted on a slope.
Conceived as an introduction to the topic, this pa-
per will give an overview of these shipwrecks, starting On the basis of the discernible cargo, the sizes of
from east to west with Tanit and Elissa off Ashkelon, the ships were reconstructed to 6,5 x 14 meters for
then the Mazarrón ships and Bajo de la Campana in regarding Tanit, and 7 x 14,5 meters for Elissa. They
Spain and finally the wreck in Rochelongues in the thus present dimensions similar to the ships at Ulubu-
South of France. The last part will be dedicated to a
comparison of the ships and their cargo1. 1 This paper relies on a magister thesis submitted in April 2009
at the Ruprecht-Karls-Universität Heidelberg. Exhaustive in-
formation, amongst others references to objects comparable
Ships in the Eastern Mediterranean: Tanit and Elissa to items found on the ships, cannot be entirely reproduced
in this summary. The full text is available at the address:
The coast of Ashkelon is characterized by a rough ‹http://archiv.ub.uni-heidelberg.de/propylaeumdok/volltex-
te/2011/1003/pdf/Abdelhamid_Ostwind_2009.pdf›.
sea and a bad climate, in particular during the rise of 2 A. Faust – E. Weiss, Judah, Philistia, and the Mediterranean
the khamsin-wind in spring and autumn. Nevertheless, World: Reconstructing the Economic System of the Seventh
the city of Ashkelon turned into the most active harbor Century B.C.E., BASOR 338, 2005, 78; L. E. Stager – J. D.
of the region in the Late Bronze Age, benefiting from Schloen, Introduction: Ashkelon and its inhabitants, in: L. E.
Stager – J. D. Schloen – D. M. Master (eds), Ashkelon 1. Intro-
its position at the junction of several land- and sea duction and overview (1985–2006). Final reports of the Leon
routes between the Levant, Mesopotamia and Egypt2. Levy Expedition to Ashkelon 1 (Winona Lake 2008) 3. 11.
In 1997, a team looking for a submarine lost at sea 50 3 L. E. Stager, Phoenician shipwrecks and the ship Tyre (Eze-
kiel 27), in: J. Pollini, Terra marique. Studies in art history and
years ago by chance discovered the ancient shipwrecks marine archaeology in honor of Anna Marguerite Mc Cann
Tanit and Elissa at a depth of 400 m, 33 sea miles off (Oxford 2005) 238–254; L. Stager, Dos pecios fenicios en alta
the shore3. The first scientific study was carried out in mar de la costa norte del Sinai, in: Peña et al. 2004, 179–193;
L. E. Stager, Phoenician Shipwrecks in the Deep Sea, in: N. C.
1999 by means of remotely operated vehicles. Both Stampolidis – V. Karageorghis, PLOES Sea routes... Intercon-
ships are clearly visible on the generated photomosaic, nections in the Mediterranean 16th – 6th c. BC; proceedings
their contours being outlined by their amphora cargo. of the International Symposium held at Rethymnon, Crete,
September 29th – October 2nd 2002 (Athens 2003) 233–247;
R. D. Ballard – L. E. Stager – D. Master et al., Iron Age Ship-
The remains of Tanit extended over 4,5 x 11,5 me- wrecks in Deep Water off Ashkelon, Israel, AJA 106, 2002,
ters. 385 amphoras could be counted; in addition 2 pots 151–168.

1
 Selma Abdelhamid

run (15 m), Ma’agan Mikhael (13,4 meters) and Kyre-

nia (15 m)4. Similarly to the latter, their tonnages are 5 RS 20.212, also published in S. Wachsmann, Seagoing Ships
estimated at 25 tons which is much less than examples and Seamanship in the Bronze Age Levant (London 1998)
341; J. Nougayrol, Nouveaux textes accadiens de Ras-Shamra,
known from literary sources. One text found in Ugarit Comptes-rendus des séances de l’Académie des Inscriptions
could indeed indicate that Canaanean ships around et Belles-Lettres 104, 1, 1960, 165; C. M. Monroe, Vessel Vol-
1200 B.C. carried up to 450 tons5; for the first millen- umetrics and the Myth of the Cyclopean Bronze Age Ship,
Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient,
nium B.C., maximal cargoes are thought to have taken 50(1), 2007, 1–18 (‹doi:10.1163/ 156852007780323977›).
100 to 500 tons6. Furthermore, sources like the Old 6 M. E. Aubet, The Phoenicians and the West. Policits, colonies
Testament cite specific vessels like the Tarshish ships7, and trade (Cambridge 1993) 147 f.
which were cargo ships employed for trade with the 7 1 Kings 10, 22. 2 Chr. 8, 18. 2 Chr 9, 21. 2 Chr 20, 36. Isaiah
60, 9. Ez 27, 25.
still unidentified Tarshish, a half-mythical El Dorado 8 For an overview of the different theories refer to B. Treumann-
on the edge of the contemporary sphere of action. At- Watkins, Phoenicians in Spain, The Biblical Archaeologist, 55,
tempts to definitively locate Tarshish have failed, sug- 1, 1992, 32–34.
9 L. Casson, Ships and Seamanship in the Ancient World (Balti-
gesting that it might not have been a single spot but more 1995) 66.
rather a mental construct to which were, over the cen- 10 Athenaeus 7.320. 11.500 f.; Aristophanes, Birds 598; Herodo-
turies, attributed several distant market places8. Like- tus 3,136. 6,17. 8,97; Scylax, Per. 112.
11 L. Basch, Le musée imaginaire de la marine antique (Athens
wise, it is not clear if the moniker Tarshish referred only 1987) 310 ig. 654.
to the destination, or to a particular naval architecture. 12 P. Bikai, The pottery of Tyre (Warminster 1978) 47 pl. 2, 1–9;
To the contrary, ships called gauloi9 from the early Iron pl. 3, 1–5; 4, 4–6.
Age onward referred to a certain cargo ship type10, 13 A. G. Sagona, Levantine storage jars of the 13th century to the
4th century B.C., OpAth 14, 1982, 75–78 ig. 1, 2–5.
which is often equated with depictions of the early 7th 14 R. F. Docter, Archaische Transportamphoren, in: H. G. Nie-
century B.C. in the palace of Sennacherib in Ninive11. meyer – R. F. Docter – K. Schmidt – B. Bechtold (eds), Kartha-
Nevertheless, no evidence allows us to identify Tanit or go. Die Ergebnisse der Hamburger Grabung unter dem de-
cumanus maximus 2 (Mainz 2007) 644.
Elissa as a Tarshish ship or a gaulos, since we do not know 15 Z. Gal, Lower Galilee during the Iron Age (Winona Lake
anything about their building technique. 1992) 68.
16 J. W. Shaw – M. C. Shaw, Kommos 4. The Greek Sanctuary,
part 1 (Princeton 2000) 310.
The amphoras recovered from both ships are of 17 L. E. Stager, Phoenician shipwrecks and the ship Tyre (Ezekiel
the same type and present a cylindrical, slightly concave 27), in: J. Pollini, Terra marique. Studies in art history and ma-
body and a sharp shoulder. They are often termed ›Stor- rine archaeology in honor of Anna Marguerite McCann (Ox-
age Jar 5‹ after Bikai12 or ›Type 2‹ after Sagona13. Further ford 2005) 241
18 Layers VI and V, possibly only V. Consult, for instance, Y. Ya-
designations are ›class Levantine 1‹14, ›Iron Age Jar‹15, ›crisp din, Hazor 2. An Account of the Second Season of Excava-
ware‹16 or ›torpedo-shaped amphora‹17. The type is mainly tions, 1956 (Jerusalem 1960) pl. 72. 73. 90. 91. For the appurte-
known from Northern Palestine and Lebanon and was nance of the type to layer V (760–732 B.C.) refer to Bikai, see
above n.12, 49.
found in Hazor18, Sarepta19, Megiddo20, Tyre21 and even 19 Areas E and F dated to the late 9th or the mid-8th century B.C.:
Carthage22. Very few were unearthed in Spain, for in- J. B. Pritchard, Sarepta, A Preliminary Report on the Iron Age
stance in Castillo de Doña Blanca23 and Toscanos24. In (Philadelphia 1975) 92 f. pl. 26, 7; 26, 9.
20 Layers VI to I, from the 9th century B.C. on and mainly during
the Levant, these amphoras are mostly dated to the sec- the second part of the 8th century B.C.: A. G. Sagona, Levan-
ond half of the 8th century B.C. and become rare after tine storage jars of the 13th to 4th century B. C., OpAth 14,
700 B.C. As states Stager, they were »built specifically 1982, 76; R. S. Lamon – G. M. Shipton, Megiddo 1: Seasons
for maritime shipping: with a shape that allows them of 1925–1934, Strata I–V (Chicago 1939) pl. 16, 81.
21 Mainly in layer II dating to the end of the 8th century B.C.:
not only to be stacked […] but also to be recognized as Bikai, see above n. 12, 47. 67 pl. 4, 5.
a container from Phoenicia, with a consistent capacity, 22 M. Vegas, Eine archaische Keramikfüllung aus einem Haus am
and with special handles too fragile for lifting or pour- Kardo XIII in Karthago, RM 106, 1999, 395. 430 f. ig. 21,
195–199; M. Vegas, Archaische und mittelpunische Keramik
ing but just right for guide ropes used to secure the aus Karthago. Grabungen 1987/88, RM 96, 1989, 256 f.;
stacked amphoras«25. Chemical analysis attested that Docter, see above n. 14, 644.
23 D. Ruiz Mata, Castillo de Doña Blanca (Puerto de Santa
María, Prov. Cádiz). Stratigraphische Untersuchung einer
4 e. g. Ü. Yalçin, Ein Schiff macht Geschichte, in: Ü. Yalçin orientalisierenden Ansiedlung, MM 27, 1986, 96. 94 ig. 4, 8–9.
– C. Pulak – R. Slotta, Das Schiff von Uluburun. Welthan- 24 G. Maaß-Lindemann – H. Schubart – H. G. Bachmann,
del vor 3000 Jahren. Katalog der Ausstellung des Deutschen Toscanos: Die Westphönikische Niederlassung an der
Bergbau-Museums in Bochum vom 15. Juli 2005 bis 16. Juli Mündung des Río de Vélez: Grabungskampagne 1971 und
2006 (Bochum 2005) 21; M. Moity – M. Rudel – A.-X. Wurst, die importdatierte Westphönikische Grabkeramik des 7./6.
Master Seafarers. The Phoenicians and the Greeks (London Jahrhunderts v. Chr. (Berlin 1982) 64 f. 114 f. pl. 17, 678–681.
2003) 50. 122. 25 Stager, see above n. 17, 245.

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 Phoenician Shipwrecks of the 8th to the 6th century B.C. – Overview and Interim Conclusions

the amphoras retrieved in Ashkelon contained wine. In Museo-Centro Cartagena, both ships were discovered
two cases blue wool fibers were found, but they pre- and protected before their disintegration35.
sumably got into the amphoras once their seals had The remains of the ship Mazarrón-1 extended over
been washed away26. 5,50 x 1,30 meters. It was only partly preserved, but
Given that the amphoras were probably loaded in a
Levantine harbor, it is assumed that the ships were on 26 Stager, see above n. 17, 245. 247 f.
27 e. g. B. Schipper, Die Erzählung des Wenamun. Ein Literatur-
their way to the southwest, maybe to Egypt. Carthage werk im Spannungsfeld von Politik, Geschichte und Religion
has also been suggested as a possible destination. A (Fribourg 2005); H. Goedicke, The Report of Wenamun (Bal-
route even further to the West, however, seems highly timore 1975).
implausible because this amphora type is seldom found 28 Ez 27.
29 Herodotus 3, 6.
there. Moreover, literary sources attest to long-existing 30 A. Yardeni, Maritime Trade and Royal Accountancy in an
exchange relations between the Levant and Egypt, as Erased Customs Account from 475 B.C.E. on the Ahiqar
seen in the Report of Wenamun in the 11th–10th cen- Scroll from Elephantine, BASOR 293, 1994, 67–78; P. Briant
– R. Descat, Un registre douanier de la satrapie d’Égypte à
tury B.C.27, Ezekiel’s Prophecy of Tyre28, Herodotus29 l’époque achéménide, in: N. Grimal – B. Menu (eds), Le com-
or the Ahiqar scrolls which relate the activities of an merce en Égypte ancienne, Bibliothèque d’étude 121, 1998,
Egyptian harbor during the Achaemenid period30. In 59–104.
31 J. Pinedo Reyes, Inventario de yacimientos arqueológicos sub-
the Early Iron Age and archaic times, this commercial acuáticos del litoral murciano, Cuadernos der Arqueología Ma-
route was used for the transport of various goods, such rítima 4, 1996, 59 f.; J. Mas García (ed.), Historia de Cartagena
as cedar wood. An essential commodity, however, was (Murcia 1986) 166; A. Schulten, Iberische Landeskunde. Ge-
wine, which was collected from the whole of the Near ographie des antiken Spanien² (Baden-Baden 1974) 222.
32 M. M. Ros Sala, Minería y metalurgia de la plata en el asentam-
East and even Anatolia, and brought to Tyre in pithoi iento protohistórico de Punta de Los Gavilanes (Mazarrón,
using land routes. There it was filled in transport am- Murcia) I. Estudio arqueológico, in: R. Arana Castillo – A. M.
phoras and shipped to Egypt. It seems probable that Muñoz Amilibia – S. Ramallo Asensio et al. (eds), Metalurgia
en la península ibérica durante el primer milenio a. C. Estado
Tanit and Elissa were part of this traffic. That they actual de la investigación (Murcia 1993) 208 f.
were found quite close to one another could even in- 33 M. M. Ros Sala, Asentamiento protohistórico de Punta de los
dicate that they belonged to a fleet and sank at the Gavilanes, in: R. Arana Castillo – A. M. Muñoz Amilibia – S.
Ramallo Asensio et al. (eds), Metalurgia en la península ibé-
same moment. rica durante el primer milenio a. C. Estado actual de la inves-
tigación (Murcia 1993) 251; S. W. Meier, Blei in der Antike.
Ships in the western Mediterranean: Mazarrón-1 Bergbau, Verhüttung, Fernhandel (Zug 1995) 58; C. Correa
and -2, Bajo de la Campana and Rochelongues Cifuentes, Presencia fenicia en la transición Bronze Final Re-
ciente – Hierro Antiguo en el entorno de la Rambla de las
Moreras. Mazarrón (Murcia), in: A. González Blanco – G.
A strongly differing image is given by the ships Matilla Séiquer – A. Egea Vivancos (eds), El mundo púnico:
found in Spain. The coast between Cape Gata and religión, antropología y cultura material; actas II. Congreso In-
ternacional del Mundo Púnico, Cartagena 6–9 abril de 2000
Cape Palos is a succession of sandy beaches and natu- (Murcia 2004) 485.
ral harbors, but at the same time it is known for its high 34 I. Negueruela – J. Pinedo – M. Gómez et al., Descubrimiento
risks due to wind, cliffs, and sand banks31. The region de dos barcos fenicios en Mazarrón (Murcia), in: M. E. Aubet
– M. Barthélemy (eds), Actas del IV Congreso Internacional
is rich in metals, mainly lead, iron, copper, and silver, de estudios fenicios y púnicos. Cádiz, 2 al 6 de Octubre de
which were all extracted since the Bronze Age32. In 1995 (Cádiz 2000) 1672.
Mazarrón in particular there are three important min- 35 I. Negueruela – J. Pinedo – M. Gómez et al., see above n. 34,
ing districts, which seem to have been exploited since 1671–1679. Publications referring to Mazarrón-1: C. Gómez
– Gil Aizpurua – J. L. Sierra Méndez, Extracción y tratami-
Phoenician times33. There are indeed many Phoenician entos del barco fenicio (barco 1) de la Playa de la Isla (Puerto
remains, for instance in the shallow waters of the Playa de Mazarrón, Mazarrón), Cuadernos de Arqueología Marítima
de la Isla, where a huge amount of ceramic was col- 3, 1996, 217–225; I. Negueruela – J. Pinedo – M. Gómez et
al., Seventh-century BC Phoenician vessel discovered at Pla-
lected. More than 50% of these are Phoenician, which ya de la Isla, Mazarrón, Spain, IJNA 24, 3, 1995, 189–197; I.
attests to intensive maritime traffic from the 7th century Negueruela, Continúan las excavaciones en el barco fenicio
B.C. onward34. Due to geomorphologic phenomena, de Mazarrón, RAMadrid 165, 1995, 63; B. Roldán Bernal – J.
Perera Rodríguez – J. Santos B. Frutos et al., El fondeadero de
the area between island and beach silted up in the sec- la Playa de la Isla. Avance preliminar, in: A. González Blanco
ond half of the first millennium B.C. Two shipwrecks – J. L. Cunchillos Ilarri – M. Molina Martos (eds), El mundo
were conserved under the sediment until the 1980’s, púnico: Historia, sociedad y cultura (Murcia 1994) 503–516.
when the construction of a harbor changed the local Publications referring to Mazarrón-2: I. Negueruela – R.
González Gallero – M. San Claudio et al., Mazarrón-2: el barco
marine dynamics and induced the uncovering of the fenicio del siglo VII a. C. Campaña de noviembre 1999/maro
remains. Thanks to regular surveys conducted by the 2000, in: A. González Blanco – G. Matilla Séiquer – A. Egea

3
 Selma Abdelhamid

provided precious information about the building tech- named after Trayamar in Spain, or R1 after Rachgoun
nique, which was surprisingly advanced. In contrast to in Algeria, which is the characteristic amphora of West-
contemporary or even later ships, whose hulls were ern Phoenicians from the 8th century B.C. onward. It
sewn, the planks of Mazarrón-1 are joined with pegged is, however, often found in contexts of the 7th century
mortises and tenons. The frames, although lashed, no B.C.39. Although there are several production centers,
longer function as support; they appear to be rather a the specimens found in Mazarrón are most similar to
technological holdover than a necessity. Furthermore, amphoras made in the south of Spain. All in all, most
it has been observed that several wood types were em- of the findings are dated to the 7th or 6th century B.C.
ployed according to functional requirements, as is de- The ship was probably used on a regional scale, as sug-
scribed in literary sources like Ezekiel36 or Theophras- gested by its small proportions. It probably sunk when
tus37: the keel, as the core of the ship on which the it ran aground on a sand bank.
mortise-and-tenon joints conferred all kinds of inter-
actions like water pressure, wind or weight of the car- Mazarrón-2 was discovered only 50 meters away in
go, was made of hard cedar wood. The resistant tenons 1994. It is almost completely preserved. The building
were made of olive, which was both sturdy and easy technique and its size of 8,15 x 2,25 meters are similar
to carve. The planks were made of pine-tree and the to Mazarrón-1. A small part in the west had been plun-
frames of fig-tree, a wood so fragile that it is not even dered; the rest was left untouched and revealed 2800 kg
used for furniture. That it was employed on Mazarrón-1 of concreted lead ingots. These might have been pro-
again underscores the idea that the frames were placed duced near Mazarrón, a hypothesis reinforced by the
in a decorative and traditional manner rather than for metal’s whitish color, which was also noted by M. M.
reinforcement. As regards the findings, ropes were Ros Sala when describing scoriae collected at near-by
found on board the ship and identified as made of es- Punta de los Gavilanes40. In addition, a fluke anchor
parto grass, a plant growing in different parts of the was situated next to the bow and identified as the earli-
Western Mediterranean, and also in Mazarrón. More est known anchor of this type. Next to the mast were
problematic are the ceramics, which collected over the found the fragments of a Trayamar-1 amphora, for
years in the bay of the Playa de la Isla. Despite almost which petrographic analysis indicates a production in
20% of them being Roman or modern, the excavators southern Spain. Further findings were an esparto-grass
consider the Phoenician ceramics as coming from the basket and ropes, the imprints of two organic contain-
Mazarrón-1 ship and use them for its dating and re- ers, a wooden handle, and a stick with the attached re-
construction of its route: »Dado que la estructura de mains of a rope, as well as a grinding stone and animal
la embarcación que denominamos B-1 apareció muy bones. The ceramics recovered on board, along with
incompleta, abierta, e prácticamente sin cargamento, the radiocarbon data, point toward a date in the second
trabajamos con la hipótesis de que todo o gran parte half of the 7th century B.C.
del material cerámico proceda de esta embarcación«38. A few kilometers further to the northeast lay the
Therefore, they take for granted that a ship must have remains of a ship at Bajo de la Campana, next to the
had a cargo, which must have spread over the seabed
during the wrecking and is thus retraceable. They do Vivancos (eds), El mundo púnico: religión, antropología y
not take into account that the ship could also have been cultura material; actas II. Congreso Internacional del Mundo
empty while lying at harbor, unloaded while navigat- Púnico, Cartagena 6–9 abril de 2000 (Murcia 2004), 453–483;
ing, or that the ceramics could be the cargoes of other I. Negueruela, Hacia la comprensión de la construcción naval
fenicia según el barco “Mazarrón-2” del siglo VII a.C, in: V.
ships that have yet to be discovered or perhaps that the Peña – C. G. Wagner – A. Mederos, La navegación fenicia: tec-
ceramics represent remains of jettison, that is, cargo nología naval y derroteros; encuentro entre marinos, arqueól-
discarded by ships in danger of sinking. However, the ogos e historiadores (Madrid 2004) 227–278.
36 Ez 27, 5–6.
discovery of the second ship demonstrates that the bay 37 Theoph. h. plant. 5, 7, 2–3.
was an area frequented in Phoenician times, in which 38 I. Negueruela – J. Pinedo – M. Gómez et al., see above n. 34,
more than one wrecking had taken place, and makes, in 1672.
39 For an overview refer to V. M. Guerrero Ayuso – B. Roldán
my opinion, the identification of the ceramics with the Bernal, Catálogo de ánforas prerromanas (Cartagena 1992)
cargo of Mazarrón-1 quite likely. These pieces, which 17–27.
are of multiple forms, can at best give general indica- 40 M. M. Ros Sala, Asentamiento protohistórico de Punta de los
tions about the harbor Mazarrón in a period when it Gavilanes, in: R. Arana Castillo – A. M. Muñoz Amilibia – S.
Ramallo Asensio et al. (eds), Metalurgia en la península ibé-
had commercial relationships with southern Spain. rica durante el primer milenio a. C. Estado actual de la investi-
Indeed, the amphoras belong to the type Trayamar-1 gación (Murcia 1993) 223.

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 Phoenician Shipwrecks of the 8th to the 6th century B.C. – Overview and Interim Conclusions

Isla Grosa at the entrance to the lagoon Mar Menor. which surely existed in the mining region. Possibly, the
The archaeological artifacts were discovered in the late ingots could have then been carried to the south coast
1950’s by workers dynamiting a reef to retrieve steel on a larger ship.
belonging to modern shipwrecks. Roughly studied
in 1972 and then 198841, the site is now investigated The shipwreck at Rochelongues in the south of
since 2008 by the Institute of Nautical Archaeology, France is also related to metallurgy, although indi-
the National Museum of Underwater Archaeology and rectly48. It was discovered in a depth of only 8 meters
Texas A&M University42. It has yielded the remains of during prospection work in 1961. Over a period of 9
one Phoenician, one Punic, and at least one Roman years, 1700 artifacts and 800 kg of copper ingots were
shipwreck. The Phoenician findings include ceramics, collected. They were spread over a rectangular surface
one of which is an ovoid amphora of the type Ramón of 25 x 14 meters and organized into groups, so that
T-2.1.1.243, which is a characteristic type for the central it is assumed that they were originally stored in per-
Mediterranean in the second part of the 7th and the ishable containers. Moreover, an unknown number of
first part of the 6th century B.C.44. Prominent findings tin and lead tablets as well as galena were recovered.
are ivory tusks, some of which bear inscriptions.
41 A. Mederos – L. A. Ruiz Cabrero, El pecio fenicio del Bajo de
These three ships can be placed into a general con- la Campana (Murcia, España) y el comercio del maril nortea-
text in southern Spain, which has important Phoeni- fricano, Zephyrus 57, 2004, 263–281; B. Roldán Bernal – A.
cian settlements. Gadir on the Atlantic Ocean was an Miñano Domínguez – M. Martín Camino, El yacimiento arque-
essential stopover on the Iberian silver and copper ológico subacuático de »El bajo de la Campana«, in: A. Mñano
Domínguez – M. Martín Camino (eds), Actas del 21. Congreso
route. Once mining and smelting had been carried out nacional de arqueología, Teruel, 8.–10.10.1991 (Arragón 1995)
by locals in exchange for items such as Levantine olive 965–764; B. Roldán Bernal – M. Martín Camino – M. A. Pérez
oil and wine, the metals were shipped to Tyre, Greece, Bonet, El yacimiento submarino del Bajo de la Campana (Cart-
agena, Murcia). Catálogo y estudio de los materiales arque-
and other centers of the Mediterranean. Even though ológicos, Cuadernos de Arqueología Marítima 3, 1995, 11–61.
the southeast coast of Iberia never became as impor- 42 Directors and Friends visit the Excavation in Spain, INA
tant as the region of Gadir, it contained several mines Quarterly 35, 2, 2008, 5; M. Polzer, Spain. Bajo de la Campana.
Phoenician Shipwreck Excavation, INA Quarterly 35, 3, 2008,
and specialized centers like Morro de Mezquitilla in the 14; INA Projects. Spain. Bajo de la Campan Phoenician Ship-
8th century or Toscanos in the 7th century B.C. Apart wreck Excavation, INA Quarterly 36, 1, 2009, 8; M. Polzer,
from the island Ibiza, the coast near Murcia had been, Hard Rocks, Heavy Metals. A Report from Bajo de la Cam-
until a few years ago, not much considered in Phoe- pana, INA Quarterly 36, 3, 2009, 10; INA Projects, Spain. Bajo
de la Campana Phoenician Shipwreck Excavation, INA Quar-
nician archaeology45. Later, however, it was suggested terly 37, 1, 2010, 8; M. Polzer – J. Piñedo Reyes, INA Projects,
that a Phoenician settlement existed in Guardamar del Spain. Bajo de la Campana Phoenician Shipwreck Excavation,
Segura46, and furthermore, a multitude of new findings INA Quarterly 37, 2–3, 2010, 20.
43 J. Ramón Torres, Las ánforas fenicio-púnicas del Mediterráneo
have proven that Phoenicians had commercial relation- Central y Occidental (Barcelona 1995) 56 f. (3.2.79) 178. 515
ships in this area, as is visible from the late 8th century ig. 152, 77.
and early 7th century B.C. in Los Saladares (Orihuela), 44 B. Roldán Bernal – M. Martín Camino – M. A. Pérez Bonet,
El yacimiento submarino del Bajo de la Campana (Cartagena,
La Peña Negra (Crevillente), and Monastil (Elda)47. In- Murcia). Catálogo y estudio de los materiales arqueológicos,
digenous settlements in turn demonstrate that foreign Cuadernos de Arqueología Marítima 3, 1995, 14.
influences adapted to the local life way, as is visible in 45 For an overview of the Phoenician history on the Iberian Pen-
the ceramics production. The needs of metal process- insula refer to M. E. Aubet, The Phoenicians and the West.
Politics, colonies and trade (Cambridge 1993).
ing seem to have been answered by a restructuring of 46 A. M. Poveda Navarro, Primeros datos sobre las inluencias
the region creating large free spaces. Most obvious evi- fenicio-púnicas en el corredor del Vinalopó (Alicante), in:
dence for contact with Phoenicians is the import of A. González Blanco – G. Matilla Séiquer – A. Egea Vivan-
cos (eds), El mundo púnico: religión, antropología y cultura
ceramics, which can be divided into an initial phase of material. Actas II. Congreso Internacional del Mundo Púnico,
intermittent trade and a later period characterized by Cartagena 6–9 abril de 2000 (Murcia 2004) 489–502.
regular exchange. The findings in the bay of the Playa 47 M. Martín Camino, Colonización Fenicia y Presencia Púnica
en Murcia, in: A. González Blanco – J. L. Cunchillos Ilarri –
de la Isla correspond to this scheme. In addition, the M. Molina Martos (eds), El mundo púnico: historia, sociedad
shipwreck Mazarrón-2 shows that lead from Murcia’s y cultura (Cartagena, 17–19 de noviembre de 1990) (Murcia
mining area was shipped. It certainly had a pre-defined 1994) 293–395
destination, and that the ship was so small and heavily 48 A. Bouscaras, La cargaison des bronzes de Rochelongues
(Agde, Hérault), RStLig 33, 1967, 173–184; A. Bouscaras,
loaded makes a short trajectory realistic. It could have L’épave des bronzes de Rochelongues, Archéologia 39, 2,
been on its way to a local stocking and smelting center, 1971, 68–73.

5
 Selma Abdelhamid

Even though some artifacts are comparable to objects the metals and ingots in particular could provide valu-
known from Spain49, they generally constitute a large able information.
assortment of bronze objects which could be found
in settlements and necropolises of southern France, Conclusion
from tools to weapons and jewelry. The tools especially
were interpreted as personal possessions of a black- The presented shipwrecks differ by type, size,
smith, who at the same time was assumed to have hired cargo and route. However, recurrent elements can be
the ship to collect scrap metal from all over the coast. compared.
There is, however, no evidence for any special treat- First of all, a series of objects which were found
ment of these metal processing tools: probably were on all ships, with the exception of Rochelongues, are
they on board because of their material value, having assumed to have been used by the crew, in particular
been collected like the other things. ceramics and above all coarse wares. The cases of Tanit
In this part of France, metallurgical processing and Elissa, on which few utilitarian ceramics were found
seems to have started in the 8th century B.C. There is in the presence of a huge quantity of similar ampho-
evidence for the collecting of scrap metal, which was ras, are particularly obvious: it is highly improbable that
traded like a raw material50. Settlements were located these rare and often unique objects were destined for
next to the copper mines in the hinterland and soon de- exchange. Use wear is not reported but would, if noted,
veloped exchange relations to the coast, where bronze underscore this aspect. Even though the basic data is
objects and smelting tools are attested. From the sec- limited, a few preliminary hypotheses can be proposed.
ond half of the 6th century B.C. onward there appeared First, it is interesting that cooking pots were found on
the “dépôts launaciens”, a series of hoards which mainly Tanit and Elissa while they are missing in Mazarrón,
contained copper and bronze, and amongst which were where there were only ceramic and organic contain-
found items made of recycled metals51. It is unclear ers. This might advance the supposition that the cargo
which merchants were involved in the metals trade. For ships had a cabin or kitchen and went for long journeys
a long time, the idea of Phoenicians in southern Gaul without having to go ashore, whereas the smaller boats
had been disputed because of missing evidence. There undertook short trips which did not require cooking
are, however, clear indications for exchange relations on board. In addition, a few items which were repeat-
between southern Gaul and Spain, since Gaulish ob- edly found could indicate that they belonged to basic
jects have been found in the Ebro valley and next to ship equipment: not only anchors and ropes, but also
Ampurias52. Most of these items date to the 6th cen- mortaria and grinding stones55 recovered on at least
tury B.C., while some are older, so it can be assumed
that this connection was established at least in the 7th 49 For instance ibulae similar to a type of the mid-6th century
century B.C. On the Languedoc side, a strong Iberian B.C. known from Agullana, Spain: P. de Palol, La necrópolis
hallstáttica de Agullana (Gerona) (Madrid 1958) 73 ig. 3. 213.
influence can be noted during the following 200 years 50 J. Ruiz de Arbulo Bayona, Santuarios y comercio marítimo en
via the ceramics, weapons, and craftwork, thus dem- la península ibérica durante la época arcaica, Quaderns de Pre-
onstrating that this was a two-way exchange53. The in- història i arqueologia de Castelló 18, 1997, 520.
51 D. Garcia, Le territoire d’Agde grecque et l’occupation du sol
volved merchants probably were locals, Phoenicians en Languedoc central durant l’Age du fer, in: P. Arcelin – M.
and Greeks. Etruscans can be excluded from regular Bats – D. Garcia et al. (eds), Sur les pas des Grecs en Occi-
trade given the rarity of Etruscan objects in Spain. dent… Hommages à André Nickels. Collection études mas-
Nevertheless, they were present in the south of France, saliètes 4 = Travaux du Centre Camille-Jullian 15 (Paris 1995)
140–143.
which is underscored in particular by the Etruscan 52 O. Arteaga – J. Padró – E. Sanmartí, La expansión fenicia por
shipwreck found near Antibes54. The vessel at Roch- las costas de Cataluña y del Languedoc, AulaOr 4, 1986, 303–
elongues is also sometimes referred to as Etruscan. 314.
53 For instance B. Dedet, Le premier âge du fer dans le Langue-
However, there is more evidence for a link with Phoe- doc méditerranéen, in: J.-P. Mohen (ed.), Le temps de la préhis-
nician Spain, since the recovered Iberian items indicate toire 1 (Dijon 1989) 456.
that it passed by the Iberian coast, which could have 54 C. Albore Livadie, L’épave étrusque du Cap d’Antibes, RstLig
33, 1967, 300–326.
been the starting point of the journey. Perhaps it was 55 The same remark can be made for later ships, for instance of
related to the Phoenician metal trade, and its cargo des- the Roman world, and on which grinding stones are very often
tined to some collecting center in Catalonia, possibly found. Sometimes, however, they can be interpreted as trade
on the south coast. Nevertheless, uncertainties remain items, like on the shipwreck in Kyrenia. H. Wylde Swiny – M.
L. Katzev, The Kyrenia Shipwreck: A fourth-century B.C.
and the shipwreck has been interpreted only on the ba- Greek Merchant Ship, in: D. Blackman (ed.) Marine Archaeol-
sis of the recovered artifacts. In the future, analysis of ogy (London 1973) 342.

6
 Phoenician Shipwrecks of the 8th to the 6th century B.C. – Overview and Interim Conclusions

2 wrecks (Elissa, Mazarron-2), and perhaps amphoras Future prospects

for drinking water, as it has been suggested that the
amphora at Bajo de la Campana was tied to the mast. Amongst the aspects quickly deserving further in-
Furthermore, all the ships were mainly used for vestigation, the provenience of raw materials and arti-
carrying freight. The cargoes were homogeneous in facts is a priority. Indeed, the limits of traditional meth-
four of six cases, thus indicating a specialization of the ods have been reached in the past years. Even though
merchant, the planning and organization of journeys petrographic analysis, for example, can tell where am-
for specific trade items, or possibly even a single ini- phoras were produced, it does not reveal where their
tiator and destination. The traded products often were contents came from59 – an essential question in particu-
not Phoenician, which emphasizes the role of these lar when relating to Phoenicians who are often attested
merchants as middlemen. to have acted as middlemen collecting their wares from
In addition, these ships tell us essential information several places. However, there have been recent inno-
about their routes. That two similar wrecks were found vations in these fields. New methods in molecular bi-
in Ashkelon indicate that they were sailing as a fleet, ology for instance allow the detection an empty jar’s
possibly for better protection against pirates or storms, former contents by studying DNA that penetrated into
or because a large amount of goods had to be delivered the clay60. In the field of raw materials, several projects
at the same time. Besides, it is certainly of importance have been started for the constitution of databases,
that the three wrecks in Spain were located on the main thus collecting, for example, information about metal
sailing route between Tyre and Huelva, which was an items and mines61. Indeed, it is most important not
important axis; Tanit and Elissa had possibly taken a only to study the objects themselves, but also to retrace
secondary route along the North African coast, which their provenience by undertaking extensive geological
is also known from literary sources. Only the ship at surveys and other studies. In the end, traditional and
Rochelongues was found at an unexpected location, new methods can be used successfully only if compara-
demonstrating that the old standard route maps are tive data is available.
obsolete. Even though general trends must be noted,
it is important to become aware of the multiplicity of Acknowledgements
routes going all around the Mediterranean and also be- I wish to acknowledge the precious help and
yond Gibraltar56. constructive suggestions provided by Bärbel Morstadt.

Until today, the organization of Phoenician ma-

ritime trade is only partially known. Whereas literary
sources like the Old Testament57, on one hand, cite
kings controlling trade, they on the other hand also
evoke private merchants assembled into corporations58.
Perhaps were there two economic systems operating in 56 For an overview of the main routes, refer to M. E. Aubet,
parallel. Possibly the shipwrecks in Ashkelon could be The Phoenicians and the West. Policits, colonies and trade
(Cambridge 1993) 133–166. More speciically, Arnaud lists the
linked to a centralized structure, under state control routes used in Antiquity: P. Arnaud, Les routes de la navigation
and directly related to the long-distance trade. In con- antique: itinéraires en Méditerranée (Paris 2005).
trast, the smaller ships in the western Mediterranean 57 For instance 1 Kings 9, 26. 1 Kings 10, 11.
could be interpreted on the level of micro-economies, 58 e. g. the report of Wenamun. Refer to Schipper, see above
n. 27, 189–191.
which seem to have existed from Huelva to the Ebro 59 Concerning general issues about amphora contents, amphora
valley and involved multiple activities from metal ex- use and reuse, refer to S. Abdelhamid, Against the Throw-
traction and processing until the transport of the metal Away-Mentality: The Reuse of Amphoras in Ancient Maritime
Transport, in: H. P. Hahn – H. Weiss, Mobility, Meaning and
to a storehouse and its integration in the redistributive Transformations of Things. Shifting contexts of Material Cul-
system. Regardless of the precise interpretation, it is ture through Time and Space (Oxford 2013) 91–106.
evident that it is not suitable to speak of ›the‹ Phoeni- 60 This was done for the Chios shipwreck amphoras: B. P. Foley –
M. C. Hansson – D. P. Kourkoumelis et al., Aspects of Ancient
cian trade as a simple and single matter. Diverse routes, Greek Trade re-evaluated with Amphora DNA Evidence,
markets, goods and also differences in the means – lo- Journal of Archaeological Science 39, 2012, 389–398.
cal boat or cargo ship – demonstrate a multiplicity of 61 For example the Corpus römischer Bleibarren or OXALID.
small and large exchange networks. Z. A. Stos-Gale, Metal provenancing using isotopes and the
Oxford archaeological lead isotope database (OXALID),
Archaeological and Anthropological Sciences 1, 3, 2009, 195–
213.

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