(Mike Savage, African Forum For Children's Literac (BookFi)

Amcan science and technology
education into the new millennium:

practice, policy and priorities
Editors
Prem Naidoo
Mike Savage
A project publication by the

African Forum for Children's Literacy in
Science and Technology (AFCLIST)
Juta
First published 1998
© Juta & Co Ltd

PO Box 14373, Kenwyn 7790
This book is copyright under the Berne Convention. In terms of the Copyright Act 98
of 1978, no part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any
means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording or by any information
storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher.
ISBN 0 7021 4476 2
Cover design: Abdul Amien, Cape Town

Sub-editing: John Linnegar
Book design and typesetting: Charlene Bate, Cape Town
Printed and bound in the Republic of South Africa by
The Rustica Press, Old Mill Road, Ndabeni, Western Cape
D6767
The African Forum for Children's Literacy in Science and Technology would like to
dedicate this book in memory of Professor Rosalind Driver. She was a board member
of AFCLIST who unselfishly gave her time to the development of quality science edu-
cation in Africa and the world. Her contributions to science education, particularly
on how children learn, are seminal and will continue to guide present and future
research in the field of learning and science education.
Acknowledgment
Many people have helped to make this book possible. We are particularly grateful
to the discussants and Sidney Westley. Shakila Thakurpersad and Lucky Khumalo
performed the hidden task of checking the references and tables.
Without the initiative and energy of AFCLIST and the generous support of the
Rockefeller Foundation there would have been neither the African Science and Tech-
nology Education (ASTE '95) meeting nor this book. Other donors whose support
made the meeting possible are the Norwegian Agency for Development (NORAD),
the Foundation for Research Development (FRD), South Africa, and the International
Development Research Council (IDRC). The University of Durban-Westville and its
staff were exceptionally warm hosts whose contributions to the meeting must be
fully acknowledged.
Prem Naidoo
Mike Savage
September 1998
This page intentionally left blank
Preface
African educators and overseas friends came together from 4 to 9 December 1995
— about 100 from four continents and 14 countries, women and men, their ages from
under 30 to over 80. Included were ministry officials and university administrators,
scientists and classroom teachers, innovators or researchers into teaching, and
teachers of teachers. Eleven main papers, authored in advance and by Africans, were
the basis of our discussion, though all participants spoke as critics, proponents, and
commentators. The lively discourse covered an amazing variety of concerns in the
service of science and technology education. That topic addresses both the genetic
system of that organism within society and the public subsoil that must nourish it.
No children took part (a few wandered by). Yet they are the main actors. Each
evening we had a brief glimpse of today's practice in children's science. The African
Forum for Children's Literacy in Science and Technology (AFCLIST), an activity of
the Rockefeller Foundation, a major sponsor of the meeting, collaborated with our
university host to show us what it is doing. The Forum is explicit on one issue: gen-
der equity is a part of all the work it supports.
^ Paper Making Educational Trust (PAMET), a project in Malawi, encourages
primary schoolchildren to recycle paper to make products such as notebooks.
They become involved in science and the technology of scaled-up production.
This has become a significant income-generating project.
^ In the Zanzibar Science Camps, cabinet ministers, scientists, education officers,
teachers and children spend three weeks each year struggling with problems of
science education. A major contribution one year was that of a young secondary
schoolgirl when she exclaimed after a visit to a mangrove swamp, Tou know, we
have to learn the language of trees.'
^ 'Spider's Place' is a television series for younger children in South Africa. Spider,
the leader of a gang of puppet children, is a girl. Their scientific and technolog-
ical ingenuity gets the gang out of many a scrape.
^ In Ghana a group of educators, scientists, teachers, students and industrialists
became concerned at the lack of connection of school science with products such
as aluminium cooking utensils, beer, charcoal and fertilizer that are found in every
African village. Through a series of lively and intensive workshops they are pro-
ducing an elegant collection of resource materials for science teachers and learners.
AFCLIST believes that involvement in the culture of science provides the youth
with opportunities to participate actively in democratizing the educational process
and society, and provides a base for the development of higher-level human
resources in science and technology. We hope that the publication of this book
advances the involvement in this culture of young people throughout the continent
of Africa.
Philip Morrison
Emeritus Professor, Massachusetts Institute of Technology
© Juta & Co, Ltd V

Biographical details of authors
Prof John D Volmink
John D Volmink is currently director of the Centre for the Advancement of Science
and Mathematics Education (CASME), which is based at the University of Natal,
Durban. He is also acting Head of the University Education Development Programme.
He is a graduate of the University of Western Cape (UWC), where he completed
his BSc and BSc (Hons). He later went to the USA, where he completed an MSc and
a PhD in Mathematics Education. His research interests are in the cognitive and
social aspects of mathematics education as well as assessment and evaluation.
Professor Volmink started his career as a high school teacher of science and
mathematics. Thereafter he taught at the Peninsula Technikon, where he became
Head of the Department of Mathematical Sciences. He later lectured in Applied Math-
ematics at UWC and the University of Cape Town.
Since the completion of his PhD studies he has also worked as assistant profes-
sor of Mathematics Education at Cornell University. He then returned to southern
Africa and worked for a short while at the University of Botswana.
Since his return to South Africa, he has served on several national educational
structures. During 1993 he was chairperson of the Southern African Association of
Research in Mathematics and Science Education (SAARMSE). He is also deeply
involved in community structures and in-service education.
Dr Marissa Rollnick
Marissa Rollnick is a senior lecturer at the University of the Witwatersrand, where
she is responsible for the chemistry section of the College of Science, an access pro-
gramme for underprepared students. Prior to that, she worked in Swaziland for 15
years, first in a teacher-training college and then in the Education Faculty of the Uni-
versity of Swaziland. Her research interests are primarily in the area of cognition and
language in Science Education.
Ms Vijay Reddy
Vijay Reddy is a science educator. She has taught chemistry at high school, college
of education and university. She has also worked in nongovernmental organizations
(NGOs) involved in in-service education for science teachers, and in an evaluation
and monitoring NGO. Her interests include issues of cognition in learning science
and redress and equity in the field of research in South Africa. Her present research
involves developing the life histories of South African black scientists.
Ms Karen Worth
Karen Worth began her career as a teacher of young children in New York City and
Boston and she continues to work closely with teachers and children in classrooms.
She has extensive experience in elementary science education. She worked as cur-
riculum and staff developer for both the Elementary Science Study (ESS) and the
vi © Juta & Co, Ltd

African Primary Science Program (APSP) at the Education Development Centre in

Africa in the 1960s. More recently, she was the principal investigator for the devel-
opment of the Insights curriculum. She chaired the Working Group on Science Teach-
ing Standards for the National Science Education Standards effort of the National
Academy of Science Education and is currently co-director of the Centre for Urban
Science Education Reform at the Education Development Centre, Inc, New York. She
has also been a member of the faculty of the Wheelock College for over 25 years,
where she teaches at the graduate school, and serves as consultant and adviser to
the Boston Public Schools on staff and curriculum development at the elementary
level and on science education reform. She is co-director of Wheelock's effort in pre-
service collaboration in mathematics and science education funded by the National
Science Foundation.
Prof Emmanuel Fabiano

Emmanuel Fabiano is the Deputy Director of AFCLIST. He is also the Principal of
Chancellor College in Zomba, Malawi. He has been a secondary school teacher, a
university science educator and a research chemist. Professor Fabiano has been a
consultant for his government, UNESCO, UNDP, USAID and other organisations.
Prof EA Yoloye
EA Yoloye is an emeritus professor of Education of the University of Ibadan, Nigeria.
For several years he taught chemistry at the CMC Grammar School in Lagos, Nige-
ria. He later took up an appointment as lecturer in Science Education at the Institute
of Education, University of Ibadan, where he rose to the status of professor. At
graduate level, he studied psychology, specializing in educational and psychological
measurement and evaluation. He has had extensive experience in science education,
curriculum development and evaluation. He coordinated the evaluation of the
Primary Science Education Programme for Africa (SEPA) and he established the
International Centre for Education Evaluation (ICEE) at the University of Ibadan. For
10 years he was the chairperson of the African Curriculum Organization (AGO). On
retiring from active university teaching in 1989, he established the Amoye Institute
for Educational Research and Development in Ibadan. He is currently chairperson of
the Grants Committee and member of the Advisory Board of the African Forum for
Children's Literacy in Science and Technology (AFCLIST).
Prof Olugbemiro Jegede

Olugbemiro Jegede is the head of the Research and Evaluation Unit, Distance
Education Centre, University of Southern Queensland, Australia. He holds the
degrees of BScEd and MEd from Ahmadu Bello University, Nigeria, and a PhD from
the University of Wales, UK. Professor Jegede is also a chartered biologist of the
London Institute of Biologists and a distinguished member of the New York Acad-
emy of Sciences. He was the foundation professor and dean of Education at the
University of Abuja, Nigeria. Prior to this he was associate professor of Science
© Juta & Co, Ltd vii

African science and technology education into the new millennium
Education and held the positions of assistant dean, Faculty of Education, and head
of Science Education at Ahmadu Bello University, where he worked for 17 years. His
areas of interest include cultural studies, applied cognitive science, science educa-
tion, computer-mediated communication, instructional design, distance education,
research methodology, and sociocultural factors in non-Western environments.
A recipient of the 1995 United States Quality Award for Excellence in Research and
a 1996 Fellowship Award of the Science Teachers' Association of Nigeria for his con-
tribution to science education globally, Prof Jegede has over 150 publications to his
credit, including six books, chapter contributions to books, refereed journal articles,
and refereed conference proceedings. Professor Jegede is a consultant for the UNDP
(United Nations Development Program) and the Commonwealth Secretariat on Sci-
ence, Technology and Environmental Education.
Prof Gilbert Onwu

Gilbert Onwu is a professor of Science Education and head of the Science and
Maths Education Unit in the Department of Teacher Education at the University of
Ibadan, Nigeria. With a background in chemistry and science education, he teaches
courses in the departmental BEd, PGCE and higher degree (MEd, MPhil, PhD)
programmes in science education. He received his BSc and PGCE from Goldsmiths
College, University of London, and an MSc and a PhD in chemical education from
the School of Chemical Sciences, University of East Anglia. His science-education
research interests have focused on cognitive processes, with particular reference
to problem-solving, learning difficulties in science, science process skills develop-
ment/assessment and patterns of classroom transactions in large classes. Recently
he has been interested in a cross-cultural dimension of these problems. Also, he
has been working on innovative ways of teaching science to large classes using
local scientific resources and a minimum of equipment. He has many publications
to his credit, all of which have appeared in journals, books as well as monographs
and technical reports. He has served as external examiner to a number of Niger-
ian universities and as consultant, resource person or expert to national education
agencies, the Commonwealth Secretariat (CFTC), UNESCO, UNDP, WHO, etc. He is
a member of the AFCLIST grants committee. He is currently on sabbatical leave, as
a visiting professor in the Department of Mathematics and Science Education at the
University of Venda.
Mr Prem Naidoo
Prem Naidoo, the director of AFCLIST, has been a secondary school teacher, a
university lecturer, director of a university-based policy research unit, and is now
the director of the Scholarship and Grant Funding of South Africa's Human Sciences
Research Council (HSRC). An activist throughout his professional life, Prem believes
that action must be informed and reflectively analysed, and that the process must
involve all stakeholders. He has published a range of material and reports.
viii © Juta & Co, Ltd

Prof Mike Savage

Mike Savage has taught at primary, secondary and tertiary levels. He has been a cur-
riculum developer for projects in many African countries as well as in the United
Kingdom and the United States of America. Savage has consulted for health, educa-
tion and development projects supported by a wide range of donor organizations.
He has edited many educational books, meeting proceedings and consultant reports.
Dr Tom Mschindi
Tom Mschindi, 37, is currently the managing editor of the Daily Nation, one of the
publications published by the Nation Newspaper Ltd in Nairobi, Kenya. He has a
keen interest in developmental journalism and finds time to read and contribute to
scholarly journals on diverse topics in developmental journalism. He has published
in the Fletcher Forum for World Affairs and in the Communication Training modules
prepared by the African Council for Communication Education (ACCE).
He was educated in Nairobi University, from where he graduated Bachelor of Arts
in Communication Studies, with distinction. He has attended several relevant courses
and is busy setting up the Eastern Africa Media Institute, an International NGO to
promote the development freedom and diversity of media in the East African region.
Prof Hubert Dyasi

Hubert Dyasi is professor of Science Education and director of the City College (City
University of New York) where he also serves as director of the Workshop Center, a
science-teacher development unit of the College. In addition to teaching undergrad-
uate and graduate science education at the City College, Professor Dyasi conducts
inquiry-based professional development programmes for teachers of selected
schools and the community school district in New York City. He has wide interna-
tional experience in science education, having served as the first executive director
of the Science Education Program for Africa (SEPA) and as one of the developers of
the United States National Science Education Standards and Assessments. He is a
member of numerous advisory boards of American science education development
programmes, and a science education consultant in South Africa.
© Juta & Co, Ltd ix

Abbreviations and acronyms
AGO African Curriculum Organization
AFCL1ST African Forum or Children's Literacy in Science and Technology
AMP African Mathematics Programme
APSP African Primary Science Programme
ASTE '95 African Science and Technology Education, 1995 meeting
BOTSCI Botswana Science

BSCS Biological Sciences Curriculum Study
CASME Centre for Advancement of Science and Mathematics Education

CASTME Commonwealth Association of Science, Technology and Mathematics
Educators
CBA Chemical Bond Approach
CGIAR Consultancy Group in International Agricultural Research
CIDA Canadian International Development Agency
COPE Community Orientated Primary Education
CUSO Canadian University Service Overseas
DAAD Deutscher Akademischer Austauschdienst

DANIDA Danish International Development Agency
DSE German Foundation for International Development
EGA Economic Commission for Africa

EDC Education Development Center (USA)
EEC European Economic Community
Endicott House African Education Programme Conference held in the USA in 1961,
funded by USAID
ESS Elementary Science Study
EU European Union
FRD Foundation for Research Development
GASAT 8 Eighth International Gender and Science and Technology Conference

GER Gross Enrolment Rate
GNP Gross National Product
IBRD International Bank of Reconstruction and Development

ICEE International Centre for Educational Evaluation
ICIPE International Centre for Insect Physiology and Entomology
IDA International Development Agency
IDRC International Development Research Council/Centre
IEA International Education Association
ILO International Labour Organization
IITA International Institute for Tropical Agriculture
IMF International Monetary Fund
IMSTIP In-service Maths Science Improvement Programme
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Abbreviations and acronyms
KCPE Kenyan Certificate of Primary Education

KSTC Kenya Science Teachers' College
KWPCS Kagera Writers' and Publishers' Cooperative Society
MPSP Mid-West State Primary Science Project
NGO Nongovernmental organization

NORAD Norwegian Agency for Development
NEPI National Education Policy Initiative
NETF National Education and Training Forum
NPE National Policy on Education
NSF National Science Foundation
NSSS Nuffield Secondary School Science
ODM Overseas Development Ministry

OECD Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development
PAMET Paper Making Educational Trust

PSSC Physical Sciences Study Committee
SAARMSE Southern African Association of Research in Mathematics and Science

Education
SAP Structural Adjustment Programme
SCIS Science Education Improvement Study
SCISA Science Curriculum Initiative in South Africa
SEP Science Education Project
SEPA (African Primary) Science Education Programme for Africa
SETC Science Teacher Educators' Programme
SIDA Swedish International Development Agency
SMSG School Mathematics Study Group
STAG Science and Technology in Action in Ghana
STAN Science Teachers' Association of Nigeria
STS Science and Technology in Society
TIMMS Third International Measurement of Mathematics and Science
UNDP United Nations Development Programme

UNECA United Nations Economic Commission for Africa
UNEP United Nations Environmental Program
UNESCO United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization
UNICEF United Nations Children's Fund
UPE Universal Primary Education
USAID United States Agency for International Development
VSO Voluntary Service Organization
ZIMSCI Zimbabwe Science
© Juta & Co, Ltd xi

Introduction
Prem Naidoo and Mike Savage
Worldwide, science and technology education has been advocated as an essential
prerequisite for modernization and economic development (Forum; OECD, 1996). In
Africa, countries recognized their importance and made them integral subjects in the
curriculum from primary to tertiary education. Has science and technology educa-
tion delivered on the claim of modernization and economic development? The
impact has been disappointing. If anything, the people of Africa are suffering more
than they were four decades ago. There is less inquiry science learning and more
rote learning. Children are less rather than more able to extract meaning from their
schooling in ways that can be applied to bring change to their lives. Thoughts that
schooling could and should be enjoyable and linked to indigenous knowledge bases
have become unthinkable.
The next millennium is upon us. Having made a disappointing impact in the past,
can science and technology education meet the challenges of the coming century?
Can we learn from legacies of the past to better shape the future?
The meeting organizers selected key areas of concern to help focus the analysis
and provide guidelines for future practice, policy and priorities. This book reviews
and analyses the legacies of science and technology education in sub-Saharan Africa.
Chapter 1: Historical perspectives and their relevance to present and future

practice, by EA Yoloye, Nigeria
This chapter examines the historical perspectives of the last three decades and their
relevance to the present and future of science and technology education. It pays par-
ticular attention to landmark meetings and organizations that had an impact on the
continent. The chapter draws lessons from such organizations for the future, both
at policy and at practice level.
Chapter 2: The role of science and technology in development,

by PM Makhurane, Zimbabwe, and M Kahn, South Africa
The authors begin by presenting a historical perspective on the role of science and
technology worldwide, with particular reference to Africa. They address questions
such as: Is development linked to social and economic systems? Who defines devel-
opment? For what kind of development should Africa strive? What kind of science
and technology education best promotes this development? What is the relationship
between science and technology and development? Do realistic or deterministic
views of science and technology better suit development in Africa? The chapter pro-
vides evidence to support claims, analyses trends in the role of science and tech-
nology in development for past and current practices, and proposes suggestions for
Africa in the future.
© Juta & Co, Ltd xiii

Chapter 3: Curriculum innovations and their impact on the teaching of science

and technology, by MBR Savage, Kenya
This chapter examines curriculum innovations and their impact on the teaching of
science and technology. It uses anecdotes to examine issues such as inquiry learn-
ing as a goal of curriculum change; curriculum change models; people development
versus product development; holistic versus piecemeal innovation; teacher educa-
tion models in relation to curriculum innovation and effective teaching; evaluation
and assessment models; teaching in large classes and other constraining circum-
stances; the role of mass media models in change; and exemplars of AFCLIST-
supported projects. The analysis of this chapter is framed within a timescale from
the past to the future.
Chapter 4: Who shapes the discourse on science and technology education?,

by JD Volmink, South Africa
This chapter identifies dominant trends or discourses in various aspects of science
and technology education in African countries. These are shaped and determined
by particular interest groups with conscious or unconscious agendas. The chapter
examines who shapes the discourse of science and technology in Africa and
analyses who and how groups, including science and technology educators, scien-
tists and technologists, industrialists, education policy makers, economists, politi-
cians, researchers, donors, the World Bank and foreign aid, shape discourse,
practice and policy in science education.
Chapter 5: Relevance in science and technology education, by M Rollnick,

South Africa
The importance of the relevance of the science curriculum to successful learning in
science and technology education is rarely questioned. This chapter does so. Was
the curriculum in the past and is the curriculum in the present relevant to the needs
of Africa?
Chapter 6: Relevance and the promotion of equity, by V Reddy, South Africa

Historically, the participation of girls in science and technology education has been
poor. In some parts of Africa certain racial groups and nomadic tribes were dis-
criminated against, resulting in their poor participation in science and technology
education. With the advent of 'science for all', equity in science and technology
education has become an imperative. This chapter focuses on the challenges of
access, redress, equity, and quality in science and technology education. It ana-
lyses past and present trends and proposes future directions with regard to these
challenges.
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Introduction
Chapter 7: Teacher education: Pre-service and in-service support models, by

HM Dyasi and K Worth, USA
The goals of science and technology education demand the implementation of good
teacher development programmes. This chapter examines teacher education and
support models for pre-service and in-service education used in the past and pres-
ent. The authors analyse the curriculum for science teacher education; support
structures such as materials, finance, and teachers' centres; relationships between
schools and teacher education institutions; and teacher educators and their profes-
sional development. Importantly, this chapter delineates alternative paradigms for
teacher development for the future.
Chapter 8: Teaching large classes, by COM Onwu, Nigeria

After the adoption of the principle of universal primary education, the 1970s and
1980s saw an unprecedented expansion of student enrolment in African countries.
As a consequence, class sizes have increased dramatically, with a concomitant
decrease in the quality and quantity of resources. This chapter discusses teaching
large classes in a context of poor resourcing. It examines the reality of large classes;
policy and practice issues; the impact on the quality of learning in large classes; what
research is available on teaching large classes; resource utilization; and innovative
approaches in teaching large classes.
Chapter 9: Resourcing science and technology education, by E Fabiano, Malawi

The success or failure of science and technology education is dependent on the avail-
ability and utilization of appropriate resources. This chapter focuses on the quality
and quantity of teachers; the role and use of print and learning materials; the impact
of laboratory space, equipment and consumables on the effectiveness of practical
work; the use of the school environment, and financial resources. The writer ques-
tions whether Africa can resource science and technology education on a self-
sustaining basis.
Chapter 10: The knowledge base for learning in science and technology
education, by OJ Jegede, Nigeria and Australia
An appropriate and efficacious knowledge base is paramount for science and tech-
nology learning in Africa. This chapter examines types of knowledge and ways of
knowing; local cultural and indigenous knowledge systems versus the universality of
Western science; second and third-language teaching of students whose mother
tongue is not English; teaching classes with students of many mother tongues; cog-
nitive styles, constructivism, and concept learning in the African child; the African
child's background; the impact on learning of belonging to rural versus urban com-
munities, and the particular cognitive problems facing girls.
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Chapter 11: Research in science and technology education,

by P Naidoo, South Africa
The main purpose of research in science and technology education is to improve
policy and practice. This chapter surveys the research. Some of the issues it exam-
ines are: Who defines research? What is the African researcher's reference group?
What are current research definitions and trends? Who funds and publishes research
in Africa? The conspiracy of silence in research. Who is engaged in research? What
assumptions direct research? Who is the proper audience for the results of research?
Which are the dominant modes of research?
Chapter 12: The mass media and science and technology education,
by T Mschindi, and S Shankerdass, Kenya
The mass media has a potentially important role to play in popularizing science
and technology. This chapter focuses on modern mass media, traditional mass
media, and their interface with informal and nonformal education in science and
technology education.
Chapter 13: Into the next millennium by P Naidoo, South Africa, and M Savage,
Nairobi, Kenya
This chapter attempts to synthesize the preceding chapters and summarize discus-
sions at the ASTE '95 meeting. The synthesis focuses on the challenges and the way
forward for science and technology education in Africa for the next millennium.
xvi © Juta & Co, Ltd

Contents
Acknowledgments iii
Preface v
Biographical details of authors vi
Abbreviations and acronyms x
Introduction xiii
CHAPTERCHAPTER
I
Historical perspectives and their relevance to present and future practice 1
EA Yoloye, Amoye Institute for Educational Research and
Development, Ibadan, Nigeria
CHAPTER
The role of science and technology in development 23
PM Makhurane, National University of Science and Technology, Bulawayo, Zimbabwe,
and M Kahn, Centre for Education Policy Development, Johannesburg
CHAPTERCHAPTE
Curriculum innovations and their impact on the teaching of
science and technology 35
MBR Savage, African Forum for Children's Literacy in Science and Technology,
Nairobi, Kenya
CHAPTER
Who shapes the discourse on science and technology education? 61
JD Volmink, University of Natal, Durban, South Africa
CHAPTER
Relevance in science and technology education 79
M Rollnick, University of Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa
CHAPTE
Relevance and the promotion of equity 91
V Reddy, University of Durban-Westville, Durban, South Africa
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CHAPTER 7
Teacher education: Pre-service and in-service support models 101
HM Dyasi, City College, City University of New York, New York, and K Worth,
Wheelock College, Boston, Ma, USA
CHAPTER 8
Teaching large classes 119
COM Onwu, University of Ibadan, Nigeria
CHAPTER 9
Resourcing science and technology education 133
E Fabiano, Chancellor College, Malawi
CHAPTER 10
The knowledge base for learning in science and technology education 151
OJ Jegede, University of Southern Queensland, Toowoomba, Queensland, Australia
CHAPTER 11
Research in science and technology education 177
P Naidoo, University of Durban-Westville, Durban, South Africa
CHAPTER 12
The mass media and science and technology education 197
T Mschindi, Daily Nation, Nairobi, Kenya, and S Shankerdass, Nairobi, Kenya
CHAPTER 13
Into the next millennium 209
P Naidoo, University of Durban-Westville, South Africa, and MBR Savage,
African Forum for Children's Literacy in Science and Technology, Nairobi, Kenya
APPENDIX I
List of discussants 220
APPENDIX 2
List of participants 223
xviii © Juta & Co, Ltd

1
Historical Perspectives and their relevance
to present and futurem practice
Emmanuel Ayotunde Yoloye, Professor Emeritus, Ibadan University;
Director, Amoye Institute for Educational Research and Development,
Ibadan, Nigeria
ABSTRACT
This chapter examines the historical perspectives of the last three decades and their
relevance to the present and future of science and technology education. It pays par-
ticular attention to landmark meetings and organizations that had an impact on the
continent. The chapter draws lessons from such organizations for the future, both
at policy and at practice level.
THE AWAKENING IN AFRICA

Political independence in Africa was an important factor contributing to the devel-
opment of science and technology. Before the 1960s, most countries on the conti-
nent gave little attention to teaching these subjects. In primary schools, what passed
for science was a study of nature, hygiene, health and rural science. Objectives were
simple, namely the development of clean and healthy habits, an understanding of
nature and the principles and techniques of farming.
In the 1950s, a few secondary schools taught physics, chemistry and biology, but
their facilities and equipment were inadequate. Only two high schools in The Gam-
bia offered science courses. In Kenya and a number of East African countries, racial
considerations influenced the curriculum. Most European and many Asian schools
taught science, but few African schools did. Blacks in South Africa and Namibia ex-
perienced similar discrimination. Objectives for teaching science in secondary
schools were seldom stated, since teaching was geared to overseas examinations
such as the Cambridge and London School Certificates.
In the early 1960s, a number of international and regional conferences drew the
attention of African policy makers to the importance of science and technology
© Juta & Co, Ltd I

education. One was the 1960 Rehovoth (Israel) Conference on Science in the Devel-
opment of New States. Two recommendations of this conference were as follows:
The Governments of developing states should regard the furtherance of
science and technology as a major objective of their national politics and
make appropriate provision for funds and opportunities to achieve this
end ... Until such time as their own scientific manpower is adequate, new
and developing states would be well advised to seek the help of scientific
advisors and experts from friendly countries and international agencies to
help them develop a scientific practice and tradition. (Gruber, 1961)
The 1961 Addis Ababa (Ethiopia) Conference of African States on the Develop-
ment of Education in Africa, organized by the United Nations Educational, Scientific
and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) and the Economic Commission for Africa (ECA),
recommended that:
African educational authorities should revise and reform the content of
education in the areas of curriculum, text books and methods, so as to
take account of the African environment, child development, cultural her-
itage and the demands of technological progress and economic develop-
ment, especially industrialization. (UNESCO, 1961)
Finally, the Conference of African Ministers of Education on the Development of
Higher Education in Africa was held in 1962 in Tananarive (Madagascar). The par-
ticipants concluded that the ratio of students in scientific and technological fields
to those in the humanities should be 60:40.
The Rehovoth conference drew attention to the importance of science and tech-
nology in development and the need for assistance from more developed countries.
The Addis Ababa conference highlighted relevance, and identified the African
environment, child development, African cultural heritage, and the demands of
technological progress and economic development as four important facets of
science and technology education. The Tananarive conference stressed the import-
ance of developing local expertise in science and technology in Africa. The 60:40
ratio recommended in Tananarive became a guideline for university admission in
many African countries. In their drive to modernize, African countries took science
and technology seriously. Each country took positive steps to achieve technological
and economic development through education.
INNOVATIONS IN SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY IN AFRICA: A SUMMARY

Capacity building
The first wave of curriculum reform in African countries was the development of
personnel in curriculum development. This was done through initiatives such as
the African Primary Science Programme (APSP) at the primary level and Nuffield
science at the secondary level. Both developed and published a range of curriculum
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Historical perspectives and their relevance
Chapter I to present and future practice
materials. In addition to this on-the-job training, both initiatives attempted to con-

solidate personnel development by facilitating further staff qualification at appro-
priate institutions within and beyond Africa. Since then, staffing at these institutions
has suffered through promotion, flight to other organizations, and lack of resourc-
ing. At the teacher level, in addition to in-service work by the various curriculum
projects, donors such as the Swedish International Development Agency (SIDA)
helped establish institutions such as the Kenya Science Teachers' College (KSTC).
National projects
Having established curriculum development expertise, countries in Africa were in a
position to develop a second wave of curriculum materials. These not only adapted
earlier courses, but also incorporated concepts such as integrated science — espe-
cially in Nigeria — influenced by UNESCO; environmental science, influenced by the
United Nations Environment Program (UNEP); and population education, influenced
by the United Nations Development Program (UNDP). Many national projects,
hurriedly implemented under pressure from governments and donors, were unable
to involve teachers and other stakeholders and could not set up the necessary infra-
structures such as teacher development programmes and appropriate examinations.
Zimbabwe Science (ZIMSCI) and Botswana Science (BOTSCI) are examples of such
projects. Also during this era, many countries restructured their educational systems
in an attempt to make education more relevant to school leavers and to make access
to higher institutions more equitable. Kenya, which in the early 1980s changed from
a 7-3-2-3 cycle, with sixth-form schools as pre-university institutions, to an 8-4-4
cycle, is one example of such restructuring.
Technical education
Technical education demands a special mention. Immediately after independence,
countries such as Nigeria established secondary technical schools similar to their
counterparts in the United Kingdom in an attempt to develop cadres of technologists
and high-level technicians. However, due to high per student costs and the failure of
graduates to find gainful employment despite loan schemes to finance their studies,
these institutions were phased out. Cox-Edwards notes that in 1993 agricultural
schools received 200 percent of the subsidy to general secondary schools, and indus-
trial schools 125 percent (World Bank, 1995: 100).
In other countries, such as Kenya, similar polytechnics still function in collabora-
tion with local industrial and manufacturing sectors. Ghana established more modest
post-primary continuation schools during the early 1970s to equip students with the
necessary technical skills to impact on the informal sector of the economy. These too
were phased out, partially because of expense and partially because they could not
compete with established, informal apprenticeship systems. Subsequent government
funding policies to tertiary-level institutions to redirect their research by establishing
consultancy firms in formal and informal industrial centres have been more effective in
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bridging academia with production; village polytechnics such as those in Kenya have
been less so since village economies can only absorb limited numbers of graduates.
The history of technical education in African countries reflects current thinking
by the World Bank (World Bank, 1995). Cost-effectiveness studies reportedly show
that investment in technical education rarely gives higher rates of return than invest-
ment in general education.
REGIONAL PROGRAMMES
Russia launched the first Sputnik in 1957. That historic event may have been the
prime motivation for a flurry of science curriculum-development activities in the
United States (US) during the late 1950s and early 1960s. Even before Sputnik, pro-
fessional journals and yearbooks in the US had called for new, enlightened
approaches to science teaching. The success of the Russian space programme
created a sense of crisis that helped move the nation to action.
Two other events influenced science education at the time. First, an economic
boom in the US made abundant funds available for domestic and international pro-
grammes. Second, new pedagogical equipment, such as film loops (these were film
strips that were looped into film projectors — hence film loops — and were in use
in the 1950s and 1960s), automated instructional devices, projectors and photo-
copiers became commonplace. The dramatic increase in foreign aid coupled with
efforts in the US to renew its own national science curriculum, funded by the
National Science Foundation (NSF), inevitably linked America with efforts to renew
science curricula in Africa. The European Community and the United Nations also
sent technical assistance in science education, for example the Nuffield science
project in Britain. A regional survey carried out in 1980 (Yoloye & Bajah, 1981) men-
tioned 20 organizations that contributed to the development of science education in
Anglophone Africa during the 1960s and 1970s. UNESCO, the United Nations Chil-
dren's Fund (UNICEF) and the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) were
outstanding. Their contributions included financial aid; the supply of equipment,
books, teachers and experts; and training programmes for curriculum specialists and
teachers. These organizations sponsored several education projects with strong
science components such as the Namutamba Project in Uganda, the Mid-West (Ben-
del) State Primary Science Project in Nigeria and the Bunubu Project in Sierra Leone.
In many African countries, the British Council made important contributions to
in-service training of science teachers, and the United States Peace Corps, the Cana-
dian University Service Overseas (CUSO) and the British Voluntary Service Organi-
zation (VSO) provided large numbers of science teachers to secondary schools. The
Swedish International Development Agency (SIDA) established the Kenya Science
Teachers' College in the late 1960s for training science, mathematics and industrial-
education teachers. The Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA) initiated
a similar training institution for technical teachers. Other organizations that have
contributed to science education in Africa include the Norwegian Agency for Devel-
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opment (NORAD), the Danish International Development Agency (DANIDA), the

International Development Association (IDA), United States Agency for International
Development (USAID), the European Economic Community (EEC), the British Over-
seas Development Ministry (ODM), and the Ford and Rockefeller Foundations. Per-
haps the most significant intervention on a regional basis was a spin-off from the
Rehovoth conference. The inspiration was provided by a Sierra Leone educator, the
Reverend Solomon A Caulker, who participated in that conference. To this day,
African science educators often quote Caulker. His statements include:
The whole question, in terms of the new states, is not a question of science
as a disembodied spirit, moving by itself and going into Africa. It is a ques-
tion of men of science, men who will, through training, help the African
people to develop. This means our schools ... To all of us has come a real-
ization that science, through its constantly changing and growing insight,
can be brought to bear to liberate the human spirit and to make us all
stand with pride and believe that we are members of the human race.
(Gruber, 1961)
On his return from the Rehovoth conference, Caulker died in an air crash outside
Dakar. His tragic death touched Jerrold R Zacharias, an American physicist who had
spearheaded the famous Physical Sciences Study Committee (PSSC) and had also
been at Rehovoth. Determined to keep Caulker's spirit and ideas alive, Zacharias set
up and chaired a steering committee to plan an international conference that would
focus specifically on education in Africa. Funded by the Ford Foundation and the
International Cooperation Administration, the African Summer Study, or Endicott
House Conference, took place in Dedham, Massachusetts, in 1961. Fifteen out of the
79 participants were African.
The Endicott House Conference established the African Education Programme,
funded by USAID and the Ford Foundation (EDC, 1967). As part of this effort, the
African Mathematics Programme (AMP) was launched in 1961. Inspired by the School
Mathematics Study Group (SMSG) in the US, the AMP produced what came to be
known as 'Entebbe mathematics'. Textbooks and teachers' guides were tested in
about 1 500 classrooms in Ethiopia, Ghana, Kenya, Lesotho, Liberia, Malawi, Nigeria,
Sierra Leone, Tanzania and Uganda (EDC, 1967). The project introduced so-called
modern mathematics to Africa, an approach that focused on teaching major, under-
lying conceptual structures. However, this approach soon became controversial.
A number of African countries, including Nigeria and Kenya, eventually banned mod-
ern mathematics, because teachers were reported to have had problems with the
approach. Nevertheless, many of the original concepts persist in present-day cur-
ricula throughout Africa.
Following the Endicott House Conference, the Ford Foundation funded experi-
mental projects in Kenya and Nigeria. In Kenya, a science centre undertook science
curriculum development, the production of classroom science equipment, and
the training of primary science teachers. In Nigeria, Babs Fafunwa, who had been at
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Endicott House, organized a series of workshops in primary school science at the

University of Nigeria, Nsukka. Mike Savage, who had also been at Endicott House
and had subsequently participated in the Elementary Science Study (ESS) in the US,
worked through the University of Nigeria with primary schools in nearby Awo
Omama.
In February 1964, a conference was held in Kano, Nigeria, that marked the formal
launching of the African Primary Science Programme (APSP). Babs Fafunwa from
Nigeria, John Gitau from Kenya, Ron Wastnedge of the Nuffield Junior Science Proj-
ect in the UK, Len Sealey of the Leicestershire Education Department in the UK and
Phil Morrison of Cornell University in the US presented their experience with inno-
vative science education projects. Mike Savage worked for two weeks with a group
of primary school teachers from Kano, and these teachers gave demonstration
lessons that persuaded participants that an inquiry approach to science teaching
was effective with teachers and pupils in Africa.
Under the guidance of Jack Goldstein, an astrophysicist at Brandeis University,
participants from Africa, the US and the UK developed classroom materials at three
regional workshops. These were held in Entebbe, Uganda (1965), Dar es Salaam, Tan-
zania (1966), and Akosombo, Ghana (1967). APSP helped create science centres in
Ghana, Kenya, Malawi, Nigeria, Sierra Leone, Tanzania and Uganda. Science educa-
tors in these centres worked for several years in classrooms trying out materials and
modifying them in the light of experience. The project produced more than 30 units
and eight background readers.
With the creation of the Science Education Programme for Africa (SEPA) in 1970,
APSP management passed into African hands. Hubert Dyasi, SEPAs first executive
secretary, established the secretariat in Accra, Ghana. SEPA programmes were estab-
lished in Botswana, Ethiopia, The Gambia, Ghana, Kenya, Liberia, Lesotho, Malawi,
Nigeria, Sierra Leone, Swaziland, Tanzania, Uganda, Zambia and Zimbabwe. Unfortu-
nately, SEPA collapsed in 1985, primarily due to a lack of external funding. However,
this programme had a profound influence on science education in many African
countries that is still in evidence today. I shall discuss the legacy of SEPA later in
this chapter.
During the early 1970s, UNESCO organized a nine-month workshop in integrated
science for African curriculum development specialists. This influential workshop,
which took place at Cape Coast, Ghana, spearheaded integrated science teaching in
many African countries. Integrated science became particularly rooted in Nigeria
where the Science Teachers' Association of Nigeria (STAN) ran a series of writing
workshops. Schools all over Nigeria have adopted the approach and teaching ma-
terials introduced by this project.
Finally, the Centre for Development Cooperation of the Free University of
Amsterdam, in the Netherlands, collaborates with universities in Botswana, Lesotho,
Mozambique, Malawi, Namibia and Swaziland to increase the number of science
undergraduates through bridging and remedial courses. The centre has introduced
innovative models of in-service teacher development.
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IN-COUNTRY PROJECTS
In addition to these regional programmes, many African countries had their own
science projects, often with support from external sources.
The Namutamba Project (Uganda)

In 1967, the Ugandan government established the Namutamba Project with UNESCO
support. The project's aim was 'to improve living conditions in a selected rural area
and to assist the children, youth and adults to prepare for effective and rapid inte-
gration into the social, cultural and economic development of Uganda'.
The project developed a functional rural science curriculum, a rurally oriented
primary education programme and a comprehensive formal and nonformal educa-
tion programme for rural development. Tutors and trainees of Namutamba Teacher
Training College developed innovative primary-level curriculum materials, and these
were introduced in 15 primary schools associated with the project. In an evaluation
commissioned by SEPA and UNESCO, the International Centre for Educational Eval-
uation (ICEE) at the University of Ibadan, Nigeria, found that the project had suc-
ceeded in changing the attitudes of teachers and pupils towards agricultural
occupations, rural studies and living in rural areas (Yoloye & Bajah, 1975).
The Bunubu Project (Sierra Leone)

The Bunubu Project in Sierra Leone began in 1974 with support from UNESCO and
UNDP. It was similar to the Namutamba project. Located in a rural area at Bunubu
Teachers' College, the project was associated with 20 primary schools. Its aim was
'to improve the quality of life in rural areas through the medium of education'. The
project provided primary education with a rural bias, trained primary school teach-
ers in community development, and implemented community development and adult
education programmes. The project added agricultural science, home economics,
practical arts, community development and adult education to science in the regu-
lar curriculum.
A unique feature of the Bunubu project was the close involvement of community
chiefs and other leaders. Project staff explained their philosophy to local leaders, who
helped form community development councils that closely interacted with the college
and associated schools. Local artisans taught in the college and schools, and teachers
and pupils organized adult education programmes in the community. Together, the
schools and the community organized projects such as fish ponds and cash-crop
farming. An in-depth evaluation found that this type of community/school interaction
led to increased community development efforts and to changes in attitudes, both
within the community and in the schools (Lucas, Yoloye & Sissay, 1987).
The Mid-West State Primary Science Project (Nigeria)

In 1968, the Mid-West (Bendel) State Government of Nigeria established the Mid-West
State Primary Science Project (MPSP) with assistance from UNESCO and UNICEF. The
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project established an in-service training centre at Abraka to train primary school

teachers and to develop science curriculum materials that included student texts
and teachers' guides.
The project operated in 100 pilot schools for six years and was then implemented
on a state-wide basis. Longmans (Nigeria) Ltd published a series of books, entitled
Science is Discovering, that aimed at developing in children an attitude of inquiry,
plus observing, exploring, experimenting and recording skills, and an understanding
of the basic concepts of cause and effect.
In 1976, ICEE evaluated the project at the request of UNICEF (Falayajo, Bajah &
Yoloye, 1976). The evaluation report indicated that the project had had a favourable
impact on teacher performance. The impact on the pupils was more difficult to meas-
ure: because many nonpilot schools had teachers trained under the project, there
was no proper control group.
Zimbabwe Science and Botswana Science

Zimbabwe Science (ZIMSCI) was based on an inexpensive science kit designed for
secondary school leavers. Conceived as a means of distance science teaching,
ZIMSCI was intended to function independently of teachers. This proved to be a
weakness, and the project suffered from inadequate support to teachers. With
greater financial support, Botswana Science (BOTSCI) was a school-based pro-
gramme adapted from ZIMSCI. The BOTSCI science kit included glassware and vari-
ous chemicals, while the ZIMSCI kit used inexpensive equipment such as milk tins
and bottles. Crash training programmes in Botswana converted humanities teachers
to science teachers, and expatriate teachers were also hired under the project.
The Science Education Project (South Africa)

The Science Education Project (SEP), started in 1976, is one of many innovative proj-
ects in South Africa (Kahn & Rollnick, 1993). SEP uses low-cost, locally manufactured
equipment. Unlike ZIMSCI and BOTSCI, the project is geared to an existing syllabus.
Most rural areas have adopted SEP, but the project scarcely exists in urban areas.
Reportedly, only 50 % of white schoolchildren and 17 % of black schoolchildren study
science in South Africa, and only 5 % of black teachers are qualified to teach physical
science. The situation in Namibia is in many respects similar to that in South Africa.
Recent political changes in these countries have provided a fresh impetus to inno-
vate in science teaching.
THEORETICAL AND PHILOSOPHICAL CONTEXT

A long history of theoretical and philosophical thinking about science teaching, pri-
marily in Europe and the US, has influenced teaching in Africa. Conversely, science
teaching in Africa has made contributions to thinking elsewhere. To illustrate this
process of dialogue I shall consider the basic curriculum questions — Whom to
teach? What to teach? How to teach?
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Whom to teach?
Although modern experimental science emerged in the 16th century, science teach-
ing became part of the curricula of formal educational institutions only slowly.
According to Lauwerys (1957):
Science had been given its head in industry but had been frustrated and
hamstrung in education. In so far as scientific knowledge was evidently
essential to the then modern living, it was provided within industry itself
or in special institutions called 'technical colleges' which were regarded as
inferior institutions and seldom attracted the high caliber or the upper
classes.
It was not until the late 19th century that science became part of the
school curriculum in the US and continental Europe. In England and Wales,
it was not until the early 20th century. As the impact of science and tech-
nology on economic development, and on society generally, has become
more evident, courses on science and technology have become more com-
mon. In the 1980s and 1990s, this trend has broadened into an advocacy
of 'science for all', sometimes called the 'scientific literacy' movement.
Thus, over the years, the answer to the question, To whom shall we
teach science?', has changed from a few low-grade technicians, to the stu-
dents in formal education institutions, to all citizens. This trend can be
seen in many Anglophone African countries. During the colonial era, access
to schooling was limited for Africans, with the primary aim of producing
low-level technicians. Immediately before and after political independence,
education for Africans became more elitist, reflecting the need to replace
Europeans in upper-level and middle-level technical and management posi-
tions. This was soon achieved.
Political pressures then led to a rapid expansion of educational oppor-
tunities, especially at the primary levels. With the dramatic expansion of
access to education, the content became increasingly pre-vocational,
rather than merely preparing pupils for the next stage of schooling. The
aim was to equip school-leavers to lead constructive lives in the non-
formal rural and urban economies. Technical secondary schools in Nigeria,
continuation schools in Ghana, and the village polytechnics in Kenya were
established during this era. At first, the more formal, main-stream schools
were still perceived as leading to salaried positions in the formal sector.
With continued expansion, the emphasis has changed even in main-
stream schools. During the early 1980s, Kenya changed from a national sys-
tem of seven years of primary, six years of secondary and three years of
tertiary (7-6-3) education to an 8-4-4 system. The longer primary cycle
was designed to provide children with appropriate life skills, and the
shorter secondary cycle opened access to an expanded university system.
Such far-reaching changes in educational systems throughout Anglophone
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Africa have put strains on national and household budgets. They have also
generally been achieved at the cost of a loss of quality, and they have led
to large numbers of school-leavers without salaried jobs. However,
increases in school enrolment have been remarkable.
One important issue throughout the expansion of educational opportu-
nities in Africa has been the under-representation of girls in the sciences. In
the past two decades, gender in science teaching has assumed global
importance. Under-representation of women is partly rooted in the history
of the development of science. The modern scientific method emphasizes
logical reasoning and an assumption that natural phenomena have rational
explanations. The common belief in the 16th century was that men were
ruled by reason and women by emotions (Harding, 1992). Women were
seen as unsuited to the study of science, and thus most pioneers of modern
science were men. There has therefore been a dearth of female role models
and inadequate opportunities for girls to study science and technology.
Harding (1992), Awe and Adedeji (1990), and the African Academy of Sciences
(1995) studied the factors leading to gender imbalance in science, technology and
mathematics. Considering the findings of such research, developed countries and
some African countries have intervened in the educational process to reduce such
imbalances. Intervention strategies have included:
^ Introduction of legislation to promote equal opportunities for men and women
in science, technology and mathematics education and careers.
^ Support for special training programmes to facilitate the entry of women into
science and technology careers.
J^ Change from predominantly single-sex to mixed-sex schools.
^ Development of mobilization and enlightenment programmes.
1^ Policies to make mathematics and at least one science subject compulsory in
secondary schools.
^ Modification of science, technology and mathematics curricula to make them
nonsexist.
^ Organization of training programmes for women workers in nontechnology fields
so they can move into technology-related jobs.
Efforts to correct gender imbalance in science, technology and mathematics edu-
cation are gathering momentum. In particular, the Donors to African Education (DAE
show keen interest in this area.
What to teach?
Answering the question 'Whom to teach?' raises another question: 'What to teach?'
Because the range of 'whom' is so diverse, 'what' is taught must also vary accord-
ing to the learners' educational backgrounds, abilities, and goals.
Until the 20th century, the goals of a society and the organized body of knowl-
edge available were the primary factors influencing the content of education. With
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a rise of studies in human development and learning psychology, the emphasis in

curriculum planning shifted so that the nature of pupils and their learning processes
assumed greater importance in choosing what to teach (NEA, 1963).
After World War II, there was a new emphasis on science and technology and a
significant expansion and proliferation of scientific disciplines. Educators sought
ways to help pupils learn science as quickly as possible. Many science curriculum
projects in the US reflect this emphasis. In 1959, the National Academy of Sciences
(NAS) sponsored a 10-day conference at Woods Hole, Massachusetts, that signif-
icantly influenced the direction of science and mathematics curriculum development
in America. Participants included 16 scholars in science and mathematics, 10 in psy-
chology, and three each in the humanities, education and cinematography. They dis-
cussed new educational methods, particularly in science. In a summary of these
discussions entitled The Process of Education, Jerome Bruner (1960) identified four
important elements of curriculum development:
1. The structure of knowledge: 'Grasping the structure of a subject is understand-
ing it in a way that permits many other things to be related to it meaningfully. To
learn structure, in short, is to learn how things are related/
2. Readiness for learning: 'We begin with the hypothesis that any subject can be
taught effectively in some intellectually honest form to any child at any stage of
development.'
3. Intuition in learning: Participants defined intuition as 'the intellectual technique
of arriving at plausible but tentative formulations without going through the ana-
lytic steps by which some formulations would be found to be valid or invalid con-
clusions'. They believed that scientific intuition plays a crucial role in the
advancement of science.
4. Motivation: Learning depends on the desire to learn. Participants agreed that
interest in the material to be learned is the best stimulus to learning, rather than
external goals such as grades. However, they thought that much can be done to
provide intrinsic motivation by a manipulation of the learning climate in the
school and attitudes within the community.
These four elements provide the basis for my discussion on the content of science
and technology curricula: 'What to teach?'
The structure of knowledge
In the 1960s, many science and mathematics curriculum projects in the US empha-
sized structure. At the primary level, 'Science, a Process Approach' (SARA) focused
on the processes of science such as observing, using space/time relationship and
numbers, measuring and classifying. The 'Science Curriculum Improvement Study'
(SCIS) identified scientific concepts such as material objects, interactions, systems
and subsystems, relativity, organisms and life cycles. At the secondary level, a
notable example was the 'Chemical Bond Approach' (CBA), launched in 1959.
Reasoning that the making and breaking of bonds is at the heart of chemical change
and chemistry, CBA built a curriculum around the central theme of chemical bonds
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Trials, however, showed that concentrating on chemical bonds made chemistry too
abstract. Besides, chemical bonding is just one conceptual model to explain chemi-
cal reactions. The final version of this project, entitled The Use of Conceptual
Models in Explaining the Behaviour of Chemical Systems', used a variety of models
to explain chemical reactions.
A major problem of the 'structure' approach to curriculum development — as the
Entebbe mathematics project experienced — is that any subject has more than one
structure. Another problem is that courses based on structure tend to be abstract.
In Africa, this approach was unfamiliar to parents, teachers found it difficult, and
political leaders gained support by opposing it as a 'foreign' import.
Readiness for learning

Bruner based his hypothesis on 'readiness for learning' on the experiments of the
developmental psychologist Jean Piaget. Piaget's work made it clear that children
begin to grasp concrete operations at about the age of seven, the age when they
normally begin primary school. At this age, children can learn fairly sophisticated
scientific concepts, provided materials are used and teaching focuses on the con-
crete, operational level. Based on this hypothesis, many science and mathematics
curricula, such as SMSG mathematics and its derivative 'Entebbe mathematics',
taught concepts in primary and secondary schools that were previously taught only
at the university level.
Intuition in learning
In an effort to improve understanding of 'scientific intuition', Marton, Fensham and
Chaiklin (1994) analysed discussions with 93 Nobel prize winners in physics, chem-
istry and medicine. Seventy-two of these researchers believed in scientific intuition.
The authors summarized the Nobel laureates' views as follows:
Scientific intuition is seen as an alternative to step by step logic and is
closely associated with a sense of direction. It is more often about find-
ing a path than arriving at an answer or reaching a goal ... Intuition is
rooted in extended, varied experience of the object of research. Although
it may feel as though it comes out of the blue, it does not come out of
the blue.
One dilemma of science education is whether to characterize intuition as part of
the so-called scientific method. For centuries, Organon, a collection of Aristotle's
treatises on logic, provided the acknowledged basis for the study of natural science.
In the 13th century, Roger Bacon investigated nature using techniques other than
logic. He and others like him, however, tended to be regarded as wizards in league
with evil spirits, partially because in those days experimental science was repre-
sented by alchemists who tried to transmute baser metals into gold and cloaked
their operations in mystery.

It was not until the 16th century, in the latter part of the Renaissance, that mod-
ern experimental science began to emerge. Francis Bacon (1561-1626) played a key
role, publishing the Novum Organum or 'New Instrument' to replace Aristotle's
Organon. He called his method 'true induction'. Bacon himself made practically no
contribution to scientific knowledge, but his advocacy of basing investigation on
facts and experimentation strongly influenced his contemporaries. These included
William Gilbert (1578-1603), the founder of the sciences of electricity and magnet-
ism, and William Harvey (1578-1657), who discovered the circulation of the blood.
The astronomer Galileo Galilei (1564-1642), another contemporary of Bacon's, used
the scientific method frequently and contributed to the development of science by
his recognition of the role of hypothesis and mathematical reasoning. In describing
the development of the scientific method, Margenau and Bergamini (1964) write:
The term scientific method itself was something of a misnomer. It is not a
method in the sense of a final procedure. It furnishes no detailed map for
exploring the unknown, no surefire prescription for discovery. It is rather
an attitude and philosophy, providing guidance by which dependable over-
all concepts can be extracted from impressions that swarm in on man's
senses from the outside world ... With its virtues, the method has certain
limitations. It cannot replace the inspiration of Archimedes discovering a
basic law of hydrostatics while sitting in his bath. It cannot conjure up the
good luck of Alexander Fleming chancing on penicillin. It cannot hasten the
slow process of intellectual growth and reasoning. In short, it cannot create
science automatically any more than the theory of harmony can write a
symphony, or a naval manual can win a sea battle.
Such views notwithstanding, experience with the scientific method is likely to pre-
pare an individual to profit from an Archimedian-type inspiration or a Fleming-like
stroke of luck. The journal Chemistry, published by the American Chemical Society,
printed a series of articles in 1966 called 'Chance favors the prepared mind'. The
series dealt with accidental discoveries such as the first synthetic dye, mauve, by
William Henry Perkin in 1856, when he was just 17 years old, and dynamite by Alfred
Banhard Nobel in 1867. Although many significant discoveries are made by chance,
the authors of the series emphasized that it takes people with certain skills, attitudes
and philosophies to capitalize on such chances or accidents. The teaching of these
skills, attitudes and philosophies is an essential element of many science curricula.
Duckworth (1978) suggests her own solution to the dilemma of whether to char-
acterize intuition as part of the scientific method in the chapter headed The having
of wonderful ideas' (1978:18-28). Wonderful ideas are flashes of inspiration or insight,
intuitive ways of tackling identified problems. Here are some of her observations:
J> The having of wonderful ideas is what I consider the essence of intellectual
development' (1978: 18).
^ 'Wonderful ideas do not spring out of nothing; they build on a foundation of other
ideas' (1978: 23).
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l> Wonderful ideas are built on other wonderful ideas. They do not occur con-
tentless. In Piaget's terms, you must reach out to the world with your own intel-
lectual tools and grasp it; assimilate it yourself (1978: 24).
^ 'If a person has some knowledge at his disposal, he can try to make sense of
new experiences and new information related to it. He fits it into what he has.
By knowledge I do not mean verbal summaries of somebody else's knowledge. I
mean a person's own repertoire of thoughts and actions, connections, predic-
tions and feelings. Some of these may have as their source something he has
read or heard. But he has done the work of putting them together' (1978: 27).
^ The more ideas a person already has at his disposal about something, the more
new ideas occur and the more he can coordinate to build up still more compli-
cated schemes' (1978: 28).
Mike Savage (1994) equates wonderful ideas with creativity and insight. He con-
siders both indispensable to scientific education. A consensus would be that scien-
tific intuition is most likely to develop when a pupil is exposed to diverse
experiences with relevant materials. The provision of such experiences therefore
constitutes an essential part of a good science curriculum.
Motivation
Child-oriented science projects such as ESS and APSP were based on a belief that
children could be motivated to have an intrinsic interest in learning through the use
of materials or problems. This belief led curriculum-development specialists to work
with children to find out their interests and to use these interests as the basis of
teaching units. This approach also implies that no single set of materials can be used
to teach science to all children in all situations. Curriculum developers must work
with children to determine what approaches and materials will provide a basis for
successful teaching.
How to teach?
Over the years, science teaching has moved from rote learning to an emphasis on
learning for understanding. During the curriculum innovations of the 1960s, an
emphasis on inquiry, discovery, and problem solving became prominent. This
emphasis was largely a by-product of the then-current focus on the processes of
science. It implies a strategy for developing understanding. Some scientists advocate
a focus on process as the essence of science education. Sir James Jeans (1958) wrote:
To many, it is not knowledge but the quest for knowledge that gives the greatest
interest to thought ... To travel hopefully is better than to arrive.'
Hawkins (1965) identifies three phases in the inquiry process. He calls the first
period 'messing about', when children are encouraged to explore, manipulate and
try out ideas with materials and equipment. This period may be extended over weeks
if interest is high. Second is a phase of directed, individual investigation. The third
phase involves pooling information, discussing ideas, and extracting generalizations.

Hawkins based his advocacy on his experience with ESS. In Africa, much of the inspi-
ration for APSP came from ESS, and APSP also adopted this three-part procedure to
teaching primary science. Here it is important to make a distinction between at least
two levels of inquiry. One is free inquiry, or 'messing about', when children identify
and solve their own problems. Another is often called guided inquiry, when well-
sequenced investigations lead children to predetermined knowledge. Whenever
students work to a set syllabus, there is a preference for guided inquiry. As defined
by Hawkins, however, the guided-inquiry phase does not lead necessarily to prede-
termined knowledge, but rather to the solution of problems identified by the
students. In this sense, it is an extension of free inquiry. Both APSP and ESS abound
in examples of this approach.
Attractive as this inquiry/discovery/problem-solving approach was, it was not
without controversy. Bruner (1960), for example, states:
Intellectual activity anywhere is the same whether at the frontiers of knowl-
edge or in a third grade classroom ... The difference is in degree, not in
kind. The schoolboy learning physics is a physicist and it is easier for him
to learn physics behaving like a physicist than doing something else.
Ausubel (1969) is of a different opinion:
First, I cannot agree that the goals of the research scientist and that of a
science student are identical ... Thus while it makes perfectly good sense
for the scientist to work full time formulating and testing hypotheses, it is
quite indefensible in my opinion for the student to be doing the same thing
— either for real, or in the sense of rediscovery.
In the last decade, a variant of the inquiry/discovery/problem-solving paradigm
has been widely advocated and studied under the label of 'constructivism'. Different
authors have described constructivism as follows:
^ Constructivism is an epistemology that focuses on the role of learners in the per-
sonal construction of knowledge. (Ritchie, 1994)
^ Learning is viewed as an adaptive process where existing knowledge is modified
in response to perturbations that arise from personal and social interactions.
(Ritchie, 1994)
^ In a constructivist classroom, students are encouraged to take responsibility for
their own learning as they explore. (Ritchie, 1994)
^ In class, students try to make sense of experiences in terms of their prior knowl-
edge.
^ Active teaching is required to monitor student understanding and help them
restructure ideas through negotiating meaning. (Driver, 1988)
Studies on constructivism abound in science education journals. Examples are
those of Baimba, Katterns and Kirkwood (1993), Gaskell (1992), Watts and Bentley
(1991), Tobin (1990), Harlen (1992), and Marin and Benarroch (1994). Constructivism
has become central in educational research. Magoon (1977) labelled as constructivist

approaches research techniques that have been variously referred to as anthropo-

logical, participant/observer, phenomenological, ethnographic and humanist.
It is interesting to compare Ritchie's characterization of constructivism with Duck-
worth's The having of wonderful ideas', which she conceptualized after her experi-
ence with APSP in the 1960s. I believe the Africa Primary Science Programme, and
Duckworth herself, were constructivist before the term was used in science educa-
tion. Actually, I think they were more than constructivist as this term is currently
defined in the literature. For this reason, I shall discuss APSP in more detail.
APSP AND SEPA

The African Primary Science Programme (APSP) was unique in that it did not bother
with labels. It had only one goal, namely to help children do and learn science. Cur-
riculum development specialists who were closely connected with APSP describe
this uniqueness as follows:
The African Primary Science Programme shared with the Elementary
Science Study the tendency, among other things, to leap into the fray
without starting from a detailed statement of goals and objectives. (Duck-
worth, 1978)
There appeared to be a remarkable reluctance, or was it inability, on the
part of these people to verbalize what they were trying to do. Yet there
was little doubt that they were doing something promising and exciting.
(Yoloye, 1978)
Evaluators led by Yoloye and Duckworth compiled goals for APSP three years
after the project started. These were based on observation of what was happening
in classrooms. Many science educators described the approach as inquiry/discov-
ery/problem-solving. Yoloye (1978) characterized APSP teachers as 4open' and char-
acterized the programme as 'humanist' (Yoloye, 1994). Perhaps no single label
completely captured the programme's spirit. How do we explain how a primary
school science unit called 'Ask the Antlion' so intrigued an experienced teacher that
she kept investigating for nine months? Listen to her 'wonderful idea':
His [Yoloye's] approach ... generated in me the desire to study the antlion
beyond any study undertaken by others in my class, and finally perhaps
to lead me to some contribution in the study of nature in my immediate
environment... I had been successful at keeping an antlion alive for three
whole weeks, an achievement which was not recorded in any book I have
so far read. (Ayankogbe, 1978)
Mrs Ayankogbe had reared several antlions from larva to adulthood and had
hoped the adults would mate and produce eggs so that she could document the
entire life cycle. She had had no formal science training before joining a one-year
diploma class where she was introduced to APSP materials.

APSP and its successor, the Science Education Programme for Africa (SEPA),
are perhaps best characterized by the influence that they still exert on science edu-
cation in Africa. I shall examine how these programmes have affected science
education by influencing classroom practice, developing institutional linkages, build-
ing human resources, conducting research and ensuring sustainability.
Influencing classroom practice

APSP and SEPA have had a significant impact on the philosophy and practice of
science teaching in Anglophone African countries. It is interesting to speculate why
these programmes had a greater long-term impact than many others. Unlike the
mathematics and secondary school science curriculum projects that were initiated
at about the same time, APSP and SEPA centred on the child rather than on the struc-
ture of an academic discipline. This approach demanded little new content knowl-
edge of teachers or parents. Learning began with children's exposure to local
materials rather than with abstractions. Although this may have been a novel
approach in schools, it was a common approach to learning in African societies,
familiar to both parents and teachers. Changes in children's behaviour — their abil-
ity to manipulate materials and to explain their investigations in everyday language
— were easily recognizable indicators of effective teaching. The relevance to com-
munity life of what children learned was also clear. To borrow from John Volmink,
APSP and SEPA involved all stakeholders in the discourse not only on science edu-
cation, but on education in general, empowering teachers, parents and children. Dur-
ing the 1970s, significant numbers of teachers could be found using the approach in
classrooms and training colleges throughout Africa, as Savage has documented.
Although rising school enrolments and deteriorating economies have made it
increasingly difficult to implement the APSP/SEPA approach, it remains an ideal for
which to strive.
Developing institutional linkages

If we take the Rehovoth conference as a beginning, the institutional life span of APSP
and SEPA was about 25 years (1960-1985). This gives some idea of how long it takes
for an innovative programme to become established. There is little doubt that by
1980 SEPA had become a force to be reckoned with, both regionally and interna-
tionally. Although, for reasons mentioned earlier, SEPA lapsed into dormancy around
1985, some of the structures and institutions it established, the human resources it
developed, and the vision it advocated continue to make positive contributions to
science education in Africa.
APSP was initially a programme of the US-based Education Development Center
(EDC) and later evolved into a programme of an independent African organization,
SEPA. It started with a focus on only two countries, Nigeria and Kenya, which grad-
ually expanded to seven countries and then to 15.
The transition from being a US-based to an independent African programme

carried important lessons. In reality, a combination of independence, dependence

and interdependence came into play. In the governance of SEPA, the African mem-
ber countries formulated policy through a representative council. Member countries
paid annual dues, but SEPA still depended on donor funds for many of its pro-
grammes. Programmes and policies arose from a cross-fertilization of ideas and ex-
periences from more than 15 African countries.
Most significantly, SEPA embarked on a strategy of mobilizing African personnel
to help individual countries on specific projects. To do this, the programme estab-
lished links with several regional and international organizations, including UNESCO,
UNICEF, the United Nations Environmental Program (UNEP), ODA, BREDA, the African
Curriculum Organization (AGO) and African Bureau for Educational Sciences (BASE).
One result of these broad linkages was the development of a large, diverse group of
stakeholders in the project. These included teachers, science educators, scientists,
psychologists, regional and international nongovernmental organizations (NGOs),
professional teachers' associations and consultants. Such a broad diversity of stake-
holders was a major source of strength for an organization hoping to carry out sus-
tainable changes in systems of education.
Building human resources

The experience of developing and testing APSP materials affected many teachers,
scientists, science educators and ministry officials, and they in turn transferred their
new skills to their colleagues. Human resource development was significantly
expanded under SEPA through the establishment of the International Centre for Edu-
cational Evaluation (ICEE) at the Institute of Education, University of Ibadan, Nige-
ria, and the Science Teacher Educators1 Programme (SETC) at the Science Curriculum
Development Centre, Njala University College, University of Sierra Leone.
Established in 1972 under this author's directorship, ICEE trained educational
evaluators at postgraduate diploma, master's and doctoral levels. Students went on
to assume high-level positions in their home countries. SETC was established in 1975
under the directorship of Alieu Kamara. This programme trained science educators
at the diploma level to become classroom teachers, ministry staff, and faculty of
teacher training colleges.
Between 1972 and 1980, ICEE trained 124 students from 17 African countries —
63 at the diploma level, 53 at the master's level and 8 at the doctoral level. In the
process, faculty and students conducted a great deal of fundamental educational
research. In 1976, ICEE played an important role in establishing an influential NGO,
the AGO, that brought together national curriculum development centres from 19
African countries. Between 1980 and 1986, ACO sponsored 32 students from mem-
ber countries for master's programmes at ICEE. Funding for this programme was pro-
vided by the German Foundation for International Development (DSE). Other
students came to ICEE with support from AMP, the Carnegie Corporation, CFTC, the
Deutscher Akademischer Austauschdienst (DAAD), the Ford Foundation, Makerere
University, and SEPA. Today, ICEE is an established department of the University of

Ibadan that produces about 30 graduates a year. The centre's geographical coverage
has been reduced, however, due to a lack of external funding.
Conducting research
Primary science curriculum development, as undertaken by APSP, was an effective
form of action research, involving science educators, trial teachers and school-
children. The APSP approach took into account the three elements of relevance listed
in the 1960 Addis Ababa declaration, namely the African environment, child
development and cultural heritage. The programme developed teachers and educa-
tors across the continent with valuable experience in relevant action research. Even
today, these individuals form a powerful reservoir from which to draw new
initiatives.
SEPA carried the research thrust further by initiating basic research on the intel-
lectual development of African children. With funds from UNEP, SEPA set up a task
force that brought together research results from all over the continent. Their work
resulted in a monograph entitled The Child in the African Environment, edited by
Romanus Ohuche and Barnabas Otaala. A third contribution was the research con-
ducted over the years at ICEE. Graduates from ICEE programmes are found today in
African universities, colleges of education and curriculum development centres, pro-
viding leadership in educational research and evaluation.
Ensuring sustainability
In an effort to ensure sustainability, the founders of SEPA worked to institutionalize
specific programmes, such as ICEE and SETC, that were integrated into national uni-
versity systems. Less successful was the institutionalization of SEPA itself. As an
intergovernmental organization, SEPA established its legal status through an agree-
ment with the government of Ghana and obtained observer status in the Organiza-
tion of African Unity (OAU). Thus the programme achieved legal sustainability and,
as a legal entity, is still alive today. During its early years of expansion, the success
of SEPA was due in large part to the creativity, vision and diplomatic skills of its first
executive director, Hubert Dyasi, as well as the drive and commitment of the coun-
try representatives on the programme's executive council. Unfortunately, the subse-
quent leadership of SEPA was not as strong, and lapses in management resulted in
a loss of funding. Today the programme is dormant. Several lessons can be learned
from this experience:
l> For long-term sustainability, organizations need to move from dependency to
interdependence in their relationships with donor agencies. Dependency hin-
ders the development of self-reliance that forms the basis of genuine inter-
dependence.
^ Organizations need excellent leadership on a sustained basis, leadership that
combines management and diplomacy skills in addition to expertise in science
education.

^ Donor-organization relationships are built on trust. Officers of organizations

seeking donor support must ensure that the basis for trust is never eroded.
^ Although a functioning secretariat is indispensable, the critical indicator of the
success of an education programme in Africa is its projects and activities rather
than a complex administrative structure. Thus, SEPA's activities continue to exert
a strong influence on science education in Africa in spite of its demise as a for-
mally functioning programme.
THE FUTURE
Because of economic deterioration and a massive exodus of talented personnel, the
quality of science education has declined drastically in most African countries.
Despite the tremendous efforts of programmes such as APSP/SEPA, the gap in
science education between the developed world and Africa widens. Books and equip-
ment are obsolete and in bad repair, scholarly journals are unavailable, and there
are few opportunities for African science educators to interact with their counter-
parts in other parts of the world. At a more profound level, questions are being
raised as to whether the African context is conducive to the promotion of quality
science education.
The African Forum for Children's Literacy in Science and Technology (AFCLIST),
launched in 1988 as an activity of the Rockefeller Foundation, shows promise for the
future. AFCLIST is an informal association of African educators, scientists, techno-
logists, media specialists and international resource people. It operates a small
grants programme to support innovative science education in African.
AFCLIST is a legacy of APSP/SEPA. Philosophies are similar, and many veterans of
APSP/SEPA are actively involved in AFCLIST at both administrative and field levels.
AFCLIST has some features that are unique in today's environment and may provide
guidelines for the future. For one thing, AFCLIST primarily supports initiatives arising
from African countries or from consortiums of African science educators — a policy
that is most likely to ensure relevance, commitment and sustainability.
In the face of a gloomy situation, African teachers and educators must continue
to strive for excellence in science education. The experiences described in this paper
provide some suggestions for the future:
^ Science education programmes in Africa still require funding from donor agen-
cies, but they need to move towards interdependence rather than dependency.
^ To derive optimum results from external aid, policy makers in science education
must clearly identify their needs and order their priorities. Funded programmes
should originate from their intended beneficiaries.
^ Science education programmes require a long period of gestation if they are to
engender sustainable change in education systems: planners need to adopt a
long-term approach.
^ In view of scarce human resources, networking should be vigorously pursued
through regular communication, exchanges, collaborative research and joint
action.

^ Tested approaches to curriculum change can be successful in primary and sec-

ondary schools. The range of actors needs to be broad, including NGOs, the pri-
vate sector, teachers' associations and institutions of higher learning.
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2
The role of Science and technology
in development
Phineas Makhurane, University of Science and Technology, Zimbabwe, and
Michael Kahn, Centre for Education Policy Development, Johannesburg
ABSTRACT
The authors begin by presenting a historical perspective on the role of science and
technology worldwide, with particular reference to Africa. They address questions
such as: Is development linked to social and economic systems? Who defines devel-
opment? For what kind of development should Africa strive? What kind of science
and technology education best promotes this development? What is the relationship
between science and technology and development? Do realistic or deterministic
views of science and technology better suit development in Africa? The chapter pro-
vides evidence to support claims, analyses trends in the role of science and tech-
nology in development for past and current practices, and proposes suggestions for
Africa in the future.
DEVELOPMENT: AN AFRICAN PERSPECTIVE

Technological dependence lies at the heart of all dependencies. Therefore,
we in the developing countries should evolve a technological capacity
appropriate to our own conditions; select technologies and adapt them to
our own economic and social infrastructures in the context of our own
culture and way of life.
Dr Rodrigo Borja, President of Ecuador
The past
Africa is rich and diverse in resources — it has 97 % of the world's chrome, 85 % of
its platinum, 50 % of its palm oil and 33 % of its coffee (United Nations Economic
Commission for Africa) — terrain and people. Ancient civilizations in Africa such as

those of the Nile Valley exploited fertile soils, water and settled labour to develop
class structures that could evolve technologies such as the pyramids, wheeled char-
iots, and the iron mines of Meroe. Similar civilizations produced the bronze tech-
nologies and mammoth earthworks of Benin in the west; the clay-domed steel
furnaces on the savannah plains of the east; and the iron mines and stoneworks of
the kingdoms of Greater Zimbabwe.
European accounts written at the time of early contact marvelled at the equitable
social organizations and inventive technologies compared with those at home — a
state of mind that did not last long before it became more convenient for Europe to
view Africa as backward, and as a source of minerals, agricultural raw materials and
slave labour. Profits helped fuel capital formation and industrialization in Europe.
Cheap labour is a necessary element of industrialization. Despite a variety of sys-
tems of chiefdoms, kingdoms and empires, in most parts of Africa people controlled
their mode of production, the land. This system of subsistence farming has likely
been both the curse and the blessing of the continent. By contrast, in Europe, cen-
turies ago land enclosure acts separated peasants from their economic roots to
become compliant sources of cheap labour.
The Berlin conference of 1884 formalized the end of the European struggle for
spheres of influence in Africa with the artificial creation of the current nation states.
Exploitation of Africa's labour and mineral and agricultural resources characterized
the relatively short era of imperialism that followed. What little development
occurred was to facilitate the exploitation of these resources and to develop tastes
for manufactured goods and thus expansion of the market.
The scramble out of Africa was therefore more rapid than the scramble into
Africa, following the realization that continuing economic imperialism could be
achieved without the expense and inconveniences of formal imperialism.
The present
On the whole, Africa continues to be a continent of subsistence farmers and
pastoralists — some claim that Africa's contribution to the world's industrial output
is only 2 % (UNECA). Urban salary scales assume that a wife is at home on the farm
feeding the family. Rural areas further subsidize cities through the sale of excess
food at subsidized prices and the purchase of manufactured goods. The livelihood
of African subsistence-level farmers remains relatively untouched by events in cities.
Price controls on the basic food crops provide farmers with little incentive to pro-
duce an excess. Thus the smallholder sector is an unsatisfactory base for capital
formation. This is generally an urban phenomenon where small elites become dis-
proportionately rich through the exploitation of contacts with government, from the
extraction of minerals, and from servicing expatriate communities. Small industrial
sectors focus on import substitution, off-shore industries making large profits from
processing raw materials. South Africa is a notable exception, where, as in Europe,
the masses (in this case black) were systematically driven from the land to become
workers for the substantial industrial sector. However, with expanding populations

Chapter 2 The role of science and technology in development
and the concomitant need for more land, environmentally friendly practices such as
shifting cultivation become impossible, friable tropical soils deteriorate, and primary
forest areas are disappearing at alarming rates. As a result, many African countries
can no longer feed themselves.
Everywhere in Africa the notion of the nation state is under attack from within
by ethnic minorities dissatisfied with corrupt national leadership, and from with-
out by multinational corporations. Monolithic economies, overdependent on a
single foreign exchange earner such as copper in Zambia and petroleum in Nigeria
become vulnerable to change in world markets and are collapsing. In many
African countries, by almost every measure people are worse off than they were
30 years ago.
Ghana and Uganda are two countries in Africa that are currently experiencing
an upward swing of their economies. They were the subjects of a report commis-
sioned by UNECA and prepared by the Foundation for Research Development
(FRD), South Africa. Table 2.1 (a) shows some human development indicators in the
two countries selected from the report. Table 2.1(b) shows some science and tech-
nology indicators.
Most of the countries ranked in the bottom 97 least developed countries are in
Africa. Africa is also the least developed continent in terms of science and tech-
nology, if indicators such as journal articles and citations are used as a guide. There
are numerous theories to explain this underdevelopment of African countries.
The environmental thesis argues that the harsh conditions in the North necessi-
tated development of the advanced technologies that enabled it to dominate the
world, including Africa. The assassinated Guyanese sociologist, Walter Rodney, in
How Europe Underdeveloped Africa, suggested a deliberate policy of underdevelop-
ment through mercantilism and market expansion in a continent ravaged by the
legacy of slavery — an earlier exploitation of cheap labour that was one of the bases
for European capital formation. Pakenham, in The Scramble for Africa, comments on
the almost total ignorance of Africa by Europe until the end of the last century:
'... beyond the trading posts of the coastal fringe, and strategically important colo-
nies in Algeria and South Africa, Europe saw no reason to intervene.' Yet with the
impact of a 'romantic nationalism' and economic depression, Africa became
'. . . a lottery ticket, and a winning price [that] might earn glittering prizes'. Any
theory to explain underdevelopment in Africa must be complex, and forms the back-
ground for consideration of the role of science and technology.
Africa was the last continent to modernize and participate in the debate on the
role of science and technology in development. However, though a latecomer, dis-
cussion and expectations have been intense in Africa, especially during the 1960s
and the first wave of decolonialization. Regrettably, as table 2.2 indicates, there is
little to show for some 20 years of investment in science and technology, and con-
tinuing expectations have become something of a cargo cult. This chapter argues
that the issue involves misunderstandings of the very nature of science and tech-
nology, of innovations, and of intellectual and economic hegemony.

Table 2.l(a): Rankings of Ghana and Uganda among developing countries, based on
human development indicators*
Ghana Uganda
Human development index (1992) 62 80
Life expectancy (1992) 58 96
Access to safe water (1988-91) 61 95
Infant mortality (1992) 56 74
Daily calorie supply (1988-90) 79 87
Child malnutrition (1990) 65 62
Adult literacy (1992) 52 68
Mean years of schooling (1992) 44 76
Radios (1990) 26 65
Real GDP per capita (PPP$) 1991 75 70
GNP per capita (US$) 1991 63 91
*Ninety-seven developing countries were ranked to reflect their comparative performance on

selected aspects of human development.
Source: Human Development Report 1994, UNDP, New York. UNECA, 1995, in FRD.
SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY

The hand axe from Olduvai, over a million and a half years old, a first thing
made by man, prefigures the whole world of making and shaping. No ear-
lier artifact exists on earth, and all art and technology begins here.
This quotation from the brochure of a major exhibition of African art reveals the
intimate relationship between art and technology and their basis for the human
activity called science.
However, history dictates that societies keep at the cutting edge of technology to
avoid domination by others. One may be first through the technological door, but
that advantage must be nurtured and maintained. Those who know iron are likely
to dominate those who know flint.
There is considerable debate as to the existence of science in Africa, or indeed
pre-contact Europe. However, there is general agreement that technology — making
— always existed in all societies, including Africa, and preceded science — formal
analysis and theorizing — though some argue that technology is merely applied
science and see a linear development from science to technology. Others see science
as representing objectivity and rationality, whose purpose is to understand nature;

technology as making in ways that help how we conduct our lives. Yet others see
both as more messy, human activities that wriggle and fumble as they progress.
The philosopher Fukuyama ascribes a special role to the progress of science in
societies as providing an arrow of time to measure development. One of the authors
of this article (Makhurane) aligns himself with a rationalist view of science as a cul-
ture that may be superimposed on any culture since it is universal, and a culture of
hope and undying optimism. This view believes that a scientific interrogation of
nature should lead to the same answer, irrespective of who the interrogators are and
where they are located. However, as with any discipline or craft, possession of the
tools of science is no guarantee of rational behaviour, compassion and humility. Fur
thermore, the development of science appears to go hand in hand with the devel-
opment of economic and political hegemony — witness the riches created by
contributions made by chemistry to the textile industry in Germany and Britain at
the turn of the century.
Table 2.l(b): Selected science and technology indicators

for Ghana and Uganda
Ghana Uganda
Estimated expenditure on R&D, 1993 (US$ millions) 4,67% 2,03%
R&D expenditure as % of GDP (1993) 0,08% 0,06%
R&D expenditure as % of government expenditure (1993) 0,40% 0,29 %
S&T publications & (citations) 1981-92 765 (2 772) 423 (1 350)
Estimated number of researchers (1994) 850 800

Researchers per 10 000 labour force 1,59 1,03
(1990) (1994)
Number of students enroled in higher education (year) 13,316 10,492
Percentage of higher education enrolments in S&T fields 42 % 59 %
Balance of payments (US$ millions) in: 1988 1992

• high-technology goods -100,8 -114,3
• medium-technology goods -435,1 -176,6
• low-technology goods +395,5 -77,0
Source: UNECA, Development of Appropriate Science & Technology Indicators, 1995.

Table 2.2: Changing indicators for Ghana and Uganda
Ghana Uganda
Energy use (oil equiv) per capita (kg) (1971) 107 58
Energy use (oil equiv) per capita (kg) (1991 130 25
Energy use (oil equiv) per capita (kg) (1993) 96 21
Energy imports as % of merchandise exports (1971) 8 1
Energy imports as % of merchandise exports (1992) 52 73
Annual average change in forest (1970-89) -0,8 -0,8
Infant mortality rate (per 1 000) (1982) 98 116
Infant mortality rate (per 1 000) (1993) 76.2 99,2
Education expenditure (as % of GNP) (1960) 3,8 3,2
Education expenditure (as % of GNP) (1990) 3,3 2,9
Health expenditure as % of GNP (1960) 1,1 0,7
Health expenditure as % of GNP (1990) 1,7 1,6
Population per physician ('000) (1970) 13 9
Population per physician ('000) (1990) 23 14
Science publications recorded in ISI database (1985) 79 39
Science publications recorded in ISI database (1994) 114 91
Source: UNECA, 1995, in FRD.
How we define science and technology becomes problematic when we exclude the
social contexts within which they are practised: how we define them colours our
expectations of what science and technology can contribute to development.
DEVELOPMENT
It is insufficient to define development as the improvement of the quality of life and
wellbeing of the ordinary citizen. We must develop indicators to refine and quantify
the definition.
Anthropological studies reveal that within some traditional tribal structures, by
accepting the authority of the chief, one was guaranteed an education for one's
children, a job in administration and support in one's old age. All these are com-
monly used indicators of development. For Fukuyama (1992), without the attainment
of liberal democracy together with a free market, development cannot occur.
Using these indicators, 19th-century UK and the Soviet Union could be described as
'developed'.

We must consider other indicators to evolve an understanding of development.

These would include: (1) the degree of social cohesion; (2) the extent of literacy;
(3) the value attached to productive activity; (4) the role and nature of its class for-
mation; (5) the quality of its health and nutrition; (6) equality of access to oppor-
tunities; and (7) mortality rates and life expectancies. Table 2.3 shows some
development indicators in Ghana and Uganda.
Table 2.3: Development indicators for Ghana and Uganda
Ghana Uganda
Population per doctor (1990) 23000 14000
Maternal mortality per 100 000 live births (1992) 1 000 550
Mortality of children under 5 yrs (per 1 000) (1992) 129 205
Population with access to health services % (1985-91) 60 70
Population with access to safe water % (1988-91) 54 15
Population with access to sanitation % (1988-91) 42 31
Mean years of schooling (1992) 3,5 1,1
% of paved roads in good condition (1988) 28 10
Motor vehicles per 100 people (1989-90) 0,8
Telephones per 100 people (1990-92) 0,5 0,3
Television sets per 100 people (1990) 1,5 1
Radios per 100 people (1990) 27 11
Paper consumed per capita (kg per 1 000 people, 2 990) 300 0,05
Source: UNECA, 1995, in FRD.
Whatever indicators are used, ultimately, defining development is a value-laden

process done within varying social contexts. For the capitalist, for instance, develop-
ment is achievement of wealth with a minimum of interference. However, South Africa,
a developing country of sub-Saharan Africa with an emerging democracy, has begun to
define its indicators differently to bring them in line with national goals stated in the
White Paper on Science and Technology in South Africa (1995). The White Paper
states that the goal for development is a future '... where all South Africans will enjoy
an improved and sustainable quality of life, participate in a competitive economy by
means of satisfying employment, and share in a democratic culture'.
The data for Ghana and Uganda is indicative of the reality in many parts of Africa
that needs no further elaboration. Many countries have a long way to go before
achieving even a handful of the stated indicators.

SCIENCE, TECHNOLOGY, AND EDUCATION IN DEVELOPMENT

Science and technology
Much scientific research in Africa duplicates or is an extension of western research.
Thus, development of Africa's scientific and technological resource base is often
measured in terms of journal articles published in the industrialized North and cita-
tions to these articles. Doing so can present a biased picture that may result in inap-
propriate planning and development as well as affecting the flow of foreign
investment. Table 2.1(b) (UNECA) shows some science and technology indicators.
Basic research in small particle physics has little application to development in
Africa, even were there funds to support it. Without closer analysis, it would seem
that so would basic work in, for example, astronomy. However, in comparison with
skies in the North relatively little is known about the southern skies. Therefore,
Africa would have an advantage over the North in this field, less financial support
would be needed than for particle physics, and engagement by African scientists in
high science would keep them at the cutting edge with their international colleagues.
Though clearly it is inappropriate and impossible financially for African countries to
engage in all aspects of high science, certainly there is a need for scientists in Africa
to maintain close contacts with high science through journals, meetings, exchange
fellowship programmes and so on. To keep African scientists at the cutting edge,
there may be a need for both national centres of high science throughout the con-
tinent, such as at the University of Cape Town in South Africa, and for regional cen-
tres, such as the International Institute for Tropical Agriculture (IITA) in Nigeria.
Individuals and donors, rather than cooperative vision of African governments, have
been responsible for regional centres of high science. Considering the scarcity of
resources and the brain-drain, African countries should consider support to regional
centres of excellence that address problems in crop and livestock management, thus
directly contributing to development. However, there may be indirect relevance in
the theoretical astronomy and mathematics research at Cape Town. Familiarity with
any branch of high science may enable more inspired work in directly relevant low
science. The fundamental base of high science cannot be prescribed. Provided its
research agenda has intellectual integrity, its contribution to national development
lies in training skilled researchers whose ability to analyse and operate critically
forms an essential component of any society to develop — though one hopes that
university training can avoid the 4. . . dominance of culturally and socially inappro-
priate curricula and structures which do not reflect the interests of the major
stakeholders' (Gaidzanwa, in UNECA, 1995). One does not expect fundamental break-
throughs from isolated science departments in Africa. However, one does expect
them to contribute to the stock of skilled personnel with the skills and respect for
rigour needed to contribute to the economy wherever they find themselves.
We define 'high science' as research that pushes back the frontiers of knowledge.
4
Low science' — which has more direct relevance to development in African coun-
tries — we define as using existing knowledge to solve pressing issues in fields such

as health, family planning, agriculture and the production of goods. Low science
enables people to add value to their resources, is itself problem-solving in its exe-
cution, and blurs distinctions between science, technology and, on occasion, soci-
ology. The knowledge base in low science is thus as important a resource to African
countries as their mineral and agricultural resources. The locus for any high science
conducted in African countries is clearly the universities or international research
centres. The locus for low science would be universities, government laboratories,
extension agencies, industry, and consultancy centres in informal sectors, such as
those established by the University of Science and Technology, Kumasi, throughout
Ghana. South Africa's White Paper on Science and Technology (1995) is exemplary
in the ways it uses policy to link high science, low science and technology in pur-
suit of social and economic goals.
Industry is also a focus for the practice of high science, low science and tech-
nology. Where this is found in-country, there are clear advantages to linking aca-
demics with industry so that research would be pulled by market demands.
Governments in Africa should promote such research through passing appropriate
patent laws, implementing credit schemes, and giving tax incentives to individuals
and firms that support applied research. When the research capabilities of multina-
tionals are located outside Africa, as is so often the case, there may be a mismatch
between these science activities and the demands of Africa.
Education
Countries in Africa have invested heavily in education. Kenya, for example, spends
about 40 % of the recurrent budget on education — well over 50 % if education com-
ponents of other ministries such as health and agriculture are taken into account.
And this does not consider expenditures on schooling by parents who in rural areas
may spend 60 % of household cash incomes on educating their children. Yet despite
an emphasis on science and technology in the curriculum, economies throughout
the continent are in disarray. However, the informal economy, typified in the 'mar-
ket mammies' of West Africa or the bush mechanics in East Africa, flourishes. On
the surface, it appears that education hampers the economy! Poorly or uneducated
traders and mechanics outperform educated bureaucrats: legions of school-leavers
and university graduates are unable to find gainful employment, unlike their unedu-
cated age-mates in the informal economy.
Perhaps the school curriculum, particularly the science and technology compo-
nents, is dysfunctional? Perhaps the teaching of them makes these subjects unpop-
ular and mysterious? Schooling is an elite activity and the higher the rank in the
educational pyramid, the more elitist it becomes. For example, in Tanzania only
about 5 % of students who enter secondary school enrol in senior secondary classes.
They are clearly on a career path that will take them to universities and jobs as med-
ical doctors, government functionaries and so on. This high investment scarcely
impacts on the broad economy, and the skills developed remain locked up in the
public sector, scarcely touching the huge informal sector.

Making a transition from a low-income survival activity in the informal sector to

a more complex one is not easy. Governments could divert resources invested in the
formal educational system to provide the informal sector with the necessary inputs
to facilitate such a transition. Performance-linked incentives provided by government
to universities in Ghana redirected research. Universities did so by establishing con-
sultancy services in the heart of the manufacturing and informal sectors. This is a
model that may be worth pursuing elsewhere in Africa. So may the experience in
Mauritius, where they introduced a multidisciplinary approach to science and tech-
nology courses that emphasizes practical training and exposure to the market place.
The South African White Paper (1995: 10) summarizes an approach to education and
training that other African countries should consider:
Education and training in an innovative society should not trap people
within constraining specialties, but enable them to participate and adopt
a problem-solving approach to social and economic issues within and
across discipline boundaries . . . Basic inquiry, as opposed to a formula-
driven approach, is absolutely essential, particularly at the universities and
technikons, which deal with young minds.
The type of relationship between researchers, extension agents and farmers that
has worked in agriculture also may be a model that informal science and technol-
ogy educators would wish to examine. It could provide a wedge to bring more
advanced technologies into the informal sector. Perhaps what holds Africa back is a
lack of willingness of her peoples to believe in themselves, their ability to change
their circumstances and their preparedness to invest in their own futures — though
they are the continent's most valuable resource. Becoming an innovative software
developer, for example, does not require massive financial investment, as Sri Lankans
have so amply demonstrated.
CONCLUSION
Unlike the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) coun-
tries, no country in Africa other than South Africa has invested in the type of policy
research needed for what have come to be called foresight studies to determine pos-
sible long-term outcomes of science and technology decisions. Instead, planning in
African countries has become dominated by the views and actions of donors such
as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF). Such organizations
generally provide the funds for the research that informs planners. Inevitably such
work lacks a strong African perspective. Therefore, African countries must them-
selves undertake to sponsor research into development, and into science and tech-
nology indicators. If need be, bodies such as the Economic Commission for Africa
(ECA) or the Organization of African Unity (OAU) should sponsor appropriate
standardization and training.

REFERENCES
Foundation for Research Development, South Africa. 1995. Development of Appropriate Science
and Technology Indicators for Africa. UNECA
Department of Arts, Culture, Science and Technology, South Africa. 1995. White Paper on
Science and Technology

3
Curriculum innovations and their impact on the

teaching of science and technolody
Mike Savage, African Forum for Children's Literacy in Science and Technology,
Nairobi, Kenya
ABSTRACT
This chapter describes classroom practice in Kenya during the 1970s as well as how
changes in syllabi, curriculum materials, teacher development and examinations sup-
ported inquiry science learning. Current innovations in science education are
described and then analysed to identify factors that are critical for the dissemina-
tion of innovative practice.
... problem solving skills can be applied to a wide range of work settings
and can enable people to acquire job-specific skills and knowledge in the
workplace. (World Bank, 1994:10)
It occurred to me, then, that of all the virtues related to intellectual func-
tioning, the most passive is the virtue of knowing the right answer. Know-
ing the right answer requires no decisions, carries no risks, and makes no
demands. It is automatic. And it is thoughtless. (Duckworth, 1987)
THE KENYAN EXPERIENCE

Much of what I describe is of schools in Kenya during the 1970s — a country I know
well — and of primary education, my area of interest and experience. I describe
Kenyan primary schools in detail to provide texture and a picture of what I regard
as good science teaching. During the same period, equally exciting work could be
found at all levels in many English-speaking countries throughout sub-Saharan Africa
as a result of programmes such as the African Primary Science Programme (APSP),
the Science Programme for Africa (SERA), and Nuffield Secondary School Science.
These programmes encouraged educators to engage with their own realities and per-
mit themselves to be inspired and sustained by the creativity of children and the

inventiveness of teachers. I have visited science classrooms in over 20 countries on

four continents and though the most dismal I have seen have been in Africa, so have
the most exciting, often taught by creative but poorly qualified teachers. As the most
outstanding of a number of outstanding teachers in Africa once said, 'It's just a
matter of struggling/
It's just a matter of struggling1

Samuel Githinji, the teacher who remarked that 'It's just a matter of struggling/1 was
one of those teachers whose classrooms one never wanted to leave. Every moment
spent there was a joy. One never knew what to expect when visiting Githinji. A per-
manent feature of the classroom was the science store in a fenced area adjoining the
school; a pupil-constructed mud and wattle building with row upon row of shelves
burdened with science equipment. Equipment to Githinji and his students meant
materials salvaged from the environment, such as bottles, tins, scrap metal, old car
parts, wire and lumber. It also meant home-made tools such as spring balances made
from inner tubes, thermometers from old ball-point pens, water drop magnifiers and
microscopes, weather recording instruments and so on. On one occasion the fenced
area had a 30 ft (ie almost 10 m) high windmill that drove a circular saw, every part
made by students. Once there was a 5-6 ft (1,5 m-1,8 m) concrete and mud sphere
with the globe painted on it. For a few hours I understood longitudes, latitudes and
time zones as students patiently explained using shadows of sticks stuck to the
massive globe with lumps of clay. I've seen a relief map of Kenya in that fenced-in
area, made to scale with Mt Kenya about 4 ft (1,2 m) high; an experimental farm to
investigate ways to irrigate crops to conserve water; brick-making kilns and charcoal-
making fires to explore more effective technologies. All that before one entered the
school building!
At any given moment, half the class were not even in Githinji's classroom, they
were working outside. When all 50 gathered together it was always a surprise that
there were so many pupils in the class. Groups inside worked with materials, argu-
ing vivaciously with each other, Githinji or the visitors. Children have asked me ques-
tions I could not answer. They have asked me to settle arguments. Students once
even asked for one of my hairs to see if it was better than theirs for the hygrometer
they were designing. No two groups ever seemed to work on the same topic. Some
children could be making instruments for the classroom orchestra, perhaps testing
different wires to determine their breaking points. Others could be updating
accounts of sales and purchases for the classroom farm. I remember one solitary
boy experimenting with strips of metal to find which was the best for making a clap-
per for an electric bell. When I asked him why he was doing that, he explained that
Githinji had caught him misbehaving and had ordered him to make one as punish-
ment. I have seen groups replicating Faraday's investigations of a candle and making
high-powered slingshots and rubber-powered guns. I have seen groups designing and
making toys and playground equipment for younger children in the village and spe-
cial equipment for the disabled. A local craftsperson, such as a herbalist, could be

Curriculum innovations and their impact on
Chapter 3 the teaching of science and technology
in class explaining aspects of her trade. On one occasion the class visited a nearby
teacher training college where a group of women students had come out with an
inexplicable rash. The local newspaper reported that a medical officer had identified
college food as being responsible for the outbreak. Githinji's pupils did not believe
this so they visited the college to interview students and collect other data. They
correctly identified a new soap powder as the cause.
Reference books written by children filled Githinji's classroom rather than text-
books. Over the years, this classroom library became a fount of information about
the local community: its flora and fauna; soil erosion sites; maps; areas of knowledge
of local experts; local job opportunities; and, most important, pupils' analyses of
past examination papers. Despite a total lack of cramming, Githinji's pupils always
did adequately in the public examination.
It was not enough to visit the school. To have a more complete picture of the
impact of Githinji's teaching, one had to visit pupils' homes. Torch batteries and
bulbs wired huts so you could switch on a light to see your way to the kerosene
lantern. One detail about these circuits that always intrigued me was the torch bulbs
mounted inside larger AC light bulbs. One would sit on furniture pupils made, eat
food they had grown, and be protected from mosquitoes by burning incense they
had concocted. Some households had wheelbarrows with springs to ease their bur-
den over the bumpy paths. Others had hand-powered sawmills, the handles mounted
on large flywheels. Many homes had vegetable gardens, poultry, sometimes rabbits,
using husbandry techniques children had developed at school. One mother
explained that when her son first moved into Githinji's class she thought of remov-
ing him since it seemed pupils were just messing around. She soon realized what he
was learning was worthwhile, because he spent his time working on home improve-
ments instead of getting into trouble in the village. Better still, her son had started
to take school seriously and studied hard in all subjects, not only science. When
explaining science to me, her son once said, 'Well you see, with science you never
seem to know. For example, that poison we made for the mole rats. When we put it
on the ground by the sugar cane it keeps them away. But then who knows, the sugar
might suck up the poison and then when we eat it we might get sick. With science,
you never really know, it's always a bit of a mess.'
The Commonwealth Association of Science, Technology and Mathematics Educa-
tors (CASTME) awarded Githinji a second grade in 1975 — a year when they deemed
no entry merited a first. Though Githinji's work was outstanding, I could describe
many equally exciting classrooms in Kenya that I visited during that period.
Githinji was a P3 teacher, that is, he had the lowest possible professional qualifi-
cation. However, he was a remarkably curious man. Everywhere he went he saw
questions and materials to collect for investigation at his leisure. As he once said,
'Collecting has always been my nature. Everywhere I travel and see something of
interest, I collect it.' His tutor at training college, Alex Berlutti, himself a remarkable
science educator, had reinforced Githinji's innate curiosity. Both Berlutti's and
Githinji's formal education had been minimal. It had been insufficient to erode their

inquiring minds, but sufficient to set them off as autodidacts, sharpened by some
knowledge of the ways rather than the facts of science. Somehow, their formal edu-
cation had strengthened their self-confidence in their ability to solve problems,
rather than eroding it.
In most educational institutions in Africa today, learners and practitioners at all
levels distance themselves from their realities and instead engage in abstractions.
The joy has been removed from learning, educational practice and research that
have become largely irrelevant burdens.
A village museum, science equipment factory and more

In contrast to the university-based researcher, the organizer ... gradually
becomes recognized by community members as having a commitment to
their well-being. The organizer immerses him or herself in the life of the
community, learning its strengths, resources, concerns, and ways of con-
ducting business. The organizer does not have a comprehensive, detailed
plan for remedying a perceived problem, but takes an evolutionary view of
his or her own role in the construction of the solution ... The form they will
take is not always known in advance. It is the organizer's task to help com-
munity members air their opinions, question one another, and then build
consensus — a process that usually takes a great deal of time to complete.
(Moses et al, 1989, in St John)
Leonard Kimani was the tutor at the Limuru District Advisory Teachers' Centre.
As an organizer, his strategy was simple. He assumed that all teachers had interests
that frequently had little to do with their professional qualifications. Kimani identi-
fied these interests and exploited them. Innovative work in schools originated from
such interests, encouraged by Kimani. The teachers then interested children.
Children in a local primary school had organized a museum in a disused, wooden
classroom block with the internal partitions removed. Along the back were rows of
cages with chickens and rabbits, each with careful records of different feeds and
growth rates. Children failed to convince me that their data proved that feeding
rabbits a particular weed prevented them from conceiving, and that when the weed
was removed from their diet, they had bigger litters than normal.
The museum had a bones section. I remember a set of femurs, ranging from that
of a giraffe to that of a minute shrew. There was a skeleton of perhaps a cat, with
an invitation to try to piece the bones together. The table had a saw and various
household chemicals tempting one to investigate bone structure and composition.
Torch cells and bulbs littered a table, together with wires, different substances
that were conductors or insulators, wire coiled-nails, pupil-made motors, mag-
netized needles stuck in pieces of cork. All had intriguing questions that provoked
investigation.
Mystery substances and liquids on one table demanded to be identified. Another
area invited the viewer to build towers and bridges from grass stems and thorns and

to test their strength. One important aspect of the museum was the cardboard boxes
under each table. Children explained that these were filled with materials to be
loaned to teachers when they taught the relevant topics. Without such encourage-
ment, they claimed, teachers usually only used chalk and talk which was boring.
Another school in the same district had a science equipment production factory,
run by the children. From so-called junk, the children made science kits for other
schools. The kits contained tools rather than demonstration equipment designed for
any single purpose. Each kit contained hand tools such as hammers made from large
bolts, saws from tree branches with hacksaw blades, and screwdrivers and chisels
from tempered six-inch nails. It also contained scientific tools such as magnifiers
made from electric bulbs and packing crates with holes for water drops; pegboard,
rubber-tubing, and pan balances. There were weather-recording instruments and
other useful tools to extend children's ability to investigate.
A third school in the district became a soil-conservation centre. Pupils mapped
potentially friable sites and ran a school nursery that grew multipurpose, ornamen-
tal and fruit seedlings for sale to parents. Yet another school became the district
centre for the analysis of past examinations and preparation of mock papers. As can-
didates from the district improved their performance in examinations, parents
increased their interest and support, both moral and financial, for work done by
these schools.
A need for systemic change

In Africa today there is discussion and despair about the impossibility of changing
science teaching for the better. Obstacle after obstacle to implementation is identi-
fied, and action recommendations are made in the safety of international conferences
that participants suspect will not be implemented. A critical analysis of the Kenya
experience provides evidence that our reflections and recommendations may not be
too unrealistic and that there are grounds for optimism. The analysis is made using
frameworks recommended by participants at ASTE '95 as being those that should
underlie effective change models. Governments and donors would be well served by
a more comprehensive and authoritative review of past efforts to help maximize
future inputs and develop policies that promote quality science education.
Change should be incremental, participatory and focused on human development

Together, American technical assistance staff and their Kenyan colleagues initiated
change during the mid-1960s through participation in the APSP. Though there was
no fixed time frame, all knew the process would take decades. For the first two or
three years, staff at the curriculum centre worked intensively for 2-3 days each
week with teachers such as Githinji and Kimani in a few schools, further develop-
ing teaching units inspired by regional APSP workshops. Two rural subcentres were
established in an attempt to ensure that materials reflected classroom realities rep-
resentative of different parts of the country. Units were inquiry-based and used
materials found in the school environment. Early during this period the team

realized there was a need for more experienced staff and selected individuals were
sent to the University of Sierra Leone, which at the time had an outstanding
inquiry-based degree programme.
By the early 1970s some 40 teaching units and a dozen supplementary booklets
for children had been developed and published as a result of this cooperation of
pupils, teachers and curriculum staff. As important, a core of skilled, dedicated
teachers and educators had evolved with a shared vision and experience. An exter-
nal evaluation conducted by Yoloye and Duckworth showed that the approach was
effective in achieving its objectives when handled by teachers associated with the
programme. However, experience showed that teachers not directly involved had
difficulties using the units.
In 1972, curriculum staff together with the experienced core teachers embarked
on the development of a set of teachers' guidelines to help other teachers better
use the inquiry approach and units. The team anticipated implementation problems
and deliberately developed these guidelines with teams of teachers from every dis-
trict in Kenya, training college tutors, teacher centre staff (expanded to 40 from the
initial two subcentres), and inspectors, together with a few scientists. These teams,
joined on occasion by senior officials including the director of education, visited
project schools throughout the year and each December met in different parts of
the country to revise materials tested during the previous year and draft the guide-
lines for classroom trial during the subsequent year. Project materials reflected
classroom problems identified by teachers, implementation problems identified by
inspectors, and teacher education problems identified by teacher educators. By the
mid-1970s the Kenya Primary Science Project knew it was involved in systemic
change.
Change must be systemic, reflect classroom realities and be sustainable

As a result of inspectorate involvement in the curriculum development process,
teacher development was identified as a limiting factor. Subject inspectors success-
fully lobbied for funds for large-scale in-servicing. For three years, five-and-a-half-day
courses were run in every province in the country for groups of up to 500. Teams of
people from the different institutions involved in the development of units and guide-
lines worked with these district and zonal teams that represented a similar spread of
institutions. The goals of these workshops were not to train participants in the use of
course materials. Instead the focus was on professional development. Workshop par-
ticipants were exposed to working with materials, with children, and with other
teachers not at the workshop, for whom they ran a one-day in-service course draw-
ing on the resource team, guidelines and units. Zone and district teams spent the last
day developing action plans for the following year, creating support structures for
local groups of teachers, and negotiating assistance rather than supervision from
headquarters. Multimedia resource material for in-servicing teachers were developed
using the experience of these efforts as well as radio and television broadcasts and
newspaper releases to bring the changes to the attention of the public.

As a result of the involvement of training college tutors a demand grew for

changes in pre-service teacher development programmes. For several years science
tutors representing all 18 colleges worked to develop appropriate print, film,
slide/tape and audio material for tutors and students to prepare teachers more effec-
tively for the changes being implemented in schools. From wherever participants
were located in the educational system, they identified equipment as another import-
ant limiting factor, even though the approach advocated exploring phenomena found
in the immediate school environment. In the mid-1960s, with help from the Ford
Foundation, a science unit had been established at the curriculum centre to address
this problem. Initially the unit designed prototype apparatus with a view to mass
production and used specially designed mobile science workshops to tour colleges
and train students in their use. This was modified in the light of experience and
instead workshop technicians became part of the curriculum development and
implementation teams, exposing participants to skills of using local materials to
make tools that facilitate learners' inquiry. Thus, though unstated, a deliberate policy
decision was made to create an environment that supported and encouraged
maximum use of local resources rather than a dependency on centralized equipment
production that could never fulfil expectations.
Curriculum goals, materials, teacher support services, syllabuses and exams must
not be in contradiction
Syllabuses were identified as yet another factor limiting change. Since all parties had
been involved with and were supporters of the new approach, changing the
syllabuses met with little resistance. In 1976, the primary science syllabus became
a slender document stated solely in terms of inquiry skills expected at each grade
level through investigation of locally available phenomena. The primary teacher
training syllabus became similarly couched in terms to promote inquiry into phe-
nomena, learning and skills to provide an enabling learning environment.
A striking example of the effectiveness of the participatory change model is the
way examinations changed in Kenya during the mid-1970s. Examinations are repeat-
edly identified as major constraints on curriculum change. Fix examinations, the
argument goes, and everything else follows. The only reason I can identify for their
continued tyranny is that the secrecy surrounding them precludes participation.
There is little that any individual or organization can do other than strive for the
good performance of their child, school or village. They cannot do anything about
the nature of the examination nor can they do anything to change it.
Kenya changed primary leaving examinations so that they assessed inquiry-based
learning and understanding rather than memorization. Kenya did so as a result of
consistent pressure from the growing team of teachers, teacher educators, curricu-
lum staff and examinations council researchers that participated in an increasingly
coordinated effort to introduce inquiry science learning. Together they identified
examinations as a major limiting factor and began systematically to develop and field
test items better suited to their vision of what science learning should be. In the face

of evidence and reasoned argument, examinations gradually changed. An important

component of the acceptability of the change was the regular feedback given teach-
ers on student performance through a newsletter sent to schools.
The primary science paper now has a moderately fixed structure of which every-
one is aware. Some 20-25 % of the paper still tests memorization, but of knowledge
deemed essential or likely to have been gained from close observation of nature — an
aim of the syllabus. Such knowledge is in the realm of disciplines such as health, agri-
culture and environmental studies. Another domain of knowledge tested is that most
likely to have been gained from inquiry or experiment into common phenomena.
Inquiry skills such as the ability to transform data from one form to another, to look
for patterns and interpret data, to predict and design experiments, and to evaluate
conclusions form over 70 % of the examination paper in Kenya. The most difficult
domain to examine in paper-and-pencil multiple-choice tests are practical skills of
inquiry such as observation, experimentation and measurement. Yet the primary
school-leaving examination paper in Kenya always has some items that do so. Since
Kenya is a multicultural society, the examination paid close attention to the cultural
context within which items were set, including the culture of girls. Item analysis
showed this to be important in determining the performance of different groups of
people and, with the exception of elite schools, rural children now generally outper-
form those from urban areas, and girls perform equally well on most item types. For
example, children from nomadic societies performed best on an item asking pupils to
decide how the new moon looks in Kenya — the skill of observation of nature being
an objective of the syllabus, and the night sky being equally accessible to every child.
They were followed by children from coastal areas where many families are Islamic,
then by children from farming communities. Children in elite schools chose the option
showing the new moon as depicted in their imported textbooks! The protest from elite
families that this item was biased is an indication that there is no such thing as a cul-
ture-free test; that tests which make such claims in reality favour elites; but, more
important, that a participatory approach is essential even in setting examinations in
order to maintain a power balance between different members of society.
A need for critical mass

After 15 years of slowly introducing inquiry science to Kenya's primary schools,
some thought that critical mass had been reached. Inquiry science had such an
extensive network of supporters that one thought it had become embedded in the
system. We were wrong. A politically motivated rapid expansion of the educational
system together with its restructuring and pressure from large donors almost
overnight caused inquiry science to disappear. The educational system of Kenya was
reformed and reform means change, not evolution, regardless of the quality of what
already exists. Ill-advised policy decisions as much as economic, professional or
cultural realities were responsible for the deterioration.
My analysis of the Kenyan experience requires a postscript. The situation has
deteriorated to the extent that the state has openly accepted its inability to deliver

and has accepted a need for sharing costs with consumers. Yet there are positive
aspects to this trend. Local communities and school clusters increasingly make deci-
sions on issues such as what books to buy and raise funds to hire consultants to
run professional upgrading courses for teachers. Large industries and manufactur-
ers are realizing that supporting schools with supplementary materials not only
demonstrates their willingness to contribute to nation building, but also improves
their corporate public image and is possibly a more effective way to reach potential
consumers than conventional advertising techniques. Newspapers increase their cir-
culation by including supplements designed for the young. Unwittingly perhaps, the
state has unleashed other sources of support to education and perhaps in the future
may make policy and curriculum changes that further decentralize the process.
Current pessimism may be unwarranted, our timescale too short, and our vision
inadequate.
CURRENT MODELS OF SCHOOL CHANGE

Little of what I have described can be seen in Kenya today, or in most African coun-
tries. Rapid expansion of educational opportunities, increasingly overcrowded syl-
labuses, a terrifying deterioration of economies, and political destabilization are
some of the causes. However, the past few years have seen a re-emergence of inno-
vation in science teaching in Africa and there is sufficient evidence for renewed but
cautious optimism. I am delighted to be able to provide more recent examples of
exciting science teaching practices.
The Zanzibar science camps

A senior science educator I know spends weeks at workshops exploring phenomena,
developing teaching units, and being argued down by primary schoolchildren and
teachers. His professional self-confidence is such that he welcomes such opportun-
ities. He is sufficiently confident as a science educator not to feel threatened by his
ignorance. It is worth mentioning that this science educator is the Honourable Omar
R Mapuri, Minister of Education, Zanzibar.
The venue for the Honourable Mapuri's enthusiastic involvement is the Zanzibar
Science Camps. Every year during the December school break, many of the island's
scientists, science educators and teachers congregate at Nkrumah College on the
shores of the Indian Ocean. They run a three-week residential science camp for Form
I students, and sometimes upper primary pupils. Zanzibar has organized such camps
for seven years.
The camps project would be unthinkable without the participation of two excep-
tional people. One is Professor Mohammed Bilal, formerly dean of Sciences at the
University of Dar-es-Salaam, then principal secretary, Science, Technology and Higher
Education and currently chief minister of Zanzibar. The other is Professor Bob Lange,
Brandeis University, Waltham, USA. Their vision, energy and dedication led the
project through the initial years until that vision and energy was transferred to the
educators of Zanzibar.

The camps continually evolve. As participants identify problems, solutions are

developed. An early realization was that there were not enough girl campers and
that teachers from schools which had sent students should also attend the camp.
During the third year, organizers became concerned that much of the activity con-
ducted with students was simply more of the traditional teaching usually done in
schools. As a result they invited two African educators based in the United States,
Hubert and Becky Dyasi from the Workshop Center, City College, New York. The
project ignited with enthusiasm as students became involved in inquiry rather than
traditional learning. The more the camps developed along these lines, the more the
word spread through Zanzibar that something special and exciting was taking place.
Visitors began attending for longer and longer periods. First more junior members
of the Ministry of Education came to work, such as curriculum, inspectorate and
examinations staff; then more senior staff, such as the Chief Inspector of Schools
and the Planning Officer. In the fifth year the Principal Secretary spent every moment
he could spare working at the camp with materials, students and teachers. In the
sixth, the Minister himself attended, not as a guest to open and close the session,
but as a participant working side by side with students and teachers.
It is difficult for me to select from the multitude of exciting incidents I have wit-
nessed at the Zanzibar camps. I remember the look of astonished pleasure on a
girl's face when, on an excursion to a mangrove swamp, she said, 'You mean we
have to learn the language of trees?' I recall the surprised pleasure of the director
of the Institute of Marine Biology at the students' sophisticated discussion of what
they had seen. This lively session was with the second group of students that vis-
ited the swamp. Discussions with the first group had been stilted and forced, the
director himself doing most of the talking. Reviewing that session, the resource
team decided to divide camper students into groups and ask them to discuss the
visit of the previous day. Their discussion lasted an hour and a half and could have
gone on much longer. Resource team members joined student groups to enter into
debates. During the class wrap-up session, instead of the director doing most of
the talking, students repeatedly interrupted to amplify his comments, ask questions
and argue with him.
Once in frustration, I half-jokingly threatened to kill Raschid Scheiff, an 4A' level
teacher at Fidel Castro Secondary School on Pemba Island, if he did not write up a
series of lessons that I had observed him teach. A group of camper students started
work immediately and continued for several hours after a brief introduction by
Raschid. Try to find out as much as you can about the liquids on your desks. Use
anything you like in the laboratory and if you need anything else I shall try to find
it for you.' As they tried to identify the liquids, all easily found in Zanzibar, students
smelled, formed drops and filled containers to the point of overflowing. They used
strips of newspaper to separate colours, and juice from hibiscus flowers as indica-
tor. They made layers of liquids, watched seeds and other object sink or float on the
liquids, raced drops down sloping surfaces and filled small jars with the different
liquids. They also discussed what they were doing and why. They argued about what

constitutes a fair test and recorded their results with increasing sophistication. At
Raschid's suggestion, after completing each investigation, groups wrote their results
on the chalkboard and scrutinized them for patterns. Students interrogated groups
whose results were inconsistent with the rest of the class and, if necessary, asked
them to repeat their experiments in a standardized way. Students began to order the
liquids and notice clusters of experiments that gave similar ordering. Without using
technical terms, they began to use concepts relating to surface tension, viscosity,
density and pH to explain their observations. When they appeared to have a good
understanding of the phenomena, Raschid gently introduced the scientific terminol-
ogy. In short, the series of lessons was as effective a unit as I have observed on the
physical and chemical properties of liquids.
I recollect a group of resource staff exploring seeds before teaching the topic to
camper students. They established that some seeds sink in water and others float.
They went on to investigate seed behaviour in other liquids. As they heated seeds in
water, they noticed that some slowly rose to the surface, paused for a few moments,
then sank again. The process repeated itself over and over. The group investigated this
dance of the seeds for an extended period before explaining it to their satisfaction.
I believe this experience of making sense of the world is what led to the growing
excitement of participants at the Zanzibar camps. Any encounter with phenomena
rapidly leads to puzzlement, whether we are primary pupils or university lecturers,
and understanding is layered. Our active extension of understanding is exciting and
such experiences lead to feelings of confidence, self-empowerment and a knowledge
that one, rather than external factors, is in control of one's learning. Not all partici-
pants at the Zanzibar camps lost their fear of exposure as rapidly as Raschid or the
Honourable Mapuri; not all realized so quickly that their painfully acquired knowl-
edge enabled them to be better inquirers and teachers. However, as participants
increasingly experienced inquiry, their investigations became more authentic. With
a realization that they were not being asked to discard their knowledge but to use
it to expand their understanding, they became less anxious and they too began to
experience an excitement that became contagious. Participants began to reflect
about what was happening to them and to see ways that they could use their knowl-
edge to promote children's inquiry rather than to teach facts. As they inquired, stu-
dents' excitement fed back into an ever-growing loop.
The identification of problems during camp sessions affected other aspects of the
education system. The ministry has established a science teaching centre at
Nkrumah College, well stocked with computers, desktop-publishing equipment and
books. Basic science materials have been sent to all secondary schools. The min-
istry has set up teacher cluster groups and relieved selected teachers of part of their
teaching loads to organize workshops and interschool visits. Everybody in the sys-
tem has become engaged in curriculum development. At workshops, groups develop
resource booklets that are accounts of their explorations of materials and of the
responses of students, rather than prescriptions for teachers to follow. Primary
school teachers, lower secondary teachers, 'A' level teachers, teacher educators,

curriculum staff, the inspectorate, examinations' officers and so on use these book-
lets and add their experiences. Resource materials for pre-service teacher education
have been drafted for trial in the training college. Examinations staff are beginning
to develop items better suited to the inquiry approach. A group of women spear-
headed by the Planning Officer and Chief Inspector of schools is developing ways to
work within the community to advocate greater participation by girls in science and
mathematics. Training video tapes have been made. The ministry has allocated three
full-time staff and a vehicle to help coordinate ongoing project activities. Students
organize village and national level science fairs each year. Donor projects concerned
with education and environmental protection, such as ODA, DANIDA and the World
Bank, have a nationally driven framework within which to work, rather than having
to impose new structures.
The project also has an influence outside Zanzibar. For several years Zanzibar has
invited delegations from Eritrea and Mbeya, one of the regions on mainland Tanzania.
The group of teachers from Mbeya has since started its own curriculum renewal proj-
ect. The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO)
asked Zanzibar to organize a workshop for other countries and island states in the
region. In a letter to Ken Prewitt, executive vice-president of the Rockefeller Founda-
tion, Prem Naidoo, a science educator at the University of Durban-Westville, said:
The Zanzibar Science Camp and its participants from all levels of educa-
tion, from the Minister of Education to pupils from schools, actively pro-
mote the improvement of science education at the primary, secondary and
teacher education levels. This is the most innovative project in participa-
tory curriculum development in science education, at a national level, that
I have seen in operation. I would rate this programme as cutting-edge and
one from which other countries, both developing and developed, have a
lot to gain.
In my experience, such deep-rooted curriculum change must be holistic; no magic
bullet such as a textbook, interactive radio project or science kit has ever changed
a school system. To be effective, many people and institutions in the system must
be deeply involved in and committed to change. These and the following factors
have been significant in the Zanzibar experience:
^ Rooted change is slow. Through the African Forum for Children's Literacy in
Science and Technology (AFCLIST), the Rockefeller Foundation and other donors
have given Zanzibar time by funding the project since 1988.
^ The vision, dedication and support of Dr Mohammed Bilal and Professor Bob
Lange during the camp's early years was critical, and as important was their
judgement on when to relinquish their role. Zanzibaris now run the project and
feel a strong sense of ownership. People are always more strongly committed to
implementing their own objectives than those of outsiders.
^ The project began in the nonthreatening environment of a camp whose sole pur-
pose was to entertain children. There were no ponderous project objectives or

expectations. Participants were free to evolve their own and could develop solu-
tions without considering the so-called constraints of the education system. An
environment that nurtures creativity is necessary for the evolution of creative
solutions. People were encouraged simply to have fun, using science as the vehi-
cle. Having fun is addictive, and camp participants gradually worked within the
system to maximize such enjoyment.
^ Camps had a mix of scientists to keep the science authentic, educators to keep
teaching innovative, and children to keep everybody honest. The reference
group for curriculum innovators must be the beneficiaries, not their profes-
sional peers.
^ Camps have the luxury of identifying their own problems rather than having out-
siders do so for them. Technical assistance must work for national objectives
rather than nationals complying with those of technical assistance personnel.
^ During camps, the resource team's roles became blurred; they acted as skilled
individuals rather than as ministers, principals, secretaries, or school inspectors
and found that they were more innovative than they thought. As many people
as possible must participate in curriculum change.
Linking community with school science in Malawi

In a letter to the technical adviser of AFCLIST, Harold Gonthi of the Malawi Institute
for Education reports:
I am working with the school at walking distance. When children are pro-
vided opportunities to be involved they are great achievers. Their own
teachers were amazed at the work based on mosquitoes. Several teachers
joined the children in their mosquito lesson. It was just great to see these
kids at work. A colleague of mine at the Institute remarked after seeing the
children's work, 'We don't have bad scientists but we teach them badly.'
It is exciting work.
This project, supported by the Rockefeller Foundation at the recommendation of
AFCLIST, as well as by other donors, is interesting in several ways. The project team
assumes that primary school children share the scientific and technological knowl-
edge of the communities within which they live and use this as a basis for learning.
The project team increasingly finds it necessary to learn from children by working
in primary schools although the project's focus is to develop multimedia materials
for pre-service teacher education. One video tape made by the project shows village
craftspersons such as the potter and brewer being interviewed about their under-
standing of the science and technology underpinning their trades. Others in the
series show primary school children being taught topics from the science syllabus
assuming that their conceptual structures are based on this village knowledge.
Tutors' resource booklets accompany each video tape, including one on assessment.
The project team that produced these materials includes representatives from the
university, inspectorate, the planning, examinations and curriculum sections of the

ministry, as well as college tutors. Thus, the project has strong ministry support,
easing potential bottlenecks, and provides a model for the current round of cur-
riculum reform, COPE (Community Orientated Primary Education).
However, as the project has developed, so has the realization that participation
in the production of materials has been a most important aspect of professional
growth. In the course of a second phase, therefore, the project will involve many
more college tutors as members of the team developing further video tapes and print
materials. These will include materials for agriculture, home science and mathemat-
ics, since college tutors in those subjects have clamoured for similar resources. Fur-
thermore, having used the materials, participating tutors have identified that not
only students but they themselves have limited experience of investigating phen-
omena or of teaching inquiry science. Exploration of materials and classroom action
research will feature more strongly during this second phase of materials produc-
tion. During its evolution, project participants have concluded that phenomena and
children are the most authentic reference points to judge the effectiveness of cur-
riculum approaches and materials.
Minds Across, Uganda

Minds Across capitalizes on the chronic shortage of textbooks in Ugandan schools
and the curiosity of children about the world around them, to challenge them to
write their own. Newspapers and displays line school corridors and classroom walls.
Shelves are stacked with booklets authored by children. The four schools that par-
ticipate in this project have become community libraries for out-of-school youth and
adults. The range of titles is extraordinary.
The innovators of Minds Across have harnessed the one resource available in any
school, anywhere: the imagination of children. Younger children develop observa-
tional skills by drawing and describing familiar experiences. Older children conduct
research through inquiry into local phenomena, and gather information from com-
munity members, museums and libraries. Children of all ages learn how to plan an
investigation and present their ideas. In the words of Katherine Namuddu, one-time
project coordinator, The problem of illiteracy is more than not just being able to
read and write. It's really the inability to communicate what you know.' Minds Across
empowers children to value and develop their own ideas. And it empowers teach-
ers to listen to children.
The Science Curriculum Initiative in South Africa (SCISA)
SCISA provides a model for teacher education. A number of donors support SCISA,
including the Rockefeller Foundation, at the recommendation of AFCLIST. It is a net-
work of individuals and organizations concerned with change in science education.
They strongly believe that teachers have a key role to play in making curriculum
decisions. In a draft national science syllabus, SCISA was the one organization iden-
tified as a model for capacity building through the participatory involvement of
teachers, parents and students in decision making (Keogh & Salaman, 1994).

SCISA promotes an inquiry approach to science learning and is sensitive to issues

of gender and race. Through a network of writers' circles, teachers, educators and
others draft responses to policy changes, syllabuses and other documents as well
as writing their own curriculum materials. The goal is the empowering of teachers
through participation in the process of change.
This innovative teacher education model has strengthened links between the uni-
versity faculty of education and primary and secondary schools, and in the process
altered conventional power relationships. With faculty and SCISA support, during
attachments, education students work with mentor-teachers in the school community
to identify a science education problem, then they apply action research methods to
solve it. The school community and classroom become the locus for research, provid-
ing the challenges and site to identify evidence for judging validity. Mentor-teachers
become as important researchers as the university faculty. The university recognizes
the mentor-teachers' role through accreditation, and expects them to teach university
courses and co-author journal articles. SCISA expects change to be incremental and
evolutionary. They recognize that participation is a lengthy process, that there are no
quick fixes, yet it is a process to which all are committed. Unlike other countries on
the continent, South Africa has an economic base and a private sector that can sup-
port such a long-term viewpoint. Furthermore, South Africa's recent history has pro-
vided overwhelming evidence of the efficacy of a participatory approach to change.
Perhaps we should view change as an exponential rather than a linear process.
The media as a source for promoting inquiry

Schools are not the only source for promoting inquiry learning. Though not as per-
vasive as in industrial countries, the mass media can be used in Africa to motivate
and support children's inquiry, as several AFCLIST-assisted projects have demon-
strated. In Sierra Leone, the Home Economics Association taps into traditional com-
munications media channels through youth clubs established throughout the
country. They facilitate the youth's engagement in activities such as community
health campaigns and income-generating activities. A project of the Wildlife Society
of Malawi inspires the youth to use theatre and wall art to galvanize village debate
of more rational use of local resources. Spider's Place, produced by Handspring
Trust for Puppetry in Education, uses television, radio, comics, and audio and video
tapes to reach historically deprived communities in South Africa. Spider's leader-
ship of her gang and their scientific ingenuity repeatedly get them out of the
scrapes into which their adventures lead them. The Kagera Writers' and Publish-
ers' Cooperative Society (KWPCS), Tanzania, publishes fifteen thousand copies of a
monthly newspaper. It hopes to carry a supplement targeted at the youth. Farm-
ers' cooperatives that have infrastructures such as transport and farmers' centres
in most villages distribute the newspaper — an innovative way to have print reach
African villages. KWPCS uses the same system to distribute supplementary book-
lets for children. Action Magazine, a heavily illustrated environmental publication,
mails 10 free copies to every primary school, secondary school and teachers'

college in Botswana, Zambia and Zimbabwe. The Paper Making Education Trust
(PAMET) in Malawi helps primary schoolchildren make their own exercise books
from recycled paper. Science teachers' associations in Lesotho and Malawi publish
students' magazines that promote inquiry science.
All media projects described depend on donors who are concerned with sus-
tainability. Yet all were established specifically to help the poor. As PK Moyo,
principal of Matshakayile Primary School in Zimbabwe, explains, 'When it comes, the
government grant is very, very little. It can only buy exercise books and very, very,
few resource books' (Shankerdass, 1994). Sometimes products such as booklets
written by children in Minds Across and copies of Action Magazine are the only
learning resources to be found in classrooms in these countries.
ONLY SYSTEMIC CHANGE ENABLES TEACHERS TO CHANGE

Mark St John estimates that the United States spends much less than 1 % of oper-
ating education budgets on efforts to achieve change. Any industry that spent such
small percentages on research and development could not survive. The percentage
Africa spends on change is less, since salaries absorb so much of educational bud-
gets, a situation aggravated by governments' relinquishing innovation to donors. In
Africa the situation is unlikely to change in the immediate future. Despite spending
over 40 % of the national recurrent budget on education — over 50 % if education
components of other ministries such as health are considered — and having intro-
duced cost sharing, Kenya is failing to maintain its educational system, much less
change it. That the World Bank is seriously discussing assistance to private educa-
tion in Kenya is a recognition of decades of failure by government and donors.
It is widely acknowledged that, ultimately, it is teachers who sustain classroom
change. It is also widely perceived that teachers are the problem. Design teacher-
proof materials, it is assumed, conduct massive in-service programmes to top up
their knowledge and the problem will be solved. It's as simple, direct and wrong a
solution as experience has repeatedly demonstrated.2
Teachers can only change in environments that permit change, and the envi-
ronment of schools is a complexity of many interrelated factors that has consid-
erable momentum. Yet governments, funders, educational planners and the like
expect changing one of the many factors to lead to some magical domino effect —
and expect change to be cheap. As any scientist knows, small perturbations rapidly
damp down in a system of any complexity. Governments, funders and so on also
frequently send conflicting messages to teachers. They expect dedicated service
yet pay teachers so little that they are forced to seek other ways to supplement
their incomes. Governments expect schools to give children income-earning skills
when neither markets nor job opportunities exist. They expect teachers to use
child-centred methods of learning then add content to already overcrowded syl-
labuses without removing anything. They expect teachers to promote thinking skills
yet set examinations that test only rote memory. Governments expect teachers to
make countless, instant decisions to help children yet do not consult them on

major policy decisions affecting classrooms. The litany is endless. Is it any wonder
that schools have not changed? Yet many teachers continue to work for change.
That truly takes faith: faith and a vision of science education as inquiry, and of
change as a participatory process. When I talk of curriculum change, the change I
clearly hope for is the promotion of inquiry science learning. There are reasons
why I think this should be our goal.
Roberts (1982) identifies seven major curriculum emphases in science education
and argues that the greater the range of emphases, the more defensible any
curriculum is. The curriculum emphases Roberts (1982: 246) identifies are: 'Every-
day Coping; Structure of Science; Science, Technology and Decisions; Scientific Skill
Development; Correct Explanation; Self as Explainer; and Solid Foundation.' Inquiry
science learning has elements of all emphases except those of correct explanation
and solid foundation.
Science as inquiry, the structure of science, and scientific skill

development
David Hawkins defines scientific literacy as what a person deeply versed in some
field of inquiry can take to the learning of another. One attribute, he claims, 'is some
grasp of the scale-dependence of all natural phenomena, living or inert, from the
minute to the grand. The other, that can also be learned from different sciences, is
the grasp of the concept, and the art, of successive approximation. This art and
understanding are a bond of unity among all the sciences, marking both the solid-
ity of their achievements and their openness to revision. Its failure, by contrast, is
prevalent among the fashionable detractors of scientific knowledge and endeavor'
(Hawkins, 1994). Rather than being rigid, scientific knowledge can be characterized
as being scientific in that it can be modified.
Such understanding can only come through extended inquiry into a few selected
phenomena rather than a rapid review and coverage of many topics. Africa needs
tinkering, problem-solving citizens, able to judge the appropriateness of evidence.
She needs what the (United States) Panel on School Science calls self-governing
citizens with '... autonomous intelligence, disciplined to seek and face the truth, and
capable of the independent judgment that stands up to wishful thinking and to arbi-
trary external authority'. Africa also needs highly motivated and trained scientists
and technologists to solve our myriad development problems. There comes a stage
when exposure to the same educational experiences fails to meet the needs of both
groups. Students interested in pursuing science further need different programmes.
Inquiry lies at the heart of science.3 Scientific process skills are the tools of
inquiry; the conceptual frameworks and information its products. Disciplines such
as physics, agriculture, technology, environmental studies or whatever would not
exist if women and men lacked inquiring minds. Debates such as whether science
precedes technology or technology science assume less importance when one rec-
ognizes the paramouncy of inquiry. So too do discussions on integrated or environ-
mental education, design education or education that stresses societal aspects of

science. I think that school programmes, whatever they are called, that do not give
learners an authentic experience of inquiry should not be called science.
Throughout the world, much of the science curriculum reform of the 1960s was
inquiry based, emphasizing the structure of science. Projects of that era have been
criticized as elitist, concerned solely with producing future scientists. In a sense they
were, especially secondary school projects such as the Physical Sciences Study Com-
mittee (PSSC), the Biological Sciences Curriculum Study (BSCS) and Nuffield. One
must remember, however, that PSSC is an acronym for the Physical Sciences Study
Committee and that the originators originally hoped for a joint chemistry/physics
course. It was the school system, not the course designers, that arranged for only
20 % of the school population in the United States to study physics. Projects such as
PSSC were elitist in the sense that they did their best to provide students with an
authentic experience of engaging in science; the element of technology was largely
instrumentation to enable further inquiry. They were tough but unquestionably
science. I have never heard primary science projects of that era, such as the Elemen-
tary Science Study (ESS), Nuffield Junior Science, the African Primary Science Pro-
gramme (APSP) and 5-12, accused of being elitist. Perhaps that is because children
were encouraged to inquire into a wider range of phenomena in primary than in
secondary schools. Children's interests and questions took them into technology,
societal issues and so on. But the basis remained inquiry, the range of phenomena
explored was wide, and there was little criticism from scientists that these projects
did not reflect science. On the contrary, the late Jerrold R Zacharias, who was the one
individual most responsible for the worldwide upsurge of science education reform of
that era, said of APSP, 4I believe of all the science curriculum projects I know about,
the African Primary Science [Programme] is by far the best' (Goldstein, 1983).
Lapp has summarized science curriculum innovations in Africa and the United
States. Prior to APSP, science teaching in African primary schools was described by
Yoloye and Bajah (1981) as " . . . the development of clean and healthy habits, an
understanding of nature (plants and animals) and some elementary facts of science'.
Teaching methods were dogmatic, based on 4 ... the authority of the teacher and the
memory of the pupils' (UNESCO, 1982). Attempts to introduce simple farming prin-
ciples and techniques met resistance from pupils and parents. The 1961 Conference
of Ministers of Education in Africa stressed that schooling must be brought into line
with existing African conditions, and set the climate for programmes such as APSP
to demonstrate that, given a supportive environment, effective innovation was pos-
sible at all levels. Lapp reviews work by Lockard (1972, 1975, 1977), Maybury (1975),
Baez (1976), Sabar (1979), Yoloye and Bajah (1981) and others that has evaluated
change in science education in Africa. Little has not been tried, and much is picked
up again decade after decade. Science curriculum units, teachers' centres, equipment
production units have blossomed and decayed throughout the continent. Secondary
schools have seen Nuffield-type courses, integrated science and environmental sci-
ence. Africa has used radio, television, audio and video tapes in an attempt to bring
better science education to students. Most science courses have salutary statements

of aims and objectives. Yet methods of science teaching in Africa continue to be

based on the authority of the teacher and the memory of the pupils as the sup-
portive environments of innovative projects face economic and cultural realities dur-
ing wide-scale implementation. Only human development endures.
I believe the real issue is not about science or technology. Neither is it about to
what extent environmental or societal issues should be taught under the rubric of
science. The key issues are what constitutes public scientific literacy; at what stage
of schooling should the range of phenomena under inquiry become restricted so that
underlying conceptual frameworks clearly emerge for the future scientist;4 but above
all, what changes can realistically be expected in our current socio/political/eco-
nomic climate?
Inquiry as children's learning style

Sitting in serried ranks, chanting memorized phrases, is part of the culture of few
societies. For African educators to reject inquiry learning as being against the con-
tinent's tradition is to forget our tradition — or to remember only the recent, alien
tradition of formal schooling. From an early age children everywhere, and more so
in Africa, learn by observing the behaviour of adults, by questioning, and by explor-
ing their immediate environment. They learn more specialized skills later under an
older, experienced mentor.
There is much current debate on the relevance of constructivism and alternative
world views on classroom practice (Jegede, 1995). In an inquiry learning environ-
ment children bring their mental and cultural constructs to their inquiries, to be
challenged and reconstructed with help from materials, peers and teachers.5 Such
reconstruction and organic growth of understanding is holistic and leaves learners
more empowered to continue their own learning. They will more easily accommo-
date to the countless challenges they will meet throughout life than by learning the
schizophrenic behaviour taught in most African classrooms.
Inquiry begins with phenomena

To me a powerful reason to promote inquiry science in Africa is that science starts
from inquiry into phenomena, and we are rich in phenomena.6 The elegance of those
such as Newton, Hooke, Faraday and Darwin lies not so much in their discoveries,
that have been modified by others standing on their shoulders, as in the ways they
persuaded the phenomena of nature to reveal their secrets. The same phenomena,
and thus opportunities to acquire similar skills of persuasion, are available to every
child in Africa.
Since the start of the 20th century, science has become more opaque.7 Delving
into the particle has made science less accessible to most of us, whatever culture
we belong to, both in terms of being able to understand and to practice it. Funding
cuts, such as the cancellation of the accelerator that was to have been built in Texas,
has American scientists bemoaning the death of physics in the United States. An
increasing preponderance of technical black boxes and absence of phenomena in

industrial cities may be as important a contributing factor to a threat to science in

the United States, and to a growing interest in non-Western ways of knowing. Both
old and young are being deprived of the tools whereby they learn and extend an
understanding of their trade. In Africa our economies cannot support development
of high science, but with our overabundance of phenomena and problems we should
be a rich training ground for those with inquiring minds.
Inquiry alters classroom power relationships

Traditional power relationships shift in classrooms where the touchstone of under-
standing is the ability to question nature effectively. The teacher's role becomes that
of challenging students' understanding as opposed to dispensing knowledge. A key
implication of such a change of patterns of authority is that students can challenge
each other as well as the teacher in a negotiation of understanding. In such class-
rooms all children become active participants, including girls.
Many AFCLIST-supported projects have spontaneously commented on an
increased interest by girls during inquiry science lessons. I have talked with senior
teachers in a secondary school in Malawi who were sceptical when a junior mem-
ber of staff introduced inquiry science to their school. They reported claiming that
traditional behavioural norms would mitigate against questioning, exploring and
open discussion. After about a term, the same teachers said they had completely
changed their position after noticing that students — particularly girls — partic-
ipating in inquiry science had become discussion leaders in other subjects.
Basic changes in classroom authority patterns probably achieve more than any
other changes, except change in attitude to women, to promote increased partic-
ipation and performance of girls in science (Erinosho, 1993). Society, not girls, is the
problem. However, other changes can contribute to making girls feel more positive
towards the sciences. Action Magazine pays particular attention to girls as active
participants. The leader of the gang in 'Spider's Place', a South African television
series, is a girl. Special compensatory programmes, such as the clinics organized in
Accra, Ghana, by La Mansaamo Kpee, can have an impact. Examiners can set items
within a female culture. But until teachers and parents are aware of the extent to
which traditional classrooms render both girls and boys invisible, and until there is
authentic science learning worth experiencing, little will change for girls.
I believe that a shared vision and passionate faith in science as inquiry is a
necessary factor for change. 1 equally believe that all parties concerned in the
educational process must participate in the development of the vision. We must stop
thinking, talking and acting solely in terms of curriculum developer, educational
planner, funder, university researcher, examinations and assessment expert, teacher
and parent. We must stop expecting radical change and instead accept incremental
progress. We must stop thinking in terms of pre- and in-service teacher education
and think of continuous professional development. We must begin to see ourselves
as equal partners in change, each with something to offer and each with a great deal
to learn.
5A © Juta & Co, Ltd

Teacher education
I discuss teacher education with reluctance. We all need educating and we need an
education that continues throughout our professional lives. To focus on teachers
alone may be yet again to blame the victim. To talk in terms of pre- and in-service
education may be to accept a dichotomy that is self-limiting. We all need an educa-
tion that provides continued opportunities.
^ We need to experience science as inquiry. We need an experience sufficiently
extended and focused to motivate us to continue inquiring. We need an educa-
tion that gives us the confidence and skills to inquire and that puts us in touch
with our own creativity. The experience must be broad enough to enable us to
be comfortable when inquiry takes us into realms such as physics, chemistry,
biology, environmental studies, mathematics and technology. We do not need
more so-called background knowledge in any of these realms — a lifetime is inad-
equate to master a small percentage of the knowledge in any one. We do need
to know how such knowledge is generated and how to evaluate it in terms of our
own lives.
^ We need to be reflective about our own learning. We need to be fully aware of
the stubbornness with which we cling to mental constructs in the face of con-
flicting evidence and of the difficulties we experience in reconstructing our
understandings. If we are more analytical about what we know and how we know
it, we might be prepared to be less dogmatic, less certain about our certainty,
and more prepared to consider the contributions of others.
^ We need to work with others, be they children, teachers or colleagues, in ways
that encourage their reconstruction of how they understand the world. We need
to learn how to work as facilitators and organizers of learning rather than as
authoritative teachers of knowledge. We all need continuously to sharpen our
skills as negotiators.
^ We need to work, with the support of others, at the cutting edge of promoting
change. We need continual educating in how to identify strengths and weak-
nesses within individuals, institutions and systems, in identifying bottlenecks,
and in building alliances to overcome them. In short, we need educating in the
politics of change.
Participatory change models identify strengths rather than weaknesses

Participatory change models search for strengths to build on; projects search for
weaknesses to fix.8 Participatory change models are awkward for funders since their
objectives are ill defined, they evolve as people evolve, and because there is no time
limit on human development. Participatory models are awkward for governments
and centralized bureaucracies because as participants gain confidence and become
skilled visionaries rather than technocrats, they increasingly question authority.

SUSTAINING PARTICIPATORY APPROACHES TO PROMOTING INQUIRY

Maintaining school systems in Africa costs countless billions year after year, funds
spent on promoting change being virtually nonexistent. Traditional ways have
acquired a considerable momentum. Altering direction will require a considerable
force applied over years, even if leverage points are cleverly identified. Only by re-
directing and harnessing the momentum will change become possible, and doing so
implies mass participation. However, the critical mass required for take-off should
not be underestimated.
The role of organizations such as AFCLIST

The role of organizations such as AFCLIST in the development of science and tech-
nology education in Africa is captured in the following quotations.
The relative lack of genuine African input into the formulation of develop-
ment paradigms separates modern African experience from that elsewhere
in the world, and it accentuates the fact that the main challenge for devel-
opment is to increase the capacity of African entities to analyze past
experiences and to formulate new strategies for a better future. (Delgado,
1995)
In Africa, professionals with a vision of science education have become few
and isolated. As the Kenyan experience demonstrated, they are vulnerable
to decisions taken on grounds of political expediency, to donor pressure
and repeated waves of solutions, to economic hardship and other factors.
Yet without vision I see no future for science education on the continent.
We can all contribute to building such vision, as recent experiences of pro-
jects supported by AFCLIST [have] demonstrated. To do so, I suggest that
whatever our position, we must maintain contact with classrooms. We
need constant feedback from the enthusiasm, joy and creativity of children
when they are permitted to become involved in learning. In the words of
the National Advisory Committee in India, recently appointed by the
Ministry of Human Resource Development, we can all work to lessen the
burden on learning so prevalent in educational systems throughout Africa
and re-introduce joy. Whether we are curriculum developers, inspectors of
schools, examinations officers, research workers or teachers we can work
with others to promote inquiry learning. We can do so within the con-
straints of Africa since there is no shortage of children to work with, phe-
nomena for inquiry and problems to be solved. Yet the development of
such vision needs nurturing. Key sustaining elements include professional
fellowship and networking between pockets of effective practice; commit-
ment over longer periods than the lifetime of projects; disinterested pro-
fessional feedback and support; and funds to facilitate innovative work.
Providing such an environment itself requires vision; an African vision so
committed to entrenching quality science education in our schools that

nothing can erase it. We must expect change to be slow and incremental;
we must be prepared to start from small pockets of excellent practice net-
worked to slowly gain momentum. No donor could or should bear respon-
sibility for developing such vision, though they can support us in its
implementation. We must do so ourselves. Only organizations such as
AFCLIST can sustain the vision and provide a safe haven in a continent
that remains unpredictable.
However, Africa has seen organizations such as AFCLIST blossom,
flower and die. The Science Education Programme for Africa, the African
Curriculum Organization and the Federation of African Science Educators
are three such organizations. In one case, though the organization is still
officially registered, 'financial mismanagement' was a major cause of its
demise. Its African constituency permitted the death as it permitted those
of the other organizations named. When we are criticized, we cry lack of
funds or intellectual imperialism and rarely look within. Perhaps we should
do so. Some teachers continue to work in dedicated and inspired ways.
They have no choice but to engage with their own constraints and reali-
ties. Their biggest resource is the constant inspiration they receive from
the creativity of children who remain the largest untapped asset in Africa.
[We] researchers and experts should seek our sustenance from the same
source. 'It's just a matter of struggling,' as Samuel Githinji said 20 years
ago. To evolve effective ways of working with teachers and children to
unleash their potential would put us right back on the cutting edge of
international science education research and practice.
I had thought that such work could no longer be found. However, recently, the
daughter of Dr Eddah Gachukia recounted how she had spent days searching for a
lively primary school science class to video-tape. She was driving home in despair,
passed a primary school and thought she might as well try one last time. She encoun-
tered a school of Githinji's quality and her excitement when she described it was
infectious. The teacher responsible had attended a five-and-a-half-day in-service
course organized by the Kenya Institute of Education during the mid-1970s. In the
course of discussion with the teacher, head and deputy head, Eddah's daughter
asked about the involvement and performance of girls. She reported that they
answered with some puzzlement that girls were thought to have problems, showed
her charts detailing their excellent performance, and reported that a girl from their
school had had the best result of any girl in the district in the primary school leav-
ing examination in 1994.1 find it awesome that some teachers can continue to inspire
children under current constraints.

NOTES
1
A slide-tape presentation of the same name made by the Kenya Institute of Education gives
a lively picture of Githinji's classroom.
2
By 1971, 40 % of America's high school teachers had participated in summer institutes
funded by the National Science Foundation, where they were exposed to courses devel-
oped by the curriculum teams of the 1960s. In 1978 Stake and Easley report that the inquiry
approach, hands-on student experimentation and student-initiated discussion are not in
common use in most schools (Stake & Easley, 1978).
3
For a discussion of science as inquiry and its implications for teaching, see Standards for
Science Teaching and Professional Development of Teachers of Science.
4
Concern with elitism and 'toughness' seems to emerge from a search for mathematical rela-
tionships; with the formulae. Such concern may be misplaced. I have seen Form I pupils in
Zanzibar in their own puzzlement, not at the instruction of the teacher, struggle towards
quantifying the relationship between mass and volume to better understand the phenom-
enon of sinking and floating into which they were inquiring. To ban quantification from sci-
ence on grounds of elitism seems to me to be underestimating children.
5
For a discussion of science education and constructivism see, for example Duckworth, E.
The Having of Wonderful Ideas and Other Essays (New York Teachers College Press, 1987);
Driver, R. Constructivist Approaches to Science Teaching (Paper presented at the Univer-
sity of Georgia Mathematics Education Department).
6
David Hawkins provides powerful arguments that science begins with inquiry into phen-
omena in Messing About in Boats, An Elementary Science Reader (Newton, Ma: EDC, 1969).
7
It is interesting to note that this turning point in the sciences coincided with a demise of
public education efforts. Fewer of the great 19th century exhibitions vaunting the products
of science and technology were held. Museums such as Urania in Berlin, which invented
hands-on displays, were closed. Not until the mid-1970s was there similar concern with
mass education through interactive museum displays of basic phenomena.
8
In Science Education for the 1990s, Mark St John gives a list of 27 ways in which project-
based change models differ from systemic change models. Participants at the Wingspread
Conference, each of whom had decades of experience in curriculum change, showed a clear
preference for the systemic change model.
REFERENCES
Delgado, CL. 1995. Africa's Changing Agricultural Strategies: Past and Present Paradigms as a
Guide to the Future. International Food Policy Research Institute
Duckworth, E. 1987 The Having of Wonderful Ideas and Other Essays on Teaching and Learn-
ing. New York: Teachers College Press, p 64
Erinosho, Sheila Y. Preferences of Nigerian High School Teachers for Modes of Assessment.
Studies in Educational Evaluation; 19(4) pp 439-45
Hawkins, D. 1994. A personal response to Standards for Science Teaching and Professional
Development of Teachers of Science, unpublished

Jegede, OJ. Collateral learning and the eco-cultural paradigm in science and mathematics edu-
cation in Africa. Studies in Science Education, 25, pp 97-137
Keogh, M & Salamon, C. 1994. Insights from genetic theory towards a theory of educational
change. A paper presented at the Southern African Association of Researchers in Maths
and Science Education, 27-30. January 1994. Durban, South Africa
Lapp, DM. 1980. The Improvement of Science and Mathematics Education in Less Developed
Countries. Institute for Scientific Planning and Technological Cooperation
Lapp, DM. The State of School Science: A Review of the Teaching of Mathematics, Science and
Social Studies in American Schools, and Recommendations for Improvements. National
Research Council
Lapp, DM. 1983. Basic Science Education in Sub-Saharan Africa. United States Agency for
International Development
Moses, RP et al. 1989. The algebra project: Organizing in the spirit of Ella. Harvard Educational
Review, 59(4). November, pp 27-47
Shankerdass, S. 1993. Developing Strategies. A multimedia pack developed for AFCLIST
St John, M. 1991. Science Education for the 1990s: Strategies for Change. Inverness Research
Associates. Sponsored by The Johnson Foundations, Inc, Racine, Wisconsin
UNESCO (United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization). Teaching and
Learning in Science & Technology, vol 2. Paris: UNESCO
World Bank. 1994. Report on Education for All. Washington

4
Who shapes the discourse on science and

Who shapes the discourse on science and
John Volmink, Centre for Advancement of Science and Mathematics Education
(CASME), University of Natal, Durban, South Africa
ABSTRACT
This chapter identifies dominant trends or discourses in various aspects of science
and technology education in African countries. These are shaped and determined by
particular interest groups with conscious or unconscious agendas. The chapter
examines who shapes the discourse of science and technology in Africa and analy-
ses who and how groups, including science and technology educators, scientists and
technologists, industrialists, education policy makers, economists, politicians,
researchers, donors, the World Bank and foreign aid, shape discourse, practice and
policy in science education.
INTRODUCTION
Discourses are created by people: they are social artifacts and subject to change.
Discourses are rules that govern how we create meaning and ascribe value. Within
a given field, the discourse is shaped by the powerful: those who have a voice. As
a community of African science educators, we must face the question: Who shapes
the discourse on science and technology education? In seeking an answer, we should
not try to find 'culprits' but try to understand processes and structures.
In this chapter, I deal with the question of control in science and technology edu-
cation. The issue of hegemony is political, hence my focus on ideology rather than
pedagogy. Much of the discourse on science and technology education is shaped in
the classroom by teachers and learners, but since this discussion is taken up by
other contributors (cf Savage: Chapter 3), it does not form a major part of this chap-
ter. In addition to ideology, I also consider the role of epistemology, namely what
counts as knowledge in science and technology education and who decides what
knowledge is worth knowing. I believe it is crucial that we understand how structures

that legitimize oppressive forms of control are produced and reproduced, so that
collectively we can take appropriate action to counter them. In an attempt to map
a terrain for debate, this chapter focuses on various dimensions of the discourse on
science and technology education. To help develop counterhegemonic strategies,
I explore the areas of ideology, epistemology and structures to find an explanation
of how they shape the discourse.
I do not look for the 4who'. I find it hard to accept a 'conspiracy theory'. We all
shape the discourse on science and technology education in our spheres of influ-
ence. There are some who, by deliberate and sometimes devious means, have
acquired power and are unwilling to give it up: they refuse to question their assump-
tions of entitlement. There are others who, because of uncritical practices and
unquestioned assumptions, wittingly or unwittingly participate in these modes of
organization. We should interrogate these power relations to become aware of their
pernicious effect in our own contexts.
As a community of African scientists and science educators, we see that many
of the key issues in the international debate on science and technology education
do not include our lived experience but have been defined in another place at
another time. While recognizing the value of learning from other contexts and ex-
periences, we should no longer give our uncritical allegiance to every wind that
blows from the North. This does not mean that we wish to delink ourselves from
the rest of the world, but we do seek recognition of our thoughts and perspectives.
Such recognition would contribute significantly to science and technology educa-
tion, discourse about which should be reinterpreted within the context of the global
village.
An underlying assumption of this chapter is that science education is an educa-
tional rather than a scientific or technological endeavour. Most science educators
recognize that science education lies at the confluence of other fields, such as edu-
cation, anthropology, psychology, politics. One could argue for the primacy of any
one of these fields as they pertain to science and technology education and I will
state my biases. I construct my argument recognizing the influence of scientists on
the early development of science education. However, science and technology
education has emerged as a separate discipline and is no longer seen as merely a
subdiscipline of science and technology. In order to gain a perspective of science
and technology education in our own contexts, we need to test our assumptions and
re-examine the historical development of our current practices.
SCIENCE, TECHNOLOGY AND THE IDEOLOGY OF DOMINANCE.

Strong hegemonic forces impose a certain view of science on us all. Our schooling
has encouraged us to accept that the traditional science curriculum embodies pow-
erful knowledge and eternal truths that should be learned in a catechistic fashion.
Furthermore, many see this knowledge as infallible and universal. Scientists por-
trayed their discipline as a set of bounded meanings, with a well-defined, culturally
neutral and value-free inside, and a large outside. Fortunately many scientists, and

Chapter 4 Who shapes the discourse on science and technology education?
certainly the best, do not hold to this view. However, some have generated an image
of science and of themselves that has provided them with a virtually unchallenged
right of passage. As Feyerabend (1981: 157) says: 'In society at large the judgments
[sic] of scientists is received with the same reverence as the judgments of bishops
and cardinals was [sic] accepted not too long ago/ They, as high priests, now have
the responsibility and sole right to decide what should be included and what should
be excluded. An impenetrable wall has therefore been erected around what has
become known as science and the scientific method and it is this wall that inhibits
innovation or any radical departure from the canonical school curriculum. It is clear,
however, that much pressure is being exerted on this wall by, among others, non-
traditional scientists, science educators, philosophers of science, anthropologists,
educational ethnographers, sociologists and just plain old folk doing their everyday
work. Recent work under the name of 'world-view' has added much to the growing
evidence illustrating the non-universality of formal science.
Feyerabend (1981) argues that he wants to defend society from all ideologies,
science included. He asserts that although science was once in the forefront of the
fight against authoritarianism and superstition, it has become rigid and has ceased
to be an instrument of change and liberation. It has become an ideology and there
is nothing essentially liberating in science or in any other ideology. He says (1975):
'Modern science overpowered its opponents, it did not convince them. Science took
over by force, not by argument. Science would have been impossible without dog-
matism/ Yes, scientists convince, persuade and overpower each other with evidence
and argument that uses evidence. It is the assumption that the scientific method is
the most effective and powerful approach that comes under special attack from
Feyerabend. I share much of his concern about the role of science as an ideology
because of how it dominates our world-views and how, as an ideology, science
provides frameworks for action.
Science tends to classify, label, assess and measure all that is human and non-
human. Science becomes driven by a desire to control and to dominate, and thus to
exercise power over others and over nature. Science and technology routinely
divorce fact from value, and favour fact. This can lead to devaluation and marginal-
ization of people and to the creation of an otherness. Our uncritical use of science
and technology has polluted our lakes, poisoned our rivers, made holes in the ozone
and has acid rain falling from the clouds. We have developed a capacity to destroy
ourselves many times over and everywhere see crime and unrest and disease and
war. In what way is this a better world? Science has been described as 'the most dis-
tinctive enterprise of Western civilization in the 20th century'. Yet we should not
view science and technology as panaceas to our problems. We must recognize their
limitations as well as their benefits in relation to technical, social and economic
development.
An absence of scepticism of the dominant view of science has led to uncritical
adoption of Western technologies and methods. In his book Machines as the Measure
of Men, Michael Adas (1989) explores the role of science and technology in shaping

ideologies of Western dominance. Early European expansionists and anthropologists

were more preoccupied with material expressions of culture than with modes of
organization. Their interest in the material and technological accomplishments of
Africa, India and China were not mere academic exercises — they were expressions
of power relationships. Descriptions by European explorers of African tools, Indian
modes of transport, Chinese timepieces and so on, served to shape European per-
ceptions of their own scientific and technological superiority. These perceptions pro-
vided a better justification for their 'civilizing mission' than religion, since the
superior science and technology would bring economic and cultural advancement.
Adas describes it thus:
... evidence of scientific and technological superiority has often been put
to questionable use by Europeans and North Americans interested in non-
Western peoples and cultures. It has prompted disdain for African and
Asian accomplishments, buttressed critiques of non-Western value sys-
tems and modes of organization, and legitimized efforts to demonstrate
the innate superiority of the white 'race' to the black, red, brown, and
yellow.
Throughout the centuries . . ., European judgments about the level of
development attained by non-Western peoples were grounded in the pre-
suppositions that there are transcendent truths and an underlying physi-
cal reality that exist independent of humans, and that both are equally
valid for all peoples. Further, most of the travelers, social theorists, and
colonial officials who wrote about non-Western societies assumed that
Europeans better understood these truths or had probed more deeply into
the patterns of the natural world that manifested the underlying reality.
(Adas, 1989: 6)
Observations only served to show that 'European modes of thought and social
organization corresponded much more closely to the underlying realities of the uni-
verse than did those of any other people or society, past or present'. (Adas, 1989)
Adas argues that, while Europeans became increasingly dissatisfied with using
scientific and technological development as gauges of human worth, particularly
after World War I, Americans have continued to do so.
However, I believe there is enough evidence that the ideology of dominance,
although it has become more subtle, remains pervasive and universal. As an ex-
ample, Reiss (1993) cites the recent British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) World
Service broadcast, They made our world'. The expectation from a World Service
broadcast is that it would have an international flavour. Instead, the series, and the
accompanying book, focuses on the work of Bacon, Newton, Priestly, Lavoisier, Fara-
day, Maxwell, Lyell, Darwin, Mendel, Jenner, Pasteur, Fleming, Watt, Stephenson, Bell,
Edison, Write, Ford, Roentgen, Marconi, Baird, Baekeland, Turing, Einstein, Ruther-
ford, Oppenheimer and the Manhattan Project. None are from outside Western
Europe and the USA, and all are male. Reiss points out that since there are no

absolute or universal criteria by which scientific excellence can be infallibly judged,

who is considered a great scientist depends on one's point of view. As Faseh (1993)
so rightly says, 'Hegemony is not only characterized by what it includes but also
what it excludes: by what it renders marginal, deems inferior and makes invisible.'
Our blinkered vision has stultified and distorted our thinking and the world is
poorer for it. We need to realize and understand the value of all ideas and perspec-
tives and not just of a select few. We would do well to heed the advice of scientists
such as F David Peat (1994), a theoretical physicist, who, after a long encounter with
the Native Americans, says, Terhaps the time has at last come when we can simply
sit down, listen, and come-to-knowing. Maybe, as the millennium reaches its close,
we can all engage in a ceremony of renewal that will cleanse earth and sky. Maybe
the time is right.'
As Adas puts it:
Less arrogance and greater sensitivity to African and Asian thought sys-
tems, techniques of production, and patterns of social organization may
have enhanced possibilities of evolving alternative approaches to devel-
opment — approaches that might have suited Third World societies bet-
ter than the scientific-industrial model in either its Western or its Soviet
guise. At the very least, the first generations of Western-educated leaders
in the newly independent states of Africa and Asia would have been more
aware of the possibilities offered by their own cultures and less commit-
ted to the industrialization that most viewed as essential for social and
economic reconstruction (Adas, 1989: 16).
I am not simply making a plea that the views of other cultures be integrated into
the global hegemony. Integration would imply a fundamental challenge that we
critically question whether the Western scientific-technological culture is a model
that should be imitated by the rest of the world. Neither, however, should the model
be discarded simply because it is Western — this would be a form of counter-
hegemony that I find unhelpful and reject. Being critical means that we are aware.
This awareness assists us to recognize the delicate web of connections between us
all, and to identify those forces and power relations that prevent us from deriving
benefit from the web. If our vision is what Longino (1993) refers to as a 'transfor-
mative critical discourse', where there is equality of intellectual authority in the
science and technology education community, then we have to accept her sugges-
tion that 4no section of the community, whether powerful or powerless, can claim
epistemic privilege'.
DOMINANCE AND THE SCIENCE CURRICULUM

Several chapters deal with the historical influence of the overseas curriculum
reform movement on African science and technology curriculum change. Any dis-
cussion of curriculum and curriculum change raises important questions. Pertinent
to this discussion is the question of control: Who is involved in the discourse on

science and technology education, who owns it, and in whose interest is the
discourse perpetuated?
We should distinguish science as a discipline from science as subject matter. In
the process of determining subject matter, we need to consider the range of inter-
est groups with contending views as to what knowledge is worth teaching.
Williams (1961) distinguishes three ideological groups in industrialized societies
that influenced education in the past and continue to do so. He calls the first group
industrial trainers. This group represents the merchant, managerial and some pro-
fessional classes, who share the aim of education as preparation for work. Their
interests are narrow and utilitarian. Their social concerns do not go beyond instill-
ing basic skills and obedience. As science educators, they stress drill-and-practice
and other forms of rote learning and assessment.
Williams refers to the second group as old humanists. They represent the elite
who value the cultured, well-educated person. Old humanists place great value on
the transmission of the cultural heritage, and see the aim of science education as
producing the new generation of pure scientists.
Finally, Williams identifies public educators as a group of radical reformers con-
cerned with democracy and social equity. Their aim is 'education for air to empower
the working classes so they can participate more fully in the prosperity of modern
industrial society and in its democratic institutions. They want to see science students
being encouraged to critically examine the use of science and technology in society.
Paul Ernest (1991) introduces two additional ideological groups, namely the
technological pragmatists and the progressive educators. Technological pragmatists
represent the interests of industry, commerce and public sector employers. They
value practical skills and technological progress. In addition to bringing technology
challenge to science education, they go beyond industrial trainers in that they
encourage a broad range of skills such as communication, problem solving and so
on. Technological pragmatists emphasize the utilitarian aspects of science and
technology without necessarily questioning their nature.
Progressive educators, on the other hand, are romantic, liberal reformers, whose
emphasis is more child centred than that of public educators. They are the modern
representatives of a tradition whose proponents have included Rousseau, Montessori,
Dewey and Piaget. In science classrooms they emphasize creativity and self-expression.
Of course, these groups do not constitute an exhaustive list of stakeholders, but
illustrate that there are always contending ideologies for dominance in the curric-
ulum discourse. Ernest (1991) documents how these groups, vastly unequal in terms
of their power, impacted on the British national mathematics curriculum. It is clear
the impact made by each group was commensurate with its relative power, that
varied from the overwhelmingly powerful industrial trainer through the powerful old
humanist-technological pragmatist alliance to the marginalized public educator.
In addition to these stakeholders, there are other influences on the curriculum
discourse. One such influence is International trends'. Sylvia Ware (1992) sum-
marizes these influences as coming in two waves of reform.

Thirty years ago, the United States (with the NSF-supported 'alphabet' cur-
ricula) and the United Kingdom (with Nuffield science) began the reform
of primary and secondary science curricula that was to spread, often with
few modifications, to the rest of the developed and developing world. For
this first wave of reform there were two generally accepted purposes: the
initial training of the next generation of scientists, and a belief that science
knowledge was in some way important to the intellectual development of
all students. The second purpose was soon to become subordinate to the
first. (Ware, 1992: 8)
Ware (1992) summarized a 'second wave of reform' under the rubric of 'science
(and/or technology) for all'. All students are targeted for science instruction, even
though most of them are unlikely to become scientists. Essential content is redefined
so that science is taught and learned from and within its cultural context. Second
wave courses are less elitist, learners are more active, teachers are more open, and
content focuses more on societal issues than on disciplines.
Table 4.1: A comparison between the first wave and

the second wave of science curricula
First wave Second wave

Preparation for science career Science for all students
Generation of science knowledge Application of knowledge
Focus on the discipline Focus on societal issues
Broad coverage of content Less content = more learning
Science on the lab bench Science in the community
Building of conceptual models Personal decisionmaking
Mastery of content 'Ownership' of content
The teacher as a lecturer The teacher as a manager
Classwork as a unit Students work in groups
This second wave reform took place in the industrialized countries and has been
taken up only in limited ways elsewhere. Ware (1992) puts it as follows:
Much of the momentum of the second wave of science curriculum reform
can be credited to the UK Association for Science Education, which in 1981
published 12 readers in the series Science in Society. Other countries were
also involved in early reform, including the United States, Canada, the
Netherlands, Thailand, Australia, and New Zealand. While second wave
reforms are now being implemented in many countries, this movement has,

so far, had a fairly limited impact on science curricula in much of the devel-
oping world. Particularly at the upper secondary level, the first wave
courses still predominate, minus the 'discovery' approach to laboratory
work. At the lower secondary level, the spread of integrated science can
be considered a bridge between the first and the second waves of science
curriculum reform. (Ware, 1992)
Table 4.2 illustrates Ware's observation that, though currently limited, some
countries in Africa are adopting an integrated approach to science and technology
teaching.
Table 4.2: Curriculum emphasis for selected countries
Country Grade Curriculum emphasis

Bahrein jr sec Single sciences: academic (1987)
Bangladesh 9-10 Academic
Barbados 10-11 Integrated and single science schemes: themes, concepts
Bhutan 7-10 Academic (1989)
Botswana 8-9 Integrated science: academic with some societal topics (1987)
Ghana 10-12 Academic science (science concepts) (1990)
India 9-10 Thematic with concepts, work relevance; also course
on work experience (1988)
Jordan S1/S2 Single science: academic
Korea 7-9 Science: academic
10-12 Single science: academic
Malta 9 Integrated: concepts
New Zealand 7-11 Science: relevance, skills, concepts
12-13 Single sciences: academic (1990)
Nigeria 7-9 Intergrated science: academic with themes, social topics (1985)
10-12 Single sciences: academic
Pakistan 9-10 Academic
Philippines 10-11 Tertiary (includes science skills)
Sierra Leone 7-9 Integrated science: concepts with themes
Trinidad 10-11 Science: values, environment
Zimbabwe 7-9 Academic (1989)
10-11 Academic (1990)

In post-apartheid South Africa, and to a lesser extent in other African countries, the
discussion increasingly centres on providing 'science for all' rather than for the priv-
ileged. Under the banner of 'preservation of standards', the old humanists — the
elite who value the cultured, well-educated person — line up against the public edu-
cators whose concerns are the promotion of equity. I can envisage a scenario where
we may have to give up ownership of the disciplines we guard so jealously, and adopt
a collaborative, coherent and integrated approach to education. However, though I
support the desirability of such an approach, I realize we must address not only
ideological implications, but also the conceptual and practical difficulties involved
in introducing such sweeping changes. Many can be described in terms of paradigm
shifts, and while I accept that we should recognize the opportunity for change
created by paradigm shifts, we should also recognize that they cannot be imposed.
The status quo by definition works and has its own momentum. Even those excluded
from the discourse desire access to an education that served the elite so well. Thus,
any paradigm shift must come from a widely shared perspective. Indeed, it may be
counterproductive to suggest radical change without taking into account the extent
that the vision is shared and, equally important, the systemic implications of change.
We should perhaps work towards a gradual transformation of the curriculum and
instruction to support the goals of our societies, rather than polarizing power struc-
tures from an inadequate base. However, as science educators we must always
realize that we are more than 'technicians'; that we are part of the discourse and
power structure; and that our actions and work have long-term social implications.
STRUCTURES THAT PERPETUATE THE STATUS QUO

The form of the discourse is maintained through institutional and structural
arrangements, some more subtle than others. Consider, for example, the resourc-
ing of science and technology education practice and research. Governments and
donors have agendas that entrench certain practices. Funding policies do not only
determine the configuration of teaching spaces and teacher-pupil ratios, they also
fundamentally affect the form of the discourse within classrooms. Often policies are
not informed by research, but are assertions made by politicians, bureaucrats or
donors. It is therefore notable that little money is available for policy-related
research in science education that could assist in placing these decisions on an
informed basis.
Funding of science education research tends to favour those whose agendas sup-
port the status quo. Consequently, issues such as policy development and analysis
are underrepresented in the literature. I was therefore particularly pleased to see
that the International Journal of Science Education recently devoted a special issue
(volume 17, number 4) to policy and science education. On the other hand, pro-
grammes such as the International Education Association (IEA) studies on achieve-
ment and the Third International Measurement of Mathematics and Science (TIMMS),
that serve only to provide an international comparative construct, remain heavily
funded.

In many African countries, it is difficult to find funds for effective, system-wide

innovation in science and technology education. The salary dilemma of university-
based academics encourages them to accept international consultancies that have
their own agendas rather than engage in nationally sponsored research. However,
there are encouraging counterexamples, such as projects supported by the African
Forum for Children's Literacy in Science and Technology (AFCLIST), funded by the
Rockefeller Foundation.
The most powerful determinants of discourse are those structures and institu-
tions that provide a voice. Mass media, publishing houses and other vehicles of com-
munication play a crucial role in defining issues and creating champions. Science
and technology in Africa and other parts of the non-Western world are poorly rep-
resented in this communications network. For example, a disturbing article by
W Wayt Gibes entitled 'Lost science in the third world' appeared in the August 1995
edition of Scientific American. In this article the author details ways that Third World'
scientists are marginalized by international journals. Although these countries
account for 24,1 % of the world's scientists, most leading journals publish far smaller
proportions of articles from these regions. In 1994, the journal Science accepted only
1,4 % of the articles submitted by authors from developing countries. By contrast,
the same journal published 21 % of all articles submitted from the United States.
Over the three-year period since 1991, the number of articles submitted from
developing countries to Science has doubled, yet the acceptance rate has remained
the same. Floyd E Bloom, the editor of Science, is quoted as saying about Third World
scientists: 'If you see people making multiple mistakes in spelling, syntax and seman-
tics, you have to wonder whether when they did their science they weren't also mak-
ing similar errors of inattention.' It is interesting to note, however, that non-English-
speaking European scientists, such as German and French, have a much higher
acceptance rate than Indians. This provides clear evidence of bias and insensitivity.
Then there are epistemic structures such as constructivism that play a significant
role in shaping the discourse in science and technology education. Constructivism
has provided a powerful challenge to the dominant positivistic ideology. Whereas
behaviourism is grounded in a mechanistic and reductionist world-view, construc-
tivism finds its origin in a world-view that is holistic and dialectical. Kauffman (1975)
argues that a constructivist approach to knowledge forces us to re-examine our
theories of human nature since they correspond structurally to different political
ideologies. I was originally attracted to constructivism because it provided me with
a different perspective from which to value my own work as well as that of my
students. It provided an epistemological base to take into account different points
of view within a relativistic framework.
But constructivism has become the new orthodoxy in mathematics and science
education. It has assumed a dominance in all fields of education. Any current dis-
course on learning and teaching in science and technology education is affected by
the constructivist perspective that must feature at science education conferences all
over the world.

A growing critique of constructivism is emerging. In a paper entitled 'Construc-

tivism as a liberal bourgeois discourse', Robyn Zevenbergen (1995) gives a brilliant
analysis of the role that constructivism plays in the discourse on mathematics edu-
cation, drawing on the work of Pierre Bourdieu. Transposing her argument to science
education, it would go as follows: Science education, like any other field, operates
within its own set of rules and logic. These define and constrain what is valued, and
produce intellectual legitimacy for participants in the field. Within a field, partici-
pants establish credence by amassing 'capital', while complying with the unspoken
rules and logic. This conveys power and status. Those who amass more capital are
able to speak with greater legitimacy than others. Within science education, con-
structivism can be seen to be a form of symbolic capital and those who amass it
can convert it into other forms of capital such as economic capital (higher salaries,
research grants and so on) or institutionalized capital, such as prestigious appoint-
ments. Those lacking the desired capital within a field are not given the right to
speak and are relegated to marginal status. Discourses that are critical of these prac-
tices are not given legitimacy and this leads to intellectual censorship.
Such intellectual censorship applied to other issues in science education, such
as the 'misconceptions industry' of the previous decade. Therefore my criticism is
not of constructivism or of misconceptions research, but of the rules and logic that
shape the discourse. Zevenbergen and others, however, do raise criticisms about the
shortcomings of constructivism. Pertinent to this discussion is an awareness that
constructivism and other leading theories play a fundamental role in shaping the
discourse on science and technology education. The degree of consideration given
work by journals, conferences and funders becomes linked to the extent that it
shows evidence of familiarity with the current, dominant idea.
Furthermore, our belief structures often buttress incongruities in science and
technology discourse. Faseh (1993) argues that, within hegemonic contexts, 'others'
are often accorded honorary status. Because of the sense of self-worth and status
derived from this vicarious participation, Western-educated intellectuals from Third
World societies, he argues, tend to overvalue symbolic power such as titles, degrees
and access to prestigious institutions, journals and awards.
Drawing on his own experience as a Harvard-educated mathematician from Pales-
tine, Faseh illustrates how this realization affected the way he saw his own contri-
bution to his community. While his own validation group was the 'international
community', he undervalued the mathematics of his mother's sewing. His work had
wide recognition while his mother's only had local impact. He articulated his ideas
in ways the international community could understand; she could not. The question
raised is not which is better, but rather how can these different ways of knowing be
brought together? It cannot happen as long as we undervalue other legitimate ways
of looking at the world, or when interest in situated knowledge, ethnoscience and
ethnomathematics remains limited within the discourse of science and technology
education. Even those who are oppressed by this ideology participate in their
oppression and exploitation by leaving these practices unchallenged.

The power imbalance in science and technology education does not lie only along
a Third World/First World divide. Institutional arrangements within a country can be
as oppressive, and are often based on race, gender or class. In South Africa, for exam-
ple, generally white, male, middle-class scientists and educators based at prestigious
universities shape the discourse on science and technology education (Reddy, 1995).
This group makes the rules for research and pedagogic practices and policies, super-
vises science education graduate students, and has the power to force them to com-
ply. This group, more than any other in the country, perpetuates the status quo in
science and technology education. Such class struggles generally control social
structures and result in power being given to very few people. This is as true in
African countries as elsewhere in the world.
Finally, officials and bureaucrats are an important group in the discourse of who
controls science and technology education. Yet many become jaded and cautious,
follow their routines, rarely question the appropriateness of what they do, and have
lost any inclinations they may once have had to innovate. Through inaction, they
represent a strong force in maintaining any status quo.
COUNTERHEGEMONY: IS THERE ANY HOPE?

Alexander Colander's story related in Teaching Elementary Math and Science is well
known. He was asked to referee a dispute between a professor and a student about
the grading of an exam question. The professor was about to give a zero for the
answer while the student claimed he deserved full marks.
Both agreed to an independent arbitrator. The exam question was: 'Show how it
is possible to determine the height of a tall building with the aid of a barometer.'
The student's answer went as follows:
Take the barometer to the top of the building, attach a long rope to it,
lower the barometer to the street, bring it up measuring the length of the
rope. The length of the rope is the height of the building.'
Colander told the professor that the student had a strong case, but agreed that
full marks in a physics course should indicate competence in the subject. Both par-
ties agreed to a retest. The student was given six minutes to answer the same ques-
tion, and was told that his answer must demonstrate a knowledge of physics.
Colander described what happened.
At the end of five minutes he had written nothing, I asked him if he wanted
to give up. He said, 4No. I have many answers to this problem, I'm just try-
ing to decide on the best one.' I apologized for interrupting and he began
writing feverishly. His answer was, Take the barometer to the top of the
building, lean over the edge, drop it and using a stop watch time how long
it takes to hit the ground. Then using the formula s = 3Dgt2, you can cal-
culate the height of the building.' At this point I asked my colleague if he
wanted to give up, and he awarded the student almost full marks. On the

way out of my office I remembered the student said there were many ways
to calculate the height of building using a barometer, so I asked him to
mention a few. He said,
'You can take the barometer out on a sunny day, measure the length of
the barometer and the length of the shadow of the barometer. Then mea-
sure the length of the shadow of the building and by the use of simple pro-
portion you could determine the length of the building.'
Tine/ I said, 'any others?' He said,
'Oh yes, if you want a more sophisticated method, you can tie the
barometer to the end of a string, swing it like a pendulum, and determine
the value of g at the street level and the value of g on top of the building
and from the difference of the values of g the height of the building can in
principle be calculated.'
'Or,' he said, 'there is a very basic method you would like. In this
method you take the barometer and you begin to walk up the stairs of the
building. As you go up you mark off the length of the barometer on the
wall with a pencil. You go all the way to the top, and then you go all the
way back down and count the marks and you will have the length of the
building in barometer units.'
'But,' he said, 'the best method is to take the barometer to the base-
ment and knock on the superintendent's door. When he answers you speak
to him as follows, 'Mr. Superintendent, here I have a fine barometer, I will
give it to you if you tell me how tall this building is!'
Colander's account provides a context within which we can appreciate the com-
plexity of the structures and processes that shape the discourse in science and tech-
nology education. The delightful story illustrates the constant struggle at all levels
of society between hegemony and counterhegemony.
Counterhegemony in classrooms
How we teach: empowerment of learners
The professor in Colander's story wanted evidence from the student that he pos-
sessed an assumed, well-defined, intellectual capital. This capital was to be accrued
in a predetermined way and had to be manifested in a prescribed form. This ortho-
doxy only calls for reproduction, its intent is to preserve the status quo, and it
reduces the possibility of more desirable alternatives. The student refused to
participate in this form of domination. He did not grant the professor any 'epis-
temic privilege'. It would have been easier for him to have done so, but it would
have been at the expense of the discourse and of the learning experience of all
concerned.
We must question and challenge our own practices. Authority-based teaching and
learning must make way for investigative, learner-centred approaches. Teachers
must become more open, receptive and reflective, learners more creative and

critical. In classrooms at all levels, power must become more equitably distributed.
I believe such approaches begin when we act purposefully and with awareness
towards understanding and acting on the physical world. Through science we can:
(1) structure our experience of the world; (2) understand and transform the socio-
political realities that impact on our lives since authentic learning makes us aware
of social inequalities and underlying assumptions of social organizations, and (3)
create new ideas, perspectives, insights, and models. We cannot accomplish these
through approaches such as behaviourism that see students as recipients of infor-
mation rather than as active participants. As educators, we must all resist the
impulse to rush to closure, because this invariably means an end of the dialectical
process. Discourse demands that we suspend our need for closure and our craving
for a lack of ambiguity. To see this culture operative at a macro-level, we must begin
by cultivating it in the classroom. This is exactly the struggle that needs to happen
at the macro-level in science and technology education.
What we teach: empowerment of teachers

What we teach in classrooms is as important as how we teach in determining the
discourse in science and technology. Society cannot continue to afford the luxury of
sending children to school to pursue knowledge simply for its own sake. The socio-
economic and political realities on our continent are such that students must pur-
sue knowledge for life. So, school science must become 'science for life', instead of
decontextualized, esoteric, abstract and useless knowledge. Science and technology
education must become relevant and meaningful.
Historically, science has been defined in Africa by universities. Adherence to a
19th-century model of science inherited unquestioned from the colonial era has for
the most part failed to address the development problems facing the continent. Yet
science at tertiary level is itself being redefined, as is discussed in chapter 1 above.
Increasingly the science community is engaging in a multidisciplinary style of
research that is necessary to transform rural and informal sector economies. How-
ever, few scientists in Africa engage in demystifying science as do the Sagans and
Goulds in the United States. The public image remains that of lab-coated, absent-
minded professors working in their physics, chemistry or biology laboratories.
We cannot become transformative by remaining confined to such arbitrary
subject-matter boundaries. But can Integrated science' exist on its own while 'mean-
ingless mathematics' continues to be taught? Increasingly I believe that we should
look at a broader programme of meaningful education in Africa, rather than at mean-
ingful science, history, and so on. Curriculum change cannot happen in isolation of
the broader educational debate and context.
We should change through discourse rather than by decree or imitation. We need
to heed the dangers of centralized control of the curriculum. It is not only a threat to
authentic discourse but is a statement that teachers are untrustworthy and need
strong governance to keep them in check and to ensure quality. Centralized control
does not ensure quality; on the contrary, it destroys it. Science teaching is assessment

driven because of centralized control. I have worked sufficiently with teachers all over
South Africa and elsewhere to be convinced that they take the quality issue seriously
and can be trusted to act in the best interest of students and of society. They feel bur-
dened by the centralized curriculum. The politics of educational change in democratic
societies requires involvement, not imposition. Ownership of the curriculum dis-
course needs to be placed where it belongs — with the people in local communities.
Counter-hegemony in support structures: empowerment of innovators

I am not suggesting that there are no initiatives in Africa that embody criteria of
excellence. There are many, and other chapters describe them in depth. The con-
cern of this chapter is to what extent these initiatives, projects and programmes
have influenced the discourse on our continent and worldwide. They may be excel-
lent examples of good practice, but while they stand disconnected from each other,
their potential to generate an alternative discourse remains limited. One initiative, I
believe, stands alone as a beacon of hope. The African Forum for Children's Liter-
acy in Science and Technology — a consortium of African educators, scientists and
media specialists — has not only funded approximately 60 projects in over 20 African
countries since its establishment by the Rockefeller Foundation in 1988, but has
uniquely promoted and facilitated a culture of discourse between its stakeholders.
As the project coordinator, Agnes Katama (1995), has put it: 'All manner of partner-
ships have been critical in the formation of systems of education on the continent,
but few can overshadow the web that has slowly emerged as a result of those links
between seasoned educators, policy-makers, media specialists and teachers who
within the mandate of the Forum have been advocates for the scientific curiosity of
the child.' We are deeply indebted to the visionary leadership that has helped this
Forum to develop and stand as a sparkling exemplar of counterhegemony on our
continent. We need to consolidate and expand it to every corner of the continent.
AFCLIST's potential for changing the dominant discourse in science and technology
education is enormous.
Counterhegemony internationally: empowerment of researchers

We need to go beyond counterhegemony. We must also penetrate the First World
culture of dominance. If we leave it untouched, it will simply return. We need to com-
municate the value of our models. One way to do so is through the written word
and we have not done this well. We have not held up our ideas to public scrutiny. I
am encouraged by the willingness of the editors of journals such as the Journal for
Research in Science Teaching and the International Journal of Science Education to
consider contributions from African science educators. But perhaps the time has
come for an African journal of science and technology education as a means of com-
municating with each other and the rest of the world. We should encourage funders
such as the United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural Organization
(UNESCO) and the International Development Research Council (IDRQ as well as
African governments to support such a venture.

The research agenda in science and technology education in Africa needs to be

reconceptualized and driven in a different manner. In South Africa, for example, the
Southern African Association for Research in Mathematics and Science Education
(SAARMSE) was established in 1992 to redress the historical imbalances created by
the apartheid legacy. The association has grown from some 40 members to well over
300 within three years. It provides opportunities for building research capacity and
for networking across the southern African region. Issues such as gender equity
receive special attention with assistance from the Foundation for Research Devel-
opment (FRD). Similar efforts are being made across the continent, but progress is
slow. It is crucial that African science educators see themselves as knowledge
producers as well as knowledge users, since research shapes discourse as well as
informing practice.
CONCLUSION
The extent to which 'others' have dominated the discourse in Africa is not, however,
the key question. A more important question is: 4If we believe that the discourse on
science and technology education in our context must rest with us as the stake-
holders, what we are going to do about it?' Whatever our point of entry, we each
have the responsibility and opportunity to change the current reality.
I have argued that the current discourse in science and technology education has
given a lot of power to very few people. Power refers to asymmetries between indi-
viduals or groups of individuals based on material, social, political or intellectual
capital and access to structures. Power rewards and indulges some and sanctions
others. It is therefore crucial that we understand these structures and become aware
of the social and institutional arrangements that perpetuate the status quo. All voices
must be heard in the discourse on science and technology education. Any mono-
lithic voice should be drowned by a choir of 'others'. No special privileges should
be granted and there can be no exceptions. Baumann (1993: 245) puts it as follows:
What the post-modern mind is aware of is that there are problems in
human and social life with no good solutions, twisted trajectories that can-
not be straightened up, ambivalences that are more than linguistic blun-
ders yelling to be corrected, doubts that cannot be legislated out of
existence, moral agonies that no reason-dictated recipes can soothe, let
alone cure. The post-modern mind does not expect any more to find the
all-embracing, total and ultimate formula of life without ambiguity, risk,
danger and error, and is deeply suspicious of any voice that promises
otherwise. The post-modern mind is aware that each local, specialized and
focused treatment, effective or not when measured by its ostensive target,
spoils as much as, if not more than, it repairs. The post-modern mind is
reconciled to the idea that the messiness of the human predicament is here
to stay. This is the broadest of outlines, what can be called post-modern
wisdom.

Such humility should guide us as science educators into a future where there is
an absence of absolutism; where there are no assumed solutions, recipes and for-
mulas; but where we all remain open to the possibility of learning from each other.
Extending and enriching our understanding of the complexity of the issues that we
face can be achieved only through authentic discourse.
REFERENCES
Adas, M. 1989. Machines as the Measure of Men: Science, Technology and Ideologies of Western
Dominance. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press
Baumann, Z. 1993. Postmodern Ethics. Oxford: Blackwell
Ernest, P. 1991. The Philosophy of Mathematics Education. London: Palmer Press
Fasheh, M. 1993. From a dogmatic, ready-answer approach of teaching mathematics towards
a community-building, process-oriented approach. In Julie, C, Angelis, D & Davis, Z (eds).
Political Dimensions of Mathematics Education. Cape Town: Maskew Miller Longman
Feyerabend, P. 1975. Against Method. London: Verso Books
Feyerabend, P. 1981. How to defend society against science. In Scientific revolutions. Ian Hack-
ing (ed). Oxford University Press
Gibbs, W Wayt. 1995. Lost science in the third world. Scientific American. August
Katama, A. 1995. The African Forum for Children's Literacy in Science and Technology. A Pro-
file of Activities
Kaufman, BA. 1975. Piaget, Marx, and the political ideology of schooling. Curriculum Studies,
10(1), pp 19-44
Longino, H. 1993. Subjects, power and knowledge. Description and prescription in feminist
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New York: Routledge
Peat, F David. 1994. Lighting the Seventh Fire. New York: Carol Publishing
Reddy, V. 1995. Redress in science and mathematics education research in South Africa
(unpublished paper)
Reiss, M. 1993. Science Education for a Pluralist Society. Buckingham, Pa: Open University Press
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Zevenbergen, R. (in press). Constructivism as a Liberal Bourgeois Discourse

5
Relevance in science and technology education
Dr Marissa Rollnick, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa
ABSTRACT
The importance of the relevance of the science curriculum to successful learning in
science and technology education is rarely questioned. This chapter does so. Was
the curriculum in the past and is the curriculum in the present relevant to the needs
of Africa? In addition, the author examines relevance to what and to whom in the
future.
RELEVANCE: ITS IMPORTANCE AND SOME QUESTIONS

Introduction
The importance of relevance to learning is rarely questioned. Ausubel's now famous
statement embodies it clearly: 4 ... the most important single factor influencing learn-
ing is what the learner already knows/ However, education systems universally have
neglected relevance, including the 19th-century educational system in the United
Kingdom as satirized by Charles Dickens in Hard Times (Wilds and Lottich, 1971: 379).
Sissy Jupe, girl no. 20, the daughter of a strolling circus actor, whose life,
no small share of it, had been passed under the canvas; whose knowledge
of horse, generic and specific, extends back as far as memory reaches;
familiar with the form and food, the powers and habits and everything
related to the horse; knowing it through several senses; Sissy Jupe has
been asked to define horse. Bewildered by the striking want of resem-
blance between the horse of her conception and the prescribed formula
that represents the animal in the books of the Home and Colonial/society,
she dares not trust herself with the confusing description, and shrinks
from it in silence and alarm. 'Girl no. 20 unable to define horse,' said Mr
Gradgrind. Girl no. 20 is declared possessed of no facts in reference to one
of the commonest of animals, and appeal is made to one red eyed Bitzer,

who knows horse practically only as he has seen a picture of a horse or

he has, perhaps, sometimes weathered the perils of a crowded street cross-
ing. 'Bitzer,' said Thomas Gradgrind, 4y°ur definition of a horse!!' 'Quad-
ruped, omnivorous, forty teeth, namely twenty-four grinders, four eye
teeth, and twelve incisors. Sheds coat in the spring; in marshy countries
sheds hoof, too. Hoofs hard but requiring to be shod with iron. Age known
by marks in the mouth.' Thus and much more, Bitzer. 4Now girl 20,' said
Mr Gradgrind, 4y°u now know what a horse is.'
This quotation has many echoes in African classrooms, where science education
is not only irrelevant, but its very irrelevance is considered a virtue. If it were rele-
vant, it would not be considered education. Our colonial heritage has made us
believe that education of necessity must be abstract and divorced from life. True
academia is not vocational and vocational education is not academic, well satirized
by Hooper (1971) in his description of a 'sabre toothed curriculum' in the educa-
tional system of a fictitious primitive society. Middleton (1988) enhances Hooper
with his account of the indifferent history of secondary school vocational education.
Defining relevance
Notions of relevance change over time and in different socioeconomic contexts. The
relevance of schooling to the ordinary citizen in the African context has been pri-
marily to obtain white-collar employment. Lewin (1992) comments, 'Life chances
depend on educational qualifications in developing countries to a much greater
extent than in industrialized countries.' Science is an important selection subject to
enable students to progress higher in the educational system. However, the signifi-
cance of science and technology education stretches beyond the narrow objective
of producing white-collar workers. A consequence of irrelevance is that it stifles the
economic and social potential for all strata of our society. Irrelevance affects qual-
ity of life and the ability of students to control their lives. If science and technology
education is to have an impact on improving society, relevance becomes an essen-
tial ingredient of any meaningful programme. Making science relevant is part of mak-
ing the subject accessible, which leads to motivation and achievement.
Just as there is more to changing curricula than changing the content, so there
is more to relevance than providing relevant content. To help understand and strive
for relevance in science and technology education, I ask these questions in this
chapter:
^ How do science and technology education policies in African countries address
relevance and what mechanisms are in place to ensure their implementation?
^ How has curriculum development promoted relevance in science and technology
education, for whom is the curriculum intended, and what doors are opened by
studying different curricula?
^ What are the needs of those studying science and technology?
^ Who defines science and technology?

Chapter 5 Relevance in science and technology education
RELEVANCE AND WHAT ENSURES ITS IMPLEMENTATION

Government policy documents often do not explicitly state science and technology
education policies. They frequently develop as a result of economic policies and can
be either stated or unstated.
The structural adjustment programmes (SAPs) are the most influential economic
policies of recent times in Africa. Lewin (1993) identifies the effect of SAPs on the
development of science and technology education in African countries. He says, 'It
is clear that hard policy choices may have to be made ... .' Mbilinyi (1989) makes
a scathing attack on a similar phrase, 'hard decisions on education policy should
not be postponed', when she says:
The level of arrogance in this report (the World Bank) is matched by its
outright ignorance, probably a form of defensive ignorance — that is a
political blindness towards aspects of reality that do not fit its particular
set of preconceptions and goals.
The SAPs have affected teachers' earning power and resourcing of schools.
Mbilinyi identifies some effects of SAPs as:
^ Reduction of real wages for teachers, particularly at secondary and higher
levels.
l> Lengthening the working day and year for teachers, increasing class size, and
consolidating of rural schools.
^ Increasing costs of education for students and their parents.
^ Reduction of state expenditure on education.
I* Reduced enrolment at tertiary levels.
^ Dependence on foreign experts.
Assertions are frequently made that university staff do not allocate much time
and effort to direct service activities. In 1988 university staff in Tanzania could
scarcely feed their families for three days on their monthly salaries. To live, they
engaged in subsistence activities such as consultancies, poultry rearing or driving
taxis. Such a climate precipitated by SAPs does not encourage reflective practice.
Teachers working in four schools simultaneously are likely to use teacher-centred
methods such as 'chalk and talk'.
Cross-country studies of cognitive achievement, such as the International Educa-
tion Association (IEA) Science Study, test the science knowledge and understanding
of students in different countries. Though Lewin (1993) concedes that such studies
are flawed, he uses them to make comparisons which show that students from
African countries perform poorly and score at the bottom of the table. However,
those familiar with education in Africa can detect signs that the research design of
the study may not take account of the African context. For example, the science tests
were conducted on populations differentiated by age — a differentiation that makes
sense in a country such as the UK where students progress from one year to the
next. However, in Africa one commonly finds adolescents in lower primary class-
rooms and adults in secondary schools. Several science items favour urban over

rural students in a continent that is mostly rural. The third IEA study, currently in
progress (Robitaille, 1994), was even more unsuccessful than the second in securing
the participation of African countries. Of the 50 participating countries, only two are
from Africa — South Africa and Tunisia, neither typical of the African continent.
Achieving any meaningful change under the strain of SAPs is difficult. Lange
(1995) describes a subtle attempt to bring systemic change to education in Zanzi-
bar. Science camps for students serve as a microcosm of the educational system
where ministry officials can try new approaches to change in a supportive, non-
threatening environment. The next step for such officials is to transfer their vision
of the possibilities for change to the larger educational system.
Different stakeholders define relevance in different ways. This results in different
programmes and policies, depending on which is the dominant group. The aims of
most science curricula state they want children to think scientifically, but rarely
realize this in practice that is generally determined by examinations. Students and
parents regard entry to the job market as the most important reason for schooling.
Since passing examinations is a prerequisite for a job, enabling their students to do
so becomes the aim of most teachers. Thus, the need to understand science for
relevance, scientific literacy and preparing the scientists of tomorrow becomes lost.
Lewin (1992) writes of the conflict between job providers and job seekers. Uni-
versity subject specialists are often blamed for their influence on the content of
science education courses. They usually receive their postgraduate training abroad
and return espousing the philosophy of the country in which they received their
training. However, lacking the support given postdoctoral research in more devel-
oped frameworks, and faced with large teaching and administrative responsibilities,
their research suffers. Those who enter other sectors find that their work is largely
routine (Lewin, 1992). Having lacked exposure during their training to research using
appropriate technologies, research scientists' training is inappropriate.
Ogunniyi (1986) criticizes the esoteric science programmes offered by many uni-
versities in Africa and the isolation of African scientists from the debate on cur-
riculum development. The opposite is the case in South Africa, where universities
dictate subject content, resulting in teaching of decontextualized science.
SOME ATTEMPTS TO DEVELOP A RELEVANT CURRICULUM

In most countries in Africa, science was introduced as a school subject only after
independence. Before that, education was largely restricted to the provision of pri-
mary schooling in which science did not play a significant role. Science taught to
the minority who attended secondary school was a reflection of that in the schools
of the colonial master (Lewin, 1992). Students in the British colonies sat examina-
tions set by overseas examining boards that still examine students in some south-
ern African countries. Despite attempts to modify such examinations, it is difficult
to set questions that will be simultaneously relevant in Singapore, the Bahamas and
Swaziland, and a brief survey of past papers set by the Cambridge Overseas School
Certificate confirms this. All the papers for the chemistry section of combined

science (IMSTIP, 1989) are entirely stripped of context. Only references to a lollipop,
grape juice and red ink come from outside the sanitized world of the chemistry
laboratory. Failure to relate to the terms neither assists nor interferes with the can-
didates' ability to answer the question.
Ogunniyi (1986) quotes Yoloye and Bajah (1981) in his description of curriculum
innovations in Africa when he says that curriculum change is perhaps the most
remarkable change that has occurred in African countries since independence. Influ-
enced by the post-Sputnik wave of curriculum development in the industrialized
North, changes in African secondary schools were mostly adaptations of overseas
curricula (Lewin, 1992). Many of these courses aimed to produce scientists (Buttle,
1975), and were designed for the top 30 % of students in the host country (Lewin,
1992). Africa rejected the vocational or technology-oriented courses developed in
those countries around the same period, since Africans regard schooling as prepa-
ration for white-collar employment. Educators and students regarded 'relevance' as
vocational and thus a vice rather than a virtue.
The African Primary Science Programme (APSP) spearheaded curriculum change
at primary levels in Africa. Unlike materials produced for secondary programmes of
the time, APSP materials were developed in Africa.
By the late 1980s most countries in Africa had established curriculum develop-
ment centres (Lewin, 1993). Evaluation studies show that despite efforts by these
centres and international agencies to change teachers' pedagogy, few have done so.
More recent developments such as BOTSCI — a junior science programme for
Botswana — have been achieved with less outside assistance (Nganunu, 1988).
ZIMSCI, a science programme in Zimbabwe, inspired BOTSCI and used a low-tech,
kit approach (Kahn & Rollnick, 1993). With BOTSCI, the country made a policy deci-
sion to teach a 'science for citizens' course at the junior secondary level, and to pre-
pare future scientists and technologists at later stages of education. Science and
Technology in Society (STS), a British course, influences BOTSCI, though it was
impossible to adapt the highly contextualized STS materials. Where environmentally
contextualized materials of this nature are developed, relevance means more than
changing content or methods of teaching.
A weakness of many of these developments was a failure to involve personnel at
all levels of the educational system (Lewin, 1992), particularly those involved with
examinations. A further difficulty was that rapid expansion of the education system
and a shortage of foreign exchange strained the ability of African countries to pro-
vide the necessary support for the developments. Problems experienced by ZIMSCI
exemplify this situation (Kahn & Rollnick, 1993).
An exciting recent event in African curriculum development took place in Harare,
Zimbabwe in January 1991 (Whittle et al, 1993). Described as a 'generator' of ideas
rather than a conference, the event aimed to:
^ gather people of proven creativity and enterprise;
^ involve officials and policy makers;
^ benefit some nonparticipant Zimbabwean teachers;

^ facilitate the production of products that demonstrated innovative approaches

to science and technology education in Africa;
^ distribute the product as widely as possible within Africa; and
^ encourage the use and adaptation of the products.
An intensive week of writing, trialing and critique of materials followed an intro-
ductory week of exposure to new ideas by a team from the United Kingdom (UK)
which had been involved in the design of STS. The product is an exciting collection
of multimedia materials relevant to Africa in terms of content, equipment and teach-
ing methods that exemplify that methods and content must be relevant.
Lewin (1992) identifies five factors that militate against the adoption of relevant
curricula by countries in Africa:
1. Pressure for continuity between stages, even if only a minority continue with
schooling.
2. Difficulty in finding teachers with the necessary qualifications and experience to
make science teaching relevant.
3. The fact that science is often used to discriminate between students.
4. Those involved in defining the subject are themselves successful products of the
established system.
5. The science of everyday life has a low status.
A possible way forward is to make 'science of everyday life' a subject for all
students, as is the case with junior secondary science in Botswana (Nganunu, 1992).
However, concentrating the curriculum on everyday issues could limit learners'
horizons.
Lubben et al (1995) describe interesting research that promoted relevant cur-
ricula in Swaziland. The action research model facilitated the production of learn-
ing materials designed to be contextualized within the realities of Swaziland, as well
as being applicable and open to investigation. The project included teachers in the
design and trialing of materials and focused heavily on teacher development in its
implementation. Research showed that, while students showed few signs of
improved cognitive improvement, there were noticeable gains in the affective
domain for both boys and girls. Course materials were particularly effective in
maintaining girls' interest in traditionally male topics, such as electric circuits.
Improvement in the affective domain is probably more important than cognitive
gains, since they may lead to increased student interest and effort. The revised
project materials are similar to conventional integrated science materials, perhaps
revealing that the project teachers were not comfortable with a radical departure
from what they know.
A Nigerian study (Otuka, 1993) of teachers' views on the effectiveness of various
textbook attributes revealed that important factors are: use of local examples; local
alternatives to scientific terminology; identification of locally practised science and
technology; use of local languages; reflection of local climatic and environmental
factors; identification and demystification of taboos and superstitious beliefs;

consideration of local tools, occupations and agricultural products; reflection of

variations of local buildings; and use of cooperative problem-solving techniques.
However, despite an interest by researchers, science educators and donors in pro-
moting relevance in curricula, policy and examinations have yet to institutionalize
this interest.
MAKING SCIENCE RELEVANT

Science for all
Science and technology learning for all is an equity rather than a relevance issue.
However, once it has been raised, the challenge of providing students with a rele-
vant experience becomes of prime importance. 'Science for all' implies relevance and
comprises the knowledge and skills needed to empower students to control their
lives at an individual and a societal level.
At the individual level 'science for all' could mean understanding waterborne dis-
eases, how to purify water, and the basic principles that underlie these issues. At
the societal level it could mean having the confidence, skills and knowledge needed
to challenge the management of a factory that pollutes a river.
A common misconception of 'science for all' is that it is inferior and therefore not
suitable for able students. However, able students and especially those who will
become scientists and technologists need to understand societal issues. Designers
of course materials for 'science for all' must consider whose science and what
science, since society must also respect local scientists and technologists, such as
traditional healers.
Issues of gender regarding 'science for all' are discussed by Vijay Reddy in
chapter 6.
Teachers
African societies judge teachers by their ability to help students to pass examina-
tions, since passing or failing can mean the difference between white-collar employ-
ment or sweeping the streets (Lewin, 1992: 105).
Though many public examinations may test higher cognitive skills, they remain
decontextualized and content-driven, and this defines relevance for teachers. Any-
thing that forms part of the examination syllabus is relevant and teaching methods
other than drill are rarely seen.
Teachers in Africa are underpaid and frequently do several jobs to feed their fam-
ilies. Considerations other than financial must motivate them to continue teaching.
NEPI (1992), for instance, reports that what teachers value most about in-service
courses is the collegial contact.
Appropriate teacher development is crucial. Studies by Kelly and Rollnick (1996),
Kannieappan (1996: 30), Wuyep and Turner (1994) in Nigeria, and Klindt (1994) in
Lesotho established the importance of relevant content and teaching methodologies
in both pre-service and in-service science and technology teacher development
programmes.
Juta & Co, Ltd 85

Students
Unlike in the rest of Africa where students view school as a means to a job, in South
Africa students' demands for relevant education spearheaded political change. The
1976 disturbances over the medium of instruction soon expanded into a demand for
people's education and a concern for what schools taught. Kahn and Rollnick (1993)
speculate how this movement applied to science education. The decontextualization
of science teaching led to a lack of the ideological distortion that occurred with other
subjects during the apartheid regime. However, a high failure rate led to a fear of
and aversion to science, as exemplified in the apocryphal tale of the Soweto student
who stated there is no place for mathematics in a people's education since it is divi-
sive, and students who did not understand it would feel inadequate. However,
demands made by students in the name of people's education related to content,
not to teaching methods.
Educational unrest in South Africa resulted in the formation of the National Edu-
cation and Training Forum (NETF). This body represented important stakeholders in
the education process, such as teachers' unions, government, and school and uni-
versity student bodies. A short-term syllabus initiated by the government in 1994 was
unique in that it included secondary and university students in the drafting process
(Rollnick, 1994). Student participation is important in shaping the science curriculum.
WHO DEFINES SCIENCE?

Horton (1971) wrote one of the earliest papers that addresses the issue of control.
While he alleged that there are similarities between Western and African views, he
noted important differences regarding openness, especially regarding perceptions of
alternatives and possible threats to established bodies of knowledge that influence
students' understanding of science. Adu-Ampoma (1975) cites unquestioned belief in
authority as an aspect of traditional African thought that limits students' learning.
The ideology of science as a fixed body of knowledge with 'correct' answers per-
vaded science curricula in apartheid South Africa, where a white minority defined
science and science teaching (NEPI, 1992). Studies abound by Western and African
researchers on the influence of traditional modes of African thought on science learn-
ing (Kay, 1975; Sawyer, 1979; Ingle & Turner, 1981; and Ogunniyi, 1987). Ogawa (1986)
suggests a model to explain the conflicts between traditional and scientific thinking
and suggests that a process of simultaneously exploring Western and traditional
African ideas would result in a deeper understanding of both. Rollnick (1988) sums
up the contradiction:
The student in Africa has one name which is used at school and another
one which is used at home. There is one type of acceptable behaviour at
school and one at home. There is one type of dress for school and one for
home. There is a language for school and a language for home. Because of
this, the student, too, becomes two people. Why not two concepts of
science?

When one looks at the relationship between traditional thinking and

school, one ventures into the fraught area of culture. A series of articles
in the Journal of Cross-cultural Psychology in 1984 reflects this (Rohner, 1984;
Jahoda, 1984; and Segall, 1984). Rohner rejects behaviourist definitions of
culture, preferring to see it as: The totality of equivalent and comple-
mentary learned meanings maintained by a human population or by an
identifiable segment of the population and transmitted form one genera-
tion to the next'. Jahoda criticizes this view saying that it draws the line
between ideas and behaviour too sharply. Segal, on the other hand, feels
that it is pointless to search for a definition as doing so does not advance
the study of cross cultural psychology. To avoid this problem, Toulmin
(1972) uses the term 'conceptual ecology'. A more productive term may
be 'intellectual environment' (Hewson & Hamlyn, 1983).
Many of the above studies argue that the design of curricula takes account of
'culture' or 'intellectual environment', thus negating the positivist view of science as
a 'value free' subject. Teaching methodology is related to the adaptation of curric-
ula. Some argue that the student-centred methodologies proposed in modern cur-
ricula are contrary to 'African culture'. However, there is a growing body of opinion
even in Western teaching situations that teacher-centred lessons are often effective.
Wildy and Wallace (1995), after conducting a study of a teacher who used whole-
class teaching almost entirely, argued for a '... broader view of good science teach-
ing than that proposed by the literature, one that takes into account teachers' and
students' understanding of science in relation to their social and cultural contexts'.
SOME SUGGESTIONS ON THE PROMOTION OF RELEVANCE

Confronting the difficulties caused by structural adjustment programmes requires
action at a broader level than science education. African countries need to find ways
forward that will allow them to break from the World Bank and the International
Monetary Fund (IMF). However, science and technology education may find creative
ways to progress. One possibility is work along the lines reported by Lange on the
science camps in Zanzibar, where civil servants are freed temporarily to exercise
their creativity and see beyond the rules that bind them. Another option is to find
ways to help overloaded and underpaid teachers to teach science in a meaningful
way. Often they stay in teaching merely because it is more stimulating than some of
their more lucrative income-generating activities. A fundamental shift in policy that
could make a difference to what happens in classrooms would be to allow those
responsible for developing the curriculum to have more control over the examina-
tion process even if the dominance of examinations cannot be diminished.
The development of STS-type programmes is promising even though the concept
of STS is an import. The nature of STS programmes is that they must be con-
textualized and developed locally. They are thus a useful vehicle for developing self-
reliance and ensuring that course resources are not expensive.

The tyranny of examinations will not be banished easily as too much is at stake
for successful candidates. A logical policy option would be to make the system pro-
mote relevance by redesigning examinations to do so, thus placing it on the agenda
of teachers, students and parents.
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6
Relevance and the promotion of equity
Vijay Reddy, University of Durban-Westville, Durban, South Africa
ABSTRACT
Historically, the participation of girls in science and technology education has been
poor. In some parts of Africa certain racial groups and nomadic tribes were dis-
criminated against, resulting in their poor participation in science and technology
education. With the advent of 'science for air, equity in science and technology edu-
cation has become an imperative. This chapter focuses on the challenges of access,
redress, equity, and quality in science and technology education. It analyses past
and present trends and proposes future directions with regard to these challenges.
INTRODUCTION
Ogunniyi (1995), writing in Science Education, sets a backdrop for discussing science
education in Africa:
Since their independence in the late 1950s and 1960s, most African states
have become acutely aware of the importance of science education as a
means to scientific and technological development... Within the continent,
the two major declarations adopted by African heads of state and govern-
ment, the Lagos Plan of Action (1980) and the African Priority Programme
for Economic Recovery (1986), have both called for sustainable develop-
ment based on self reliance in science and technology applications. A dom-
inant theme has been that without a sound science education programme
a country cannot achieve any breakthrough in its economic development
(OAU, 1981).
Ogunniyi goes on to say '... the state of science education in Africa today is far
worse than was reported earlier' (Ogunniyi, 1986).
Various papers and reports have documented the state of education and science
education. It is recognized that, since the 1970s, education systems in sub-Saharan
Africa have brought a measure of basic literacy and numeracy to more than half the

population. However, they have failed to produce sufficient numbers of technical and
managerial workers with the skills to meet the needs of modernizing the economy.
Science educators have identified problems such as lack of resources for teach-
ing science, inadequate laboratory facilities, too few qualified science teachers, and
large classes. There are further disparities within this context of impoverishment.
These are disparities of class, gender, race, location and poverty. Often the issue of
equity affects several overlapping disadvantaged groups, such as rural poor girls,
making them groups that are the most disadvantaged.
I shall describe briefly the state of education and science education in some
countries, and then discuss a framework to achieve equity in science and technology
education.
THE STATE OF EDUCATION AND SCIENCE EDUCATION IN AFRICA

Participation in schooling
All governments in Africa are committed to universal access to primary education.
However the gross enrolment rates (GERs) vary. Few countries have reached 100 %
and where overall participation is low, gender gaps are wider. In countries where
there was exclusion by race, it has affected participation patterns. In all countries
children of poor families have low school enrolment and high dropout rates. Prox-
imity to schools also affects enrolment. Anderson (1988) reports that the Interna-
tional Council of Education Development estimates that fewer than 50 % of rural
children in most countries and as few as 10 % in some countries complete four or
more grades in school. In Sudan, for example, 80 % of urban but only 20 % of rural
children go to school (West Africa Weekly Magazine, 1989).
In 1990, in Africa, girls made up 45 % of primary and 40 % of the secondary school
population (Odaga & Henneveld, 1995). Africa-wide, enrolment rates (percentage of
the age group) of 6-11 year olds is 69 % for boys and 57 % for girls (Lockheed &
Verspoor, 1991), though in Botswana, Lesotho, South Africa and Mauritius there are
more females than males enrolled in the education system. Participation patterns at
the secondary level show that the gap between boys and girls widens further. For
example, Zambia's secondary school population in 1994 was made up of 62 % boys
and 38 % girls (Nair & Tindi, 1995).
In Zambia, a lack of school space denies access to formal education to 45 % of
the seven-year-olds (Nair & Tindi, 1995). In Nigeria, about 23 % of primary school
pupils are not in schools (Ivowi, 1995). In South Africa the primary school enrolment
rate is about 71%. Botswana has achieved almost universal primary education.
GERs at secondary school levels vary from about 50 % in countries such as Zim-
babwe and South Africa to less than 10 % in Malawi and Tanzania (Lewin, 1996).
Participation in science and technology education in schools

All pupils in primary schools study science, where it is called names such as envi-
ronmental science, integrated science and general science. Participation in science at

Chapter 6 Relevance and the promotion of equity
the secondary school level is a function of the secondary GER and the proportion of
those who study science at secondary school. There is low participation in physical
sciences at high school as well as a gender and race gap in enrolment patterns in
biology, physics and chemistry, with the greatest difference in the physical sciences.
In most countries students in grades 10-12 are required to take some science.
Most students study biology, with a few taking chemistry, physics or physical science
(Lewin, 1996). For example, in Kenya in 1994, of all the candidates registered in the
senior examinations, 22 % studied physics, 42 % chemistry and 58 % physical science
(Wasanga, 1995). In Nigeria in the senior secondary school about 93 % studied
biology, about 30 % chemistry and 16 % physics (Okebukola, 1995). In South Africa
in 1990, of all the standard 10 pupils, 36 % studied mathematics, 22 % physical
science and 76 % biology (FRD, 1993).
Within the low participation in science there are further disparities by race and
sex. In South Africa, in 1990, at standard 10, 47 % of white pupils and only about
15 % of African pupils took physical science as a subject (FRD, 1993). In Zambia the
ratio of boys to girls studying chemistry and physics in grade 12 in 1994 was about
86 % male and 14 % female (Chibesakunda, 1995). In Zimbabwe girls constitute about
20 % of the total number of A-level students enrolled in science subjects (Zimbabwe
Ministry of Education, 1995).
Performance in science in schools

Performance in science subjects is generally poor. In 1993, performance in English,
mathematics and science in the Kenyan Certificate of Primary Education (KCPE)
shows the following pattern of A grades awarded in the examination (Wasanga, 1995).
English Maths Science

Boys 5 144 (51 %) 11 082 (75 %) 3 609 (88 %)
Girls 4 923 (49 %) 3 639 (25 %) 489 (12 %)
Total 10 067 (100 %) 14 721 (100 %) 4098(100%)
There are fewer A grades in science than in English or mathematics; there are
also gender disparities in mathematics and science. Performance in science at the
Kenyan Senior Certificate Examinations in 1994 was also poor. Of those who wrote
the examination, the percentages of candidates being awarded any grade higher than
D+ were: 14 % in mathematics; 64 % in biology; 48 % in physics and chemistry, and
25 % in the physical sciences (Wasanga, 1995).
In Zambia, a baseline study for the grade 9 project, 'Action to Improve English,
Mathematics, and Science' (1994), showed that girls achieved a pass rate of 31 %,
and boys of 57 % (Nair & Tindi, 1995). In Swaziland, in the mathematics/physical
science combination, three times as many boys as girls obtained a credit pass
(UNECA Report, 1990).

In South Africa, student performance in mathematics and physical science shows

an alarming picture by race. The matriculation pass rates in 1990 for white, coloured
and Indian pupils were relatively high, with 95 % passing physical science, 91 % pass-
ing mathematics and 88 % passing biology. For black pupils, the results were dismal,
with only 15 % passing mathematics, 44 % passing physical science and 29 % pass-
ing biology (FRD, 1993).
Performance in tertiary institutions

Lower enrolments of disadvantaged groups in sub-Saharan Africa are most pro-
nounced in higher education, largely as a consequence of the inequities experienced
at the primary and secondary levels. In 1990 girls made up 31 % of the tertiary pop-
ulation, with limited female representation in science, mathematics and technical
courses (Odaga & Henneveld, 1995).
Only about 38 % of the small population which attends secondary school in Zam-
bia proceed to some form of tertiary education (Nair & Tindi, 1995). Graduation
figures in 1988 show that eight women graduated in natural sciences. None gradu-
ated in mining or engineering (Nair & Tindi, 1995).
In South Africa, one of the consequences of apartheid policies is poor school per-
formance by black students. The number of degrees, diplomas and certificates
awarded by universities reflects this. In 1991, of the 3 341 degrees in natural sciences
and mathematics awarded by South African universities, 370 were awarded to
Africans and 2 563 were awarded to whites (FRD, 1993).
Participation in the workplace

The ILO estimates that in 1990 women formed 38 % (73 million) of the total labour
force in sub-Saharan Africa, of which 76 % worked in agriculture, 17 % in the infor-
mal sector, and 5 % in the modern sector. Within the modern sector, women are
employed mainly in the civil service, usually at the lower grades (Odaga & Henn-
eveld, 1995). There are few women managers and their representation in central gov-
ernment and political parties remains weak.
SOME REASONS FOR DISPARITIES

A reason for low GERs in schooling, low participation in science and poor perfor-
mance in science education is an interaction between supply, demand and the learn-
ing process. Supply refers to the availability and quality of school facilities, materials
and teachers. Decisions made by parents, based on opportunity, costs of schooling,
religion and culture, create the demand. The learning process involves the experi-
ences that children have in school that are linked to the curriculum (Lockheed &
Verspoor, 1991). Disparities between groups arise for different reasons.
One reason for the lower participation of girls is a lack of demand because of
family and societal views about schooling for girls. Furthermore, curriculum inade-
quacies and different treatment in the classroom of female students by both male
and female teachers affect performance.

Schools are far apart in rural areas with a low population density. Inhabitants are
generally poor and cannot absorb the extra costs of schooling. For children living
far from school there are transport costs (if transport is available), and time spent
walking to and from school reduces time for household maintenance and production
chores, especially for girls. In poor families — particularly in rural areas — such
child labour is often critical to family survival. Ndunda and Munby (1991) report that
in Kenya 'traditional son preference still influences rural parents, who remain unwill-
ing to invest in their daughters' education because the investment is considered
wasteful or frivolous'. Such factors affect girls more than boys in rural areas, so
gender differences are more acute when desegregated by urban-rural residence.
Many rural schools offer only three or four grades and lack resources such as
teachers, materials, facilities and equipment. They often have more than one grade
level per class. Teachers either treat the whole class as a single grade level or, if
there are two grades per class, each grade level gets half the attention. Also, the
language of instruction may not be that of the local population, and often the cur-
ricula are taught in a national, urban language that is not used in rural areas.
During the apartheid era, South African education was based on a philosophy of
4
what is the point of teaching a Bantu child mathematics when he cannot use it in
practice' (Hendrik Verwoerd: Hansard). This philosophy led to an education for
blacks that was characterized by underspending, a lack of facilities, overcrowded
classrooms, and unqualified or poorly qualified teachers.
EQUITY IN SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY EDUCATION

Achieving equity in education is important because of its relationship to economic
development and social justice. Many countries with successful recent histories of
economic development have invested heavily in human resource development at pri-
mary and later at secondary levels, achieving approximately universal levels of enrol-
ment. These countries have also stressed science, technology and mathematics
during the period when economic growth was most rapid. To ensure economic
growth, one of the necessary but not sufficient conditions is that all the population
be educated (Lewin, 1992). In a democratic country, all groups should receive a qual-
ity education.
Harding (1992) and Erinosho (1994) list reasons why science and technology
education should involve girls and women. The reasons would apply to all disad-
vantaged groups and are compelling:
1. Equality of opportunity is necessary so both sexes can be part of mainstream
development.
2. Equity is important for technological and socioeconomic development.
3. There is a need for more female scientists in decision-making positions to enable
them to control the direction of technological research and promote policies that
favour females.
4. Science is exciting and its study promotes intellectual understanding, exploration
and mastery of the environment.

5. If women suffer discrimination in science and technology, a lack of appropriate

qualifications will limit their financial rewards and bar them from interesting work.
6. Being excluded from science would lead to a sense of alienation among women
and, with modern life becoming increasingly dependent on science and technol-
ogy, such alienation would not be healthy.
ISSUES TO CONSIDER WHEN PUNNING FOR EQUITY

Policy is a blunt instrument to produce intended educational change. Reasons why
change has not yet been effected include: (1) a shortage of well-trained and moti-
vated teachers; (2) a failure to implement planned curricula because of a lack of
resources; (3) a failure to consider prevailing national conditions; (4) not involving
teachers in policy formulation; and (5) a lack of planning and coordination between
those institutions concerned with provision of science education (Caillods, Gottel-
mann-Duret & Lewin, 1995). Achieving equity will require more than a change of edu-
cational policy. Educational planning, programming, management, implementation,
monitoring and evaluation must all have an equity perspective. To achieve this will
require a strong political will.
Considering the depressed economies of many African countries, we must think
of ways to effect change within present government budgetary constraints, though
some programmes may require donor support. When resources are limited, there is
always a policy dilemma between providing education to all and ensuring an equit-
able distribution of resources. For example, a study by Obura in 1991 (quoted in Cail-
lods et al, 1995) illustrated laboratory costs in different locations of Kenya. A
low-cost laboratory near Nairobi costs $20 000; $32 000 in a rural area near a tarred
road; and $40 000 in a rural area off the tarred road.
We cannot look at issues of science education and disparities in isolation. They
must be considered within the context of the educational system which in turn must
be within the context of sociopolitical and economic systems. Education ministries
alone cannot achieve equity. It requires commitment from all ministries as well as
changed attitudes within society and the workplace. Thus, changing classroom prac-
tices only cannot achieve equity. We must examine school, societal and family prac-
tices; perceptions of schooling; political and institutional factors; individual factors;
workplace opportunities; and the economic status of the family.
Improving educational opportunities for all children is a key factor in promoting
the enrolment of girls. We can increase the demand for schooling by changing par-
ents' and communities' perceptions and by demonstrating its usefulness by ensur-
ing that the workplace can absorb school graduates. There should be visible results
to encourage others, and we must ensure that children have a good learning experi-
ence so they are more likely to want to remain in school.
For me, achieving equity is a process with both a short-term and a long-term
goal. The long-term goal is to eliminate disparities by ensuring equitable partic-
ipation and performance. Attempts to change participation rates by changing only
school/classroom practice have not been effective. Research shows that socio-

cultural practices prevent girls from participating, continuing, and performing well
in school. At the risk of being called elitist, I therefore suggest a programme of
targeted intervention as a short-term measure to achieve the long-term target of
universal primary and secondary education for girls, and to increase their per-
formance. A cadre of highly qualified and well-placed women would have the effect
of: (1) changing societal perceptions about educated women; (2) creating positive
role models; and (3) having a critical mass of women in organizations to ensure
that their practices change.
Other equity issues in science and technology education include:
1. The efficacy of single-sex schools and segregated classes in promoting the par-
ticipation and performance of girls. Studies conducted in Germany, and quoted
in the CASTME Journal, show that cooperative learning in girls-only science
classes in coeducational schools promotes the most improved performance in
science learning.
2. Anecdotal evidence suggesting that women teachers encourage participation and
performance by female students.
3. Evidence which suggests that male and female teachers believe that male
students are academically superior to female students. Other studies (Zonne-
veld, Taole, Nkhwalume & Letsic, 1993) show that many classroom behavior
patterns of teachers favour boys and affect both the performance and attitudes
of girls in science and mathematics.
4. Students from poor households drop out of school to engage in income-generating
activities or household maintenance tasks. Perhaps we should plan for school and
work, rather than school or work (Odaga & Henneveld, 1995).
5. Ignorance on the part of parents and the community of the value of schooling,
the nature and role of science and technology, and about science-and-technology-
related professions.
6. The inability of poor households to afford schooling.
7. Many studies indicate that students experience difficulties when they learn
science through a second or third language. Rural students are often taught using
a national language that is the language of the urban population. This exacerbates
their learning difficulties.
8. Teaching in multigrade classrooms generally leads to coverage of only a fraction
of the syllabus and to insufficient practical work being offered students.
9. A lack of curricula that are appropriate to teaching relevant 'science for air.
Marissa Rollnick deals with this issue in chapter 5 above.
Considering the current economic constraints in many African countries, there is
a dilemma between providing education to all and promoting equity. With respect to
science and technology education, it might be wise both to change the state of
science education and to engage in intervention programmes targeted at specific
groups. However, targeted interventions are costly and frequently elites resist such
programmes, fearing the implications of a redistribution of resources.

RECOMMENDED SCHOOL STRATEGIES FOR PROMOTING EQUITY

Considering the issues discussed, I make the following, tentative recommendations:
1. Studies similar to those conducted in Germany and quoted in CASTME Journal
15(2) should be replicated in Africa.
2. Efforts should be made to increase the number of female science teachers.
3. Female science teachers should be provided with incentives to teach in rural
schools.
4. All teacher education programmes should incorporate activities that make
teachers aware of how certain practices disadvantage girls.
5. Targeted intervention programmes should be established that develop cadres of
elites and provide employment opportunities. Such programmes would require
commitment by government, NGOs and the private sector.
6. School timetables must accommodate working children from poor families who
have to generate an income. A flexible school timetable could offer evening
classes so that children can attend school after they have completed their
household and other chores.
7. Programmes should be mounted through school boards and the mass media
to educate parents and the community on the value of schooling, the nature
and role of science and technology, and about science-and-technology-related
professions.
8. Scholarship programmes should be set up to encourage poor pupils. To ensure
that targeted groups continue to study at universities there need to be bursary
and scholarship programmes. Donor communities should support such
schemes.
9. A centre of excellence with a strong emphasis on science and technology should
be established in a rural area, with a quota for girls. This initiative will require
strong support from outside agencies.
10. Science teacher training programmes and science curriculum materials should
incorporate language training.
11. All teacher training programmes and curriculum materials should contain
components that help science and technology teachers work in multigrade class-
rooms.
12. Outstanding girls in the primary and secondary school system should be
supported to move into tertiary education and should subsequently be
provided with high-level, visible jobs in the government and the private and
public sectors.
CONCLUDING REMARKS
When addressing issues of equity, we must not treat disadvantaged groups as prob-
lems. Achieving equity involves the interaction of a number of issues. Ensuring
equity rather than merely providing equal opportunity necessitates an analysis of
class structures followed by praxis, not of inconsequential tampering with educa-

tional systems. Therefore a holistic approach that considers the individual, society,
family, learning institution and the workplace must be supported.
REFERENCES
Anderson, MB. 1988. Improving access to schooling in the third world: An overview. Bridges.
Research Report Series, Issue 1. Cambridge, Ma: Harvard University
Caillods, F, Gottelmann-Duret, G & Lewin, K (forthcoming). Planning Secondary Science
Education. UNESCO
CASTME Journal, 15(2), 1995, p 15: Girls learn better on their own
Chibesakunda, GA. 1995. Science education in Zambia. Paper submitted to Planning Science
Education at the Secondary Level. Johannesburg: HEP and CEPD
Erinosho, SY. 1994. Girls and Science Education in Nigeria. Anglo International Publishing,
Nigeria
FRD (Foundation for Research and Development). 1993. South African Science and Technology
Indicators. Pretoria: FRD
Hansard. 1954. Parliamentary Record South Africa
Harding, J. 1992. Breaking the Barrier: Girls in Science Education. Paris: HEP
Ivowi, UMO. 1995. Science education at secondary level in Nigeria. Submitted to Planning
Science Education at the Secondary Level. Johannesburg: HEP and CEPD
Lewin, KM. 1992. Science Education in Developing Countries: Issues and Perspectives for Plan-
ners. Paris: HEP
Lewin, KM. 1996. Planning Secondary Science Education: Progress and Prospects in the African
Region. Paris: UNESCO
Lockheed, ME & Verspoor, AM. 1991. Improving Primary Education in Developing Countries.
Oxford University Press. Washington DC: World Bank
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mitted to Planning Science Education at the Secondary Level. Johannesburg: HEP and CEPD
Ndunda, M & Munby, H. 1991. Because I am a woman: A study of culture, school, and futures
in science. Science Education, 75(6), pp 683-99
Odaga, A. & Henneveld, W. 1995. Girls and Schools in sub-Saharan Africa: From Analysis to
Action. World Bank Technical Paper. Washington DC: World Bank
Ogunniyi, MB. 1995. The development of science education in Botswana. Science Education,
79(1), pp 95-109
Ogunniyi, MB. 1986. Two decades of science education in Africa. Science Education, 70(2), pp
111-22
Okebukola, P. 1995. Organisation and conditions of secondary science education in Nigeria.
Submitted to Planning Science Education at the Secondary Level. Johannesburg: HEP and
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Wasanga, PM. 1995. Science education in Kenya. Submitted to Planning Science Education at
the Secondary Level. Johannesburg: HEP and CEPD
West Africa Weekly Magazine, 26 June to 2 July, 1989, p 140
Zonneveld M, Taole J, Nkhwalume A & Letsic, L. 1993. The mathematics classroom: Interac-
tion and distraction. First annual SAARMSE Conference proceedings. Rhodes Unversity:
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Zimbabwe. Ministry of Education. 1995. The status of science education in Zimbabwe. Sub-
mitted to Planning Science Education at the Secondary Level. Johannesburg: HEP and CEPD

7
Teacher education: Pre-service and in-Service
Support models
Hubert Dyasi, City College, City University of New York, and Karen Worth,
Education Development Center and Wheelock College, Boston, Ma, USA
ABSTRACT
The goals of science and technology education demand the implementation of good
teacher development programmes. This chapter examines teacher education and
support models for pre-service and in-service education used in the past and
present. The authors analyse the curriculum for science teacher education; support
structures such as materials, finance, and teachers' centres; relationships between
schools and teacher education institutions; and teacher educators and their profes-
sional development. Importantly, this chapter delineates alternative paradigms for
teacher development for the future.
INTRODUCTION
At a teacher training college in Zanzibar, Tanzania, selected secondary school teach-
ers, principals, three scientists, five teacher educators, and 60 secondary school stu-
dents participate in a three-week residential camp focusing on professional
development in science. In New York City, USA, for two weeks during the summe
vacation, 45 teachers and assistant principals attend a professional development pro-
gramme, and meet for three hours on Thursday evenings throughout the following
school year of two 11-week terms. On five consecutive Saturdays, beginning in the
fourth week of the first term, they are joined by 75 primary school students who
have volunteered to learn science through inquiry under the direction of teachers in
the programme. Just outside Durban, South Africa, teachers participate in a con-
structivist-based two-year professional development programme that integrates
science, science teaching and learning; resource and management skills; and delivery
of professional education to other teachers. Working as members of a professional
team of teachers and staff from universities and industry, full-time science education
Juta & Co, Ltd 101

students in Ghana are assigned to an industry where they learn science by practising
it. Subsequently, they and their professional team prepare and produce science edu-
cation resource materials for use by teachers. At the University of the Western Cape,
South Africa, undergraduates work with teachers to organize and conduct an annual
'young scientists' competition' for pupils from local schools. Similarly, architecture
undergraduates at the City College, New York and teachers in nearby schools
enhance their professional growth by working together one day a week to engage stu-
dents in constructivist-based learning about the 'built environment'.
We know these programmes through designing and implementing our own and
other professional development programmes, interacting with colleagues, and from
the educational literature (Keohane, 1974; Ramsey, 1974; Van der Cingel & Yoong,
1979; Harlen, 1979; and Power, 1988). Though different, they share common themes,
such as general principles of practice, and mechanisms that enable each programme
to fit its local contexts. These provide a unity in the diversity of the programmes.
In this chapter we discuss illustrations of this idea of unity in diversity to high-
light the fact that, although the quality of classroom practice is related to a teacher's
professional knowledge base and skills, contextual factors intervene to present
opportunities for and obstacles to its utilization (Darling-Hammond & Goodwin, 1993;
Carnegie Task Force, 1986; Harlen 1993). Professional development is critical for the
development of that knowledge base and skills, but its structure and design are
deeply dependent on contextual factors.
We first refer to a general knowledge base for teachers and raise contextual ques-
tions relevant to the development of science teachers. We then examine a variety of
professional development mechanisms and strategies. A discussion of resources
highlights their importance in determining the quality and sustainability of science
teacher education programmes. Finally, we refer briefly to programme assessment
only to suggest that teacher development programmes should be assessed. The
design, implementation and assessment of teacher development programmes merit
concerted inquiry.
We ask readers to keep in mind the unity-in-diversity notion and to think of ways
to adapt and use the illustrations we present to suit their own contexts. We do not
suggest a royal road to excellent professional development programming. Rather, w
present examples of how some science educators have examined their own situa-
tions and used general principles to design and implement suitable programmes.
Only a judicious alignment of contextual factors with pervasive principles of pro-
fessional development leads to the successful planning and implementation of
effective programmes for science teacher development.
ELEMENTS IN THE DESIGN OF PROFESSIONAL DEVELOPMENT PROGRAMMES

A knowledge of teaching and learning science
There is a broad knowledge base that forms the foundation for science teaching.
Shulman (1987: 8) identified the following components of this knowledge base:

Chapter 7 Teacher education: pre-service and in-service support models
content knowledge; general pedagogical knowledge such as teaching strategies,

classroom management and organization; knowledge of educational ends, purposes,
values, and their philosophical and historical bases; pedagogical content knowledge
— a special blend of content and pedagogy; a knowledge of curriculum materials
and programmes; a knowledge of learners and their characteristics; and a knowledge
of educational contexts, such as school governance and the characteristics of com-
munities. We would include a knowledge of assessment of classroom instructional
approaches, learning experiences, and of student progress.
The local context

In using the knowledge base components to design professional development pro-
grammes for teachers of science, one must consider the local education policy and
how it can be reflected in the programme. An education policy that requires all stu-
dents to study science at all education levels demands different programmes from
those designed for a policy that prefers selection of the highest-achieving students.
One must also consider the education system's vision of excellent science educa-
tion. A vision might be that students acquire science concepts through lectures and
laboratory activities designed to yield only one correct answer, or of an acquisition of
science concepts and practice through engagement in science inquiry. The vision
might be the dictation of science facts to enable students to pass examinations for
admission to tertiary institutions or for acquisition of a general knowledge of many
science topics. A curriculum developer may think a vision is inadequate and needs to
be changed. If so, the developer must determine how the system's vision for the pro-
fessional development of teachers of science relates to the major professional com-
ponents deemed necessary. In many instances the vision is not explicitly stated but
can be inferred from professional development curricula, syllabi and examinations. In
some cases the vision is explicitly stated as standards for the professional develop-
ment of teachers. Given a vision of the desired science education, the designer of
professional development programmes must consider: (1) suitable professional
development mechanisms; (2) the demands of the vision of science education and of
professional development; (3) lessons learned from strategies used by other pro-
grammes; (4) the degree of discontinuity between ingrained local practices and
habits of mind and the desired successful mechanisms — it may be necessary to
choose a less-than-ideal mechanism to reduce such discontinuities; (5) the availabil-
ity of the requisite human and material resources for the mastery and implementation
of the mechanism; (6) the characteristics of participants for whom the programme is
intended; and (7) structural constraints such as scheduling requirements.
One must consider the strategies that can be used to realize the vision. While
mechanisms are static features within which professional development activities are
carried out, strategies are dynamic processes for achieving desired ends. For exam-
ple, within the fixed structure of a workshop, developers might adopt a 'hands-on
strategy' or a 'story-telling strategy', depending on their mindset or the constraints
of the local situation.
Juta & Co, Ltd 103

One must consider the resources that are available for the desired professional
development programme. In addition to considerations of the education of the teach-
ers, one considers human resources in the community, such as exemplary science
teachers who can serve as mentors, appropriately qualified science educators,
scientists, and other learning specialists. One must also consider physical facilities,
equipment, materials, supplies and schemes available for assessing the effectiveness
of the programme.
All these issues are important. We have, however, chosen to focus on structure
strategies, resources, and assessment. Questions of policy, and visions of science
education and of the professional development of teachers of science are best
addressed in the context of specific countries.
PROFESSIONAL DEVELOPMENT STRUCTURES

We arbitrarily divide professional development structures into two complementary
categories — formal and informal.
Formal structures
Formal structures have a set schedule and development of teachers' science edu-
cation knowledge as a goal.
They can be can be two- to three-week workshops, institutes or camps offered
during school vacations, such as the Zanzibar Science Camp. For four hours every
morning the participating adults work in teams with students to teach science
through inquiry. At the conclusion of the morning lessons, each team reviews, dis-
cusses, analyses and assesses the instructional approach as well as their own
professional development during the camp sessions. During the afternoon all par-
ticipants are exposed to development workshops that include demonstrations by
staff, while students work with computers and receive English instruction. In the
evenings, participants prepare lessons for the following days. Camp resource staff
consists of a ministry of education educator who serves as the camp administrator
scientists, science educators, teachers, training college tutors and school inspectors.
Throughout the following school year, camp staff visit participant teachers in their
schools as they implement the approach they learned at the camp. In each zone,
teachers meet in clusters coordinated by colleagues selected for their enthusiasm
and released from teaching duties on a part-time basis.
Few places have academic structures that use a two- to three-week institute
during school vacations, followed by weekly or monthly sessions during weekends
or after school. When used, the model usually requires participating teachers to
complete a two- to three-year sequence of sessions for a professional qualification.
The Council for the Advancement of Science and Mathematics Education (CASME
in Durban, South Africa, uses such a mechanism. During vacations, CASME staff con-
duct high-school teacher-leader workshops that integrate science understanding
with a constructivist-based science teaching approach. CASME sustains participants'
education during school terms through distance learning. Teachers must participate
104 Juta & Co, Ltd

in the programme for two years for successful completion. In Harlem, New York, at
the City College of the City University of New York, about 45 teachers and assistant
principals take part in a two-week summer institute designed to deepen their knowl-
edge of science and of science teaching using an inquiry approach. During the fol-
lowing academic year, they attend a professional development programme, meeting
three hours a week after school for 24 weeks. On five consecutive Saturdays, begin-
ning in the fourth week, they are joined by 75 primary school students who have
volunteered to learn science through inquiry under the direction of the programme
participants. During these Saturday sessions, teachers divide into teams of five to
teach science through inquiry to ten students per team. Each student is accompa-
nied by a parent who participates in a three-hour parents' workshop conducted by
participating teachers on inquiry in science and on the parent's role in helping a
child learn science at home. After each Saturday session, teachers and staff spend
an hour discussing and analysing the morning and plan for the following Saturday.
City College staff, consisting of a science educator who serves as leader, two teach-
ers, a scientist, and a parent-education specialist, spend an additional hour review-
ing the day's events. During the second half of the school year, teachers use the
teaching approach and science they have learned in their classrooms. During the
three-hour weekly sessions, they function as a study group discussing their teach-
ing and experiences.
The placement of teachers in university or industrial science laboratories is not
a widespread professional development mechanism.
At the University of Cape Coast in Ghana, full-time education students work as
members of a science materials development team of university and industry staff
and teachers. Their participation involves working in an industry, learning science
through its practice, and using the science knowledge thus gained to help their pro-
fessional teams to prepare science education resource materials. To enhance sec-
ondary school science teachers' understanding and teaching of science, the
Columbia University College of Physicians and Surgeons, New York, conducts a two-
summer vacation programme in which teachers serve as members of laboratory
research teams led by university staff. Teachers see new avenues for their personal
and professional growth, revitalize their science teaching, increase laboratory-based
participatory learning in their classrooms as well as their capacities to communicate
the excitement of science to their students and fellow teachers. Through its Science
Outreach Program in New York, that encompasses a summer vacation course and
year-long academic activities, the Rockefeller University provides laboratory-based
research experiences for high school students and their teachers. The programme
teaches students the culture and ethos of scientific investigation, science content
and process skills. In partnership with scientists, teachers serve as mentors to
students, thereby enhancing their own skills at reviewing students' notebooks, and
asking questions to promote their laboratory work, scientific writing, and oral and
aural skills.

Another professional development structure is three- or four-year programmes

designed for teachers or prospective teachers. Such a programme usually requires
enrolment in a range of courses in arts, sciences and education.
In a programme for primary school teachers at Wheelock College in the United
States, the arts and science courses are taken concurrently with courses in human
development, children's learning, curriculum design, developmental pedagogy and
the observation and assessment of learning. Together, these courses lay a founda-
tion for participants' knowledge of science pedagogy and their subsequent clinical
experiences. The science courses are developed and co-taught by a life scientist and
a physical scientist, and provide a two-semester foundation course that is taken by
students during their first and second years. The course provides them with a foun-
dation for, an understanding of and positive attitude towards science. During the
third or fourth year, most students enrol in a course called Teaching science to chil-
dren' that provides students with a basic understanding of science pedagogy. Stu-
dents entering this course already have an understanding of basic science concepts
and how they arise as a result of science inquiry. They also have an understanding
of child growth and development as well as of how children construct meaning
through direct experience, social interaction, and their own reflection and thought.
Clinical experience is an essential component of an extended professional devel-
opment programme. To create a suitable environment an institution such as Wheelock
College builds a close relationship with local schools that serve as professional devel-
opment sites. These sites enable Wheelock students to engage in practice teaching for
two 14-week periods. A weekly teaching seminar accompanies the field work,
frequently co-led by a teacher and a professor. During the seminar students reflect on
their experiences in classrooms, continue to learn to inquire into their own practice,
and are supported in observing and assessing the learning of children.
University degree programmes designed for secondary school teachers may
require that students major in a science subject as well as in education, as is the
case at the University of Cape Coast in Ghana or at Njala College at the University
of Sierra Leone. In other cases, teachers major in a science subject and then com-
plete a one-year higher education diploma.
Finally, some education systems conduct one-off workshops or lectures to keep
teachers abreast of teaching methods, introduce them to a new technology or to
meet contractual requirements. Although organized as professional development, in
most cases these activities serve dissemination purposes.
Informal structures
There is a large variety of informal structures for the professional development
of teachers of science. These are more ad hoc and often planned and led by
teachers.
A growing informal structure is the provision of mentor-teachers to groups of
schools. In one structure, on request, mentor-teachers spend the entire day at a

school. The mentor-teacher works with four or five teachers who have been released
from their classrooms. They first discuss key aspects of a science lesson the men-
tor-teacher will conduct. During the lesson, the class teacher co-teaches while the
others observe and take careful notes. After the lesson the mentor serves as facili-
tator as teachers discuss their observations and interpretations, and raise questions
regarding the implementation of the approach in their own classes. During the dis-
cussion, the mentor highlights points that epitomize the teaching approaches used
and how they were evident in the lesson. A City College Workshop Center science
educator demonstrated the practicability of this structure in Cape Town, where a
few teachers combined their classes so that they could all observe her teach and
discuss the lesson.
Most African countries conduct high school leaving examinations in science sub-
jects. The West African Examinations Council, for example, conducts such examina-
tions in Ghana, Nigeria, The Gambia and Sierra Leone. Science teachers from each
country administer the practicals and form teams to mark and score examination
scripts. This involvement becomes an informal professional development mech-
anism. As markers, science teachers enhance their knowledge of the science topics
covered in the examinations and benefit from interactions with colleagues from other
schools and countries.
Science teachers engage in professional development when they attend confer-
ences, where they enhance their knowledge of science, science teaching and other
professional aspects of science education. Similarly, teachers develop professional
skills when they participate in the development of science curricula or learning ma-
terials. The African Primary Science Programme (APSP) and the Science Education
Programme for Africa (SERA) used this mechanism in long summer workshops
attended by participants from several continents. During the following school year,
participants tested materials produced at the summer workshops and adapted them
to their own circumstances. Science teachers in Nigeria benefited professionally by
participating in the curriculum development work of the Science Teachers' Associa-
tion of Nigeria (STAN). The Caltech Pre-service Science Initiative in California has
teams of teacher-leaders who develop science education materials for use in the
professional development of science teachers through a sequence of teacher devel-
opment workshops. All these teacher development mechanisms involved scientists
as members of the resource teams.
Scientists and science educators can become involved in other ways in the pro-
fessional development of teachers. Teachers' knowledge is enhanced when scien-
tists visit schools to demonstrate and lecture to students. Teachers grow when they
work with scientists and university undergraduates to help high-school students
develop projects for science fairs, or when they judge exhibits in other schools.
University students in the 'built environment' programme, discussed earlier, pro-
vide technical assistance to teachers as they teach their students the technical
skills and knowledge necessary for a successful charrette — a parallel activity to
the science fair.

Professional development strategies

Teacher-educators can choose from an array of strategies. Their choices will be influ-
enced by their beliefs about the nature of science and how human beings learn, as
well as by local factors such as the availability of resources and the number of teach-
ers. We preface a discussion of some key strategies by stating our own beliefs.
Our beliefs
Adults as well as children learn through direct experience, inquiry and reflection,
and interaction with their cultural traditions (see Hawkins, 1976; Driver, 1985;
Resnick, 1987; Yager, 1991; Dyasi, 1992). Science is learned by engaging in learning
activities that bear fidelity to the nature of science and to the ways that science gen-
erates knowledge. Through the development of their own knowledge base, learners
come to know first-hand how scientific facts, concepts, laws and generalizations are
acquired and established. By engaging in science as inquiry teachers directly learn
the value of: (1) open-ended and continuing investigations and studies; (2) collab-
orative learning groups; (3) a research group revisiting an investigation; (4) report-
ing to critical but friendly inquirers who know the value of impersonal criticism;
(5) exploring an idea for a 'research conference'; and (6) generative discussions in
the 'research conference'. By engaging in these activities, teachers strengthen their
knowledge of science content, of laboratory techniques and equipment, of partic-
ipation in scientific discourse, and of how to use relevant resources.
The principles that underlie the professional development of science teachers
apply equally to teacher preparation and in-service education. Teachers acquire the
requisite knowledge, beliefs, and skills during their teacher-preparation phase, and
continue to deepen their knowledge when they become classroom teachers.
In some situations, a university or a teacher training college might be best suited
for prospective and in-service teachers; in other situations the most suitable
provider may be a school, a department in a ministry of education, a teachers' col-
laborative or a combination of institutions. However, in all cases, the nature of the
content and learning is critical — both must exemplify the theoretical and practical
knowledge and skills needed for effective science education in classrooms.
Characteristics of effective strategies

Integrated staffing
The selection, composition, development and functioning of staff is probably the
most important strategy in any professional development effort. Professional devel-
opment staff must have a clearly defined and shared vision, the necessary qualifi-
cations, an exemplary history of practice of their own speciality, and the courage,
energy and support by the system to implement their vision. Professional develop-
ment staff should work as an integrated unit that ideally should consist of profes-
sionals such as teachers, scientists, science educators, and education supervisors
who complement one another.

Learning through models

In the best professional development programmes, staff model what teachers should
do in classrooms. If teachers are to teach through science inquiry, they should be
taught through scientific inquiry. Duckworth's (1986) work on developing inquiring
teachers has provided interesting data. Dyasi (1992) has also described science pro-
fessional development programmes that engage teachers as inquirers.
Customized programming
Teachers and prospective teachers have different needs that cannot be met by a one-
size-fits-all approach. The provision of professional development must be differen-
tiated according to the groups served. Teachers of young children, for example, need
exposure to an approach that emphasizes the methods scientists use to uncover a
phenomenon and the ability to conduct open-ended inquiry, rather than memoriza-
tion of theoretical constructs. High-school teachers' education, however, may, in
addition, focus on learning how to engage students to use inquiry in order to inter-
nalize scientific concepts and unifying principles. Professional development pro-
grammes must take account of such variations. For example, a teacher might be
skilled in designing laboratory experiences but be inadequate at conducting
productive student discussions of those experiences.
A focus on science
If teachers are to guide students towards an understanding of the nature of science
they must first understand it themselves. There is general agreement on what
science is, but different places and even schools emphasize different aspects. In the
United States, for example, the National Science Education Standards highlight:
(1) unifying concepts and processes that cut across categories of content; for exam-
ple, systems, order and organization; evidence, models, and explanation; change,
constancy and measurement; evolution and equilibrium; and form and function;
(2) science as inquiry, and as a combination of processes and knowledge required
to understand scientific reasoning and knowledge; (3) physical science, life science,
and earth and space science comprise the subject matter of science; (4) science,
technology and decision making as a connection between the natural and designed
worlds; (5) science in personal and social perspectives, and the use of science to
understand and act on personal and social issues; and (6) the history and nature of
science in a way that reflects its development and ongoing nature. All science teach-
ers, therefore, should not only have an understanding of these components, but
should come to that understanding through first-hand participation in practical
learning in a manner that is consistent with research-based principles. But many
science curricula emphasize the subject matter almost to the exclusion of the other
components. For our part, we tend to emphasize science as inquiry because, in the
words of the US Standards,

[i]nquiry is a multifaceted activity that involves making observations; pos-

ing questions; examining books and other sources of information to see
what is already known; planning investigations; reviewing what is already
known in the light of experimental evidence; using tools to gather, analyze,
and interpret data; proposing answers, explanations, and predictions; and
communicating the results. (National Research Council, 1994: 23)
Thus in schools, science inquiry refers to the activities of students in which they
develop a knowledge and understanding of scientific ideas as well as an under-
standing of how scientists study the natural world.
Systemic support
Systemic support implies concerted contributions by different groups to the provi-
sion of high-quality science education at all education levels through professional
development programmes for science teachers. Systemic support requires the mobil-
ization of groups such as teachers, educational administrators, parents, scientists,
policy makers, examining bodies, nongovernmental development agencies, education
development organizations and foundations, financial institutions, and business and
industry. Without their combined support, the effective planning, design, financing
and adoption of professional education programmes remains elusive. The differing
interests, energies and resources must be orchestrated to create mutually support-
ive relationships that sustain efforts to establish and maintain quality science edu-
cation in schools. Systemic support is especially important when introducing new
programmes, as it can allay fears and uncertainty about what works and what does
not as systems change (see Fullan & Miles, 1992; St John, 1991).
Clinical and regular classroom experiences

Observing and understanding students' behaviour is an important component of
teaching. Participants in professional development programmes should spend time
in schools studying students learning science individually, in small groups, and in
regular class sizes — in their own and others' classrooms — so that their learning
of teaching strategies, and of when and how to implement them, is founded in the
worlds of children and schools. In those worlds, they should watch expert teachers
support and guide learning and how children make sense of their world. If they are
entering teaching, they may try out their own skills, initially with small groups of
children, then later with whole classes.
Inquiry into practice

A good teacher must continue to gain knowledge beyond that acquired in basic
teacher preparation programmes. Teachers should keep their practice up-to-date and
consistent with the development of the profession. A useful strategy for achieving
this in development programmes is to encourage teachers continually to inquire into,
and make meaning of, their own classroom practice. Thus, habits of inquiry become
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ingrained, such as the collection of data to assess teaching and learning to improve
decision making about the selection of learning activities, teaching procedures and
student learning. Such programmes forge strong links between professional practice
and current professional knowledge. Don Schon's work on the reflective practitioner
demonstrates the importance of this component of professional development. Other
scholars whose work gives prominence to teacher inquiry are Kemmis and McTag-
gart (1981), who developed a model to involve teachers in studying and document-
ing their practice in cycles of planning, acting, observing, reflecting, re-planning and
so on. Lieberman (1995) and Lieberman and Miller (1992) have contributed
immensely to teacher participation action research.
As they choose strategies, those who reform teacher education programmes must
grapple with hard questions. Some examples follow.
When teacher preparation takes place in a university, should there be separate science
courses for students who will become teachers? Should the content of science courses
for teachers be explicitly linked to what children should learn in science, and how?
We assume that in either case science courses are taught by professionals who
teach through inquiry and convey an image of science that is inquiry-based, and that
students have an opportunity to engage in inquiry.
Should science courses for teachers be broad overviews that provide a glimpse of the
field and the nature of the field? If so, what content should be covered? Should all teach-
ers have in-depth experience in a science or only teachers of older children?
Teachers, especially at the primary level, are expected to teach across a number
of domains. Therefore, some argue that teachers should have a broad view of
science. Others emphasize experiencing a science in depth, arguing that only by
doing so can teachers understand the nature of scientific investigation, and that
further knowledge can be acquired later as needed.
Should knowledge of how to teach science be delivered exclusively through workshops

and courses on methods? Does the methodology emerge from reflecting on and learning
from teachers' own science learning?
Some argue it is sufficient if science courses model what should go on in
classrooms. They argue that any discussion of teaching and learning that links the
coursework to classrooms distracts teachers from the science. Others suggest that
learning to reflect on one's own learning as a science learner is critical. Still others
suggest that engaging teachers in a continuing dialogue between learning science and
teaching students is a more effective way of building knowledge of science teaching.
How should college or university science professionals collaborate with science educa-
tion specialists and teachers? How should science courses relate to those in science
teaching?
Most argue that communication across fields is valuable and important. Clearly
the science teaching modelled in science courses should be based on the same
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beliefs about science and learning that teachers are exposed to in their science
education courses. It is less clear whether there should be a connection between
the content of the two domains.
What is the appropriate balance in professional development at different times in a

teacher's career between time spent learning about how to teach science in a work-
shop or institutional course structure and learning through working with pupils and
teachers in classrooms?
More traditional programmes emphasize coursework and skills training to a
greater extent than field experience. However, today many argue that the clinical
component of pre-service education must have equal attention, since classrooms are
where prospective teachers learn how to use their knowledge. Increasing its prom-
inence has implications for supervisors and cooperating teachers who must become
facilitators of this learning. The divergence is less about importance than about how
best to use time, a scarce resource.
How much emphasis should be placed on learning to inquire about pupils and teaching?
Many argue that this is a new and important component of science education
reform that should be part of all teacher education programmes. Teaching for under-
standing, whether of science or other domains, requires understanding pupils' learn-
ing and the relationship between teaching and learning. The ability to reflect and
inquire about practice and pupils' learning must begin at the pre-service level.
RESOURCES FOR THE PROFESSIONAL DEVELOPMENT OF TEACHERS

Human resources
A wide range of human resources is required for the design and implementation of
professional development programmes. These resources encompass teachers,
research and teaching scientists, science educators, school administrators, teaching
and learning specialists, curriculum developers, students, and education staff of
funding institutions. No programme uses the complete range; instead, various com-
binations of the different human resources are used.
Teachers function as professional educators when they serve in programmes
designed for the continuing education of other teachers and when they supervise
clinical experiences of prospective teachers in their classrooms. During the devel-
opment of the African Primary Science Programme (APSP), highly talented teachers
were involved in the development of curriculum materials, thereby advancing their
own classroom practice. They later joined the staff of professional development pro-
grammes. In the United States, a professional development programme for high-
school science teachers, funded by the Woodrow Wilson Foundation, first identified
outstanding science teachers and employed them as leading staff members in vaca-
tion workshops for high-school science teacher leaders. The workshops are held on
university campuses in different parts of the country. More than 15 years ago a group
of primary-school teachers in Philadelphia formed a teachers' learning cooperative
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to provide professional development for one another and for other teachers inter-
ested in facilitating pupils' learning. They selected topics of interest and took turns
in leading professional development sessions that often consisted of sharing ongo-
ing classroom work and discussing its meaning and research base. Sometimes they
invited a specialist as an observer, commentator, or occasionally as the presenter of
a selected topic. In a different situation, a high-school science teacher teamed up
with a research scientist at the National Observatory in Cape Town, South Africa, to
conduct physics teaching demonstrations for high-school teachers.
Teachers can provide concrete, authentic, personal experiences of how students
benefit from the learning approaches advocated in professional development pro-
grammes. They can portray a realistic rather than an ideal picture of how the
approaches can be adapted to suit classroom situations that involve ordinary stu-
dents in ordinary schools. And, because they are respected colleagues, teachers
have more credibility than science educators and scientists who are distant from the
realities of schools.
Staff of practically all professional development programmes for science teachers
include a science education specialist. Indeed, in most cases a science educator
serves as designer and leader of the programme. All science educators have spe-
cialized knowledge and experience of educating teachers and other professionals in
the school system. Apart from providing a perspective from prior experience as a
science major at university and as a school science teacher, a specialist science
educator brings research-based knowledge of learning and curriculum development
to the programme. Such a person can also provide the knowledge and practice of
assessment.
In addition to their knowledge of their science specialties, scientists continually
practise scientific inquiry and research as part of their development as professional
scientists. Because one of the goals of a science teacher development programme is
to enable participants to acquire science knowledge and concepts through science
inquiry, a scientist is an essential human resource.
In some programmes mentioned in this chapter, university students assist teach-
ers to carry out special learning activities in schools — such as investigations for
science fairs. The university students are often more up to date than teachers in
their knowledge of science subject matter and of research-based science learning
practices, but do not yet have the necessary experience to apply their knowledge in
the classroom. Thus, a professional education partnership can develop that benefits
both the college student and the teacher.
Perhaps the most deficient aspect of the professional development of science
teachers is the paucity of programmes for science teacher educators. Professional
development programmes include experienced teachers, curriculum developers,
science subject specialists, inspectors, and specialists in science-related fields. Each
group carries excess baggage from its field of study. For example, even though they
have experience of teaching high-school classes, science teachers' visions often
match those of traditional college teaching. School inspectors who have been prin-
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cipals are better at administration than at science teaching. Experienced primary-

school teachers may have excellent knowledge of working with pupils but lack a
knowledge of science. Younger teachers with a bachelor's degree in a science may
not have enough classroom teaching experience. Scientists may provide technical
science information but lack a knowledge of how children learn. Such groups may
be enthusiastic and concerned professionals, but they need exposure to specialized
development programmes in the professional education of teachers of science.
There are programmes for the further education of such teacher-educators. With
support from the Commonwealth Secretariat, the United Nations Economic Commis-
sion for Africa (UNECA), and the United States Agency for International Development
(USAID), the Science Education Programme for Africa (SERA) established and imple-
mented a programme that created a core of science educators in participating coun-
tries. Scientists need orientation if their input to science teacher professional
development programmes is to be maximized. They need to participate in scientist
orientation activities, as is done by the California Institute for Technology in collabo-
ration with the Pasadena School District, and the Merck Institute for Science Educa-
tion, USA, in association with four school districts. The New York Academy organizes
similar orientation programmes for scientists together with New York city school dis-
tricts. Scientists in many African institutions of higher learning work with teachers on
school science improvement.
Material resources
Effective professional development programmes require an appropriate physical set-
ting with adequate material resources. The setting must be recognized by teachers
and the education system as providing the necessary continuity. It must be reason-
ably well equipped and could be a school, a teachers' centre, or a curriculum develop-
ment centre. The setting must promote the creative use of resources and interactions
between teachers and staff. As the setting continues to accumulate resources and
participants' work, its users will assume ownership, making it an accessible intel-
lectual and professional resource.
The setting should have curriculum resources, science teaching kits, a library of
exemplary teachers' work and lessons, students' notebooks, journals, and examples
of assessment instruments. Countries such Ghana, Kenya, Malawi, Nigeria, Sierra
Leone, Tanzania and Uganda had a tradition of well-supported curriculum develop-
ment centres which served as nodes for professional development programmes. That
tradition included a level of respect for the professionalism of teachers and support,
such as networks of teachers' centres.
Completion of a long-term professional development programme should lead to
recognized certification or salary increments. Teachers attending short after-school,
weekend or vacation workshops should be given financial support for travel, board-
ing and incidental expenses. On completion of a professional development pro-
gramme, teachers should be given the necessary support materials for classroom
implementation.
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Every programme needs funds or contributions in kind for staff remuneration,

and the nature of the remuneration should depend on local practice. For example,
a university or industry might give its staff paid release time to work on teacher
development programmes or it might award tuition vouchers to teachers who serve
as supervisors of clinical experiences. The institution conducting the development
programme may procure funds from industry, foundations or the local education
authority to employ scientists, science educators and teachers as adjunct staff.
National, provincial and local government education budgets must include
support for the professional development of science teachers. But responsibility for
support for such programmes cannot be left to the government alone. Business and
industry, institutions of higher learning, and philanthropic foundations should
support systemic change programmes that sustain development.
Resources for national science education envelopment programmes vary, depend-
ing on the relationship between the supply of teachers and the demand for them.
When the demand is high and the supply short, enrolment in development pro-
grammes is high, facilities become strained and courses are shortened, as happened
in much of Africa immediately after independence. Professional education of teach-
ers of science differs when countries have different resource bases. In such situa-
tions, regional science education development programmes can play a significant
role in maintaining vision. Countries in Africa can benefit by sharing knowledge,
experience and human resources on programme development, and by collaborating
on a regional basis. Lessons learned in countries outside Africa can be adapted by
regional organizations working in partnership with professionals from different
African countries. In this context, the work of the African Forum for Children's Lit-
eracy in Science and Technology (AFCLIST) is invaluable.
ASSESSMENT OF PROFESSIONAL DEVELOPMENT PROGRAMMES

Professional development programmes must be assessed to ensure that the views
of science and of learning they portray are consistent with programme goals and
objectives. Their learning activities must be assessed to ensure their effective con-
tribution to participants' learning and self-confidence about activities such as the
design and implementation of learning, their knowledge of science content, and how
to conduct investigative science lessons. The range of strategies used by profes-
sional development programmes must match the characteristics of the teachers they
serve as well as other contextual factors.
Teacher growth along the dimensions identified provides indicators for pro-
gramme assessment. For example, if an objective is the development of teachers'
capacities to design, carry out, and make sense of investigations of natural phe-
nomena, assessment would generate appropriate data by continual engagement of
teachers in that activity. If the programme aimed to develop teachers' abilities to
conduct investigative science lessons, then assessment would include analysis of
teachers' decisions on the choice of learning experiences, classroom observations,
teacher interviews regarding teachers' roles, students' roles, and the role of selected
©Juta & Co, Ltd|5 115

instructional materials, collection of student portfolios, and determination of the ade-

quacy of provisioning for investigative science learning. Similarly, assessment of sci-
ence teacher educator programmes would address participants' growth as excellent
educators.
TOWARDS THE FUTURE

We began by proposing that only a judicious alignment of contextual factors with
pervasive principles of professional development can lead to effective programming.
Achieving such an alignment requires careful analysis. If the analysis is inadequate,
or too strongly based on factors other than on professional realities, teachers may
become frustrated, education can suffer and society can experience disillusionment.
We claim that with systemic support — and by this we mean a unity of vision of cur-
riculum developers, teacher educators, examination staff and so on as much as pro-
vision of resources — pervasive principles of teacher development can be applied.
We contend that doing so enables teachers to become reflective practitioners able
to do the best possible within their contextual constraints, be they those of well-
equipped private schools in industrialized countries or the large, poorly resourced
classes found in much of Africa.
REFERENCES
Carnegie Task Force on Teaching as a Profession. 1986. A Nation Prepared: Teachers for the
21st Century. Washington, DC: Carnegie Forum on Education and the Economy
Darling-Hammond, L & Goodwin, A. 1993. Progress toward professionalism in teaching. In Gor-
don Cawelti (ed). Challenges and Achievements of American Education: 1993 Yearbook of
the Association for Supervision and Curriculum Development, pp 19-52. Washington, DC:
Association for Supervision and Curriculum Development
Duckworth, E. 1986. Teaching as learning. Harvard Educational Review, 56(4), pp 481-95
Dyasi, HM. 1992. Developing confidence in primary-school teachers to teach science and tech-
nology — a practical approach. In David Layton (ed). Innovations in Science and Technology
Education, vol IV, pp 23-38. Paris: UNESCO
Fullan, MG & Miles, MB. 1992. Getting reform right: what works and what doesn't. Phi Delta
Kappan, 73(10), pp 744-52
Harlen, W (ed). 1993. Education for Teaching Science and Mathematics in the Primary School.
Paris: UNESCO
Harlen, W. 1979. Towards the implementation of science at the primary level. In Reay, J (ed).
New Trends in Integrated Science Teaching, vol V, pp 59-67. Paris: UNESCO
Kemmis, S & McTaggart, R. 1981. The Action Research Planner. Victoria, Australia: Deakin Uni
versity Press
Keohane, KW. 1974. The preservice education of teachers of integrated science at training
colleges and universities. In Richmond, PE (ed). Trends in the Teaching of Integrated Science,
vol III, pp 53-9. Paris: UNESCO

Lieberman, A. 1995. Practices that support teacher development: Transforming conceptions

of professional learning. Phi Delta Kappan, 76(8), pp 591-96
Lieberman, A & Miller, L. 1994. The professional development of teachers. In Atkin, M, (ed).
The Encyclopedia of Educational Research, 6th ed, vol 3, pp 1045-53. New York: Macmillan
National Research Council. 1994. National Science Education Standards. Washington, DC:
National Academy Press
Power, C. 1988. New methods for training and retraining science and technology teachers. In
Layton, D (ed). Innovations in Science and Technology Education, vol II, pp 283-95. Paris:
UNESCO
Ramsey, G. 1974. The in-service education of teachers of integrated science. In Richmond, PE
(ed). New Trends in the Teaching of Integrated Science, vol III, pp 60-8. Paris: UNESCO
Resnick, L. 1987. Education and Learning to Think. Washington, DC: National Academy Press
Schon, D. 1987. Educating the reflective practioner: towards a new design for teaching and
learning in professions. San Francisco: Jossey Bass
Shulman, LS. 1987. Knowledge and teaching; foundations of the new reform. Harvard Educa-
tional Review, 7(1), pp 1-22
St John, M. 1991. Science Education for the 1990s: Strategies for Change — Reflections on a 1991
Wingspread Conference. Inverness, Ca: Inverness Research Associates
Van der Cingel, N & Yoong, CS. 1979. Education of teachers for integrated science. In Reay, J
(ed). New Trends in Integrated Science Teaching, vol V, pp 87-99. Paris: UNESCO
Yager, Robert E. 1991. The constructivist learning model: towards real reform in science
education. The Science Teacher, 58(6), pp 52-7
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8
Teaching large classes

Gilbert Onwu, University of Ibadan, Nigeria
ABSTRACT
After the adoption of the principle of universal primary education, the 1970s and
1980s saw an unprecedented expansion of student enrolment in African countries.
As a consequence, class sizes have increased dramatically, with a concomitant
decrease in the quality and quantity of resources. This chapter discusses teaching
large classes in a context of poor resourcing. It examines the reality of large classes;
policy and practice issues; the impact on the quality of learning in large classes; what
research is available on teaching large classes; resource utilization; and innovative
approaches in teaching large classes.
INTRODUCTION
An analysis of education in low- and middle-income countries of Africa reveals com-
pelling problems as well as substantial accomplishments. At independence, in a
determined bid to make formal education more accessible, many African countries
embarked on far-reaching educational programmes premised on the philosophy of
'education for all'. In these countries, Universal Primary Education (UPE) became a
major policy thrust. An inevitable feature was an unprecedented expansion of edu-
cational systems over one or two decades. Both pupil enrolment figures and
pupil-teacher ratios increased dramatically.
World Bank figures based on a study of education in sub-Saharan Africa (World
Bank, 1988) show that between 1960 and 1983 the number of primary pupils
expanded by about a factor of four and the number of secondary pupils by a factor
of 14. For example, in Nigeria, the country with the highest enrolment rates in Africa
(Bajah, 1995), the primary school population rose from 6,6 million in 1976 to 13,6
million in 1990, while secondary school enrolment shot up from 0,6 million in 1976
to 3,8 million in 1990. This growth rate can be attributed to the implementation of
UPE in 1976 and the launch of the National Policy on Education (NPE) in 1982.
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Recent statistics from Nigeria's Federal Ministry of Education show that in 1994
there were 360 782 teachers and 18 296 202 pupils (a teacher-pupil ratio of about
1 : 50) in 39 221 primary schools. Figures are not yet available for secondary edu-
cation, but the estimated enrolment figure for 1995 is about 3,5 million pupils. At the
tertiary level, total student enrolment in the universities stood at 77 481 in 1981 but
soared to 224 879 in 1992.
The demand for formal education, with a concomitant increase in school enrol-
ments, has resulted in a dramatic increase in class sizes, with attendant high
teacher-pupil ratios. The Nigerian situation reflects that in most African countries.
CUSS SIZE AND FUNDING

A recent United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) report, The Progress of Nations
(1994), highlights strikingly divergent class sizes in the world's primary schools,
varying from about 12 in Norway and Sweden to over 90 in the Central African
Republic. Although pupil-teacher ratios have remained relatively stable over the last
decade, a cursory look at table 8.1 shows that class sizes increased in some African
countries in the 1980s. Generally, class sizes in developing countries are two to four
times larger than in industrialized nations.
For many African countries high enrolment is an increasingly serious problem
(Ajeyalemi et al, 1990). As enrolments have increased, annual government spending
per pupil at all levels of education has fallen (see table 8.2).
Table 8.1: Number of pupils per teacher by country, I960 and 1990
Country 1980 1990 Increase (%)

Burundi 39 67 28 (72 %)
Central African Republic 60 90 30 (50 %)
Senegal 46 58 12 (26 %)
Bolivia 20 25 5 (25 %)
Oman 23 28 5 (21 %)
Bangladesh 54 63 9 (17 %)
Pakistan 37 43 6 (16 %)
Lesotho 48 55 7 (15 %)
Mauritius 41 47 6 (15 %)
Congo 58 66 8 (13 %)
Source: UNICEF, 1994.

Chapter 8 Teaching large classes
Table 8.2: Public spending per pupil on primary and secondary education
(US$) by region, 1980 and 1990
Region 1980 1990

Sub-Saharan Africa 62 58
East Asia Pacific 32 76
South Asia 62 104
Arab States 179 263
Latin America/Caribbean 165 267
Industrialized Nations 1 327 2419
Source: UNESCO, 1993.
Public expenditure as a percentage of Gross National Product (GNP) is a crude

indicator of the priority placed on education (Lewin, 1993). Africa spends the most
on education of any region in the world as a percentage of GNP but the least per
pupil in absolute terms. In 1980 (see table 8.2), schools in sub-Saharan Africa and
South Asia spent roughly the same amount per pupil. By 1990, however, spending
per pupil in South Asia had increased by almost 70 % and fallen by almost 7 % in
Africa. In Africa, increasing enrolment has not attracted a corresponding increase in
physical, human and financial resources. Many African countries are struggling with
the problem of an unstable, underqualified teaching force, particularly for science,
mathematics and technology (Stoll, 1993).
Low government spending on education means poorly paid and poorly supported
teachers, often working in dilapidated classrooms and laboratories with insufficient
furniture and space. In overcrowded classes, choral recitation becomes the dominant
mode of instruction.
In this context, the issue of class size and its relationship to outcome measures,
such as pupil achievement and teacher satisfaction, has become a political as well
as a professional issue (Smith & Glass, 1979). Policy makers and donors have come
to demand that increased expenditure be justified by a corresponding increase in
pupil achievement. However, some educational decision makers and stakeholders
believe that large classes have compromised the quality of education beyond accept-
able levels. Thus research is needed to establish what effects class size has on the
quality of teaching and learning and whether pupil achievement can be improved
under current constraints. Since large classes will be a reality in Africa for the fore-
seeable future, teacher educators must find ways to overcome the inherent infra-
structural and management constraints they place on good teaching.
This chapter addresses some of the problems that teaching large classes poses
for effective science and technology education. It outlines characteristic features of

the prevailing classroom environment, considers what past research has to say
about the relationship of class size to quality of learning, and suggests some strat-
egies for teaching large classes that maximize pupil involvement and resource
utilization. The discussion focuses on the secondary level of education, where large
class size may be a particularly important problem in science, technology and
mathematics teaching. Finally, the paper makes a plea for more action research into
effective ways to teach inquiry science to large classes that have few resources.
RESEARCH ON CLASS SIZE

There are other constraints than class size that must be addressed if teachers are
to change their views of science as well as their teaching methods. An example is
the memorization-oriented examinations that force teachers to view the science cur-
riculum narrowly as facts and concepts in a syllabus that they must cover. A recent
World Bank publication, Priorities and Strategies for Education (World Bank, 1995:
101), urges that a wide variety of performance indicators should be used in addition
to examinations. Arguably such constraints may be more important than large
classes or limited standard equipment, and until they are removed, little will change.
What does research have to say on the specific constraints posed by large class size?
Is there a relationship between large classes and outcome measures such as pupil
achievement and teacher satisfaction?
Class size and classroom outcome measures: What does the research say?
Decreasing class size is the most controversial technique that has been proposed to
improve the quality of education (Smith & Glass, 1979; Walberg, 1991). There are con-
flicting arguments for and against reducing class size. The literature cuts across lev-
els of education and subject disciplines.
Teachers swear by the benefits of small classes. Policy makers and administra-
tors, on the other hand, focus on the higher costs involved, demanding that smaller
classes be justified on the basis of increased pupil achievement (Smith & Glass,
1979).
Research has been unable to resolve the controversy. Some studies show that
pupils do better in smaller classes (Glass & Smith, 1978, 1979); some suggest that
large classes are more effective, given appropriate teaching methods (Moock &
Harbison, 1987; Hanushek 1986) and many fail to reach a conclusion.
Hanushek (1986) concluded that 4 . . . the available evidence in more than 150
studies suggests no relationship between expenditures and pupil achievement, atti-
tudes, and dropout rates, [and] traditional remedies such as reducing class size or
hiring better-trained teachers are unlikely to improve the matter'.
Empirical studies of the World Bank and other agencies show a range of factors
that affect pupil achievement. For example, Fuller and Heyneman (1989) ranked
eight factors that have positive effects on learning in Third World countries. These
are:

Highly effective factors %

Length of instructional programme 86
Pupil feeding programme 83
School library activity 71
Textbooks and instructional materials 67
Less effective factors
Science laboratories 36
Teacher salaries 36
Reduced class size 24
Pupil grade repetition 20
Haddad (1979) was unable to find consistent evidence that reduced pupil-teacher
ratios and smaller class sizes improve educational quality in developing countries.
In discussing secondary education in sub-Saharan Africa, Moock and Harbison
(1987) recommended both incremental and radical improvement in educational prod-
uctivity. They suggested that class size in secondary schools might be increased sub-
stantially without sacrificing quality.
The results from such broad reviews must be viewed cautiously. They do not
establish cause and effect or distinguish the role of local circumstances. Indeed, class
size and science laboratories may be irrelevant to pupil performance in rote-
memory examinations but may affect performance in examinations that assess
higher-order thinking skills. Class size may affect pupil achievement through inter-
vening variables, such as teacher support services, pupil attitudes and classroom
environment.
In an exploratory study of Nigerian schools, Alonge (1985) investigated the effect
of class size on the achievement of chemistry pupils in various ability groups. Pre-
liminary findings showed no significant differences in performance between pupils
in classes of 40, 60 or 120. However, a related study (Ndukwe, 1995) compared the
achievements of senior secondary pupils in laboratory classes of 30 and 100. Pupils
in the smaller classes performed significantly better. Performance differences were
attributed to a shortage of instructional materials and facilities in the larger classes
and the inability of teachers to respond to individual needs.
Japan commonly has classes of 40 to 60 but surpasses nearly all Western coun-
tries on standardized tests of secondary-school-level mathematics, and science
knowledge and comprehension (Walberg, 1991). Walberg goes on to suggest possi-
ble reasons for the high performance of Japanese students in science. Teachers
'... ask hard, provocative questions; entertain many thoughtful pupil answers while
suspending judgment; elicit decisive designs for experiments from pupil teams; and
still suspending judgment, allow pupils to take the lead designing, conducting, and
interpreting the experiments done with simple everyday equipment and materials'
(Walberg, 1991: 48). Such methods ensure a high level of pupil involvement. By con-
trast, other studies indicate that reduced class size can have positive effects on pupil

learning. Glass and Smith (1978, 1979) examined the relationship between class size
and pupil achievement through a statistical integration of 80 existing studies. They
demonstrated a substantial relationship between class size and achievement. Their
results showed that:
As class-size increases, achievement decreases. A pupil, who would score
at about the 63rd percentile on a national test when taught individually,
would score at about the 37th percentile in a class of 40 pupils. The dif-
ference in being taught in a class of 20 versus a class of 40 is an advant-
age of 10 percentile ranks . . . Few resources at the command of educators
will reliably produce effects of that magnitude. (Glass & Smith, 1978: 1)
Smith and Glass (1979) also reviewed research results on the relationship
between class size and classroom transactions, teacher satisfaction and effect on
pupils. Again, their results showed a positive impact of reduced class size.
(^ Reducing class size has beneficial effects on cognitive and affective outcomes,
and on the teaching process.
^ Class size affects the quality of the classroom environment. In a smaller class
there are more opportunities to adapt learning programmes to the needs of the
individual. Pupils are more directly and personally involved in learning.
^ Class size affects pupils' attitudes either as a function of better performance or
contributing to it.
^ Class size affects teachers. In smaller classes their morale is better; they like their
pupils better, have time to plan and are more satisfied with their performance.
^ On all measures, reduction in class size is associated with better schooling and
more positive attitudes.
^ Class size effects were related to the age of pupils, with effects most notable for
those 12 years and under and least apparent for pupils over 18.
As the authors point out, improved academic achievement is not the only justifi-
cation for class size reduction. Moreover, the notion that in a small class there are
more opportunities for teachers to innovate and adapt learning programmes to the
needs of individual pupils does not necessarily mean that teachers will do so. Some
will need training. Others will continue to use traditional methods even with a class
of five.
Unfortunately, because the research evidence appears to be conflicting, the
debate over class size has become highly politicized. In Africa, however, large classes
are the reality. Thus the argument is not whether large classes are good but whether
there are suitable ways to promote good teaching in large classes.
Teachers in African countries know that it is difficult to work with large numbers
of pupils. Nevertheless, some achieve a high level of pupil involvement. How can all
science teachers faced with large classes maintain a conducive learning environment
that promotes pupil activity, that provides opportunities for first-hand experiences,
that challenges pupils to ask questions and initiate the learning process, and uses
local resources to overcome infrastructural constraints?
|24 The role of Science and technology

THE REALITY OF URGE CUSSES

In Nigeria, recommended teacher-pupil ratios are 1:30 for primary and 1:35 for sec-
ondary schools. In reality, in some states they are between 1: 50 and 1: 85 (Ajewole,
1995). This paper defines a large class as one that has a teacher-pupil ratio larger
than 1:40, and an overcrowded class as one where available floor space is less than
one square metre per child. In much of Africa, not only are classes large but, unlike
large classes in the industrialized world, they are frequently also overcrowded, and
lack resources.
The prevailing culture of science and technology teaching throughout Africa is
one of imparting predetermined and highly structured knowledge. The syllabuses
and recommended textbooks reinforce the dominant position of the teacher and the
textbook as major sources of information, with pupils as passive recipients of knowl-
edge. Within this environment, pupil initiative is stifled and interaction between
pupils becomes abnormal.
Yet the objectives of the new science and technology curricula call for a class-
room environment that encourages pupil activity, provides first-hand experiences
that challenge pupils to initiate learning, uses their existing ideas to make sense of
the content to be learned, and engages them in practical work. By contrast, pupils
are taught by lectures, the blackboard and occasionally through demonstration of
standard experiments.
This contradiction must be faced. Either we must accept the impossibility of
hands-on inquiry learning in our science classes and lower the expectations we
have of teachers, or we must evolve courses, teaching materials and approaches that
make inquiry possible within the realities of African classrooms. I believe a com-
promise is possible. A recent nationwide survey in Nigeria (Yoloye, 1989) identified
the most prevalent approaches to science teaching in order of frequency as:
(1) teaching or explaining new content to the entire class; (2) revising old content
with the entire class; (3) whole-class discussion; and (4) demonstration of experi-
ments by the teacher. In about 40 % of the schools surveyed, teachers spent signif-
icant amounts of time maintaining discipline.
During a recent workshop, science teacher educators in the Science and Math-
ematics Education Unit of the Department of Teacher Education, University of
Ibadan, conducted a survey of primary and secondary science teachers to determine
their views on teaching large classes. Each participant was asked to respond briefly
in writing. The teachers' views on teaching large classes included the following:
When teaching large classes:
^ It is more difficult for teachers to do practical work and to give pupils individ-
ual attention.
^ Pupils learn less because most of them are not actively involved and become
easily distracted.
^ Teacher-centred teaching is encouraged, restricting the range of teaching and
assessment strategies and making it difficult to identify pupils' learning difficul-
ties or needs.

^ Frequent practical work becomes difficult.

^ The level of pupil participation is low.
^ There are heavier demands on facilities and instructional materials.
^ There is minimal class control and supervision and because of this pupils learn less.
^ Since science is an experimental subject — without hands-on activities (which
large classes do not allow) — one cannot be said to be doing science.
1^ Movement and laboratory activities become restricted.
^ It is difficult to provide a classroom environment conducive to learning.
^ There are opportunities for peer-tutoring that can be effective.
1^ There are opportunities for cooperative group work.
We also surveyed pupils' views on large classes. They reported that in large classes:
1^ There is no climate for sustained concentration, and as a result there is more
apathy and frustration.
^ Teachers frequently do not give follow-up assignments because of the workload
involved in marking.
^ Only a few pupils actively participate, because teaching and learning resources
are limited.
^ There is little or no individual practical activity and most experiments are con-
ducted as teacher demonstrations.
^ Less academically motivated pupils are left to their own devices since they 'hide'
in the anonymity of the crowd and have little interest in learning.
^ There is little or no opportunity to handle apparatus and equipment.
^ Teaching methods are predominantly 'chalk and talk'.
^ Discipline is difficult to maintain.
^ Distractions affect pupils' attitude to work.
1^ There are few opportunities for pupils to work in groups.
It became apparent that the problems identified relate to a view of science as
'something only done in classrooms' or as 'something only scientists do', using the
'tools' of science.
Primary teachers surveyed considered it important to expose their pupils to the
processes of science, while secondary teachers thought they should emphasize con-
cepts. However, large class size discourages pupils who wish to engage in indepen-
dent inquiry; instead, experimental work is restricted to an occasional teacher
demonstration. This lack of access to inquiry contributes to the perception of
science as 'just something that we do in schools or labs' (Nesbitt, 1993).
We must help teachers to de-emphasize the image of science as 'something done
only in classrooms' or as 'something only scientists do', and instead emphasize an
image that places science firmly in the learners' world.
Science must become relevant and accessible to pupils of differing abil-
ities, interests and culture. It must be based on situations they encounter
in their local environment and build upon their creativity, curiosity and
existing knowledge (UNESCO, 1989).

Such science should cause teachers to redefine their thinking about the nature
of science and make it consistent with individual and societal needs (Nesbitt, 1993).
It would help pupils and teachers to perceive and experience science as a human
activity. It also has important implications for teaching methods used in science
classrooms.
To scientists and technologists there is little distinction between theory and prac-
tice. Theory provides a basis for experimentation that in turn modifies theory. In
this sense, conventional science teaching is neither theoretical nor practical —
regardless of class size or provision of resources. It is, rather, based on memoriza-
tion (theory) followed by prescribed experimental procedures that, if correctly fol-
lowed, provide the expected results (practicals). Such teaching undermines
children's curiosity and minimizes opportunities for active participation in theory
building through experimentation. There must be structure, but a structure based
on pupil involvement in the problem-solving processes of science.
TEACHING LARGE CLASSES: ISSUES TO BE ADDRESSED

Though large classes are created by the system, coping is a management issue for
individual teachers. Policy makers and curriculum developers must seek ways to
support them while teachers and teacher educators must develop effective ways to
teach large classes.
Teaching methods carry empowering and disempowering messages. An empow-
ering teacher uses strategies that encourage pupils to question nature and to inves-
tigate problems. Such teachers encourage pupils to extend their interest and
experience beyond the classroom and the textbook. Teachers must be assured that
their methods do empower pupils (Onwu, 1992) and enable them to become respon-
sible for their learning.
The effects of class size on teacher satisfaction are strong and there are a
number of different ways to offer teachers support. Basically the issues are how
teachers of large classes can be helped to: (1) adopt strategies that provide for more
pupil involvement; (2) use classroom management techniques that maximize
resource utilization; (3) recognize local resources; and (4) relate local resources to
topics in their curriculum.
Classroom management for pupil involvement

When suggesting ways to encourage greater pupil involvement in large classes we
should consider the available equipment, timetable constraints, costs, pupil attitudes
and age, the language of science instruction, teachers' views of science, social views
of learning and the expectations of society. Our recommendations should be predi-
cated on:
^ A classroom shift from teaching to learning, so that pupils are encouraged to
become more responsible for their own learning. Teachers should facilitate learn-
ing rather than be the predominant source of all information.
Juta & Co, Ltd 127

^ Encouraging pupils to share ideas and ask questions of each other and of the
teacher. Pupils should appreciate that their ideas are important and should
develop a concept of themselves as both teachers and learners. Pupils should
initiate scientific investigations and cooperative approaches to learning.
^ Not expecting teachers to bear the full burden of change. Appropriate curricu-
lum materials, syllabuses, examinations, inspectorate behaviours and so on must
be in place.
^ Teaching methods that relate to the sociocultural context of the learner.
The following suggestions are for teachers to workshop and trial.
Asking questions
Pupils should be encouraged to express their ideas. They should ask questions of
each other and of teachers. This may be threatening if pupils lack confidence
or are shy. Cultural factors may stifle creativity, initiative and the asking of ques-
tions (Onwu, 1990). One suggestion is to ask pupils to write down their ideas and
questions.
Working in groups
Working in small groups during practicals can engage pupils in doing science and
encourages pupil-centred learning. If pupils work on different problems, scarce learn-
ing materials become more accessible. However, pupils' skills of working in groups
need to be developed since they often have limited experience of doing so, having
been exposed mostly to didactic teaching. Research shows that the process of allo-
cating pupils to groups is critical (Damon, 1984; Okebukola, 1986; Onwu & Ojo, in
press). Allowing pupils to decide with whom they wish to work and ensuring indi-
vidual accountability appears to increase pupils' involvement, though in practice,
the allocation is usually done arbitrarily by teachers (Naidoo & Reddy, 1994).
Cooperative learning
Cooperative learning seems a fruitful way to teach large classes (Johnson & John-
son, 1983; Webb, 1984). It involves delegating some control of pacing and methods
of learning to pupil groups of 3 to 6 members, who work together, sometimes com-
peting with other groups (LaCombe, 1992). A cooperative learning environment is
fostered through shared goals and the accountability of each group member (Oke-
bukola & Ogunniyi, 1984; Sapon-Shevin & Schiendewind, 1992). Pupils work together
on assigned tasks, make decisions by consensus and ensure that each member con-
tributes. Data from a class of 81 senior secondary biology pupils in Nigeria con-
firmed that cooperative learning is an effective way to promote pupil achievement
(Okebukola, 1984). It goes beyond group work (LaCombe, 1992; Naidoo & Reddy,
1994) and facilitates problem solving by learners, the pooling of information, effec-
tive discussion, individual contribution and peer-tutoring (Onwu & Ojo, in press).
It also better promotes positive attitudes and problem-solving competence than

individualistic learning. Pupils' discussion and communication skills improve as

they ask questions, initiate actions and provide ideas. Letting pupils select whom
they wish to work with, identify problems, and discuss how they will investigate,
maximizes their involvement. Naidoo and Reddy (1994) note that
cooperative learning became successful in South Africa only as a result of class-
room-based action research. However, teachers' lack of action research skills and
of organizing cooperative learning, together with prescribed curricula and exami-
nations, are limiting factors to the adoption of cooperative learning.
Pre-service education for pupil involvement

Pre-service teacher education programmes should include imparting the skills of
organizing cooperative learning and other strategies that widen teachers' under-
standing of the term 'curriculum'. Student teachers' experience should move them
from regarding textbooks as the curriculum to using action research in the class-
room. College training should involve student teachers in cooperative learning as
well as exposing them to model classrooms or video tapes. Students could then
analyse the strategy, discuss it and try it in schools. Professional teaching associa-
tions could encourage cooperative learning.
LARGE CUSSES AND RESOURCE UTILIZATION

There are many resources in the African environment for teaching science and tech-
nology, and the prevailing economic realities make it imperative that we increase
teachers' awareness of them. They would include people, industry and other insti-
tutions, materials, media, local technologies, culture and the natural environment.
Recognizing the local environment as a resource for teaching

Pupils can be ingenious in identifying and collecting materials. They suggest
resources for activities in which they are interested and explore questions about
things with which they are familiar. Such pupil interest can provide a starting point
for teachers to extend learning.
However, many teachers still cannot link local resources, environments and cul-
tures to topics in the curriculum and recommended textbooks often provide little
assistance. Though many African countries provide appropriate books and equip-
ment for teaching primary school science (UNESCO, 1988), many secondary school
science teachers need help to see how everyday materials can provide a basis for
learning. The STAN journal regularly features suggestions for teachers on how to use
local materials and how to carry out task analyses of syllabus topics.
Teachers could use equipment to pose problems rather than to demonstrate con-
cepts. They could ask classes to use demonstration equipment to explore solutions.
Though only selected pupils would handle the apparatus, the whole class could
become involved in a 'minds-on' activity. Working this way has the advantage that
no new knowledge is expected from teachers. The approach simply asks teachers to
become involved in problem solving rather than merely demonstrating solutions.
Juta & Co, Ltd 129

Teachers could involve students in 'thought experiments', using the chalkboard,

drawings, photographs and so on to pose problems. Pupils in groups could decide
what they would need and what procedures they would use to solve the problems.
Should teachers have some equipment, a few pupils could be asked in order to
demonstrate their solutions. Their suggestions would lead other pupils to proceed
further in their imaginary investigation. This approach is similar to that used by the
British primary school project, Think and Do', that is being modified by Professor
James Otuka for use in Nigerian schools.
The training and support of teachers at local levels is necessary to sensitize them
to resources available in their local areas and to their effective use. This could be
done by:
J^ Holding workshops where teachers locate and describe local resources, discuss
how they could be used and share their ideas.
J^ Helping groups of teachers and science educators to prepare tables that link cur-
riculum topics to specific local resources and appropriate teaching activities.
^ Encouraging industries and tertiary educational institutions to publish local
materials for schools.
At the national level, curriculum guides could describe what equipment pupils
can make from local resources and how teachers can use local technologies and per-
sonnel.
For instance, Science and Technology in Action in Ghana (STAG), a project of the
University of Cape Coast, sponsored by the African Forum for Children's Literacy in
Science and Technology (AFCLIST), has produced a resource book that describes
technologies in Ghana. Learning materials are based on the science inherent in local
industry and manufacturing. Multimedia packages for in-service and pre-service
science teacher education are planned.
The production and dissemination of such packages would help teachers identify
local resources they can use to develop their teaching programmes, rather than
starting from abstract concepts. By starting with local phenomena, the same con-
cepts could be developed, the national curriculum fulfilled, and pupil learning would
become more interesting and meaningful.
Teachers need a knowledge of pedagogy as well as of content. Pre-service and
in-service teacher programmes should help teachers acquire confidence in using
different teaching methods (Onwu, 1985). In teaching poorly resourced, large classes,
initiative must be shown (Onwu, 1985). Methodology courses should prepare teach-
ers to vary their teaching approaches and to use a combination of discovery and
expository methods that include teacher demonstration, pupil experimentation and
project work to develop pupils' scientific knowledge, skills and attitudes.
CONCLUSION
Large, overcrowded and poorly resourced classes are a reality in most African coun-
tries, a reality that science educators must face. Because of the health hazards of
overcrowded classrooms, policy makers must make it an immediate priority to

reduce their sizes. For science educators the priority is action research into ways of
teaching inquiry science effectively to large classes.
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9
Resourcing Science and technology education
Emmanuel Fabiano, Chancellor College, Malawi
ABSTRACT
The success or failure of science and technology education is dependent on the
availability and utilization of appropriate resources. This chapter focuses on the
quality and quantity of teachers; the role and use of print and learning materials;
the impact of laboratory space, equipment and consumables on the effectiveness
of practical work; the use of the school environment; and financial resources. It dis-
cusses the question, can Africa resource science and technology education on a
self-sustaining basis?
INTRODUCTION
Education, like industry, has definable products. Since product quality is a function
of the inputs and the processes that convert them, it is important that planners
analyse these factors carefully to identify sources of weakness. On the basis of such
understanding, policy makers would be better able to make decisions on how to
improve product quality.
Mjojo (1994) documented the importance of science and technology to develop-
ment. Since attaining independence, the commitment of African states to science and
technology education has been striking. For example, communiques of successive
conferences of African ministers of education (Addis Ababa, 1961; Tananarive, 1962;
CASAFRICA 1, 1974; and the Lagos Plan of Action, 1981) contain strong statements
of support. African governments allocate significant percentages of gross national
products (GNPs) to education; more children, including girls, are in school for longer
periods; and they are being taught more science (see table 9.1). Countries such as
Nigeria have ratios closely approaching 60 : 40 of students at secondary schools and
universities studying science, compared with those studying the humanities (Ivowi,
1995). Some countries have proceeded through several generations of curriculum
development in science and technology at all levels of education (Caillods, Gottel-
mann-Duret & Lewin, 1995).

However, such investment has not led to the anticipated results. Odhiambo
(1993) estimates that, despite these impressive efforts, most African countries have
fewer than three scientists and engineers per 1 000 graduates and that the indus-
trial sector employs only 7 % of the workforce. Though governments spend large
percentages of recurrent budgets on education, expansion has led to funds being
spread thinly. High population growth and enrolment rates have led to a decrease
in per capita spending over the past decade (table 9.1). Since teachers' salaries
consume the largest percentage of the education budget, fewer funds are now avail-
able for books, equipment and support services and this contributes to deterio-
rating standards (table 9.2). Expansion of enrolment rates at secondary and tertiary
levels, with concomitant increases in per capita student expenditures (table 9.1),
exacerbates the situation, yet Africa continues to have the lowest enrolment rates
at these levels of any region in the world. The economic crises experienced by
many countries in Africa, together with competing demands from other sectors
such as agriculture and health, make it unlikely that education budgets will grow
in the foreseeable future. Nor can much be expected from donors such as the World
Bank, since despite their influence on education systems in Africa, their contribu-
tion amounts to only about 2 % of education budget. The challenge for Africa is
how to provide equitable, quality education that includes science and technology
education, with little extra government funding.
Table 9.1: Summary statistics on educational development and financing
Country group Pop %Pop GNP/ GNP Gross Gross Gross

growth 6-14 Cap growth enrol- enrol- enrol-
1990-93 years US$ 1980-90 ment ment ment
1990 rate rate rate
(Pri) (Sec) (Tert)
GNP/Cap < US$1 000
Average (61) 2,7 44,3 454,6 2,1 79,0 25,7 4,7
Average SSA (36) 3,0 47,2 376,1 1,7 72,0 17,1 1,9
Average Anglo Af (15) 3,1 47,3 355,6 1,2 79,3 26,8 3,3
Average Franco Af (17) 3,0 46,8 417,1 1,8 66,8 13,5 1,8
Average Luso Af (4) 26 46,5 340,0 3,2 72,5 11,3 0,5
Average S-E Asia (11) 2,4 38,1 369,1 3,6 68,4 38,1 6,6
Average C Am/Carib (6) 2,4 41,7 78,3 1,8 60,5 15,7 2,9
Average Ger <90 (Pri) 2,8 45,7 360,3 1,8 60,5 15,7 2,9
Average Ger >90 (Pri) 2,6 42,5 565,7 2,4 105,7 40,6 6,7
GNP/Cap US$1 000-5 00()
Average (44) 1,7 32,9 2 203,2 2,4 105,3 58,3 15,1
Average SSA (7) 2,5 38,5 2 938,6 3,0 114,0 45,7 3,5
134 Juta & Co, Ltd

Chapter 9 Resourcing science and technology education
Average S Am (8) 1,9 31,8 1 952,5 1,4 108,4 56,1 23,0

Average C Am/Carib (14) 1,4 34,6 2 345,0 3,3 104,4 54,6 14,0
Average Eur (9) (6) 0,3 19,8 2 726,7 1,6 97,8 80,0 19,1
Average Asian NICS (5) 1,5 24,4 6 602,0 5,6 101,2 64,2 12,1
GNP/Cap > US$5 000
Average 1,4 22,2 15 378,9 3,4 102,0 88,7 30,1
Average Eur/N Am (21) 0,6 18,2 17 946,7 2,2 101,7 95,2 34,7
Average Gulf (7) 3,8 34,0 11 495,7 5,6 99,0 72,2 17,2
Country group Teacher- Teacher- %GNP %Govt Growth

pupil pupil on edu- exp on in educ Exp/pupil as % GNP
ratio ratio cation edu- exp per capita
(Pri) (Sec) 1990 cation 1980- Level Level Level
1990 90 1 2 3
GNP/Cap < US$1 000
Average (61) 39,7 21,8 3,9 15,9 5,0 0,11 0,43 4,59
Average Ger > 90 (Pri) 35,4 21,2 4,6 14,6 5,2 0,10 0,27 1,94
Average SSA (36) 44,3 23,6 4,0 116,3 4,3 0,13 0,53 7,01
Average Anglo Af (15) 36,8 21,8 4,8 15,1 5,8 0,12 0,58 6,03
Average Franco Af (17) 52,3 24,1 3,3 18,3 3,1 0,13 0,48 6,05
Average Luso Af (4) 37,0 34,0 4,6 11,4 0,1 0,23 0,56 22,24
Average S-E Asia (11) 36,2 20,2 3,4 10,4 7,9 0,08 0,20 0,89
Average C Am/Carib (6) 34,8 19,7 3,1 15,9 5,7 0,11 0,16 1,24
Average Ger < 90 (Pri) 42,9 22,2 3,3 17,0 4,8 1 0,13 0,54 6,71
GNP/Cap US$1 000-5 000
Average (44) 25,9 17,6 5,2 15,2 3,7 0,11 0,20 0,87
Average SSA (7) 36,4 19,3 6,1 13,5 5,9 0,06 0,41 1,68
Average S Am (8) 24,9 14,7 3,7 18,7 3,4 1 0,07 0,10 0,47
Average C Am/Carib (14) 27,2 19,1 5,1 14,0 2,4 0,12 0,16 0,01
Average Eur (9) (6) 15,5 14,7 4,9 9,5 2,9 0,16 0,18 0,55
Average Asian NICS (5) 25,0 21,4 4,1 15,7 7,3 0,10 0,10 0,40
GNP/Cap > US$5 000
Average 18,2 14,2 52 13,8 3,5 0,16 0,22 0,41
Average Eur/N Am (21) 16,6 12,6 5,5 12,8 2,9 0,17 0,2 0,37
Average Gulf (7) 7$ 12,1 4,3 13,5 3,6 0,10 0,24 0,50

Table 9.2: A statistical profile of education in sub-Saharan Africa in the 1980s
Country Primary Secondary Teacher Tertiary

Total Teaching Total Teaching Training Total Teaching
ma- ma- ma-
terials terials terials
Ethiopia 51 0,4 77 1,1 817 851 -
Malawi 50 0,3 192 23,2 - 1 782 16
Tanzania 12 2$ 132 5,1 401 1 412 166
Rwanda 54 1,1 182 3,6 - 4050 29
Botswana 219 5,3 1 302 86,7 7392 7218 -
Sub-Saharan 49 1,7 192 13,5 558 1 971 40
Africa (Median)
The Gambia 42 2,7 98 2,5 - - -
Source: UNESCO, I994b.
Education is generally accepted as an instrument of change (Hallak, 1990). For

the first time, the World Bank (1996) has factored people as well as natural resources
and capital assets as components contributing to individual and national wealth, as
well as strengthening civil institutions and thereby good governance. Investment in
the right sort of science and technology education does have an impact. However,
factors other than financing may be equally significant. Such factors may include the
influence of local cultures on learning, an inability to exploit available resources
(UNECA, 1994) or, indeed, the type of learning to which we expose our students.
Although economic development takes place within a complex web of interrelated
factors, science and technology educators bear a responsibility to review past ex-
perience and examine the available options to make learning more effective.
Fabiano (1980) argues that effective teaching and learning depend on the learner
and available resources. Such resources include the teacher, print materials, labora-
tory space, equipment and consumable supplies, the school environment, students,
and funds. I shall be discussing these with a view to assessing their strengths, weak-
nesses and potentials in order to make recommendations for the future.
DISCUSSION
Before we proceed with the discussion of resourcing, there are a number of ques-
tions that we should ask. For instance, what is the resourcing for, and what do we
expect of learners as a result of their exposure to science and technology education?
Does Africa need students who perform well on achievement tests by memorizing
selected concepts and information? Or do African societies require problem solvers

who can apply their learning, be they farmers or research scientists, as Makhurane
argues in chapter 2 and Savage in chapter 3? Do countries in Africa need science
and technology courses that emphasize content or processes? Do we need subject
courses that stress science content, or integrated courses that include a considera-
tion of the social implications of science and technology? How will Africa provide
quality science and technology education for all and produce the high-level man-
power needed to solve basic development problems? Other chapters in this book
discuss such issues at length. I propose that African countries require problem
solvers to attend integrated inquiry science courses that stress the use of the local
environment, with specialization postponed to the senior secondary school level.
How we answer such questions radically affects our resourcing strategies.
Another critical issue is that of change itself. Radical change has its costs and
repeated change is even more costly, since it causes disturbances that initially often
make the situation worse (Lewin, 1995a). Incremental change is slower, but less
costly and likely to be more effective. It is necessary to institute new approaches to
educational planning so that the scarce resources available in Africa can produce
maximum benefits from the educational system.
An important issue is that of technology education. Throughout this chapter
science and technology are discussed as one — indeed, so are biology, integrated
science, environmental science and mathematics. Such assumptions may be valid at
primary and lower secondary school levels since learning is based on the local envi-
ronment and, as students inquire, subject distinctions become blurred. Clearly, as
they proceed to senior classes, specialization assumes more importance. Table 9.3
summarizes the discussion. It is also important to point out that many learning objec-
tives of technology education overlap with those of science education (Caillods, Got-
tlemann-Duret & Lewin, 1995). Integrating technological concerns into the science
curriculum will almost certainly be cheaper than offering technology as a separate
subject. If science subject matter is to be useful beyond school, it should have some
technological flavour.
Laboratories, equipment and consumables

There is considerable debate concerning the importance of practical activities in
science and technology learning. Authorities such as Caillods et al (1995) and Akyeam-
pong and Anamuah-Mensah (1993) claim their contribution to student achievement is
questionable; that laboratory costs can be 10 times those of normal classrooms; and
costs for the maintenance and supply of consumables are significant. They therefore
argue that practical activities are not cost-effective and should be kept to a minimum.
However, such studies measure achievement by pass rates on examinations that
are rote-memory oriented and where practical components test little other than an
ability to correctly follow procedures to achieve predicted results. Curriculum goals,
even in the most traditional syllabuses, call for more. Science educators, planners
and researchers should question the examinations as well as the importance of
student activities in promoting an understanding of science.

Table 9.3: Comparison of conventional and inquiry science teaching
Conventional science Inquiry science

Lab supplies Elaborate and expensive Ordinary classrooms
Often used for one-off Maximum use of local resources
experiments Multiple use of equipment
supplied
Higher costs Lower costs
School Ignored Used to the maximum
environment
Teacher Imparts knowledge Facilitates learning
behaviour
Teacher-pupil May be high Must be lower
ratio
Pre-service Emphasis on knowledge Learns how to teach
Long training periods Shorter training
In-service Emphasis on knowledge Learns how to teach
Long training periods Shorter training. More school-based
Print Multiple copies of Fewer copies of largest
standard text selection of reference books
Syllabi, exams, Little input required to Considerable input
etc maintain required for
initial change
Students Passive recipients Active learners. Can assist in
resourcing
Lectures may be a suitable way to teach some concepts and principles. However,
others are better understood through observing demonstrations or activity-oriented
learning. A compromise may be possible that does not lead to rote learning at the
expense of development of problem-solving skills. Suggestions would include:
1. The design of courses and examinations that review the relationship between the-
ory and practice. Often in the reality of schools neither are what is understood
nor practised by scientists and technologists who view them as a continuum to
deepen understanding. Too often, theory in schools becomes cramming informa-
tion and practicals are 'cookbook recipes' to demonstrate the correctness of
memorized principles.

2. Alternatives to conventional laboratory-based work that involve students in

'minds-on' rather than 'hands-on' activities — such as thought experiments,
student-centred demonstrations, simulations, posing and solving problems using
photographs, drawings and video presentations — and a more extensive use of
resources in local environments are less costly alternatives that teachers could
use (Onwu, 1995).
3. A review of equipment provided to ensure that selection takes into account mul-
tiple usage, cost, their contribution to learning, and ease of maintenance and
replacement.
4. A later introduction of specialization in science, thus reducing the need for elab-
orate laboratories countrywide, specialized teacher training, costly equipment
and practical examinations.
If these suggestions were adopted, the contribution of practical activities could
assume its central role in science and technology learning at less cost than providing
for traditional laboratory work. Students would also experience more effective learn-
ing. Contributions would include savings resulting from a reduced need for expensive
laboratories, equipment and consumables; more equitable access to science and
technology learning; as well as a more effective learning experience, thus achieving
national goals of science and technology education in a more cost-effective fashion.
A note is required concerning the provision of locally produced science kits. Many
countries have resorted to doing this as an alternative to, or to supplement costly
imported equipment (Ross & Lewin, 1992). In countries such as South Africa and
Nigeria, with large markets and manufacturing infrastructures, these kits have proved
economically viable. In others, such as Kenya and Malawi, kit production units
require heavy subsidies and even then most schools cannot afford them (Fabiano,
1993). Often science curriculum developers have not been involved in the design of
kits, so the kits do not meet the requirements of new approaches to science teach-
ing, thus reinforcing traditional laboratory practice. Experience with donor projects
that have supplied science kits to schools in Ghana and Zanzibar has shown that
unless teachers are trained in their use, they often do not even open the kits.
However, regardless of the role practical work assumes in science and technol-
ogy education, its effective implementation depends on the quality of the teachers.
Caillods, Gottelmann-Duret and Lewin (1995) observe that often teachers plan and
conduct pupil experiments without assessing their contribution to understanding.
Such practices are a reflection of how teachers were themselves taught and trained.
It is important, both on cost and professional grounds, that teachers carefully con-
sider experimental work and make informed decisions on which experiments pupils
can do, which teachers can do effectively as demonstrations, and which can be omit-
ted without reducing the effectiveness of the learning process.
The school environment
The immediate school environment and community are rich but often neglected
resources for science and technology teaching. Ignoring them and ignoring the

knowledge base of every community in Africa increases the costs of supporting

learning, contributes to the image of science being divorced from life and only prac-
tised in special laboratories, and denies students an opportunity to bring their life
experiences to learning. This is contrary to modern learning theories, and leads to
generations of students who can apply what they have learned only in examination
halls (Jegede, 1995). Deciding how best to use an experimental approach and mak-
ing the best use of the local environment demands high levels of professionalism
and underlines the need to invest strongly in teacher development.
Quantity and quality of teachers

Table 9.4 shows the rapid expansion of education in Africa between 1970 and 1990.
In part this has been due to training top and mid-level human resources in vacuums
left by colonial powers, in part due to high population growth rates, and in part also
to political pressures (Passi, 1990).
Nevertheless, high illiteracy levels and low industrial productivity still character-
ize African countries. As illustrated in table 9.5 (UNDP, 1994), economies remain pri-
marily agricultural.
In attempting to combat such socioeconomic problems, rapid expansion of edu-
cation has created its own problems that include supply and quality of teachers.
Despite a corresponding expansion of teacher training, teacher-pupil ratios remain
Table 9.4: Enrolment by level of education 1980-1990 (in thousands)
Country Primary Secondary Tertiary

120 1990 1970 1990 1970 1990
Ghana 1 420 1 945 99 871 5,4 19,0
Malawi 363 1 461 11 31 2,0 6,7
Tanzania 856 3379 45 161 2,0 6,7
Nigeria 3516 13609 357 2908 22,0 370
Zambia 695 1 461 56 195 1,4 15,3
Kenya 1 428 5932 136 643 7,8 33
Zimbabwe 736 2 116 50 67 5,0 49,4
Swaziland 69 116 8 42 0,2 3,2
Botswana 83 284 5 62 1,1* 3,7
South Africa ~691 6949 541 2804 73 277
The Gambia 17 80 5 20 - -
* I960 figure.
Source: UNESCO, I994b.
140 Juta & Co, Ltd

high. However, data conflict and differ widely between and within countries. Quot-
ing from UNESCO publications, Lewin (1995b) claims that in Anglophone Africa,
ratios are about 1:44 at primary levels and 1:24 at secondary. Such data must be
disaggregated since class sizes in urban schools are often larger than those in rural
areas. Onwu (1995) reports ratios in Nigeria as being between 1:50 and 1:85. Table
9.5 gives a clear picture of the situation at primary level. Since in most African coun-
tries teachers' salaries consume the bulk of recurrent costs of schooling — in some
cases over 90 % — it may be unrealistic to expect any significant change in the near
future. Instead, ways must be sought that enable teachers to be more effective when
working with large classes (Onwu, 1995).
Table 9.5: Development indicators of some developing countries, 1990-1992
Country Adult literacy Primary Secondary % of labour %of

rate teacher- technical force labour in
(age 15+, %) pupil enrolment in industry agricul-
ratio (as % of total ture
secondary)
Algeria 61 28 7,0 33 18
Angola 43 32 5,9 10 73
Bangladesh 37 63 0,7 13 59
Botswana 75 32 4,6 11 28
Brazil 82 23 - 25 , 25
Cuba 95 13 32,0 29 24
Egypt 50 24 20,9 21 42
Ethiopia - 30 0,5 2 88
Ghana 63 29 2,5 11 59
Guyana 97 34 3,4 26 27
Kenya 71 31 1,6 7 81
Lesotho - 55 3,6 33 23
Malawi 40 64 2,4 5 87
Malaysia 80 20 2,2 28 26
Mauritius 80 21 1,4 30 16
Nigeria 52 39 3,9 7 48
Swaziland - 33 1,4 9 74
Tanzania - 35 - 5 85
Zambia 75 44 2,8 8 38
Zimbabwe 69 36 1,7 8 71
Source: UNDP, 1994.

Apart from large teaching loads, many secondary school teachers lack laboratory
assistants. Where they do have them, often the assistants are inadequately trained,
so science teachers spend more time preparing experiments, further increasing their
workload. As Lewin (1995b) points out, if trained assistants are paid 20 % of a
teacher's salary and provided in a ratio of 1:5 teachers, this would increase the cost
per pupil by 4 %. However, should doing so enable teachers to teach two extra
periods a week, there would be a net gain in productivity of 1 % and possibly an
improvement of the quality of experience offered to students.
Throughout Africa many secondary schools lack well-trained teachers. Often
teachers who have never studied science during their training are forced to teach it
(Yoloye, 1989). Some may even have failed science at O level. It is therefore not sur-
prising that many students develop negative attitudes towards science during their
secondary school education.
The situation is worse at primary school levels where teachers often teach all the
subjects on the curriculum. Although doing so effectively may be possible in lower
classes, it is not satisfactory at higher levels. Many countries have made attempts
to retrain practising teachers so that they can become better teachers of math-
ematics and science in the upper primary classes. Such arrangements have rarely
become institutionalized.
The rapid expansion of education in Africa has demanded that many teachers are
trained over short periods. Inevitably this has led to a decline in quality. A survey
of training programmes for secondary school teachers reveals wide variations
between countries (Hanson & Crozier, 1974) and within countries over time (Fabi-
ano, 1980, 1995), as illustrated in tables 9.6 and 9.7.
This applies to primary school teachers. Entry qualifications also vary, depend-
ing on demand — when large numbers of teachers are required either qualifications
are lowered or training periods are reduced, or both. Unless the training experience
is modified effectively, inevitably this leads to the production of mediocre teachers.
To address teacher quality, many countries have established, either temporarily
or permanently, in-service programmes aimed at improving content knowledge as
well as teaching methods (Mkaonja, Yadidi & Hau, 1994). Some have been instituted
specifically to upgrade teachers' academic qualifications.
The success of the different approaches cited depends on the quality of teacher
development programmes as well as the professional environment of schools in
which the teachers will work. Because of the importance of the latter, all school staff,
from principals to laboratory assistants, must be reoriented. Residential pre-service
programmes are costly — especially so if there is a high attrition rate among quali-
fied teachers. Some programmes are more costly than others such as, for example,
degree programmes in Kenya in comparison with those of the Kenya Science Teach-
ers' College and the Kenya Technical Teachers' College whose graduates are in high
demand. Similarly, the delivery of in-service development programmes varies. Long
residential programmes are often expensive, distance courses ineffective. School-
based teacher development, such as those programmes being tried in Zanzibar and

South Africa, appear promising. Too often teacher development programmes involve
'topping up' teachers with content, and when this proves unsatisfactory, even more
is provided.
However, for maximum cost-effectiveness, science educators must first diagnose
classroom problems and then redesign teacher development programmes accord-
ingly. Dyasi and Worth, Savage, Onwu and others discuss teacher development in
more detail than is possible in this chapter.
Table 9.6: Illustrative nondegree undergraduate programme, 1972
Country Institution Qualification Entry point Duration Prac teach

fieldwork
(weeks)
Botswana UBLS Tchr Cert CSC, Div II 3yrs* 10 (100 %)
Ethiopia Coll Tchr JSS Dip Postsec 2 yrs EUS 12 (15 %)
Ed Dipt
HSIU Various, inc 2 yrs 2 EUS n/a
Dept Tech ESLC tests
Ed
Ghana STTC Spec Cert GCE (0) 2 yrs 12 (approx)
ATTC Dip GCE (0) 2 yrs 12
Kenya KSTC S 1 Dip 3 0 level 3 yrs 10-12(11 %)
Egerton S 1 Dip (Ag) 3 0 level 3 yrs n/a
Lesotho UBLS Tchr Cert CSC 3 yrs 10 (13 %)
Nigeria ATTC (Ondo) Nig Cert Ed 3 0 level or 3 yrs 12 (10 %)
(NCE) Grade II (PT)
Swaziland UBLS Tchr cert CSC 2 yrs 10 (20 %)
UBLS Dip Ag Ed CSC 2 yrs 10 (20 %)
Zambia Kabwe ATC Ed Dip CSC or 4 2 yrs 6 (15 %)
(UNZA) O level
Notes: * A two-year course at UBLS became a three-year course in 1974.

f Diploma issued in Industrial Arts, Home Economics.
Source: Hanson, 1974.
The preceeding paragraphs strongly argue that more effective learning is possible
if, inter alia, schools are provided with appropriately trained teachers. This requires
careful planning of training programmes which account for all variables that affect
teacher supply and performance (Williams, 1979). Permanent in-service support
structures should form a continuous feedback loop with pre-service training, identi
fying strengths to build on and weaknesses to eliminate in both components.

Table 9.7: Output of physical science teachers who followed

education programme from year I
Year Dip Ed BEd Total

3-year course 5-year course
67 6 0 6
69 5 2 7
71 17 4 21
72 16 5 2
73 26 3 29
74 22 0 22
75 17 7 24
76 3 1 4
77 7 1 8
78 0 2 2
79 3 0 3
Phased out 5-year + 4-year course
91 0 21 21
4-year course
92 0 10 10
93 0 10 10
94 0 14 14
95 0 28 28
Source: Fabiano, I960; 1995.
Printed teaching and learning materials

Caillods et al (1995) associate provision of print materials with problems arising from
design, printing and distribution. Curriculum materials vary in quality and relevance
from the excellent to the obviously outdated and inadequate. Availability also varies
from the widespread to the virtually unobtainable — indeed, Odhiambo (1993) has
described the situation as bordering on famine. In some countries 'unofficial' mat-
erials, such as examination guides, are more popular with students (and often teach-
ers) than official curriculum materials. The range between countries and over time
in any given country can be narrow, from a single text, to comprehensive student
books, worksheets, teachers' guides, enrichment materials and adequate libraries. In
some countries provision is free, others levy a nominal charge and in some parents
bear the full commercial cost. Solutions depend on initial conditions. Some issues
that could be explored are presented in table 9.8.

Table 9.8: Curriculum materials and possible responses
Quality and relevance

High Concentrates on supporting effective use of materials through in-service and
school-oriented support.
Availability of basic texts
High Consider increasing the range of materials and selective recovery of some of the
costs.
Low Reduce costs, invest in effective distribution systems, subsidise purchase and
delivery to under-served schools.
Use of alternative curriculum materials
High Analyse 'why' official materials are not preferred if they do not exist, invest in
material development and improved assessment systems. Consider revised sys-
tem of textbook production that is more sensitive to effective demand for text
materials.
Low Explore the options to extend the range of materials available.
Range of printed materials
High Invest in developing of enrichment materials, teacher's guides, and other language
aids.
Low Provide advice on coherent choice of core materials.
Cost per book
High Reduce costs to affordable levels, provide selective subsidies.
Low Consider selective cost recovery
Source: Caillods, F, Gottelmann-Duret, G 6* Lewin, K, 1996.
The availability of locally produced books is a function of the health of local pub-
lishing capabilities. Where the local publishing industry is healthy, competition
results in cheaper products. Some countries established parastatal publishing
houses in association with curriculum centres to break the monopoly of multina-
tional publishers. Ironically, doing so often led to government monopolies that have
stifled the growth of local publishing industries. Donor schemes, such as the World
Bank's support for supplying schools with textbooks, bring only short-term benefits
to learners. Schemes such as that of CODE, Tanzania, where a national committee
selects manuscripts, guaranteeing purchase for distribution in deprived commun-
ities, have led to an encouraging revival of local publishing capacities.
In countries where science teachers' associations have a strong leadership role,
members write many books. The Science Teachers' Association of Nigeria (STAN) is

a striking example. In addition to textbooks, active associations often produce other

educational material such as newsletters, journals or bulletins. This complements
textbooks by providing up-to-date information on content and teaching methods,
both of which are important for effective teaching. Some associations, such as those
in Malawi and Lesotho, produce newsletters for and by pupils that encourage posi-
tive attitudes towards science and technology.
Science clubs, competitions, school and community interactive museums and sci-
ence fairs play a role in changing attitudes to learning and such activities deserve
financial support. Mschindi, Shankerdass and others make a strong case for the sup-
port that media can make to science and technology education. The Teacher, a
monthly supplement in one of South Africa's leading newspapers, has already demon-
strated its effectiveness in aiding the professional development of teachers.
Syllabuses, examinations and teaching approaches

There must be consistency between all elements of science and technology educa-
tion. Too often, in Africa, goals call for problem-solving citizens and innovative teach-
ing approaches, yet content selection and examinations present teachers with little
choice but to cram their students full of facts. Examination and assessment systems
have direct costs in setting and administration, and indirect costs in terms of teach-
ing time forgone, and may represent a significant proportion of the overall costs of
schooling. Multiple-choice paper-and-pencil examinations need not only assess the
ability of students to memorize (Savage, 3). Experience in Kenya has shown that at
primary and teacher training levels, items that test higher thinking skills encourage
rather than discourage practical activity in schools. Research is needed to find out
whether such items help to discriminate for selection more or less effectively than
costly practical examinations that rarely contribute substantially to a variance in
candidates' scores (Lewin, 1995b).
Students as mobilizers of resources

Any consideration of resourcing education would be incomplete if it were to ignore
what may be the most important resource of all, namely the learners (UNESCO,
1990). Conventional classrooms ignore students and treat them as passive recipients
of knowledge. However, the situation changes dramatically when they become
actively involved in their own learning. In such classrooms students become teach-
ers, laboratory assistants, providers of materials from the immediate environment,
advocates for local support through their parents, providers of positive role models
for the increased participation of girls, and so on (Anamuah-Mensah, 1995).
CONCLUSION
Increasingly authorities such as the Ministry of Health, Malawi (1991) and the World
Bank (1996) are arguing that an educated population is more productive, and that
this in turn leads to increased wealth. Thus, education is an investment for individ-
uals, families and the nation (Hallak, 1990). Educational policies in African countries

must maximize the already substantial investment made by all stakeholders in edu-
cation to achieve increased economic productivity.
As Lewin (1987) suggests, there are in principle only three ways to ameliorate the
problems of resourcing schools. These are through the allocation of an increased
proportion of the budget (policy of expansion), greater efficiency in the use of exist-
ing allocations (through cost-saving reforms), and through the transfer of some costs
from the public budget to individuals, the community, or the private sector (cost
sharing). Which combination is possible depends on a range of factors. Since salaries
comprise an overwhelming percentage of education budgets, and these salaries have
become increasingly limited in their buying power, possible strategies are further
limited. However strongly science and technology educators may believe in the effi-
cacy of increased funding to education, it is unlikely that governments will allocate
extra funds in the near future. A common response throughout Africa to increased
access and falling standards is the growth of private education at all levels and an
increasing number of students going overseas for their education.
Our challenge in public education is to use existing resources more effectively,
and to develop innovative ways of increasing resources for all stakeholders. In doing
so we should note that 'push models' of innovation often become unsustainable
unless there is a complementary 'pull' from those identified as beneficiaries. Educa-
tors and researchers in Ghana, for example, have succeeded in attracting an indus-
trial contribution of a small percentage of profits to a Science and Technology Fund.
They did so by demonstrating the contributions university researchers and consul-
tants can make to the industrial sector and by appealing to the professionalism of
industrialists in curriculum development.
As ways of improving the effectiveness of existing resources to science and tech-
nology education, this chapter has proposed: (1) a redesign of courses at all levels
to promote scientific problem solving using local community resources; (2) delaying
specialization and thus saving on costly equipment; (3) a review of equipment to
maximize its relevance and usefulness; (4) a development of school-based models of
teacher education; and (5) more extensive use of the media to support science and
technology education.
Finally, it is vital that those involved in planning make informed decisions on what
percentages of financial resources are spent on each component, such as teacher
expansion and development, print material design, production and distribution, lab-
oratories and consumables, out-of-class activities, and so on. Too often such deci-
sions are made as a result of public demand rather than after objective assessment
of the situation.
ACKNOWLEDGMENT
I wish to thank Jophus Anamuah-Mensah, Keith Lewin and Mike Savage for making
significant contributions towards the improvement of this chapter.
© Juta & Co, Ltd (47

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10
The Knowledge base for Learning In science
and technology education
Olugbemiro Jegede, University of South Queensland, Toowoomba,
Queensland, Australia
ABSTRACT
An appropriate and efficacious knowledge base is paramount for science and tech-
nology learning in Africa. This chapter examines types of knowledge and ways of
knowing; local cultural and indigenous knowledge systems versus the universality of
Western science; second and third-language teaching of students whose mother
tongue is not English; teaching classes with students of many mother tongues; cog-
nitive styles, constructivism, and concept learning in the African child; the African
child's background; the impact on learning of belonging to rural versus urban com-
munities, and the particular cognitive problems facing girls.
INTRODUCTION
If Africa is to make progress in moving from the eighteenth century into
the late twentieth century, unconventional approaches to science and
education unprecedented in world history will have to be devised.
(Fafunwa, 1967)
Professor Babatunde Fafunwa's statement was revolutionary at a time when many
African countries were colonies or had just gained their political independence.
Almost three decades later, not much has changed. In the twilight of the 20th cen-
tury, Africa has made little progress in teaching science or technology, neither devis-
ing anything unprecedented nor evolving any unconventional approaches. Indeed,
the continent is still groping on its educational, scientific and technological journey
into the 21st century. While world history has seen unprecedented achievements in
science and technology, made largely in the West, African people show little concern
about the less-than-acceptable performance of their continent. Furthermore, neither

Africa as a whole nor individual African nations have charted a markedly different
course for future development.
There are reasons for the unenviable state of science and technology education
in Africa. Colonial educational tenets may have been poorly assimilated and are still
seen as foreign. Badly prepared teachers may contribute to poor student achieve-
ment. With an illiteracy rate of about 75 %, society may lack an understanding of
what school science means to the individual, the local community or the nation.
Should we expect underresourced, overcrowded classrooms in dilapidated school
environments to produce the scientific and technological geniuses for whom we
yearn? Should Africa's goals for teaching science and technology be different from
those in the Western world? Should Africa devise its own relevant and culturally
responsive approaches rather than adopt science and technology curricula from
other parts of the world? In a continent where many governments experience eco-
nomic crises, are ridden with fraud, and at best pay lip-service to education, is it
realistic to expect world-class achievements in science and technology? What should
we expect from a continent whose higher institutions are in decline, with outdated,
understocked libraries, weak undergraduate programmes, and uninterested and
uncared-for post-graduate students? What can we hope for from countries aban-
doned by many of their best academics for laboratories and universities in the West?
How realistic are our expectations from an investment in an area that is poorly
understood even by those who 'own the knowledge'? What can we expect when the
culture of Western science taught to our children contradicts their indigenous
culture and world-view? Is it any wonder that Africa is yet to produce revolutionary
discoveries in science and technology that will rival those of the West?
It may be unfair to expect more from a continent where effective contact with
Western science and technology is less than a century old. Yet Africa has partic-
ipated as an equal partner in global movements in science and technology educa-
tion. The innovations of the 1960s and 1970s put Africa on the educational world
map, thanks to science educators such as Fafunwa, Dyasi and Yoloye. The achieve-
ments of scientists working in Africa, such as Odhiambo and Onabamiro, are widely
recognized, and the work of African scientists, technologists and educators in pres-
tigious institutions in the developed world is evidence that Africans can equal those
who brought Western science and technology to the continent.
Perhaps Fafunwa's vision was premature. The pace of the journey towards
achievements that would be 'unprecedented in world history' has slowed. Conflicts,
disasters (both natural and self-inflicted), a lack of positive social transformation,
unstable and despotic leadership, an absence of comprehensive development poli-
cies or a failure in their implementation, a lack of political will, and a general level
of poverty — these are some of the problems that have slowed down the journey
towards scientific and technological development in Africa.
We need to consider what the African Academy of Sciences called the development
of a science culture in Africa (Tindimubona, 1991). This should include a resolution of
issues such as indigenous knowledge systems and traditional education; the knowl-

The knowledge base for learning
Chapter 10 in science and technology education
edge base for learning; public understanding of science and technology; a definition of
science and technology for Africa; how these subjects should be taught, and how to
popularize science and technology for different target groups in all parts of Africa.
This chapter considers the appropriate knowledge base for science and technol-
ogy education in Africa. It goes on to discuss the structure of knowledge, ways of
knowing, the cultural context of science and technology learning, and, finally, it sug-
gests what we might do to improve the situation.
THE TRADITIONAL KNOWLEDGE BASE

Both the structure of a discipline and its body of accumulated knowledge play an
important role in learning. 'Knowledge base' is a term used differently by different
disciplines. Cognitive science, expert systems, and artificial intelligence studies fre-
quently use the term. In psychology and education the term is used to depict the
'distillation of understandings from experts, narrative views, and meta-analyses of
variables that influence learning' (Wang, Haertel & Walberg, 1993: 253). Varying con-
texts and social situations nurture a knowledge base that accumulates over time.
This chapter takes the view that a knowledge base it is not only a distillation of ideas
as defined by Wang and associates; rather, it is an accumulation of information and
practices from which learners can draw to aid further learning. It is therefore con-
tent-oriented and affected by context. A knowledge base should encompass infor-
mation derived from the instructional, sociological, anthropological and
psychological elements of a society. In Africa, the knowledge base for schooling
should draw from traditional and current beliefs, taboos, superstitions, customs and
traditions. From the Western view, a knowledge base includes only evidence that can
be transformed empirically into knowledge (Hedges & Waddington, 1993; Kerderman
& Phillips, 1993) and that experts deem credible. This excludes the learner's con-
text. To teach science and technology in African schools within such a narrow defi-
nition is to ignore what catalyses learning within the student's environment.
According to Gagne (1975), knowledge acquisition, the individual's construction
of reality, and the ability to think are all dependent on growth, learning, and their
interaction. Contemporary theory looks at learning and memory as information pro-
cessing, gives consideration to thinking processes, links knowledge and performance,
and attempts to explain problem solving. Cognitive research has shown that: (1) con-
text is important to understanding; (2) learning is not automatically transferred to
new settings; (3) passive learning is not conducive to developing cognitive and meta-
cognitive skills; and (4) higher-order learning is not a change in behaviour but the
construction of meaning from experiences (Thomas, 1992). As elaborated by Resnick
(1989), learning is a process of knowledge construction, not of knowledge recording
or absorption. Learning is knowledge-dependent, and the learner uses existing knowl-
edge to construct new knowledge. Whereas modern cognitive psychology views
learning as a process that results in knowledge being stored in compartments of the
mental schema, in Africa learning is viewed as a holistic process governed by a
knowledge base that includes both factual knowledge and beliefs and customs.
Juta & Co, Ltd 153

The knowledge base for science and technology consists of the conceptual, skill,
social, and resource domains. The conceptual domain is built by using pupils' back-
ground experiences, devising relevant examples and linking learning with the domi-
nant cultural world-view. The skill domain is developed by creating opportunities for
learners to use the process skills of science. The social domain is developed by
involving learners as active members of the scientific community through group
work and communication using appropriate reporting. The social domain is built by
exposing students to real problems and encouraging innovative responses. Finally,
the resource domain is built through access to appropriate materials for exploration
and interpretation.
CONTEXTUAL LEARNING AND CULTURE

As the construction of new knowledge, learning is dependent on the existing knowl-
edge base. Both old and new knowledge are contextual, as defined by Brown, Collins
and Duguid (1989), Connelly and Clandinin (1990), and Martin and Bouwer (1991),
among others, who stress the situated nature of cognition. Within the African con-
text, as in any other context, situated cognition cannot be separated from the socio-
cultural environment.
The sociocultural factors of a learner's environment significantly affect achieve-
ment in school work (Biesheuval, 1972; Jegede & Okebukola, 1988, 1989; Jegede,
1995a and b). Glaser (1991) asserts that cognitive activity is inseparable from its cul-
tural milieu. This has been supported by anthropologists such as Ogbu (1992), who
found that school learning and performance are influenced by complex social, eco-
nomic, historical, and cultural factors.
Every society educates the younger generation as a means of passing down its
sociocultural attributes. These attributes largely control what a child learns and
becomes (Ogunniyi, 1988a). Culture subsumes all we undertake: even science and
technology education is a human enterprise that involves the transmission of cul-
tural heritage (Gallagher & Dawson, 1988). Cossons (1993) argues that since science
is a human activity and a central element of culture, when we try to understand how
people learn science and how scientific knowledge is structured, we should first
understand its cultural context. In support of the need for cultural studies in science
education, Cobern (1993: 55) suggested that educators should understand the 'fun-
damental, culturally based beliefs about the world that students bring to class, and
how these beliefs are supported by students' cultures, because science education is
successful only to the extent that science can find a niche in the cognitive and socio-
cultural milieu of students'. Technology educators must also recognize the role of
indigenous knowledge in teaching and learning (Swift, 1992).
Two major trends in science and technology education will significantly affect
teaching, learning and research in the coming decades. The first is a shift from
notions of science as the rigid, 17th-century, positivist, 'Royal Society' view to
notions of science as a cultural enterprise practised by all human beings within a
social environment. The second is the recognition that pupils bring alternative frame-

works from different cultures into their science learning. This view supports the need
for using indigenous technologies in teaching (Swift, 1992; Loving, 1995).
The realization that culture plays a central role in science and technology edu-
cation, especially in an environment where Western science is seen as a foreign cul-
ture, has prompted a proliferation of studies (see, for example, Jegede, 1989, 1994,
1995a, 19955; Jegede & Okebukola, 1989, 1990, 1991, 1992, 1993; Jegede & Olajide,
1995; Jegede, Fraser & Okebukola, 1994; Okebukola & Jegede, 1990; Ogawa, 1986,
1995a; Ogunniyi, 1987, 1988a, 1988b; Ogunniyi, Jegede, Ogawa & Yandilla, 1995).
Scholars have looked at a number of issues including factors that affect science
learning in non-Western cultures, cosmology and science learning, science as a for-
eign culture, the influence of traditional culture in science classrooms, and how to
measure the sociocultural environment in science classrooms. A notable outcome of
some of these studies has been the identification of authoritarianism, goal structure,
traditional world-view, societal expectations, and the sacredness of science as pre-
dictors of sociocultural influence on learning and teaching science. This type of
research is currently gathering momentum: perhaps educators in other non-Western
countries will recognize its significance as an approach to understanding science and
technology learning.
World-view and duality of cultures

The world-view on which science and technology education is based has two main
aspects (Cobern, 1993). The conceptual aspect concerns how individuals in a par-
ticular environment perceive knowledge. The social aspect concerns how individu-
als negotiate knowledge in their society. These aspects, or 'ecologies', have been
referred to as 'eco-cultures' (Okebukola & Jegede, 1990) or 'conceptual eco-
cultures' (Jegede, 1995a), and have been the focus of many studies on sociocultural
factors. Cobern, who has been instrumental in the study of world-view in science
education, defines world-view as the 'culturally dependent, generally subconscious,
fundamental organization of the mind that manifests itself as a set of presupposi-
tions that predispose one to feel, think and act in predictable patterns' (1993: 58).
His definition implies that world-view precedes and forms the cognitive background
for both modern science and indigenous knowledge. It also implies that Western and
non-Western conceptual systems are grounded in different world-views. Aikenhead
(1996) reminds us that science itself is a subculture of Western culture. School
science and technology as currently taught in Africa are based on one type of world-
view — the Western world-view — that claims to be superior to others.
I have used the term 'Western science' to represent the science taught in schools
throughout Africa. The term 'Western' identifies the science that dominates the
world, has become the basis for technology, and is often labelled as 'modern'. A
widespread misconception is that 'modern' is synonymous with Western and supe-
rior. 'Modern' is often used, especially in Western cultures, in opposition to 'tradi-
tional'. Since most non-Western societies are traditional, they are therefore
considered non-modern and dependent on Western culture. The terms 'modern' and

'traditional' are frequently taken as opposites in Western cultures, but this is not nec-
essarily the case. That a culture is traditional does not mean that it is not modern;
that a culture is non-Western does not make it dependent or inferior.
Those who argue that there is no such thing as Western science tend to claim
that the scientific culture that evolved in the West is universal and must be imposed
on other, 'traditional' cultures. Such a process may cause as much damage to African
scientists, however, as colonialism wrought to the psyche of the colonized. The
insensitive imposition of this so-called universal science in a manner that is indif-
ferent to the indigenous knowledge base implies acceptance of an alien protocol in
understanding what some call reality (objective or otherwise). My own use of the
term 'Western science' derives from a sociocultural theory that I have labelled the
'ecocultural paradigm'.
There are many cultural differences in how science is perceived and learned. The
science that students are taught in African schools is not indigenous to them, but
rather is imposed from outside. Colonized non-Western countries have no choice but
to adopt, as if it were their own, the science that comes with Western culture. The
Western view obliterates their indigenous ways of knowing: many Africans educated
in science within a Western framework find it difficult to shed the baggage imposed
by such imperialism.
Western science is one tool the human mind can use to explain the physical
world, but not the only one. However, in my opinion, through imperialism, coercion
and persuasion, Western science has come to be seen as universal science.
If we accept that science is a human attempt to understand nature, then every
culture has its science and scientists. We teach the Africanized view of Western
science in African schools. The learner in African classrooms is therefore faced with
two cultures, each arising from different world-views: the culture of science and the
culture of the local environment. A third dimension is that, through the colonization
process, the Western science culture brought to Africa and transmitted through the
culture of the Western world (Aikenhead, 1996) demands that the learner also
acquires the culture of the West. In effect, an African learning science has to cope
with two world-views and three cultures! It is not surprising that few outstanding
African scientists, technologists, and science and technology learners have emerged.
Many non-Africans claim that the distinct cultures of science and society affect peo-
ple in the Western world as strongly they do people from non-Western societies and
that Africans focus too strongly on the issue. I contend that the African situation is
different, that Africa has a single world-view, and that generalizations about Africa
are justifiable.
Africa has its science and technology that are not taught in schools. School
science and technology are taught in African classrooms as a subculture of Western
cultures (Pomeroy, 1994; Phelan, Davidson & Cao, 1991). Aikenhead (1996) claims
that, because science is a subculture of Western culture, it is not as foreign to West-
ern learners as to Africans who learn science and Western culture while living within
an indigenous world-view. The difference between the Western and the African

learner of science and technology is thus a matter of kind and of intensity. The dif-
ferences that the learner in the West experiences in the science classroom are simi-
lar to those experienced by society. For African learners in science classrooms, the
differences take them from their indigenous cultures. While this may appear to be
categorizing science as school knowledge (Cobern, 1995a), it is more than that.
Africans not only categorize science as school knowledge, but also as the culture
that school science represents and which is foreign to their world-view. If world-view
is an antecedent to cognition, then communal organization, theory of knowledge,
concept of causality, authoritarianism, goal structure, kinship system, story telling
and riddles, and worshipping of ancestral spirits as part of the African world-view
must significantly impact on how both science as school knowledge and science as
Western culture are viewed by the African learner. Wiredu (1980) agrees that West-
ern science and technology have alienated Africans from their culture. He describes
the phenomenon of 'belonging at once to two worlds, . . . a new dualism . . . that
causes a kind of ethnic schizophrenia in some spheres of conduct' (1980: 23). The
African is operating in both these worlds as best as he or she can. Any individua
faced with a similar problem anywhere would possibly respond in the same way as
the African, especially if that individual were not adequately prepared to cope with
the conflicting realities of life' (1980: 7). Abimbola (1977: 23) writes: The problem is
that the African child comes to the school with a load of mysteries that plague his
mind. If care is not taken these mysteries, usually tagged as "superstitions", are capa-
ble of causing blockage to any scientific knowledge the child might acquire as a
result of schooling. So, even when the: child has a reason to believe the scientific
explanations of a particular phenomenon, his deep-rooted African world-view may
lead him to regard the explanations as a bundle of neatly fabricated lies.' The dual-
ity of views with which African learners grapple must be effectively resolved if sci-
ence and technology are to progress. Attention needs to focus on what happens
when cultural traditions clash with science and technology in African classrooms.
Even in Western environments where the debate about multicultural education has
emerged this is a relevant question.
A related and often contentious issue is the question, 'Is there an African world-
view?' Non-Africans, and indeed some Africans, wonder if Africans share a unified
culture. Africa has 54 countries, over 650 million inhabitants with over 500 languages
and ethnic groups. How can one therefore say that Africans share a common world-
view?
The original inhabitants of Africa were hunters and gatherers who moved from
one part of the continent to another. Population growth resulted in kingdoms, chief-
doms and, with the arrival of the Arabs, emirates. They shared certain characteris-
tics due to their common experiences of precolonial trade in goods, crops and
slaves, as well as a common ancestry. What now constitute the 54 countries of Africa
are artificial boundaries dividing cultures and families. They were created by colo-
nial powers in the 16th and 17th centuries and formally ratified at the infamous 1884
Berlin Conference without the consent of the people.

I subscribe to a pan-Africanist view about the unity of African culture, but add
that I believe that there are differences at the micro level. Forde (1954) observed
that the material and cultural backgrounds of the indigenous peoples of Africa have
led to common beliefs and attitudes. Idowu (1963: 103), in an attempt to answer
critics of pan-Africanist world-view homogeneity, says that observation and com-
parative discussion with Africans from various parts of the continent 'will show,
first and foremost, that there is a common factor ... and common Africanness about
the total culture and religious beliefs and practices'. Mbiti (1969) established that
concepts of witchcraft and traditional medicine are shared by all African societies.
Abimbola (1977) concluded that, in spite of minor differences in the ways African
communities look at nature, there are similarities that can justify speaking of an
African world-view. At the macro level most African communities have similar
beliefs, customs and traditions relating to theories of knowledge, causality, religion,
concepts of time and space, kinship system, rituals, marriage celebrations, witch-
craft, ancestor worship, reincarnation, story telling, and so on. These constitute an
African world-view that is shared by most cultures of sub-Saharan Africa. Differ-
ences are of degree rather than kind. One example is the African naming ritual. The
celebration includes festivities and ancestor worship, involves the whole commun-
ity, and names have special meanings. There may be differences as to whether the
baby is named a week, a month or three months after birth, or whether the names
relate to the mother's or the father's family. A second example is that in most
African communities marriage is a communal activity involving whole communities
or villages. Most African communities practise some form of dowry payment. Dif-
ferences concern whether the groom's or the bride's family pays the dowry and
the form of payment.
The diverse African world-views share four fundamental features: (1) a belief in
the existence of the Creator — the supreme God; (2) a belief in the continuation of
life after death — reincarnation; (3) the human being as the centre of the universe;
and (4) a theory of causality. These constitute an anthropomorphic view of nature
that governs how Africans think, the way they act, the way they relate to one
another, and are the sociocultural antecedents of how Africans learn science and
technology. According to Glaser (1991: 132), 4the way students represent the infor-
mation given in a mathematics or science problem, or in a text they read, depends
upon the structure of their existing knowledge. These structures enable them to
build a representation or mental model that guides problem solution and further
learning'. African learners use an African rather than a Western world-view to build
enabling structures to understand nature and school science. Using the logico-
structural model of world-view categorization borrowed from anthropology by
Cobern (1993), it is possible to differentiate between African and Western world-
views, as set out in table 10.1 opposite.

Table 10.1: Comparison of African and Western world-views

using the logicostructural model
World-view Sub- African world-view Western world-view

categories category
Non-self the super- common religious privatized religion
natural beliefs
the natural anthropomorphic ; mechanistic; empirical/
monistic/vitalistic theoretical
the social sage practice; 'questions authority',
oral culture; written culture;
communal learning individual learning
Self group strong social cohesion weak social cohesion
individual communal good takes realization of personal
priority; individual is goals given priority
a contributor to
communal goals
Classification knowledge determined more by age, realization of personal
acquisition and community structured goals given priority
materials derived from nature different classificatory
for all circumstances systems
Relationship communal: goal individualist and
structure; deference to competitive;
sacred sites nothing is sacred
Causality role and victim regarded as victim and circum-
place of constant; every event stances regarded
person ascribed a cause; as variables in a
elements not relevant hypothetico-deductive
to each other fashion
accidental can be observed conjunctions with no
occurrence laws
Time solutions appeasement/purifi- through education
cation of the system
life cyclical, continuous flow; linear; time is in
present in everything; separate units and
reincarnation ensures looks towards the
relationship future
Space physical everything, including must be visible to be
those invisible, real
is one reality
spiritual intangible but very not considered an
important; everything objective assessment
has a god of reality

CONSTRUCTIVISM AND SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY IN AFRICA

Several interrelated points emerge from this discussion of world-view, culture, and
science and technology learning. First, meaning is affected by the viewpoint of a cul-
ture. Second, social interactions within the community define meaning. Third,
although meanings are socially determined, the individual uses an idiosyncratic pat-
tern to construct meaning. Thus, when engaging in social interaction while attempt-
ing to make meaning personal, an individual experiences an interplay between
cognition and affect through a world-view that serves as an interpretive framework.
The learner's understanding of any new meaning is strongly influenced and deter-
mined by prior knowledge that is in turn determined by cultural beliefs, traditions
and customs governed by a world-view. If prior knowledge exists as a result of cul-
tural beliefs and theories, then different groups are likely to have different prior
knowledge (Driver & Erickson, 1983; and Snively, 1989). This will affect the way a
learner creates meaning as well as the way that the different cultures of science and
technology, including that of Western science, are viewed by an African learner.
Constructivism — which underlies much of current thinking about science edu-
cation — emerged from a convergence of three major areas of research (Solomon,
1994). These are the theory of personal constructs (Kelly, 1955), the notion of 'Chil-
dren's Science' (Driver & Easley, 1978; Von Glasersfeld, 1989; Osborne, Bell & Gilbert,
1983), and the social construction of knowledge (Vygotsky, 1978; Wheatley, 1991;
Cobb, 1989; Solomon, 1989). Conceptual change research has dominated construc-
tivism and deals with the key role of students' prior knowledge (Solomon, 1989) and
the reflective process of interpersonal negotiation of meaning.
Cultural anthropologists and social constructivists have proposed a theory that
knowledge is socially negotiated and that a learner's background and prior knowl-
edge influences school achievement (Prawat, 1993). This call for recognition of a
learner's sociocultural background in teaching science and technology has gathered
support from many sources (see Driver, 1979; Cobern, 1994; Atwater, 1994; Jegede,
1995a; Ogunniyi, 1988b; Solomon, 1989), and draws on the work of Piaget (1970) and
Vygotsky (1978) which pointed out that all learning takes place in a social context.
The social context acts as scaffolding, providing assistance that fosters co-construc-
tion of knowledge while the learner interacts with other members of society. Wertsch
and Toma (1992) suggest that a sociocultural approach to mediated learning should
be adopted. This approach claims that mental functioning is inherently situated in
cultural, historical and institutional contexts. In Africa, day-to-day interactions and
explanations of natural occurrences are influenced within the sociocultural environ-
ment by philosophical and religious beliefs, a theory of causality, taboos and super-
stitions. These impact on the attitudes, thoughts and behaviours of pupils as they
learn and understand science and technology and apply their learning.
People everywhere, including Africa, socially negotiated ideas about reality before
Jean Baptiste Vico philosophized about constructivism in 1610, or Von Glasersfeld
extended Vico's idea to include radical constructivism. African pupils construct their
understanding of nature on a daily basis using their world-view as prior knowledge.

Children develop meaning on the basis of their interaction with elders, nature, and
views of their peers. African children learn about their environment using prior
knowledge situated within their non-Western world-view. Problems arise when they
are asked to learn Western science and technology in school together with Western
culture. A recent on-line discussion contribution by Ken Tobin and forwarded by Ale-
jandro Gallard (see e-mail posting to RESODLAA, Saturday 23 September 1995) has
confirmed my thoughts about how learning fails when students enter the classroom.
One reason may be that prior knowledge presents itself to students either as capi-
tal or as a handicap. The knowledge-as-capital metaphor allows learners to examine
the viability of the ideas presented and to construct meaning without major hin-
drance. Prior knowledge situated within the African world-view becomes a handicap
when a Western world-view is used as a framework for learning science and tech-
nology. The learner experiences mental perturbations and cognition is impeded.
What we therefore regard as learning by the African child is an accumulation of infor-
mation compartmentalized in mental schema to be used during examinations or
when issues of indigenous knowledge are raised. Most problems arise when the
ethos, values and mores of the two communities clash in science and technology
classrooms. Neither world-view is presented in ways students can understand,
participate in or use for the construction of knowledge. Tobin (1995: 1) says they
cannot 'co-participate in a shared discourse and their discursive resources are fre-
quently considered as having little or no value either way'. Driver, Asoko, Leach,
Mortimer and Scott (1994: 11) succinctly assert that learning science in the class-
room involves children entering a new community of discourse, a new culture'. It is
like entering a conversation mid-stream and expecting to contribute to it when you
neither know the rules nor are well informed about the issue being discussed. In the
case of African learners, the prior knowledge they bring into such a discussion is
not in consonance with the philosophy, orientation and knowledge base of the issue
being discussed.
LANGUAGE AND LOCATION ISSUES

Language plays an important role in teaching and learning science and technology.
In most schools in sub-Saharan Africa, English, French or Portuguese is the official
language of instruction. These languages have been adopted as convenient alter-
natives to the presumed controversy that might arise in the choice of one of the
native languages. Those who support the use of a foreign language argue that it is
universal, economical and has been tested and found viable. Those who oppose
foreign tongues claim that school subjects can be taught using indigenous lan-
guages, that using a foreign language is elitist and that its use alienates children
from their culture.
Linguistic barriers are cited as impediments to successful acquisition of science
and mathematics knowledge by students from non-Western cultures (Hodson, 1992).
Rampal (1994: 132), commenting on the situation in India, says that 'many students
never make it to high school because an emphasis on rote memorization of remote

concepts in a formidable foreign language alienates the majority of young children,

and they drop out long before they complete elementary school'. This is typical of
what occurs in Africa. Both Bamgbose (1984) and Collison (1974) have shown that
scientific concepts are best learned and understood in the students' mother tongue
in spite of its technical limitations. My experience is that pupils often have to trans-
late mentally the science and mathematics learned in English into the mother tongue
for meaningful understanding to result. Prophet (1990) has stated that language is
part of a larger, more complex issue. He asserts that language is not merely an inci-
dental way of communicating, or solving problems, or reflecting. Rather, in our ra-
tional reconstruction of reality, language acts as the mediator and supporter in the
continuous matching and fitting that takes place between "things as they are" and
"things as we know them"' (1990: 21). The issue of language complicates learning
and teaching science and technology in Africa where the subject, the culture of the
subject, the language of instructing the subject, and the language of discourse are
all unfamiliar to the learner.
Many studies show that African children in urban schools significantly outper-
form their rural counterparts on achievement outcomes (Jegede, 1995a; Jegede,
Naidoo & Okebukola, 1996), though differences in their world-views are insignificant
(Jegede & Okebukola, 1989, 1990; Okebukola & Jegede, 1990). It appears that the
urban environment alone supports achievement (as opposed to learning) in science
and technology. This needs further investigation.
GENDER AND SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY IN AFRICA

Gender inequality in science and technology is a worldwide phenomenon. Little is
known about the factors that influence girls to choose or reject science and tech-
nology (Catsambis, 1995; Baker & Leary, 1995). Many intervention programmes have
been implemented to address the differential achievement and enrolment in science
and technology to: (1) demasculinize and demystify science; (2) implement teaching
strategies that actively involve students; and (3) improve girls' confidence and self-
perceptions of their ability to tackle science and technology. Unfortunately, as Kahle
and Meece (1994) have reported, the gap between male and female performance and
interest in science appears to be on the increase in spite of these efforts. If the issue
constitutes a serious problem in developed Western societies, it is worse in Africa.
For example, with 100 million inhabitants, Nigeria has the largest population in
Africa. Though about 60 % are female, the Science Teachers' Association of Nigeria
(STAN, 1992) reported that less than 30 % of the one million girls in secondary
schools take science, only 6 % of those who enrolled in the West African and the
senior secondary school certificate examinations are girls, and that women consti-
tute less than 10 % of the total enrolment in Nigerian universities for science- and
technology-based disciplines and less than 5 % of the science faculty in Nigerian uni-
versities.
Gender inequity in science and technology is pronounced in Africa where socio-
cultural factors contribute to achievement and attitude differences. To date little has

been done to narrow the gap. Three separate studies (Jegede & Okebukola, 1989,
1992; Okebukola & Jegede, 1990) in Nigeria — a country that is predominantly
traditional — revealed similarities between males and females in their perception of
four out of the five social-cultural factors investigated in science classrooms. In a
study comparing the preferred and perceived science classroom environment,
students, irrespective of gender, perceived and preferred the sociocultural environ-
ment of their classrooms in a similar way (Jegede, Agholor & Okebukola, 1996).
These results corroborated those of Cobern (1995a), who found that neither gender
nor achievement in science is correlated with the concepts ninth graders typically
use in discussion about the natural world. These results indicate that world-view
usage in science and technology classes is not gender but environment dependent.
Women and girls think that African societies have a low regard for their ability to
perform in science and technology (Jegede & Okebukola, 1992). This affects girls'
motivation to choose science-based careers and supports the widespread view of the
domestic role of women in traditional African society. Women perform tasks that
include household chores, child rearing, feeding the family, and educating infants.
Men spend their time on the farm or working for money and claim to have little time
or energy for household matters. Masculinity is revered and the male macho image
rules. The roles defined for women are subservient and their menial jobs negatively
affect their self-image. Women are to be seen and not heard in most African societies
and are deemed secondary to males in many cultural matters. Women's roles are triv-
ialized and there are limited expectations and recognition of their contributions to
development, the knowledge base, and of possible careers and occupations. In class-
room situations, the same views affect girls' achievement in, and attitude to, science
and technology studies. Consequently, an achievement gulf continues to exist be-
tween males and females in formal school settings. However, the debate continues in
Africa as to whether education should change perceptions of the role of gender and
whether gender issues should be pursued with the vigour that feminism is in the West.
FACING THE PROBLEMS SQUARELY

This paper has analysed why science and technology have not brought the expected
changes in Africa in spite of expectations and the commitment of resources to their
teaching. Barriers identified have included: (1) the traditional African knowledge
structure that is widely believed to be nonlinear and multifaceted rather than hier-
archical and pyramidal, though empirical information is lacking; (2) the lack of an
appropriate knowledge base derived from the African world-view; (3) that African
learners in science and technology classrooms must deal with a duality of world-
views and a multiplicity of cultures; (4) prior knowledge from the indigenous African
culture that acts as a handicap in the construction of school knowledge in science
and technology; (5) language differences that also act as an impediment to learning;
and (6) insufficient attention being paid to issues such as gender in science and tech-
nology learning in Africa. Having identified the problems, we should consider what
Africa can do to ignite, in the spirit of Professor Fafunwa, an unprecedented revolu-

tion in education. How can Africa make its science and technology education more
practical? How can we sow the seeds that will bring Africa to international achieve-
ments in science and technology? Africa already has its path charted. It is part of a
developing world culture and the idea of reverting to the precolonial era must be
discarded. While becoming a part of the new world, Africa can and should chart its
own path to development through science and technology. The answer and the moti-
vation lie within Africa and with African educators in partnership with committed
external organizations and concerned friends of the continent. We should examine
the reasons for hoping that the future will be kinder to Africa than the past.
WHICH SCIENCE, WHICH WORLD?

In constructing an appropriate knowledge base for science and technology in Africa,
we must resolve the conflicting views held about science and indigenous knowledge.
Science and technology have begun to accommodate varying views regarding their
utility and place as social institutions. However, the continuing dominance of posi-
tivist notions of science guided by a strict adherence to empiricism, and of Popper-
ian ideas regarding the methods of science, require adjustment to fit current
philosophies about knowledge and learning. For some time those who determined
science and acted as gatekeepers to the community of scientists assumed an unnec-
essarily divisive posture. People everywhere are intimidated by science, with seri-
ous consequences. But since the days of Kuhn and Feyerabend, monolithic thinking
about science, its rigidity and its unified structure have given way to other para-
digms. Science is now seen as an evolving, disciplinary matrix (Loving, 1995), as an
evolving way of coping with the world within specific contexts and cultures. A con-
sideration of contexts and cultures means one must look at alternative world-views.
However, mainstream Western science remains defensive when issues of other world-
views, or considerations of science within indigenous cultures, are raised. Indigenous
knowledge is frequently written off as myth, superstition and folklore and not
regarded as science by a group who would not like to see change.
Figure I O.I: Ways of treating science and world-views

Africa must decide whether: (1) school science and technology should adopt West-
ern science within a single world-view (figure 10.1 A); (2) to allow, as is currently the
case, the compartmentalization of two world-views in which school science exists side
by side with the indigenous knowledge of learners (figure 10.IB); or (3) to acknowl-
edge the existence of two world-views and to try to integrate them so that a common
explanation of science and technology concepts becomes possible (figure 10.1C).
Science and technology should be seen as ways to understand the natural envi-
ronment and their study must be integrated with the world outside the classroom.
Some scientists and technologists believe that science should be practised for its
own sake and deny responsibility for how its results are applied. Such beliefs are
increasingly challenged by society.
Recently, Cobern (1995b) looked at the issue of the separation or integration of
science with world-views and invited my comments about world-view language
games. My response (Jegede, 1995c) was emphatic support for the view that to make
learning meaningful, there must be integration of science knowledge with the
learner's world-view. If science is observing and understanding everyday life, science
and everyday thinking should not be radically different. Separation occurs because
of limited and elitist definitions, and the hegemonic hierarchy of the knowledge
structure of science. Science became institutionalized by the Royal Society in 1662
and the elitist problems created still exist in schools. Our attitudes and perceptions
of science are coloured by a range of factors that include the rigidity with which
scientific knowledge is dichotomized as abstract-concrete to give an impression of
ports of entrance into its court. Science is seen as monolithic because of the way
scientists believe that their methods are beyond questioning. But there are several
ways to get to the market as people in my culture say. Getting to the market is more
important than the road one travels, if other variables are of no consequence, and
science too should not be seen as a single path but as an evolving map of ways to
cope with the world.
As the chameleon's skin changes colour, so, within the world-view language game,
a learner can do many things with any concept. The chameleon survives by respond-
ing to its environment. In learning science and technology the response of non-
Western learners is to blend their world-views to enrich understanding. At first they
wrestle with the two world-views, then they compartmentalize the Western idea in
their cognitive system, to be used on appropriate occasions in the science class-
room. Cobern (1994) calls this cognitive apartheid. I propose a theory of collateral
learning to explain the degrees and hierarchies of 'cognitive apartheid' (Jegede,
1995a). Aikenhead (1996) labels this stage of cognitive apartheid as 'assimilation',
indicating that the subculture of science is at odds with the world of students' life-
world cultures. As soon as non-Western learners of Western science leave school,
they shuffle the cards and, with luck, bring out the one required to make sense in
traditional society. At the highest level, when operating within traditional society and
confronted with two opposing world-views, we question the wisdom of compart-
mentalization and see the world as a unity. My theory of collateral learning attempts

to explain this. The duality in the mental schema of non-Western learners with a
resilient indigenous knowledge framework when they learn Western science in school
results in collateral learning. Collateral learning represents the process by which a
non-Western learner in school constructs, side by side and with minimal interference
and interaction, Western and traditional meanings. Collateral knowledge is therefore
the declarative knowledge of a concept that such a learner stores in the long-term
memory, with a capability for strategic use in either the Western or the traditional
environment (Jegede, 1995a).
The world-view language game cannot be played without tension, because the
games are played on the same field. The tension leads to a mental reorientation of
the person forced to 'assimilate' and use these views. Non-Western learners must
shuffle the language cards each time to play the game well. They may say 4 ... if I'm
in a science classroom then it has to be this card, if I'm in the palm wine bar it must
be that card', and so on, just as the chameleon changes skin colour for its survival.
Mostly this works, but doing so stifles initiatives to understand or predict the envi-
ronment. Does the chameleon have a knowledge base to help cope with or interpret
the environment? Does it have a knowledge structure it uses effectively and mean-
ingfully? The chameleon is consigned to the dictates of whatever environment it finds
itself in. Should this be the case with science and technology learning? It should not
and there must be ways of integrating the two world-views. Both are valid, but could
be strengthened by using factors that are congruent in both world-views to explain
science to learners (see figure 10.1C).
Science should be taught and learned using all aspects of human endeavour —
epistemological, technological, artistic, societal, cultural, private, prior or historical.
Pomeroy (1994) has classified the agendas that address issues of cultural diversity
and science in multicultural societies, and Aikenhead (1996) has proposed a theo-
retical framework for 'border crossing' from the subcultures of learners' peers and
families to the subcultures of science and school science. Those faced with a dual-
ity of cultures in science classrooms would be better prepared if their experiences
were structured so they could move from parallel collateral learning to secured
collateral learning.
I am emphatic that collateral learning and language games are distinct. World lan-
guage games are represented by figure 10.2 that looks at two separate worlds and
two separate sciences. Collateral learning progresses beyond world language games
in that the two worlds eventually merge. Learners move from: (1) constructing
incompatible ideas in their mental schema from two worlds (parallel collateral learn-
ing), through (2) learning ideas from two worlds at the same time (simultaneous col-
lateral learning), and (3) using ideas from one world-view to challenge or understand
the views from another (dependent collateral learning) and, finally, learners (4)
resolve cognitive conflict and convergence towards communality (secured collateral
learning).

Figure 10.2: Hierarchical organization of knowledge
INNOVATIVE TEACHING STRATEGIES FOR NON-WESTERN CLASSROOMS

In the West, innovative teaching strategies have been credited to scholars such as
Piaget, Vygotsky, Freinet, Montessori and Dewey. Considering the contemporary
understanding of knowledge structures and learning, there is a move towards
analysing expert teachers to help explicate effective teaching (see Stenberg and
Hovarth, 1995). Their instructional strategies have been copied and used in class-
rooms in Africa. Implementing curricula based on Western cultures requires Western
instructional strategies. However, the design and management of our classrooms pre-
clude a vigorous use of teaching strategies based on a variety of world-views. Col-
onial indoctrination that what is imported is best still seems to dominate in much
of Africa. While in 1996 the West celebrates the centennial anniversary of the found-
ing of Dewey's laboratory school in Chicago with a conference on innovative teach-
ing, Africa should examine what has gone wrong with instruction in its own
classrooms. Instruction is at the heart of implementing a curriculum. However well
designed, if the content of a curriculum is not effectively communicated, efforts to
build the curriculum remain ineffectual.
What effective instructional strategies do African cultures have that could be
brought into the classroom? There are several used at home and in school outside
the classroom. They include role playing, story telling, songs and dance, ceremonies,
and rituals. I shall briefly mention two. Role play is common in African communities,

be it during children's play, in open theatres, local festivities, or within the home and
extended family. Role play enables children to appreciate what others are communi-
cating and allows them to express their feelings indirectly. Respect for authority and
unquestioned obedience towards adults in Africa conditions learners to avoid direct
challenges to teachers or elders. Children therefore prefer to use indirect methods of
expressing their concerns. Role play is particularly suited to doing so. Michael Kahn,
formerly of the University of Botswana and currently at the Centre for Education
Policy Development, Johannesburg, after a role play approach was used in teaching a
group of undergraduate trainee teachers about water-borne disease, concluded that
4
[t]here was no way that depth of belief would have emerged through conventional
science teaching. By breaking the boundary of the standard (Western) approach, the
trainee was freed to become congruent with her own (or maybe reported) feelings.
There is no better example I know of how effective free language expression can be
used in the teaching of science' (e-mail communication of March 1995).
Story telling is another powerful indigenous instructional strategy that should be
used more often in the African classrooms. I can still recall, as a child, waiting for
night to fall when we children would sit round a fire or under a tree in the light of
the full moon to listen to storytellers who used language and actions to evoke feel-
ings and emotions. Such stories sounded so real to us that during the day we acted
them out, uninterrupted by adults or elder siblings. More important, during story
time we shared our feelings, experiences, thoughts, and what we learned in school
and on the farm. On reflection, I now recognize how powerful this medium is in nego-
tiating meaning. Unfortunately, structured classroom lessons, interrupted by bells
and other constraints, rarely allow teachers the time or flexibility to use story telling.
Martin and Bouwer (1991: 708), arguing for the need to use story telling in commu-
nicating science, stress that 'stories are our natural means of sharing in the lives of
others and more fully exploring meaning in our own. Through stories, students may
more successfully begin to see the subtle dimensions of science and of understand-
ing the ways in [which] science, culture, and world-view interact'. Driver, Guesne,
and Tiberghien (1985) also suggest story telling to help students explicitly formulate
their own ideas, so that they are exposed to the contrast between their own
perceptions and the conceptions offered by school science. The constructivist model
is interested in how students personally make meaning in science and technology
classes and views story telling as a powerful metacognitive pedagogical tool.
Most African countries have a legacy of colonial education that they have tried
to reform. Many reforms failed because they were either 'panel beatings' of the old
system or a substitution of one type of Western system of education for another.
These foreign educational systems are not in themselves ineffective. They fail in
Africa because they were designed to solve specific educational problems of the
home environment, and are based on a Western world-view for those living within
Western cultures. If attempts to graft foreign educational systems onto the African
environment are not achieving the desired results, they cannot be compatible with
the African environment. Perhaps Africa should critically examine traditional African

educational systems and use their more powerful features as scaffolding for new edu-
cational systems that could carry aspects of the imported systems already in use.
Some African scholars (for example Boateng, 1985) strongly believe that the intro-
duction of Western education systems to Africa has seriously impeded the growth
of the continent, especially in education, and has alienated Western-educated
Africans from commitment to the development of indigenous values.
Indigenous African education systems incorporate imitation methods, initiation
into age grades, and an apprenticeship system that Majasan (1976) has called the
'arduous training in specialized art and crafts'. The indigenous education system
focused on learning and teaching that: (1) was related to the background of the
learner; (2) was practical and involved learner participation; (3) incorporated local
ideas and examples, using material resources within the immediate environment; (4)
took place anytime, anywhere, anyhow and with due consideration to seeing the
environment in holistic terms; and (5) used all competent people within the com-
munity as teachers and instructors. The recent use of a combination of the formal
and indigenous systems of education in a correspondence mathematics course to
vocational students (Akinlua, 1995) showed that, if given a chance, the indigenous
system of education can be a positive and potent force for change in teaching sci-
ence and technology in Africa.
ORAL CULTURE, THE RURAL ENVIRONMENT, AND SCIENCE AND

TECHNOLOGY
An oral culture and a rural population are central features of African societies. Many
people living in rural areas lack access to Western education, are illiterate, and com-
municate orally. Some mistakenly think that to be educated means to be literate,
though using local criteria, many people in rural areas who can only communicate
orally are regarded as being highly educated. For instance many villagers are poetic,
use idioms, proverbs, metaphors and analogies, and hold massive amounts of infor-
mation in their mental schema. This is the basis of the sage system in Africa and
other non-Western societies. Elders are ascribed the role of the all-wise and carry
knowledge of the community that they pass on to the younger generation. Knowl-
edge is power and the sage system concentrates power in the elder. Youth is denied
this knowledge except as determined by elders through ceremonies, initiations, and
so on. While rural areas still retain traditional cultures, urban areas are fast losing
contact as they embrace Western cultures. The dilemma is how to strike a balance
between the acquisition of foreign culture and those elements of the local culture to
be retained. For guidance, we should look to the rural areas.
Harnessing the strengths of the rural and oral culture may be yet another panacea
for the current problems of science and technology education in Africa. Hodson
(1992) has cautioned against using a hegemonic hierarchy of knowledge to deny a
study of science to a good percentage of people. Science and technology in schools
emphasize abstract literacy-based skills that move learners away from relating their
knowledge to real-life situations. The lack of value given orality in society and in

science and technology classrooms is oppressive and selectively denies rural

dwellers the opportunity to study science and technology fully. That the majority of
our youth live in rural areas means that Africa is denied the full contributions that
potentially good science and technology students could make to development.
Rampal (1992), using the Indian experience as a reference point, is concerned about
the relegation of the predominantly oral universe of children, especially those from
nonliterate backgrounds, to what she qualified as a 'distinctly degraded subaltern
status'. She accused countries of the Third World, where orality is still a major force
in communication, of paying no attention to 'processes embedded in their own space
of cultural and social cognition. They have instead denounced orality, tainting it with
malice while christening it "illiteracy", officially proclaimed as an abhorrent affliction
demanding determined eradication' (1992: 239). This certainly applies to every coun-
try in Africa/African science and technology educators should recognize the cogni-
tive resources that abound in the linguistic structures and sociocultural environment
of rural Africa and use them to chart a new course for the 21st century.
Addressing gender inequity

There are more females than males in Africa. If, as stated by the United Nations Char-
ter of 1948, education is the right of every citizen (they mean Western education),
there should be equitable treatment of girls and women in Africa. Women and girls
are underrepresented in the science and technology professions, careers, and edu-
cational institutions, whereas more women than men are farmers, traders, teachers
and nurses. The contribution of women is crucial if Africa is to compete favourably
in the world economy. The continent needs well-trained women scientists and tech-
nologists. Women are the educators of the young and their positive attitude to, and
enhanced achievement in, science and technology would boost the participation of
children, especially girls.
The perception of the role and status of women in African societies must change.
Women must strengthen their self-image and see themselves as important contrib-
utors to society. To date, many African communities have seen the education of girls
as secondary to that of boys. Teenage girls more often than not marry and receive
no further science and technology education. However, though necessary, legislation
rarely changes culture and tradition. A gradual change of attitude through education
is required, as well as successful African women role models in sciehce and tech-
nology (Harding & Apea, 1990). Rather than justifying intervention programmes for
girls by using a deficit model (Atwater, 1994), perhaps we should examine other solu-
tions. According to Pollina (1995), in the past we have focused on girls and women
as if they are the problem. She says we often ask the questions, 'What is wrong with
them, and how do we fix them?', or 'How do we make them more aggressive, more
analytical, more competitive, tougher, so that they will survive in these disciplines?'
(1995: 30). She recommends that instead of trying to change how girls approach sci-
ence and technology, we need to study how they learn. Our research study into stu-
dents' preferred and perceived classroom environment (Jegede, Agholor, &

Okebukola, 1996) revealed that girls prefer a less authoritarian classroom environ-
ment than boys, and classrooms where goal structures are evident and an empha-
sis is placed on group cooperation and collaboration rather than on individual
competitive learning. An exploratory study which used Glynn's teaching-by-analogy
model to investigate the use of sociocultural analogies in teaching biological
concepts indicated that treatment corrected gender differences (Lagoke, Jegede &
Oyebanji, 1996). We should look more closely at how girls learn, and use the African
world-view more frequently as a basis for teaching science and technology.
CONCLUSION
African countries have made little progress in teaching science and technology or in
using science and technology for national development. Effective science and tech-
nology education is needed to develop an appropriate knowledge base. The main
thesis of this chapter is that the African world-view needs to be central to future
development and implementation of a new science and technology education for
African schools. Science and everyday thinking should not be qualitatively different
and collateral learning could solve problems of cognitive apartheid amongst African
learners. Mention has been made of using indigenous innovative instructional prac-
tices, orality and African ruralness, and the African world-view.
African nations should review their science and technology education policies.
They should be written within an African world-view and must include:
^ the use of students' prior knowledge;
^ content grounded in the child's immediate experience;
^ the use of traditional instructional strategies;
^ the presentation of science and technology concepts based on examples within
the indigenous culture; and
^ the promotion of a harmonious coexistence of world-views and their use to rein-
force one other in concepts being taught.
Africa must reflect on the dual culture sweeping the continent to solve educa-
tional problems and move towards world-class achievements in science and tech-
nology. Although Western cultures came during the slave trade and colonial era, they
have become incorporated into the fabric of our society. We expect our youth to
participate in global developments and conform to the modern world, yet press them
not to forget their indigenous culture. We must reach a balance that draws from the
best of both cultures. I conclude that the road towards the emancipation of science
and technology education in Africa will be long and rough. I am optimistic because
there are many within the continent who are seeking realistic solutions and adopt-
ing unconventional approaches to science and technology education.
ACKNOWLEDGMENT
I am indebted to Ivan Williams, Director of the College for Higher Education Studies,
Suva, Fiji, for sharing ideas with me and reading through the first draft of this paper;

and to Professor and Mrs Philip Morrison of Cambridge, Ma, USA, for their useful
comments, many of which are incorporated in this revision. All shortcomings are,
however, mine.
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1
1
Research in science and technology education
Prem Naidoo, University of Durban-Westville, Durban, South Africa
ABSTRACT
This chapter surveys science education research in selected Anglophone countries
in East, West and southern sub-Saharan Africa. It: (1) reviews literature on the state
of educational and science education research; (2) analyses some science education
research publications; (3) presents an analysis of the responses to a questionnaire
intended to survey researchers in Ghana, Malawi, Nigeria, Swaziland, Uganda and
Zimbabwe; and (4) gives the findings of interviews conducted with 10 African science
educators.
LITERATURE REVIEW
The review helped construct an analytical framework to define educational research
and determine factors that may influence science education research.
Court (1983) sees research as a systematic production of knowledge about the
functioning and impact of any system. Analysis of this definition suggests that edu-
cational research involves three basic elements (Keeves, 1990), namely, the creation
of knowledge, the use of the knowledge by policy makers and practitioners, and the
diffusion of knowledge through mechanisms that link the creation of knowledge with
its use.
Educational research should unify the creation, diffusion and use of knowledge.
(Husen, 1990; Tipane, 1990). Creation presupposes use, and without appropriate
mechanisms for diffusion and dissemination, creation and use remain unlinked.
Moreover, failure to recognize that knowledge of educational processes should
change policy and practice has given rise to criticisms that educational research is
an ineffective and inappropriate tool for promoting change (Keeves, 1990).
There are many models of educational research and a variety of research
designs, methods and processes (Keeves, 1990; Walker, 1990). Generally, researchers
use quantitative methods, qualitative methods, or a combination of the two. An

important question is whether Africa can afford research that does not emphasize
all three equally.
The main purpose of research is to understand and improve social conditions
and institutions. Educational research should uncover information that can be used
by a range of people, from national policy makers to classroom teachers, so that
they can improve equity and quality of learning. Research that contains all three
basic elements in a balanced way would do so, and it is urgent that academics
engage more in such work. Research is done within a social setting consisting of
related components that may affect its type, quality and impact (Schaeffer &
Nkinyangi, 1983; Court, 1983; Keeves, 1990). To understand the state of research in
Africa better, researchers must seek answers relating to these components that
would include: (1) the education system; (2) the state and nature of the system and
its affect on research; (3) the research climate or culture; (4) research processes,
skills and competencies; (5) research infrastructure and support; (6) research per-
formance; (7) donor involvement, and (8) the role of government.
This chapter asks questions on each component, and the research methodolo-
gies used were chosen to provide the information required to answer them.
Education research
Educational research in sub-Saharan Africa is periodically reviewed by donor organ-
izations such as the International Bank of Reconstruction and Development (IBRD)
in 1980; the International Development Research Council (IDRC) in 1983 and 1991
(Schaeffer and Nkinyangi); and UNESCO in 1990 (Yoloye). Other studies include those
by Court (1982, 1983, and 1991), Evans (1994), the African Academy of Sciences
(1992), UNESCO (1994 and 1995), Sherman (1990), Hallak and Fagerling (1991), and
others.
All reviews acknowledge that strengthening research and analytical capacities is
an essential requirement for the improvement of educational systems. Educational
policies and practices, as well as decisions taken regarding them, must be informed
by the results of systematic, well-conceived research, evaluation and assessment.
Reportedly, progress has been made in Africa in achieving this during the last
decade. The number of researchers, research institutions and research training pro-
grammes has increased. Some have become focal points for dynamic research, often
in collaboration with national, regional and international networks. Donors are real-
izing the importance of the development of local research capacities, of more flex-
ible training models, and of sustaining the research and analysis process. In some
countries, research has become more valued than in the past.
According to the literature review, however, more must be done to improve
African educational research. The author identified major problems that were
referred to by most studies reviewed. These include problems of:
1^ Declining economies, with concomitant cuts in funding for research that have
led to deteriorating infrastructures and hindered the growth of healthy research
cultures. As perceived by reviewers, research is not seen as a priority in Africa,

Chapter 11 Research in science and technology education
in the same way as the provision of basic education and primary health is
underrated.
^ Authoritarian governments suppressing research and distrusting intellectuals.
When they fund research, work is inspired by the politics of the ruling party and
frequently has little to offer other than showing the measures taken to promote
equity and excellence.
^ Inadequate data and information bases in some countries on the size, quality and
costs of education. In other countries, there may be sufficient data that is inad-
equately selected, analysed and presented for easy use in decision making. With-
out accurately collected and rapidly processed data (the studies reviewed claim),
policy analysis and decision making will remain ill informed.
^ A lack of human resources in some countries. Others often underuse their own
researchers, preferring the expatriate consultant — thereby removing support
from local institutions.
^ Research paradigms, frameworks and methods being inappropriate to the edu-
cational problems that face Africa. The studies reviewed reveal that most
approaches to collecting and analysing data evolved in developed countries and
may require modification when used in Africa. Such techniques focus on prob-
lems, do not suggest solutions, and rarely involve policy studies, qualitative
methodologies or action research. The dominance of research by donors is
reported as leading increasingly to the setting of research priorities rather than
this being done by national institutions.
^ A weak demand for educational research because parents may not have been
concerned with the quality of education received by their children. Education
research, instead, was driven by donor needs, the donors being more concerned
with feasibility studies and evaluations of their own projects.
^ Minimal networking between African researchers that limits professionalism.
The studies noted that it is easier for professionals to meet outside Africa than
within the continent. Limited or erratic post and telecommunications make com-
munications difficult and the community of electronic networkers in Africa is
small.
^ A lack of regularly published journals, limiting professional growth.
^ Narrow and inappropriate research agendas what fail to address educational
problems in Africa. The studies reviewed noted that most research in Africa is
for higher degrees and there is little concern for the use of results towards an
improvement of the system.
^ Research being almost entirely based at universities, with little involvement from
other institutions within education.
^ A focus on research products rather than on the process, which has reportedly
led to poor work and deteriorating infrastructures.
^ Poor working conditions for researchers. This has resulted in their being faced
with increased classes and workloads. Poor salaries, the studies claim, lead to
skilled researchers being forced to seek other jobs to supplement their incomes.

^ Inappropriate training of researchers, generally in institutions outside Africa. It

is claimed that they find it difficult to work in the conditions they encounter
when they return home. Furthermore, their research agendas are frequently influ-
enced by the institution at which they studied, rather than by local concerns.
National research institutions are finding it increasingly difficult to provide
adequate training as senior, experienced mentors leave to join NGOs, interna-
tional agencies, or the donor community.
All educational research must be critiqued within a context of knowledge, power,
cultural struggle and possibility, rather than using analytical frameworks that per-
petuate dominant ideologies. Central to research is the development of an articu-
lated language of possibility and critical competencies necessary to reveal and
deconstruct all forms of oppression. Since much research focuses inquiry on edu-
cation (a moral action), rather than for and in the service of education (an ethical
action), Kyle (1995) claims it is not surprising that there are few examples of how
teaching has been improved through research. Certainly it is not surprising that such
surveys as do take place in highly detached settings far removed from the context
of the lived experience of teachers and learners should have a negligible impact.
Such 'traditional positivistic and interpretive epistemological perspectives to
research,' Kyle claims, 'offer little to those wishing to improve schooling' (1995: 6).
Namuddu (199la and 1991b) also contests the findings of most international
reviews of educational research in Africa. She argues that voices within and without
Africa contain persistently negative messages and have exploited the ideology of
poverty by repeated claims such as were detected in the literature review done
during this study. Namuddu summarizes the claims frequently made by such interna-
tional reviews, which state that Africa:
^ Lacks an adequate research capacity in education and policy analysis.
^ Does not have the capacity to preside over reforms in education.
1^ Produces educational research of low quality.
^ Lacks adequately trained and experienced personnel to plan, manage and admin-
ister educational research institutes and other educational institutions.
^ Produces little or no research on major structural, organizational and policy
initiatives in African educational systems.
^ Does not make research results available when required.
^ Produces research that tells us little or nothing about what is happening in
African education.
She argues that data reported in internationally sponsored surveys is frequently
collected using questionnaires designed by the same agencies. Those responsible for
administering the research instruments attempt to fit information to the pattern pre-
determined by the donor. Often the purpose of these surveys is to make interna-
tional comparisons. They are designed with the industrial North in mind, and distort
the African perspective.
Namuddu stresses that to obtain a more balanced understanding of educa-
tional research in Africa, it is necessary to access information from a perspective

that would involve questioning: (1) whether the research is inspired by national
or foreign influences; (2) the motives underlying research claims; and (3) how the
research has been affected by historical influences such as the colonial
experience.
Her analysis, based on such questioning, leads her to argue that foreign-inspired
research seeks to perpetuate a philosophy and organizational pattern which insists
that Africa is lacking or weak in components such as those identified in the litera-
ture review conducted in this study. She would add the following to the list of foreign-
inspired research claims: (1) a lack of appropriate instructional resources and
facilities; (2) inadequately trained and poorly motivated teachers; (3) poorly
designed assessment systems, and (4) insufficient trained planners and managers. A
common recommendation, therefore, of internationally inspired surveys, Namuddu
concludes, is that such defects be met by importing related educational models and
expertise from the North.
Namuddu feels that whoever conducts research is linked to issues of motive
and funding. The research climate and patterns in Africa were established by expa-
triates at universities and ministries. They used adequate budgets to develop and
sustain research and supporting infrastructures and to set research priorities, and
used their home institutions rather than local ones as their reference group.
Africans were junior staff members who acted as research assistants. The situa-
tion changed after independence, partly because of staff changes in research insti-
tutions, and partly because of the changing sociopolitical climate at national and
international levels. National governments needed funds for the purpose of
expanding of access at all educational levels, for implementing crash programmes
to train teachers and administrators, for developing localized curriculum materi-
als and so on. Allocations to research were inevitably cut, not through a lack of
appreciation for its role, but rather because of priorities within the fragile con-
stituencies of nation states newly liberated from colonial rule. Government cuts to
research were exacerbated as expatriates left, a need to 'Africanize' developed,
and foundations such as Ford and Rockefeller, concerned with capacity building,
invested substantially in training Africans overseas, leaving fewer funds to support
research and research institutions within the continent. However, Namuddu claims
that the most critical factor to influence the development, survival and invisibil-
ity of research in Africa is not funding, but the emerging social and political atmos-
phere. Education was perceived by national governments and politicians —
abetted by donors — as the single most important instrument to promote equity
and economic development, and by parents as a newly opened gateway to pros-
perity for their children. Faced with a clamour from the public and factions within
their ranks, governments were eager to demonstrate their acumen for unification
by displaying their ability to distribute resources fairly, and chose education for
this purpose. Often educational policies have been decreed overnight and imple-
mented haphazardly without consideration of how they would affect quality. The
informed, more cautious voice of researchers increasingly becomes overwhelmed

by the roar from various platforms praising leaders for their wise solutions to ills
inherited from their colonial predecessors.
For such reasons, Namuddu opines that much indigenous research is fugitive. An
implication is that few surveys can be expected to reveal a truly comprehensive
picture. Methodological flaws detected in northern-inspired surveys constrain the
building of a representative picture of African research — by definition they must
be cartoons. Though she is highly critical of the use of positivistic paradigms used
in such surveys, Namuddu has more sympathy with research methodologies that
use qualitative and phenomenological perspectives which, in her judgement, present
pictures that are more faithful to local practices.
Science education research

This author found few surveys on or analyses of science education research in sub-
Saharan Africa. Those surveys he identified concerned Nigerian science education
research, conducted by Bajah (1990) and Obioma (1990). Two surveys of science edu-
cation research in South Africa were conducted by Reddy (1995) and Lewin (1995).
The Nigerian reviews indicate that:
Most science education researchers are located at universities, where most
research is aimed at earning a higher degree or promotion.
There is no shortage of university-trained researchers.
Government funds university research, albeit inadequately.
There are reasonable research infrastructures with access to journals, data
bases, dataprocessing facilities and links with other national research institutes.
There is an established research culture and tradition in science education.
Research is focused largely on instructional materials and learner and teacher
characteristics.
Most research employs ex-post and quantitative methods.
There is little action research on intervention strategies.
Few longitudinal studies have been done.
Most research is done by individual scholars; there is no tradition of collabora-
tive work.
There is little research on large classes, improvization, science education in rural
areas, the role of national languages, or on policy.
Research in science education is rarely directed by stated national needs.
South African reviews reveal that:
Researchers are largely located at universities, where there are race and gender
imbalances. For example, few South African science education researchers are
black women.
Research is funded by government and parastatals.
Research tends to focus on cognition, particularly at secondary and tertiary levels.
Little work is done on teacher education, environmental education, technology
education, gender, equity and black access, financing, cost effectiveness, base-
line studies, or policy and impact studies, particularly of NGOs.

^ A qualitative research tradition dominates.

^ Though only recently formed, the Southern African Association of Research in
Mathematics and Science Education (SAARMSE) is playing a key role in the devel-
opment of a strong research culture.
^ Research infrastructures are well developed.
The study by Kahn and Rollnick, which reviewed science education research in
West and southern Africa, analysed 80 science education research articles mainly
from West and southern Africa. They were written by 103 authors, of whom 46 %
were African. Forty percent of the articles appeared in journals, with 6 % appearing
in African journals. Only 25 % of articles were written by two or more persons.
Analysis of the articles reviewed revealed that most focused on cognition, con-
structivism, African thought and ethnoscience. Little or no research was done on cur-
riculum reconstruction, language of instruction, implementation and the impact of
innovations, policy, or the relationship of science education to national development.
ANALYSIS OF SCIENCE EDUCATION RESEARCH JOURNALS

There are few science education research journals in Africa. Journals in Ghana and
Botswana closed after publication of only a few issues. SAARMSE hopes to publish
a journal of science education research in southern Africa. The only science educa-
tion journal in Africa that has been successfully published on a regular basis over
many years is that of the Science Teachers' Association of Nigeria (STAN). This jour-
nal is peer reviewed and has an editorial board of Nigerians and a few outsiders.
The contents are organized in sections that include one for articles of general inter-
est, one for research reports, and a section for networking news and teaching notes.
The journal is targeted at both researchers and teachers.
Four STAN journals published between 1991 and 1993 were analysed. Table 11.1
below presents the analysis of the section of articles of general interest and that of
research reports.
The table strongly suggests that most articles are written by individual univer-
sity researchers, confirming the analysis by Kahn and Rollnick (1994). There seems
to be no tradition of cooperative research. Reasons may include that the require-
ments for higher degrees and promotion inculturate individual research. Positivistic
and quantitative research predominates.
Table 11.2 below shows the areas that were researched. Analysis again confirms
that of Khan and Rollnick (1994). It suggests that most research focuses on assess-
ment and the learning characteristics of students. Little was done on topics such as
teacher education, improvization, language of instruction, and science learning in
rural schools. There seems to be silence on issues such as financing, equity, planning
and policy — all research areas suggestive of Namuddu's 'fugitive' hypothesis. (1991b)
Over the five-year period, only five of 240 articles (3 %) published were from Africa.
Science Education, however, cannot be blamed. Only 27 manuscripts were submitted
from Africa during that period, of which seven were accepted — an acceptance rate of
about 26 %. This compares favourably with an overall acceptance rate of 20 %.

Table ll.l: Analysis of general-interest articles and research reports in

STAN journals, 1991-93
Research areas Number

Total number of articles analysed 37
Authors from departments of education 1
Authors from colleges of education 7
Authors from universities 40
Nigerian authors 42
Authors from outside Nigeria 6
Articles written independently 27
Articles written collaboratively 10
Articles using quantitative methodology 31
Articles using both quantitative and qualitative methodology 1
Articles that were purely literature reviews 5
Table 11.2: Analysis of areas researched in study of

STAN journals, 1991-93
Research areas Number
Rural schools 1
Improvization 1
Language instruction 1
Curriculum materials 1
Students success 1
Management and personnel of science education 1
Attitudes of learners to science 2
Teacher education 3
Cognition and student learning 8
Assessment and student outcomes 17

Gibbs (1995) reports that some scientists from developing countries feel there is
a bias on the part of international journals that results in the rejection of their
manuscripts. To examine the situation in science education, the author approached
two international journals, namely the Journal of Research in Science Teaching and
Science Education. Only Science Education responded.
Science Education is published six times a year. Its contents are organized into
a general section, a special section and a comments and criticisms section. The
special section is subdivided into subsections. These currently are, science teacher
education, learning, issues and trends, and international science education. The
journal publishes on average eight articles per issue in these sections. Thus they
publish approximately 48 per year, and would have published 240 during the period
1990-94.
Table 11.3: Acceptance rates by Science Education of articles

submitted from Africa between 1990 and 1994
Period 1990-94 Number

Approximate total manuscripts received from all over the world 1 200
Overall % acceptance rate of articles from all over the world 20%
Total manuscripts received from Africa 27
Total manuscripts accepted from Africa for publication 4
Total rejected from Africa without review 12
Total rejected from Africa with review 6
Total revisions pending from African authors 3
ANALYSIS OF QUESTIONNAIRES
A questionnaire was developed and piloted in Uganda, then mailed to science educa-
tion researchers in Botswana, Ghana, Lesotho, Malawi, Nigeria, Swaziland, Tanzania,
Zambia and Zimbabwe. At least 10 questionnaires were sent to each country.
Only 36 questionnaires were returned: three each from Ghana and Malawi, four
from Zimbabwe, five from Swaziland, eight from Nigeria and 13 from Uganda. One
reason why the response rate was low may have been the length of the question-
naire. The response rate from Uganda was high because the author personally admin-
istered the questionnaire. All the respondents stated that primarily university
academics are involved in research. Government education officers and teachers
rarely do research, except as part of higher-degree programmes.
Table 11.4 below shows conditions experienced by academics that may influence
their ability to do research.

Table IL:4Analysis of 36 respondent's tp questionnaire directed
at science education researchers in Africa
Questions Nigeria Ghana Uganda Malawi Zimbabwe Swaziland
Gross monthly
salary at lecturer
level in US$ 202 240 213 292 766 1 366
Who provides
housing subsidy? University University University University Self, Self,
university university
provides provides
housing housing
allowance allowance
Do you have 75 % of respon- 67 % of respon- 30 % of respon- 50 % of respon- 50 % of respon- 100 % of respon-

your own car? dents own cars dents own cars dents own cars dents own cars dents own cars dents own cars
Do you have 100 % have access, 100 % have access, 54 % have access, 100 % have access, 100 % have access, 100 % own and can
access to 37,5 % can use a 33 % can use a 46 % can use a and can use a can use a com- use a computer
computers? computer, and computer, and computer, and computer, and puter and 25 %
own a computer own a computer own a computer 57 % own a own a computer
computer
Cost of PC and 10 months' 18,3 months' 9,4 months' 6,9 months' 2,6 months' 1,5 months'
printer in relation salary salary salary salary salary salary
to monthly lecturer
salary (assuming
cost = US$2 000)
Do you have 62,5 % have access 67 % have access 7,6 % have access 33 % have access 75 % have access 20 % have access
access to to SPSS to SPSS to SPSS and 23 % to Statworks and to SPSS and to SPSS, Minitab,
research to Excel Excel 50% to Excel and
software? Lotus 1-2-3 Lotus 1-2-3
Do you have 25 % have access 67 % have access no-one has access 67 % have access 100 % have access 80 % have access
access to data to Eric and 50 % to govnt stats to any data bank to Eric and to Eric and to to Eric and to
banks? to govnt stats govnt stats govnt stats govnt stats
How do you 50 % found it to all found it poor 25 % found it to 75 % found it to 50 % found it to 33 % found it to
rate your be good be good be satisfactory be good be good
collection of
indigenous
literature?
Do you have 37,5 % found it 37,5 % found it 50 % found it good 67 % found it 50 % found it good 67 % found it good
access to satisfactory satisfactory satisfactory
international
literature?
Is communication 87,5 % found post 33 % found both 60 % found post 100 % found post 100 % found post 80 % found post
(post & tel) comm easy & 52% easy comm easy & comm easy & comm easy & comm easy &
easy within found tel comm 40 % found tel 67 % found tel 75 % found tel 100 % found tel
country? easy comm easy comm easy comm easy comm easy
Can you com- 87,5 % found post 67 % found both 84 % found post 67 % found both 100 % found post 0 % found post
municate easily comm easy & 75 % easy comm easy & 59 % easy comm easy & 75 % comm easy &
with a person found tel comm found tel comm found tel comm 100 % found tel
outside your easy easy easy comm easy
country?
What % of lecturer 9,7% 5,2% 4,6% 3,3% 0,86% 0,5%

salary will it cost to
post one A4 letter
and make one 3-min
tel call within dis-
trict, nationally and
internationally?
Do you have No-one has 67 % have access 15 % have access 100 % have access 75 % have access 100 % have access
e-mail access? access to e-mail to e-mail to e-mail to e-mail to e-mail to e-mail
Do you have 100 % have 100 % have access 100 % have access 100 % have access 100 % have access 100 % have access
access to a access to copier to copier to copier, but to copier, but to copier, but to copier and
photocopier? have to pay for have limited funds have limited funds have access to
photocopying to pay for to pay for funds to pay for
photocopying photocopying photocopying
Do you have Yes, to National Yes, to National No Yes, to National Yes, to National Yes, to National
access to a Science Teacher Science Teacher Science Teacher Science Teacher Science Teacher,
professional and Educational Association Association and Educational Educational
organization? Research Research Research and to
Associations Associations Regional Science
Education
Research
Associations
On average how 11 11,5 8,25 6,3 4,67 7

many hrs per wk
do you teach?
How many 397 64 43 83 61 14
students do you
teach per week
How many hours 13,7 6,3 3,6 5 13 15,75
do you assign to
research per week?
Do you have Limited funding Reasonable Had no funding Poor Limited access to Access to
access to from institution access to funding from institution institutional and institutional, institutional
research and nationally. from institution till this year. national funding. national and funding and
funding? Rely mainly on and inter- Reasonable access Rely mainly on international limited access to
international nationally to international international funding international
funding donors funding donors
Can you consult Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes -
someone when
doing research?
What is the 50 % each MEd 33 % MEd from 23 % BEd from 33 % MSc from 25 % MA from US 100 % Masters
highest qualifi- and PhD. All Ghana and 67 % Tanzania, 87 % Germany and 67 % and 75 % PhD from from UK, Holland
cation you have education in PhD from Nigeria Masters from UK, from South Africa US and Holland and Canada
and from which Nigeria and Canada Kenya and 23 %
country? from Uganda
Did you attend All attended All attended All attended All attended All attended All attended
research metho- research research research research research research
dology courses? methodology methodology methodology methodology methodology methodology
courses as part courses as part courses as part courses as part courses as part courses as part
of formal study of formal study of formal study of formal study of formal study of formal study
and at SAARMSE
University research appears to be a well-established tradition. Most universities

surveyed have university science education departments, most of which offer Mas-
ters' programmes. Over the last five years, 11 respondents collectively supervised
132 Masters and 19 PhD students. Approximately 70 % of these higher-degree can-
didates were in Ghana and Nigeria, which have had such programmes for many
years. With the exception of Uganda, all countries surveyed have professional sci-
ence teachers' associations. SAARMSE, a southern African organization, appears to
be the only professional association for science education researchers in sub-Saha-
ran Africa. There are few similar international bodies, an example being the National
Association for Research in Science Teaching. A North American organization, this
has an annual subscription of US$100, half the monthly salary of a Nigerian univer-
sity lecturer. Research productivity was somewhat low. The 36 respondents con-
ducted 61 studies between 1990 and 1994 — an average of about 1,5 years for a
researcher to complete a study. Researchers surveyed used balanced research
methodologies. About a third (22) of the studies used quantitative methodologies,
about a fifth (11) qualitative, and close to half (28) used both. Other than research
for higher degrees or promotion, most work done by the researchers surveyed
appears to have been initiated by the funder. Close to 40 % (24) of the studies were
self-funded. Most of these were initiated by the researcher to obtain a higher degree.
The balance were funded and initiated by their institutions, or by publishers, interna-
tional donor agencies and national research institutions. Only two studies were ini-
tiated and funded by government. On the whole, the analysis of questionnaires
confirmed findings concerning areas of research identified by the literature review.
Many studies focused on curriculum reform, instruction, teacher attitude, assess-
ment and INSET. Few focused on policy, planning, language of instruction, improviza-
tion or gender — all controversial topics for politicians. There were no studies on
ethnoscience, appropriate technology, human resource development, or teaching in
resource-poor conditions. Perhaps these are viewed as interesting areas by the
international research community, but not by nationals and donors.
ANALYSIS OF INTERVIEWS
The author interviewed a total of 10 junior and seasoned education and science edu-
cation researchers, using an unstructured approach. They were selected from Ghana,
Kenya, Malawi, Nigeria, Uganda and Zimbabwe. All agreed that research was mainly
done by university academics because of the enabling environment of these institu-
tions. All remarked that conditions in universities had deteriorated, resulting in a
decline in research productivity. Academics in countries that have experienced par-
ticularly severe economic crises work with large classes, poor infrastructures and
low salaries.
Until recently, a lecturer in Uganda earned about US$50 per month and worked
in a collapsed research culture and infrastructure. Previous governments not only
deprived the university of funds; severe forms of intellectual censorship brought
research to a halt. The new government recognizes the value of research and has

allocated substantial sums to the university for its promotion. However, more than
funds are needed as the research culture and infrastructure have become non-
existent. It is proving easier to rebuild the research infrastructure than to
re-establish the research culture that was once one of the liveliest in sub-Saharan
Africa. As one Ugandan academic commented: It is so long since I did research that
1 almost forget how to do research. I do not know what are the recent developments
in research and science education.' This notwithstanding, the same academic,
together with other academics, is valiantly attempting to rebuild the research infra-
structure and culture at the university.
Most interviewees felt there was a dominance of quantitative research. The rea-
son ventured was that most senior researchers were trained overseas in the 1960s
and 1970s when such work was at its height. These foreign-trained academics are
now the professors who shape and control the research capacity building, direction
and methodologies used. Owing to financial constraints, they lack access to interna-
tional journals, cannot network with researchers from other countries, and therefore
are not exposed to new research techniques. The reasons cited for doing research
varied. They included requirements for a higher degree, promotion, status, financial
reward and improving practice. Many beginning researchers felt the main reason for
doing research was financial. They reported that donor-commissioned research was
highjacked by seasoned researchers. They further claimed that commissioned
research paid well and promoted a Tajero culture' (buying a Pajero — a racy four-
wheel-drive vehicle — and other luxuries). They felt this Tajero culture' did not
promote collaborative research. Senior academics act as gatekeepers to such fund-
ing, not as professional mentors.
One department of science education at an East African university lost three
senior science educators to the AIDS virus over five years. This loss had a devas-
tating effect on research productivity and stunted capacity building. Not only is the
loss due to AIDS an economic one, it is also professional due to a loss of research
expertise. One wonders what the overall effect of AIDS will be on science education
research in sub-Saharan Africa.
THE EMERGING SNAPSHOT

I use the metaphor of a snapshot to describe this study. It is limited, but presents
a sketch of science education research in parts of sub-Saharan Africa that is just one
possible synthesis of the data collected.
Who and where

Mainly university academics do research. Few other persons are involved. A likely
reason is that universities expect and support research as part of one's job. Most
research is done as part of a higher degree or for promotion. Others in the educa-
tional system, especially policy makers and teachers, are not encouraged in the same
manner as researchers.

Working conditions
For most university academics working conditions have deteriorated. Student num-
bers and workloads have increased and salaries have plummeted in some countries.
Ghana, Malawi, Nigeria and Uganda are such cases. In southern African countries
such as Botswana, Lesotho, South Africa and Swaziland, academics work under
better conditions than their colleagues elsewhere in the continent.
However, research productivity is higher in Nigeria and Ghana than in most south-
ern African countries, despite their poorer working conditions. This suggests that it
is not only conditions of work that influence research productivity. Factors such as
an established research culture, a need for higher degrees or promotion, the need
for experience among academics, national independence, publishing outlets, and
professional associations also affect research productivity.
Research culture
Both Ghana and Nigeria have been independent for longer than the other countries
surveyed and thus have had longer to develop their research capacity. They have
well-established higher-degree programmes, and both have the capacity and the
experienced academics to train their own researchers. Both countries, particularly
Nigeria, have active science education associations that promote both science edu-
cation and research. They therefore have well-developed research cultures.
As work conditions deteriorated in Uganda — a country that once had a flourish-
ing research culture — so did research productivity and ultimately the research
culture. It would seem that, once a research culture is destroyed, productivity
becomes low, regardless of the resources used to improve working conditions.
In Swaziland, conditions of work are better than in most other African countries.
However, research productivity is not as high as in Ghana or Nigeria. This may be
because the establishment of science education as a discipline and of research has
been recent, so the research culture is in its infancy. In Zimbabwe, research
productivity is lower, yet working conditions are better than in Ghana and Nigeria.
Both work conditions and a research culture seem important to sustain productiv-
ity. To promote research, one must provide more than funds.
Professional support
Most African academics do not have publishing outlets in local journals. Nigeria is
the only country with a regularly published science education journal. The journal
has played a central role in helping to develop and sustain the research culture. The
journal is that of STAN, the professional science teachers' association. Soon after its
establishment, STAN became involved in supporting its members with writing and
publishing textbooks, a percentage of royalties going to the association. With a
market as large as Nigeria's this has enabled STAN to become financially self-
sustaining and not dependent on shrinking university and government budgets or
on the changing priorities of donors.
|92 © Juta & Co, Ltd

Only one professional science education research association exists in Africa,

namely SAARMSE, though many countries have national science teachers' associa-
tions. The latter may promote science education, but do little to promote research
and do not act as forums for disseminating research findings. Most governments and
donors do little to promote the professional development of researchers in science
education.
Networking between science education researchers within Africa or with col-
leagues elsewhere is minimal. Networking could be promoted through meetings,
e-mail, professional associations and exchange programmes. Demonstrated increases
in research productivity justify investment in such forms of professional support that
must be pursued more intensely.
Large research projects are undertaken only when funds are available, usually
from international donors. Were they to insist that such studies are implemented col-
laboratively, instead of commissioning individual senior academics, they would be
making a major contribution to developing research skills.
Research skills and competencies

These vary country to country, and within any given country over time. Those insti-
tutions with demonstrated capacities have established higher-degree programmes in
science education and have recognized the importance of research.
In most countries (South Africa being an exception) quantitative research is dom-
inant. This is likely to be due to the influence of senior academics who were trained
overseas in the 1960s and 1970s when such techniques were used to the exclusion
of others. For financial reasons, these researchers have remained isolated, and have
therefore not been able to upgrade their skills.
What is being researched?

Research in sub-Saharan Africa tends to focus on learners, constructivism, alterna-
tive conceptions, cognition, teacher and learner attitudes, and assessment of learn-
ing, particularly at secondary school levels. A growing number of studies are
focusing on curriculum reform, INSET, and curriculum instruction. Some studies,
especially those appearing in international journals, focus on ethnoscience and
African thought. A similar dominance of cognition, particularly constructivism, in
developed countries and international journals leads one to suspect that there is a
strong influence from developed countries on African science education research
agendas. This may not be warranted.
Few studies focused on issues such as language of instruction, teaching in
poorly resourced schools, gender, teacher education and impact research that are
current priority issues in science education throughout Africa. Silences seem to
centre on macro issues such as financing, equity, planning and policy. Perhaps the
intellectual climate in African countries is more responsible for these gaps than the
international world.

Why is research being done, and to what effect?

The dominance of positivistic, quantitative research methodologies is an issue mer-
iting concern, since such techniques study problems rather than explore solutions.
They provide little useful feedback to policy makers, classroom teachers or educa-
tional support staff.
Most studies are short. Few take the form of baseline, longitudinal or impact
research aimed at auditing the effectiveness of the system. Such a lack provides
policy makers with inadequate information about what works and what doesn't. The
scarcity of collaborative research impedes the implementation of large projects that
could supply such information as well as train novice researchers.
As serious, according to Namuddu (1991a), is that such flawed, quantitative stud-
ies are frequently used by multinational donors to impose major change on African
governments that may be neither realistic nor faithful to local concepts and per-
ceptions. Kyle (1995) argues that, owing to the familiar split and hierarchy between
researchers (the theorists) and implementers (the practitioners) it is not surprising
that those on whom research is done rarely adopt research findings. Traditional
research is ethnocentric, coded in inaccessible terminologies, and contemptuous of
the language and realities of classrooms. Thus there is little hope of promoting
change until research ideologies and practices themselves change.
The almost total absence of participatory research is cause for grave concern.
African science education researchers, like their international colleagues — indeed,
perhaps overinfluenced by them — engage in technical, system-maintaining studies
rather than in counterhegemonic praxis. They, too, seem unaware of recent devel-
opments in postmodern and post-structuralist thought that have had a significant
impact on other human sciences. Participatory research involves all stakeholders in
identifying and solving problems in the education system. It demystifies research and
involves more people in the process of change, including researchers. Because of
stakeholder involvement, there is a much higher likelihood that findings will be
implemented. Participatory research contains all three basic elements of good
research referred to earlier, namely the creation, use and dissemination of knowl-
edge, and does so in an organic way. It has an exciting potential to enable all par-
ticipants in education continually to inquire into their practice and strive for
improvement. A more extensive adoption of participatory research would go far in
promoting the usefulness of research as a tool to improve policies and practices of
science education and would provide advocacy for increased support to the research
endeavour.
CONCLUSION
The review illustrates how researchers in sub-Saharan Africa develop varying
capacities to carry out research in science and technology education. These are
growing fast in some countries and only beginning to emerge in others. Various fac-
tors have contributed to this uneven development. However, the impact of the

research has been minimal on the improvement of policies and practices in science
and technology education. Little science and technology research in sub-Saharan
Africa is directed towards helping the continent face the central challenges of the
21st century.
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196 jutta
12
The mass media and
Science and technology education
Tom Mschindi, Managing Editor, Daily Nation, Nairobi, Kenya, and
Sharad Shankerdass, Nairobi, Kenya
ABSTRACT
The mass media has a potentially important role to play in popularizing science and
technology. This chapter focuses on modern mass media, traditional mass media,
and their interface with informal and nonformal education in science and technology
education.
INTRODUCTION
African educators who use the media must think of traditional means of communi-
cation as well as those of the modern mass media. Traditionally, information and
cultural values have been communicated by means of story telling, songs, riddles
and proverbs — all oral media. Even nonverbal means of communicating such as
dance, drumming and beadwork are still used. Not only are these media effective in
that complex messages can be faithfully and rapidly transmitted, they are also cul-
turally sympathetic in being participatory, more democratic and less transient than
many modern media.
Mass media, literacy and urbanization are central to democratic political devel-
opment. Ironically, the power of modern media as tools of mass communication is
recognized by military regimes throughout Africa, since their first target on leaving
the barracks is the broadcasting station. The Ayatollah Khomeini revolution was
fuelled by smuggling audio tapes recorded in Paris into Iran to be played on the
ubiquitous battery-powered tape recorders to audiences for whom listening to the
sheik during Friday prayers was a key cultural event. No wonder that many of the
fragile governments in Africa attempt tight control over media institutions, and that
the masses usually distrust these top-down means of communication, putting their
faith in more familiar, less manipulatable, traditional media.

Educators, including science educators, who work with mass media specialists to
change behaviour in ways that empower people to take more responsibility for their
own lives would do well to analyse the ways of effectively interfacing modern and
traditional media. If we cannot produce material that is witty, attention grabbing and
sufficiently empathetic to resonate with traditional modes of communication, we
might as well give up before we start.
CHARACTERISTICS OF TRADITIONAL AND MODERN MEDIA

All societies define and express their cosmologies. In African countries this has been
done mainly through oral media such as story telling, songs, proverbs, riddles and
folk theatre. Messages are also effectively coded in nonverbal media such as dance,
H
nimming, body art and beadwork. For example:
The talking drum of Nigeria is well known as the bush telegraph of Africa.
The patterns of beads on a woman's apron in some Masai clans indicates she is
the mother of an unnamed child. An unnamed child is not yet a clan member
and such a child's hair remains unshaved. The wrath and punishment of women
elders will fall on any man, including the husband, who breaks the sexual taboo
that mothers of such children are under. Since only the mother can shave a
child's first hair, this becomes an effective form of child spacing, placing control
firmly in the woman's hands.
The accuracy of the memories of the griots of Mali — the repositories and com-
municators of the histories of the kingdoms — is well documented.
Before the introduction of the AK47 and Ml6 to war-torn Somalia, travellers were
welcome at the family hearth as bearers of news, and in this pastoral society the
news travelled fast.
Shem is a dialect invented by children who roam the streets of Nairobi. It com-
bines other languages in ways that few adults can understand. Shem has spread
throughout the country in less than 10 years, and constantly invents new words.
There is a similar, but not identical, dialect used by wealthier children.
The power and impact of traditional African media can be compared with that of
current mass media in industrialized societies. For example:
The impact on audiences of songs sung at community concerts in Somalia or at
tarubs in Zanzibar, for example, compares with the impact of 'pop' songs on
teenage audiences in the West. 'Rap' carries the anger of black innercity youth
to white suburbia. Popular music — and in these days of electronic media 'pop-
ular' connotes billions — can even carry environmental messages.
The earrings worn by some young men in the West can be compared with
beadwork on Masai aprons. Dress, hairstyles and tattoos as identifying symbols
for innercity gang members compare with markings on the shields of African
warriors.
The function of cartoon figures such as Superman, the Trudeaus or Andy Capp
in defining and reflecting class values in the United States and the United
Kingdom compares with tales of the heroes and heroines of African folk stories.

Chapter 12 The mass media and science and technology education
1^ The status messages communicated by the furnishings and location of offices in

multinational corporations can be compared with the location of homesteads
within an African chief's compound.
However, important differences must be noted between traditional and modern
mass media. The oral tradition is participatory and involves a high degree of inter-
action between the message and the receiver. The message can be modified within
accepted limits, thus making it part of the receiver's own repertoire. In turn,
receivers become creators and transmitters and thus the message becomes an
organic part of a people's culture. Since the originator of the message is aware of
the tradition, rules must be followed for its onward transmission. Until recently in
Somalia, important government memos and directives were composed as poems!
Thus traditional media contain by their nature more democratic, modifiable, and
laterally transmitted messages than the centralized, top-down, impersonal transmis-
sions used by modern media. Furthermore, the rules of traditional media ensure that
the message comes across clearly. We are all familiar with modern media, where bril-
liant displays of style disguise a hidden content; and even when such cleverly con-
cealed messages are detected, receivers cannot effectively express their dismay as
they can when traditional media are used. Another distinguishing feature of tradi-
tional media is that, unless messages are relevant to the experiences, fears and
hopes of the community, they will not be transmitted. Feedback is immediate and
face to face. Of course, with modern media, one can always switch off!
Coseteng (1981), quoted in Valbuena (1986), sums up our problem as communi-
cators wishing to use modern mass media:
What the mass media in its [sic] high stage of development have failed to
realize is that existing side by side with them on the actual village level
that is quite different from the global village infrastructure ... is another
form of media, one which even antedates them — the traditional media of
communication .. . Nevertheless, traditional media still survive and are
used as meaningful channels of communication in traditional or develop-
ing societies. Their unobtrusive nature is, perhaps, the reason why they
have been ignored for most of the time by the mass media orientated com-
munication experts and development planners. Indeed, they are still viable
forms of human communication.
Rapanoel (1991) argues that, in many societies, oral traditions are still the most
important, if not the only, source and repository of traditional and popular knowl-
edge, practices and culture. It is, therefore, futile, shortsighted, culturally arrogant
— even downright dumb — for anyone to seek to facilitate change in such African
communities without taking cognizance of the centrality of traditional modes of mass
communication. The need to do so is more profound in this era of transition from
the relatively acephalous organization of precolonial Africa to that of centrally organ-
ized nation states that are part of a world economy.

Happily, development communication planners and researchers have recently

begun to restate the primacy of traditional media in mobilizing communities to make
more informed judgements about using the modern technologies that increasingly
impinge on their lives. A number of principles advanced by Valbuena (1986) are
instructive:
*1. Folk media, modern mass media and extension services must become an inte-
gral part of any communication programme for rural development.
2. An understanding of rural audiences is vital to the effective use of modern mass
media. Based on this understanding, media messages must be culturally empa-
thetic and appealing so that communities absorb them and increase the possi-
bility of their leading to behavioural changes.
3. There should be a synergy between traditional and modern media that leads to
an emerging culture so badly needed by nation states in Africa.
4. Desired change carried by modern mass media should be sufficiently authentic
to local cultures and flexible to ensure adoption.
5. There should be collaborative involvement of traditional media artists in mod-
ern media productions.'
USING MASS MEDIA

Radio is the most pervasive medium in Africa. However, as economies decline, there
have been reports that rural households are finding it increasingly difficult to buy
dry cells for radios.
In Kenya, a significant percentage of the adult population is literate. The Bible
and newspapers are the most commonly read publications. It is estimated that each
copy of the Daily Nation, Kenya's largest selling newspaper is read by at least 10 peo-
ple. Even so, newspapers do not penetrate deeply into rural areas. One of the first
questions likely to be asked of visitors to a village is whether they have a copy of
the day's newspaper.
There are mobile cinemas in Kenya. Initially an elite urban phenomenon, video
playback machines are increasingly being seen in villages. Owned by wealthier
households and powered by portable generators or solar panels, these become rural
movie theatres, with audiences paying small fees for admission. Television remains
an urban elite phenomenon.
All media in Africa tend to promulgate the position of reigning governments. Many
governments have tight media laws and frequently harass journalists, close publica-
tions and smash printing presses. Often, newspapers must toe a fine line to remain
open. Media oppression by African governments is frequently reported by Amnesty
International and similar organizations concerned with the human rights worldwide.
The popular Nigerian singer Fela Ransome-Kutie is regularly jailed, regardless of the
political persuasion of the government in power. Even his Nobel prize afforded Wole
Soyinka no protection when he began to write lyrics for popular musicians and agitate
against the government — nor did Ngugi WaThiongo's international renown offer any

protection when he began to develop community theatre in Kikuyu. Audio tapes of

songs with a social commentary are regularly confiscated in Kenya. Though the pur-
pose of this paper is restricted to the educational use of media and does not address
issues of political commentary, it must be pointed out that censorship of develop-
mental messages is not infrequent. Kenya, for example, routinely bans media pro-
grammes with family planning messages.
Kenya and many other African countries have school broadcasting sections that
produce programmes to supplement classroom teaching. Problems of uneven recep-
tion and maintenance of receivers aside, studies indicate they have a negligible
impact on learning.
Science popularization programmes in Ethiopia did not achieve their objectives
(Kebbede, 1987). Reasons included the failure of programmes to take into account
local cultural beliefs and practices. Interactive radio programmes, developed by
USAID as a cost-effective means of teaching mathematics, English and science in pri-
mary schools, though effective according to USAID-sponsored evaluations, were
never adopted in Africa.
The Kenya Broadcasting Corporation — a state-controlled media house — has
attempted to widen the scope of science-oriented programmes through programmes
such as 'Panorama', 'Science Digest', and Tomorrow' on radio and television chan-
nels. Even these local productions are elitist and are of little interest to the urban
poor, farmers and the struggling middle class, who need all the information they can
get to improve their economic and social conditions.
Some government departments, such as Ghana's ministries of health and agri-
culture, produce simple, well-designed and relevant pamphlets for villagers. However,
budgets are such that they reach an insignificant portion of their target audiences.
Newspapers penetrate more deeply and consistently, and frequently have regular
columns devoted to science, health, agriculture and appropriate technology. Unfor-
tunately, these articles are too often written as if the reader already has a sophisti-
cated knowledge base and they consequently read more like research publications.
This approach assumes that what is needed is more information from which read-
ers can select whatever is applicable. This in turn can become an argument for such
coverage to be given more space!
Scholars such as Metere (1991) posit that science and environmental issues will
be more professionally, intelligently and sympathetically handled only if journalists
are recruited to the cause and specifically trained. In the 1970s and 1980s, the
International Development Research Council (IDRC) supported a series of regional
workshops to train science writers and editors. Though the programme may have
contributed to improving the quality of scientific journals, it has had no visible
impact on writing in the popular press.
THE WAY FORWARD

Africa is in transition, and for those of us concerned with education and development,
the mass media is a messy business. This messiness opens up new possibilities.
juta7co 201
The earlier discussion emphasized the need for a fusion between traditional and
modern media. Other factors emerge as one continues to analyse communications
issues in Africa, such as differences in producing material for an information-rich
society and for one that is information-poor.
Information-rich societies store information in museums, libraries, electronic data
bases, and so on. By definition, newspapers and many other print products are
ephemeral. In an information-poor society, the human mind is the community's data
base. However marvellous the ability of elders and griots to memorize knowledge,
they cannot compete with what was made possible by the invention of the Guten-
berg press and the microchip. In information-poor societies, newspapers and maga-
zines are given brown papercovers, become dog-eared with use and are kept for
decades.
In industrialized societies, time is at a premium. People always seem to be in a
hurry to get somewhere. Billboard messages are designed to be read by people in
vehicles rushing by at speed. Radio and television prime time may cost hundreds of
thousands of dollars per minute. By contrast, African film audiences are outraged by
advertisements that do not take time to tell stories. (Ironically, at least in the United
Kingdom, some highly-talked about television advertisements have begun to tell elab-
orate stories over successive broadcasts!)
Such analyses can help us to invent ways of using modern media more effectively
in Africa. I suggest the following categories of mass media materials to promote
scientific and technological understanding:
^ Motivational materials. These should encourage thought and debate on science,
its role and utility. They should help people understand why they should con-
sider learning more.
^ Substantive knowledge. These should contain information ranging from the uses
of the neem tree (Azadirachta indicd) to instructions on how to repair a car
engine.
1^ Methodological materials. These should motivate and encourage teachers to use
inquiry approaches to teaching.
Financing
Unlike industrialized countries, Africa has a scarcity of funds for educational media
production. In the past, the state has funded most radio and television productions
and budgets are slender. The private sector subsidizes programmes through adver-
tising agencies that have little experience in using media in innovative ways. Larger
private-sector firms are just beginning to insist that agencies work with smaller com-
panies or NGOs that have demonstrated track records as innovative communicators.
For example, a large multinational with its regional headquarters in Nairobi has
recently insisted that its advertising agency subcontract a significant proportion of
its account to a small, innovative publishing house. A campaign will target rural com-
munities through schoolchildren: it will hold competitions nationwide and provide
supplementary educational material to winning schools and students. Schools, stu-

dents and parents will benefit; the multinational will improve its public corporate
image, will demonstrably be seen to contribute to nation building, and its name will
be carried to all households with school-going children in the region.
A curriculum development project, Science and Technology in Action in Ghana
(STAG), based at the University of Cape Coast, has attracted substantial funding from
large industrial and manufacturing companies. It did so, not by directly appealing
for funds but by being asked to contribute professionally towards developing cur-
riculum materials for upper secondary schools. When senior industrialists came to
the university for writing workshops and experienced the working constraints
directly, they competed with one another to pay for desktop publishing equipment,
the printing of project materials, and so on. A similar project in Swaziland is also
gaining attention and support from the private sector.
We must continually search for similar innovative ways to fund media produc-
tions.
The target audience

All too often we are trapped into preconceived notions about what constitutes the
'mass' audience. In the past, the image of Africans has been that of the generic rural
'peasant'. But rural communities are changing fast. For example, in Western Kenya
the primary health care programme is mostly being run by retired civil servants.
This group is a rapidly growing target audience that can be used by modern media
as an entry point to traditional modes of communication. In the 1990s, there are few
households where no-one can read. We must be sensitive to the changing circum-
stances of our communities as they stratify and become less homogeneous.
Production strategies: print

Whether we are media specialists, scientists or curriculum developers, our challenge
is to design multimedia strategies that penetrate the market, are empathetic and can
be absorbed by traditional modes of communication. It is worth analysing some
examples.
The Young Nation'

The Sunday Nation has the largest circulation of any newspaper in Kenya. On Easter
Sunday 1994 it began to carry a supplement targeted at the youth, The Young
Nation'. Initially it was planned as a double-page insert to be published once a
month. On the day of the first issue, for the first time in its history, the Sunday Nation
sold every copy printed. The next morning, the Nation's switchboard was inundated
with telephone calls from the private sector wanting to place advertisements. One
long-distance call was from the paper's proprietor, His Highness the Aga Khan. This,
his first telephone call in years, was to congratulate the paper's managing editor on
the The Young Nation'. The same morning, Nation staff contacted the innovative chil-
dren's publisher to whom they had subcontracted design of The Young Nation' to
ask if they could produce a larger supplement to be published weekly. Since then

The Young Nation' has become a 12-page spread, published weekly. Increased sales
more than justify its publication.
The Kenya Times

For about a year the circulation figures of the Times — the daily newspaper of the rul-
ing party — were significantly boosted by a weekly mathematics supplement targeted
at children in primary school. Sadly, changes in senior management led to its demise.
Supplements could be used more extensively to satisfy needs in information-poor
Africa. Few rural households in Victorian Britain and the United States were without
their homesteader's almanac that contained information on almost everything they
might need. African newspapers could carry supplements containing relevant informa-
tion and household tips on subjects such as health, agriculture and appropriate tech-
nology. Major European novels by authors such as Dickens were often first published
in broadsheets, chapter by chapter; similarly, newspaper supplements could supply
rural Africa with leisure reading, encourage promising authors, and simultaneously pro-
mote sales.
The Kagera Writers' and Publishers' Cooperative Society (KWPCS)

This group in a remote region of Tanzania publishes a monthly newspaper that car-
ries development messages. It intends to develop a supplement for youth similar to
The Young Nation'. Stringers in over 70 villages are paid for published copy. To dis-
tribute the materials — notoriously difficult in Africa — the cooperative 'piggy-backs'
on farmers' cooperatives that have the necessary infrastructures such as ware-
houses, lorries and centres at a density of about one to every three primary schools.
The KWPCS uses the same distribution system to sell the supplementary materials
it writes and publishes for schoolchildren.
The South Africa Newspaper Education Trust

This NGO prepares copy for a weekly supplement carefully designed to help teach-
ers. Placement of the supplement in a nationally distributed newspaper guarantees
wide distribution. Initially donor funds are being used to help develop copy, to train
writers, and to ensure that multiple copies are sent to schools in deprived commu-
nities. Detailed business plans have been drawn up to enable it to become financially
self-sustaining.
Action Magazine
Action Magazine is an innovative solution to the problem of reaching the resource-
poor classrooms of Africa. It has created an institutional framework in which staff
from curriculum development centres in Zimbabwe, Botswana and Zambia work
together with graphic artists from Action Magazine to produce a health/environ-
mental magazine. Action Magazine is designed to appeal to children, using graphics,
cartoons, stories, games and competitions. Topics are selected around the syllabus.

Action Magazine has set up a direct mailing system to all primary schools, secondary
schools and teacher-training institutions in Zimbabwe and neighbouring countries.
Mazingira Institute
The Mazingira Institute uses a similar strategy of mailing supplementary materials
directly to schools in Kenya. It has set up an effective system of disseminating mate-
rial on topics such as immunization, marine pollution and conservation. Mazingira
designs four side supplements in an amusing, accessible manner. Once the artwork
is ready, Mazingira buys space in leading newspapers such as Nation. Over a million
readers are invited to take the supplement for their own use, or to pass it on to
teachers they know. It is known that messengers and secretaries in cities keep the
supplement and take it back to their homes in rural areas to give to children and
local schools.
The Somali Family Health Project

Before the disintegration the infrastructure in this war-torn country, traditional and
modern media of all sorts were effectively used to promote family health. Particu-
larly interesting was the way the project used print to tap into traditional commu-
nications networks in this society where poets — male and female — were more
highly valued than warriors. Single-page leaflets with cartoon stories carried devel-
opment messages. Heavily illustrated novellas carried messages to adolescents and
youth. Posters depicting culturally familiar icons such as a nomadic family on the
move, reminded people of their cultural and religious traditions, while publicizing
social issues, such as the importance of child spacing. Posters and T-shirt designs
exploited the Somalis' love of debate. Elaborate and strange designs were employed.
One such design for women's attire depicted on the front, a mother, protectively
clasping her baby who was threatened by a six-headed snake — each head showing
symptoms of an immunizable disease. The back showed all six heads pinned to the
ground by the syringe-shaped spear carried by an angel of mercy dressed as a health
worker. Development communications experts thought this design much too sophis-
ticated until they saw what a crowd-stopper it was on streets and in markets. In tea
bars, adults could be seen playing board games involving health messages the same
evening they had been supplied to primary schools in the area.
These examples show that new desktop publishing systems can rapidly provide
innovative, culturally sympathetic science and technology materials. The NGOs and
private-sector organizations concerned showed how curriculum developers can be
involved, how money can be raised and how new institutional linkages can be cre-
ated to overcome some constraints on the production of printed material in Africa.
Production strategies: video
'Spider's Place9
Production costs for television and video can be underwritten by aid agencies or the
private sector. A good example is 'Spider's Place', designed by the Handspring Pup-

pet Company, a South African NGO. Spider, a strong-willed young woman, is the
leader of a gang of puppet characters whose ingenuity in science and technology
gets them out of innumerable scrapes. The programmes are broadcast and dissem-
inated on VHS to areas not reached by television. Comics and radio broadcast adap-
tations reach areas where video playback facilities are not available.
Linking School with Community Science

Linking School with Community Science is a project implemented by the Malawi Insti-
tute of Education together with training college tutors and key Ministry of Education
officials. It is a multimedia project designed for both in-service and pre-
service teacher development. The first video in the series shows village crafts-
persons such as the brewer, potter and thatcher being sensitively interviewed about
their understanding of the science and technology underpinning their trades. Other
tapes in the series show teachers working with primary schoolchildren using this
community knowledge. Appropriate booklets accompany each video.
It should be noted that most African countries have well-equipped but moribund
educational media centres. These were established in the 1970s. Many have insuffi-
cient funds to continue work, yet there is no reason why new ways of funding should
not be encouraged. NGOs and donor agencies could be asked to support video proj-
ects along the lines suggested by the work done by Action Magazine, Mazingira and
Handspring.
Broadcast-quality productions are prohibitively expensive. But with technologies
such as Hi8 and VHS there is no reason why production costs cannot be lowered. It
is now possible for teacher training colleges to produce methodology videos. An
example is the work described in Malawi. In Zanzibar, such equipment is used by
some cluster teacher groups to promote inquiry and gender-sensitive teaching by
recording and critiquing one another's classrooms. It should be noted that many
broadcast stations in Africa now collect their footage on Hi8. This means that copro-
ductions can easily be organized.
In coordinating with media specialists, it is important that curriculum developers
are not over impressed by their demands. Media producers often favour sublimely
beautiful images over content. The exaggerated images they incline towards are often
terrifying to children. All that is required for educators to learn to make their own
programmes is a basic understanding of video technology, and the grammar of film.
There is no point in making videos unless they can be viewed, however. The VHS
revolution makes it easier to show videos to communities. Video parlours can be
hired or borrowed. But it is critical that the dissemination strategy is designed before
shooting begins. There is also no point in making anything the audience cannot
understand or associate with. This means that, however correct the content, the
form must match the cultural aesthetics of the viewer.
Discovering the appropriate aesthetic framework can be hard work. For example,
after many years of making movies for rural communities, it suddenly dawned on one
of the authors that the target audience did not appreciate abstracted, disembodied

commentaries. Further reflection made him realize that most village communication
was oral. People listened and talked to each other, or sang songs. Thus he made a
programme with no commentary. All substantive information was imparted by
people on screen talking to one another, being interviewed or through songs. When
these videos were shown to village audiences, they understood perfectly.
Production strategies: audio

Song features strongly in many African societies. A brilliant primary health care proj-
ect in Western Kenya uses live performances or audio tapes to carry messages in
the form of songs in the local language. It is interesting that the community readily
relates to the songs, frequently breaking into dance, yet they always remember the
messages.
A project of the Malawi Wildlife Services uses theatre organized by village youth
to stimulate village discussion about better use of local resources. One competition
organized in a district township drew a crowd of over seven thousand!
Africa has yet to see the 'soap opera' being used to promote development. The
Archers', a well-known radio broadcast in the UK, was started shortly after World
War II specifically to carry culturally sympathetic and appropriate messages to
farmers. Similar radio programmes in South America, initially supported by funds
from donor agencies, devoted over 40 episodes to establishing characters and plots
before any hint of development issues was introduced. The East Enders', a British
television soap opera that has been broadcast for decades, was never intended to
carry social messages. Eventually its producers realized its power to do so, however,
and issues such as AIDS are now interwoven in the ongoing plot. These broadcasts
lead to measurable changes in the behaviour of viewers. Radio programmes such as
these are not expensive to produce, but have not yet been exploited in Africa.
CONCLUSION
In discussing the need to publicize the nature of science to the peoples of Africa, it
is important to point out that scientists and curriculum developers can be their own
worst enemy. Not only is their writing opaque; most of them never really try to reach
a wider audience. Yet, with a little energy, they could garner publicity for their work.
At the least, they could approach media specialists to cooperate on joint produc-
tions. Doing so would (1) help to inform the general public; (2) motivate the public
to appreciate that science and technology are relevant in African society; and
(3) gain sympathy for science and scientists who are everywhere under attack.
All too often — whether we are scientists, curriculum developers, or indeed
media specialists — we treat the production of educational media products too
lightly. The same amount of care is needed in such productions as goes into the pro-
duction of research papers, curriculum materials or major pieces of investigative
journalism. Perhaps no one put this better than Jean Luc Godard when he said, 'If
films were airplanes, most people would die!'

REFERENCES
Coseteng, ML. 1981. Traditional media in developing societies. In Valbuena, VT (ed). 1986.
Philippine Folk Media in Development Communication. Singapore: Parklane Press
Kebbede, T. 1987. Popularization of Science Technology in Ethiopia. Current Situation and
Future Directions. Paper presented at the Science Popularization Research and Services
Council of the Ethiopia Science and Technology Commission, Addis Ababa
Metere, A. 1991. Health and environment concerns in Africa. In ACCE. Module on Specialised
Reporting. Nairobi, Kenya: ACCE
Rapanoel, D. 1991. The contribution of oral traditions and mother tongues to the communi-
cation strategy in rural communities. In Brajo, K & Geogr, N (eds). Communication Pro-
cessing. Alternative Channels and Strategies for Development Support. Ottawa: IDRC
Communications Division
Valbuena, VT (ed). 1986. Philippine Folk Media in Development Communication. Singapore:
Parklane Press
208 judaaaaaaccc4xjxk
13
Into the next millennium
INTRODUCTION
This chapter attempts to synthesize the preceding chapters and summarize discus-
sions at the ASTE '95 meeting, not only those in formal sessions, but also those that
raged deep into the night. The chapter cannot do so faithfully. It is not that we do
not represent what was discussed — on occasion debate was heated and many opin-
ions were expressed — but we have our own prejudiced ears. We hope that our
biases do not come through too strongly. However, assisted by scribes who took
notes throughout the meeting, we hope we have captured its spirit. The synthesis
focuses on the challenges and the way forward for science and technology educa-
tion in Africa for the next millennium.
SCIENCE, TECHNOLOGY AND DEVELOPMENT: PRE-EUROPEAN CONTACT

Technology
Technology is intimately interlinked with the development and evolution of our
species. Our first home was Africa and only with the Industrial Revolution in Europe
did our family paths part so dramatically. Today, when the ways and products of
science and technology dominate world culture, Africa, our cradle, has been left a
victim, spectator and consumer.
There is no doubt that technology was a central element of African cultures
(Makhurane and Kahn, chapter 2). The pyramids and iron mines of Meroe in the
north, bronze sculpture and earthworks of the rain-forest kingdoms of the west, and
the ruins of Greater Zimbabwe bear witness. Steel produced by the Bessemer fur-
naces in Europe was not necessarily better than that produced by the huge, bellows-
driven, clay furnaces in Tanzania — but it was a great deal cheaper. The practice in
Somalia of scratching people with pus from cattle infected with cowpox was effec-
tive against smallpox — but industrially produced vaccines were more consistent.
Rice farmers in Sierra Leone carefully selected rice with hairy husks, despite their
smaller size, to protect their crop from birds — even though, like farmers every-
where, they knew nothing of genetics.

Science
The extent to which science flourished in an Africa that lacked the Gutenberg press
to make it a public rather than a private practice is also debated. Before the inven-
tion of the Gutenberg press, even in Europe, science was engaged in by the few, and
superstition rather than rationality was the dominant mode of thought — as is the
case in much of Africa today.
Some social constructivists (Jegede, chapter 10) argue that all knowledge, includ-
ing science, is socially constructed, must be defined within specific cultural contexts,
and is not therefore universal. They claim there is a Japanese science, an African
science, an Indian science and so on. Others, including Makhurane (chapter 2), align
themselves 'with a rationalist view of science as a culture that may be superimposed
on any culture since it is universal, and a culture of hope and undying optimism'.
Some suggest that science developed in the north through sponsorship by the
emerging elite and middle class that arose from, among other factors, land enclosure
acts. In most of Africa subsistence farming even today does not lead to such class
formation, and therefore Africa lacks the leisure and sponsorship needed for the
growth of science.
Universal science may now be associated with the industrialized north, but histor-
ically it built on and co-opted science from areas such as Egypt, the Middle East, India,
and China, and those regions into which Islam spread. Indeed, even today, Western or
universal science continues everywhere to pay close attention to traditional practi-
tioners such as herbalists. 'However, history dictates that societies keep at the cutting
edge of technology to avoid domination by others. One may be first through the tech-
nological door, but that advantage must be nurtured and maintained. Those who
know iron are likely to dominate those who know flint' (Makhurane and Kahn, chapter
3). Or, as put succinctly by the French poet and gunrunner in Ethiopia, Verlaine,
'Whatever happens we have got the maxim gun and they have not'.
Science as practised traditionally in Africa, or indeed in places such as India,
China and Polynesia, tended to be anthropomorphic and ecologically based. Science
enabled people to live in harmony with the natural environment and they saw little
need to advance their science. Yet in India and China today, universal science is prac-
tised extensively — integrating knowledge from traditional science when this proves
useful, such as the sophisticated system of detecting earthquakes in China. In Africa,
metaphorically we too must leave the age of flint for that of iron: we need the maxim
gun to avoid marginalization.
SCIENCE, TECHNOLOGY AND DEVELOPMENT: POST-EUROPEAN CONTACT

The realities
Certainly, since independence, African leaders have repeatedly stated their hopes for
the contribution that science and technology can make to development in a conti-
nent struggling with an unfriendly environment and the legacy of slavery, imperial-
ism and European mercantilism. These expectations have not been fulfilled. Instead
210
2 © Juta & Co, Ltd
Chapter 13 Into the next millennium
GNPs have fallen steadily. Cheru (1989) states, In 1981, according to the World Bank,
29 of the 36 countries with the lowest GNPs were in Africa. Seventy out of every 100
Africans are either destitute or on the verge of poverty ... One out of four Africans
has access to clean water. Of the 33 million people added to the workforce during
the 1970s, only 15 million found remunerative employment/ Drought, civil wars and
poor governance play their part. So do policies determined by the north favouring
the production of cash crops to earn foreign exchange, and import substitution
manufacturing to save it. A dramatic drop in prices for primary products and a rise
in costs of imports have reduced Africa's capacity to feed itself. More funds currently
leave the continent each year in debt repayments than come in through technical
assistance and investment.
The needs
High science
The continent needs more minds capable of engaging in high science, such as those
at the International Institute for Tropical Agriculture (IITA) in Ibadan, Nigeria, where
breakthroughs were made with root crops; at the International Centre for Insect
Physiology and Entomology (ICIPE), Kenya, where biological ways to reduce insect
damage to crops and livestock were developed; and those scientists in South Africa
who have made basic contributions to cosmology.
Applied science
The continent needs people capable of engaging creatively in applied science, such
as those at the University of Kumasi, Ghana, who set up consultancy services in the
heart of industrial areas and sell their services to groups of village women and major
industries equally effectively, or those scientists in South Africa who have produced
petroleum from coal.
Low science or science for all

The continent needs more entrepreneurs capable of engaging in low science, such
as those in the 4Jua Kali' sector in Kenya who improvize in most ingenious ways.
Above all, the continent needs citizens able to make more rational choices about the
utilization of their resources and the technologies that increasingly impinge on their
lives.
Nurturing science and technology

There was debate at the meeting of how science and technology could best be nur-
tured in sub-Saharan African countries to bring them back to the cutting edge,
whether it be by drawing on African science, on universal science or on both. That
there is a need to do so was unanimously agreed. We think there is a need for 'high
science' in Africa. The problem is one of resourcing and of choosing fields where
Africa has pressing needs or a comparative advantage. For example, the physics

faculty of the University of Cape Town is known worldwide for its work in cosmol-
ogy, a field that requires few resources. Hardly a pressing need, but as a rigorous
training ground for generations of inquirers and future scientists, some of whom will
engage in work that does address needs, the faculty has proven its worth. Break-
through work at ICIPE and at the Consultancy Group in International Agricultural
Research (CGIAR) centres located in Africa requires high levels of funding. These
centres do more than practise 'high science'; they provide a haven for some of the
best African scientists and training for postdoctoral students, through links with
national institutions do much to keep 'high science' alive in the continent, and,
equally importantly, such centres validate the practice of 4low science'. These cen-
tres are expensive and are currently funded by donors. Perhaps a day will come
when African governments see the value in pooling resources to support similar
regional scientific institutions.
'High' in the term 'high science' is simply a way of indicating how high up on the
library stack the knowledge is; to access the knowledge and make creative use of it
requires some familiarity with work at the cutting edge. Participants at ASTE '95
thought that with appropriate training those working in 'low science' on develop-
ment problems could access 'high science' through programmes such as sabbaticals,
exchange fellowships and jointly implemented research. But appropriate policies and
resources must be available.
WHAT SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY EDUCATION?

The failure of education to root scientific and technological thinking in the African
consciousness is responsible for the state of science and technology practice
throughout much of the continent. In his analysis of science education efforts in
Africa, Yoloye (chapter 1) suggests that we critically review the legacy of past efforts
as a basis for future action. Yoloye identifies vision and human development — devel-
oped either through working with mentors or in specialized institutional program-
mes — as elements that endure. He suggests we stop thinking in terms of success
and failure and of expectations for rapid change, and instead build slowly on pockets
of good practice.
Inquiry-based science learning

What do we mean by success and failure, and by good practice? Few of us, unlike the
World Bank, would use as indicators performance rates on memory-oriented exami-
nations we all deplore. It is difficult to describe good practice. Yet when we see chil-
dren doing the best with their minds, no holds barred (to paraphrase Nobel Laureate
Percy Bridgeman), we all agree they are learning good science. One of us, Savage,
described examples of good practice in detail (chapter 3) to provide a common start-
ing ground to convince participants at ASTE '95 that there is nothing inherent in
teachers, or students, or cultural expectations to prevent inquiry learning in class-
rooms in Africa. Evening presentations by participants of ongoing work confirmed
that inquiry learning is possible in the environments of their projects. Most partici-
212 Juta & co. Ltd

pants agreed that inquiry science was better training than rote memory teaching for
'high-science', 'applied science', low science', plain old tinkering and problem solv-
ing back on the farm, or for employment in the formal and informal sectors. Inquiry
permits learners to bring their knowledge, language and culture to the classroom,
thus moving from parallel to secured collateral learning as urged by Jegede (chapter
10), who considers learners' world-views as strengths upon which to build rather
than as handicaps. Inquiry promotes relevance since investigation must be of avail-
able materials and issues (Rollnick, chapter 5). Inquiry moves authority from text-
books and teachers to pupils' abilities to marshall evidence, thus facilitating equity
(Reddy, chapter 6). Inquiry learning promotes a critical scepticism, respect for oth-
ers' opinions, and the ability to work cooperatively (unlike the competitiveness
encouraged by traditional teaching), thereby promoting good citizenship.
Inquiry learning and the promotion of relevance

Relevance was heatedly debated. Relevance affects the quality of science education,
yet defining it seems fraught with difficulties, since relevance is a function of time
and socioeconomic realities. There was a time in Africa when qualifications, regard-
less of their content, made the difference between having the dust thrown in one's
face by the car, or being the driver. Even today, parents value the qualification rather
than the education. By and large so do the educational system and employers. The
middle class in Kenya view the introduction of the 8-4-4 system and prevocational
skills as a waste of time, since their children will not need the skills, and consider
the change as a reversion to the colonial curriculum. Rural families view the changes
as a waste of time, since village economies already have such expertise, and as a
move to block their children's access to the middle class. All view equipping the
schools as an additional financial burden.
Relevance is determined by culture. Culture changes with socioeconomic or
political change. Thus notions of relevance change, which is a sound reason for
science educators in African countries to view solutions developed elsewhere with
caution. However, some elements of relevance to universal science remain constant,
as they pertain to the discipline. Thus, recognizing that specialization would be
necessary at upper secondary and university levels, participants generally sup-
ported a notion throughout primary and lower secondary school of 'science and
technology for all' that stems from children's interests, promotes inquiry into their
natural and social environments and uncovers connecting scientific ideas. Partici-
pants were unanimous that appropriate examinations and teacher development
programmes must accompany such courses.
Inquiry learning and the promotion of equity

Relevance is related to equity since measures to promote equity advocate making
opportunities available to disadvantaged groups — people deprived of oppor-
tunities or discriminated against on the grounds of gender, race, class, or their
rural/urban circumstances — to obtain an education that is assumed to be relevant

to a dominant group. South Africa is a striking example of this deprivation theory.

But in a sense, any education serves the elite, since all aspects of society support
its continuing dominance. Even the new South Africa cannot support a society con-
sisting solely of an elite and though compensatory programmes may be necessary
in the short term, they are an impossible long-term solution. Providing equal oppor-
tunities does not ensure equity. Equity means that everyone must be equally pre-
pared to take advantage of the opportunities, and doing so is a societal problem
beyond the control of educators. Participants thought 'first get science education
right, then implement equity measures if necessary'. They generally agreed that
inquiry science promoted both relevance and equity at the micro-level in class-
rooms (Volmink, chapter 4).
Disagreement came when participants discussed whether inquiry science is pos-
sible within the constraints of African classrooms today and, if so, how to change
practice. Inquiry learning requires an enabling environment that African govern-
ments increasingly find hard to provide, and which the World Bank argues is unnec-
essary since it does not affect performance in examinations (Onwu, chapter 8).
HOW DO WE CHANGE?
The meeting identified large classes, few resources, poor teacher education and cen-
tralized examinations as limiting what is possible in classrooms throughout Africa.
Onwu (chapter 8) addresses large classes, Fabiano (chapter 9) looks at what can be
done with limited resources, and Dyasi and Worth discuss teacher education (chap-
ter 7). The meeting also identified a lack of suitable learning materials and exami-
nations that stress memorization as other important limiting factors. Participants
agreed that all change must be supported by major policy change.
Who controls the discourse?

Volmink (chapter 4) examines who initiates and influences educational change. In his
own country, South Africa, previous governments used power to entrench white
elites and to transfer power from one group of whites to another — arguably, the
promotion of Afrikaners was the most effective use of affirmative action the world
has seen. The recently elected democratic government's immediate concern is again
to redress the imbalance. Similar political issues have been the basis for educational
change in other African countries. Immediately after independence, the role of edu-
cation was to replace the class of colonial professionals and managers; later expan-
sion was often to redress tribal inequalities. And there are always groups that cry,
'Foul, standards are falling!', as they lose control of the discourse.
Yet policy can change the playing field (who needs to make it level?). In the United
States, for example, decentralization leaves poorer communities without the
resources to help their students meet national standards set by the same people
who have moved to the suburbs. In Africa, private education has become a growth
industry for the middle classes, who have opted out of the discourse on public edu-
cation. To the extent that academics in Africa are involved in the discourse, they

work within stated or unstated parameters set by the government in power. Or, as
both Naidoo and Rollnick (chapters 11 and 5 respectively) suggest, since many
African scholars receive their training outside Africa, publish in Western journals,
and continue to view this community, rather than Africa, as their reference group,
their role in the discourse often addresses the international academy rather than the
realities of their own situations. As we go to press, Teachers sidelined in new cur-
riculum planning', reads a headline in the Mail and Guardian of 24 December 1996,
one of South Africa's most respected newspapers. The article argues that the cur-
riculum is being developed by 'outside specialists, ... mainly driven by the labour
and training sector'.
In other countries of sub-Saharan Africa, deteriorating economies and increasing
reliance on the World Bank have led to the bank's economists and cost-effectiveness
experts influencing decisions increasingly and directly through the introduction of
technical solutions to educational problems, and indirectly through structural adjust-
ment programmes (Rollnick, chapter 5). As a result, teachers are rapidly becoming
marginalized in favour of the textbook, and in any case their salaries are so low that
they have to seek additional employment — often, ironically, doing private coaching
with facilities denied them in their regular classrooms. Volmink argues for wider par-
ticipation in the policy discourse through decentralization — and only policy can
permit this. Until syllabuses are written that stress scientific inquiry skills and broad
concepts that can be developed using materials in local environments, teachers,
parents and even students can never participate in decisions about practice.
Few resources
Fabiano (chapter 9) eloquently argues for more funds for science and technology
education, but acknowledges that their allocation is unlikely, and that existing
resources must be used more effectively. Though recognizing the importance of pre-
service education, he presents a case for the cost effectiveness of appropriate
school-based professional development that enables strained economies to control
the rate of growth of qualified teachers; a decentralized curriculum that permits use
of local materials; provision of equipment that can be used for 'minds on' activity
rather than to confirm theory and that can be used in many ways rather than for
one-time demonstration. Fabiano further advocates more use of thought experi-
ments, and equipment and learning materials that promote inquiry; and proposes
incremental rather than radical change on the ground of cost effectiveness. All par-
ticipants at ASTE '95 argued for more innovative and effective ways to maximize the
use of existing resources.
More effective ways to teach large classes

Onwu (chapter 8) recognizes the reality of large classes in Africa. Despite high per-
centages of national budgets being allocated to education, increasing enrolments
have led to a decreasing allocation per pupil. The problem is exacerbated by influ-
ential World Bank correlation studies which show that large classes having little or
Juta & Co, Ltd 215

no effect on pupil achievement in rote-memory-oriented examinations. As Onwu

points out, in such situations it matters little whether classes contain five or 50
pupils since rote learning from textbooks and notes written on chalkboards by
school monitors are effective ways to teach facts. He suggests that further work is
required on teachers' own classroom research and coping strategies, as well as
action research that develops more effective ways to teach large classes. All partic-
ipants agreed that there is a need for policies and structures, appropriate materials
and examinations, that provide teachers with a better enabling environment. And all
participants agreed that more effective teacher education is the basic issue.
Teacher education
Dyasi and Worth (chapter 7) strongly propose that inquiry should be the basis of
science learning. The professional development of teachers, they argue, should be
ongoing. Teachers must themselves be exposed to inquiry into phenomena, their
own learning, and to facilitating such learning in classrooms as well as in strategies
of change.
The mass media

Mschindi and Shankerdass (chapter 12) challenge the media to contribute to the pro-
motion of science and technology. They claim that modern media must be culturally
sympathetic and resonate with traditional modes of mass communication such as
dance, song and story telling. Africa is information poor, unlike industrial countries
where ephemeral print, television, radio and electronic messages constantly bom-
bard households, and requires a different use of media. Distribution is as important
as production. Mschindi and Shankerdass suggest the use of newspaper supplements
to help householders build reference material similar to the almanacs referred to by
Western families in the Victorian era, and as resource material for teachers. They
advocate appropriate television and radio soap operas, travelling theatre, and wall
art. They applaud a recent interest by the private sector in sponsoring educational
media productions.
The role of research

Little will be possible without research, and the participants at the meeting defined
research broadly. Naidoo (chapter 11) reviews African research capabilities, urging
that they challenge and critique policies and practices emanating from the donor
community, and focus on those that address African realities. He regards question-
ing the purpose of schooling, the role of research, and ensuring scientific literacy for
all and harmony between school reform and that of teacher education as priorities.
To overcome distinctions between theory and practice, Naidoo argues, a need exists
in Africa for more participatory and collaborative action research to change the lived
experience of teachers and learners. Though facilities in research institutions have
deteriorated throughout Africa, Naidoo identifies the lack of a research culture as
being as important a limiting factor as the lack of funds. Participants argued that to

restore the research culture throughout the continent there was a need for spon-
sorship of group research, and fellowship programmes in institutions that have a
lively research culture.
INTO THE FUTURE: RECOMMENDATIONS

Recognition that all work must be firmly contextualized within the African environ-
ment, involve the major stakeholders, and that change is an incremental and lengthy
process underlies all the meetings, discussions and recommendations. Participants
expressed an opinion that, despite problems facing science education in Africa, there
was cause for cautious optimism. During better times Africa experienced much of
what the meeting recommended (Yoloye, chapter 1 and Savage, chapter 3). We know
that the implementation of inquiry science is possible. It is to be hoped that times
will change again. Meanwhile, there is throughout the continent a resurgence of inno-
vative practice. The inability of the state to maintain education itself is reason for
cautious optimism. In the vacuum, others are increasingly entering the arena: NGOs,
the media, the private sector and schools themselves are beginning to evolve inno-
vative ways to support education (Savage, chapter 3). Based on deliberation through-
out the week, participants made the recommendations that follow below.
A regional centre
Participants recognized that recommendations require systematic and persistent fol-
low-up that can most effectively be implemented by a regional science education
organization such as the African Forum for Children's Literacy in Science and Tech-
nology (AFCLIST). AFCLIST has demonstrated its viability by the impact it has made
on thinking and practice in African science education. ASTE '95 urged professionals,
policy makers and donors to provide the support necessary to enable AFCLIST to
continue to play the supportive and catalytic role necessary for science educators
in Africa.
Currently an activity of the Rockefeller Foundation, AFCLIST plans to register as
an independent body with secretariats based at the University of Durban-Westville
and Chancellor College, the University of Malawi. To guide policy, AFCLIST has an
advisory board consisting of experienced scientists, educators and media personnel.
A grants committee recommends proposals for funding. Through its small grants pro-
gramme, AFCLIST has supported over 60 projects in 11 countries including Sierra
Leone and South Africa, in both formal and nonformal settings. In addition, AFCLIST
supports networking activities such as a newsletter, interproject visits, skills work-
shops and meetings such as ASTE '95.
Participants at ASTE '95 recommended that donors support nodes or centres of
excellent practice to be associated with AFCLIST to ensure capacity building through-
out Africa.
Juta & Co, Ltd 21

Resourcing science education

A creative use of limited resources is critical in educational institutions throughout
Africa. Participants recommended support for projects that:
^ Decentralize elements of the curriculum to encourage more use of local mate-
rials and expertise.
^ Develop supplementary material in newspapers for teachers and students.
^ Involve the private sector in the provision of educational materials.
^ Encourage school-based teacher development groups.
l> Develop training colleges as centres for resource management.
Nodes or centres of excellent practice

Curriculum innovation
Participants questioned the viability of inquiry learning within the context of the
deterioration experienced by institutions throughout Africa today; however, they
applauded the vision. The establishment of a node for curriculum innovation would
catalyse work that would include the promotion of:
fr> More flexible institutions for curriculum change such as NGOs, the private sec-
tor, teachers' associations and temporary alliances for change that should
involve all stakeholders.
^ A critical review of past and current innovations to better guide future practice.
^ Networking of good practice through meetings, newsletters and journals, elec-
tronic media and so on.
^ Action research that develops models of good practice, including innovative use
of media.
Policy research
Policy research should focus on improving practice. Participants recommended
support for a node for policy research that:
^ Identifies, develops and disseminates exemplars of good practice at primary-
school, secondary school and teacher education levels.
^ Analyses impediments to good practice and suggests effective alternatives.
^ Informs policy makers and managers of ways to facilitate good practice.
Teacher education
Considering the central role of teachers, participants recommended support for a
node for:
^ Documentation and dissemination of exemplary practice.
^ School-based teacher development projects.
^ Innovative pre-service and in-service teacher education projects.
>> A regional project to develop approaches and model materials for pre-service
and in-service teacher development.

Examinations
Assessment should reflect the spirit and goals of the science curriculum and encour-
age best classroom practice. The reality is that examinations are a major constraint
on the development of good practice. Participants recommended that governments
and donors support a node for:
l> The collection of relevant data, literature, workshop proceedings and exemplars
within Africa and elsewhere for dissemination to appropriate target audiences,
such as policy makers, examination staff and curriculum developers.
^ A regional item-writing and examinations-construction workshop for small country
teams of appropriate staff to be followed by in-country research and workshops.
The media
The media should be more extensively used to promote good classroom practice,
support teachers and provide relevant information. Participants identified a need for
models that use both traditional and modern media.
Teaching large classes

Support should be given to a node that facilitates work which suggests ways for
teachers of large classes with limited resources to better promote inquiry learning.
Gender studies
A node should be established to:
^ Monitor gender equity within AFCLIST and in the science and technology system
in Africa.
P» Develop and execute gender sensitization training.
^ Identify and set priorities and an agenda for research and development.
^ Develop, execute and research demonstrative gender interventions.
^ Undertake capacity building of researchers and activists, and encourage the
development of more centres for gender equity on the continent.
^ Establish a resource centre for gender equity that promotes networking and dis-
semination.
^ Mobilize resources (financial, human and physical) to sustain the centre.
The analysis of recommendations is neither definitive nor exhaustive. In this
book, for instance, we have not focused on information technology and its potential
impact on development in Africa.
Most developed countries of the North have followed development paths from
agrarian to mining, to industrial and manufacturing phases, and are entering the
information technology phase. Most African countries, however, have not yet entered
the industrial and manufacturing phase.
Information is recognized as the most important commodity for development.
Information literacy is important in health care, good governance and democracy,
assiting in development of innovations that could generate income, and so forth.

Information technology assists in the fast distribution, storage and accessing of infor-
mation. It will therefore have a direct impact on the development of economies and
quality of life. Can Africa afford not to enter the information technology phase? How
does Africa do so? Can it miss the industrial or manufacturing phase and leap
directly into the information technology phase? What role would science and tech-
nology education play under such circumstances?
220 juta
Appendix 1
List of discussants
Name Address Tel/Fax

Acquaye-Brown, University of Cape Coast 233-04-232480 (w)
Henry (Dr) Cape Coast 233-04-233862 (h)
Ghana
Anamuah-Mensuah, University of Cape Coast 233-04-232480 (w)

Jophus (Prof) Cape Coast 233-04-232449 (h)
Ghana
Cobern, Bill (Prof) College of Education 602-54-36300 (w)

Arizona State University 602-54-36350 (fax)
PO Box 37100
Phoenix
Arizona
Cole, Magnus (Dr) Nyala University College

Freetown
Sierra Leone
Dyasi, Hubert (Dr) City College of New York 212-6-508436 (w)

Convent Avenue 212-6-506970 (fax)
138th Street
New York
NY 10031
Gray, Brian (Dr) University of Western Cape 021-9592649 (w)

Private Bag XI7 021-9592647 (fax)
Bellville 7535
Hodzi, Richard (Dr) Science Education
Program Specialist 733497 (w)
UNESCO 733021 (fax)
Subregional Office (e-mail): [email protected]
PO Box HG 435
Highlands Harare
Zimbabwe
Juta & Co, Ltd 221

K'Opiyo, Francis (Dr) Head of Department 2542-228061 (w)

c/o Rockefeller Foundation
Nairobi
Kenya
Kahn, Michael (Dr) Policy Analyst Centre for 011-4036131 (w)

Education Policy Development 011-3393455 (h)
PO Box 31892 (e-mail):
Braamfontein [email protected]
SA
Katama, Agnes (Ms) Rockefeller Foundation 254-2-88061 (w)

African Forum for Children's
Literacy
PO Box 4753
Nairobi
Kenya
Kyle, Bill (Dr) Director 494-7935 (w)

School of Maths 496-1622 (fax)
& Science
Department of Curric Instruct
Purdue University
West Lafayette
7907-1442
USA
Lewin, Keith (Prof) EDB Institute of Education 01273-606755 (w)

University 01273-678568 (fax)
of Sussex (e-mail):
BN19RGUK [email protected]
Magi, Thembi (Dr) Head of Department 0351-93911 (w)

University 0351-93149 (fax)
of Zululand (email):
Private Bag X1001 [email protected]
Kwadlangezwa
SA
Mhlongo, Nathi (Mr) Coordinator 202-8090 (w)

Primary Science Project 202-8095 (fax)
PO Box 51236
Musgrave
Durban
4062
222 Juta & Co, Ltd

Appendix I
Mulemwa, Jane (Dr) Makere University 256-532924 (w)

PO Box 7062 256-41-542542 (h)
Kampala 256-41-530756 (fax)
Uganda
Ogunnyini, MB (Prof) Head of Department 021-959 2525 (w)

University of Western Cape 021-951 2602 (fax)
Private Bag XI7
Bellville
SA
Putsoa, Bongile (Dr) University of Zululand 268-84011/85108 (w)

Kwaluseni Campus 268-85276 (fax)
Private Bag 4
Kwaluseni
Swaziland
Seephe, Sipho (Prof) Venda University 0159-210 71 ext 2235 (w)

Private Bag X5050 0159-2204 5
Thohoyandou
Venda
SA
Shankerdass, Box 40043 254-2-581030 (w)

Sharad (Dr) Nairobi 254-2-521681 (h)
Kenya
Zesaguli, Bindura University College for 263-71-7531/3 (w)

Josephine (Dr) Maths and Science Education 263-71-7534 (fax)
University of Zimbabwe
Private Bag 1020
Zimbabwe

Appendix 2
List of participants
Prof Svein Sjoberg University of Oslo Oslo, Norway
Dr Mohammed Bilal University of Dar-es-Salaam Dar-es-Salaam, Tanzania
Dr Eddah Gachukia Forum for African Women Nairobi, Kenya

Educationalists
Lorna Muraga Forum for African Women Nairobi, Kenya

Educationalists
Dr Khotso Mokhele Science & Technology Ethos Pretoria, South Africa
Dr David Court Rockefeller Foundation Nairobi, Kenya
HF Gonthi Malawi Institute of Education Domasi, Malawi
Dr Pamela Greene Sierra Leone Home Freetown, Sierra Leone

Economics Association
ADSozi The Aga Khan Primary School Kampala, Uganda
Dominic DB Enjiku Institute for Teacher Research Kampala, Uganda
Hussein S Khatib Science Camp Project Zanzibar, Tanzania

Coordinator
Suleman Rashid Seif Kijangwani Zanzibar, Tanzania
Pius B Ngeze Kagera Writers' & Publishers' Dar-es-salaam, Tanzania

Cooperative Society
Sebtuu M Nassor Principal Secretary, Dept of Zanzibar, Tanzania

Curriculum Studies
Nellie Mbano Chancellor College Zomba, Malawi
Hau Simion Science Teachers' Zomba, Malawi

Association of Malawi
Carl Bruessow The Wildlife Society Zomba, Malawi

of Malawi

Dr MN Chilambo Chancellor College Zomba, Malawi

Esther Nicholson PAMET Blantyre, Malawi
Sifiso Ndimande University of Durban- Durban, South Africa
Westville
Dr Stella Y Erinosho Ogun State University Ijebu-Ode, Nigeria
Prof James Okuta Ahmade Bello University Zaira, Nigeria
Prof Tolulope Wale University of Ibadan Ibadan, Nigeria

Yoloye
Davinder Lamba Mazingira Institute Nairobi, Kenya
Leonard Mwashita Zimbabwe Teachers' Harare, Zimbabwe
Association
Steve Murray Action Magazine Harare, Zimbabwe
Mamotena Mpeta National University of Maseru, Lesotho

Lesotho
Margaret Keogh Science Curriculum Durban, South Africa
Initiative of SA
Dr D Botes FEDU Foundation Gabarone, Botswana
Prof Adjepong University of Cape Coast Cape Coast, Ghana
Dr MA Isahakia National Museum of Kenya Nairobi, Kenya
Felicity Leburu Ministry of Education Gabarone, Botswana
James Chima Wildlife Society of Malawi Blantyre, Malawi
Dr Ray Charakupa University of Botswana Gabarone, Botswana
Dr Ole Popov National Institute for Maputo, Mozambique

Educational Development
Dr Karen L Worth Urban Elementary Pasadena, USA

Science Project
Prof Philip Morrison Cambridge University Massachusetts, USA
Prof Eleanor Duckworth Cambridge University Massachusetts, USA

Appendix 2
Prof Jerry Pines California Institute of California, USA

Technology
Prof Robert V Lange Brandeis University Massachusetts, USA
Dr Gary Knamiller University of Leeds Leeds, UK
Peter Towse University of Leeds Leeds, UK
Prof Terry Russell University of Liverpool Liverpool, UK
Dr Fred Lubben University of York York, UK
Dr Bob Lange Brandeis University Gabarone, Botswana
Margaret M Komba Ministry of Science, Mbeya, Tanzania
Technology & Higher
Education
Ts'epo Ntho Handspring Trust for Johannesburg,

Puppetry in Education South Africa
Abdallah Omer Sana'a University Yemen, Arab Republic

El Farra
Dr James Toale Foundation for Research Pretoria, South Africa
& Development
Dr Prince Nevathulo Foundation for Research Pretoria, South Africa
& Development
Justin Dillon King's College Cambridge, UK
Magnus Cole Nyala University College Freetown, Sierra Leone
Willy Mwakapenda Chancellor College Zomba, Malawi
Ellen Mulaga Chancellor College Zomba, Malawi
Francis Maria Janurio National Institute for Maputo, Mozambique

Educational Development
Jack Holbook 1CASE Limassol, Cyprus
Mark Poston Chancellor College Zomba, Malawi
John Rogan Western Montana College, Dillon, USA

Montana University
Juta & Co, Ltd 227

Sharad Shankerdass Nairobi, Kenya
Bettina Walther-Njoroge Nairobi, Kenya
Prof Peter Okebula Lagos State University Lagos, Nigeria
Winnie Byanyima Nairobi, Kenya
Hal Dorf North Michigan University Michigan, USA
Anita Westerstrom Sweden
Mr Devathasen Gauteng Department Marshalltown,

of Education South Africa
Dr PA Motsoaledi Northern Transvaal Pietersburg,
Education Department South Africa
Saphiwe Belot Orange Free State Bloemfontein,
Educational Department South Africa
Dr NC Manganyi Director-General, Pretoria,
Education Department South Africa
Zizwe Balindela Minister of Education, Bisho, South Africa
Eastern Cape
David Mabuza Minister of Education, Nelspruit, South Africa
Mpumalanga
Tina Joemat Minister of Education, Kimberley, South Africa
Northern Cape
Mamoekoena Minister of Education, Mmabatho, South Africa
Gaoreteleve North West Province
Dr VT Zulu Minister of Education, Ulundi, South Africa
KwaZulu-Natal
Dr H du Toit Gauteng Department of Braamfontein,
Education South Africa
Prof Ahmed Bawa Natal University, Pietermaritzburg,
Pietermaritzburg South Africa
Dr Triegaardt Executive Johannesburg,
Director, NGO South Africa

Appendix 2
Lebs Mphahlele Interim National Science Johannesburg, South Africa

Teachers' Association
Rob 0' Donogue Natal Parks Board Pietermaritzburg,
South Africa
Dr Nkonzo Mtshali FULCRUM Durban, South Africa
Peter Glover Primary Science Project Durban, South Africa
Diane Raubenheimer Primary Science Project Durban, South Africa
Diane Grayson SAARMSE Pietermaritzburg,
South Africa
Tema Botlhale PROTEC Johannesburg, South Africa
Prof RK Appiah Engineering Faculty, Durban, South Africa
University of Durban-
Westville
Faroon Goolam SEDP, University of Durban, South Africa
Durban-Westville
David Brookes SEDP, University of Durban, South Africa
Durban-Westville
Allan Pillay Science Education Durban, South Africa
Division, University of
Durban-Westville
Tholang Z Maqutu Science Education Durban, South Africa
Division, University of
Durban-Westville
Prof Jonathan Jansen Education Faculty, Durban, South Africa
University of Durban-
Westville
Juta & Co, Ltd 229

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Cover design: Abdul Amien, Cape Town

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African Primary Science Program (APSP) at the Education Development Centre in

Prof Emmanuel Fabiano

Prof Olugbemiro Jegede

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Prof Gilbert Onwu

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Prof Mike Savage

Prof Hubert Dyasi

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BOTSCI Botswana Science

CASME Centre for Advancement of Science and Mathematics Education

DAAD Deutscher Akademischer Austauschdienst

EGA Economic Commission for Africa

FRD Foundation for Research Development

GASAT 8 Eighth International Gender and Science and Technology Conference

IBRD International Bank of Reconstruction and Development

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KCPE Kenyan Certificate of Primary Education

MPSP Mid-West State Primary Science Project

NGO Nongovernmental organization

ODM Overseas Development Ministry

PAMET Paper Making Educational Trust

SAARMSE Southern African Association of Research in Mathematics and Science

TIMMS Third International Measurement of Mathematics and Science

UNDP United Nations Development Programme

VSO Voluntary Service Organization

ZIMSCI Zimbabwe Science

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Chapter 1: Historical perspectives and their relevance to present and future

Chapter 2: The role of science and technology in development,

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Chapter 3: Curriculum innovations and their impact on the teaching of science

Chapter 4: Who shapes the discourse on science and technology education?,

Chapter 5: Relevance in science and technology education, by M Rollnick,

Chapter 6: Relevance and the promotion of equity, by V Reddy, South Africa

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Chapter 7: Teacher education: Pre-service and in-service support models, by

Chapter 8: Teaching large classes, by COM Onwu, Nigeria

Chapter 9: Resourcing science and technology education, by E Fabiano, Malawi

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Chapter 11: Research in science and technology education,

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Biographical details of authors vi

Abbreviations and acronyms x

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THE AWAKENING IN AFRICA

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INNOVATIONS IN SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY IN AFRICA: A SUMMARY

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materials. In addition to this on-the-job training, both initiatives attempted to con-