Psychology of Language and Communication 2017, Vol. 21, No.

DOI: 10.1515/plc-2017-0010

ŁUKASZ K. KMIOTEK, PAWEŁ BOSKI

University of Social Sciences and Humanities, Poland

LANGUAGE PROFICIENCY AND CULTURAL IDENTITY

AS TWO FACETS OF THE ACCULTURATION PROCESS

This article describes a cross-cultural study comparing bicultural identity of first generation
Poles and high school students in the Rhône Alpes region (France), as well as French language
university students in Poland. Studies show that two components, language and identity,
are related. This article intends to answer questions regarding the relationship between the
migrant’s bicultural identity and language proficiency. Bilingualism is operationalized as
(i) listening comprehension and (ii) bidirectional translation. The results do not confirm
that there is a relation between bilingual skills and identification with shared French and
Polish values. Cultural identity appears to be inversely related to country of residence:
Polish identity is strongest amongst immigrant youth in France and French identity is
strongest amongst Polish students of French language and culture. These identities run in
opposite direction to language competencies. The results suggest internalization of one of
the cultures' negative stereotypes towards the other or towards itself.
Key words: acculturation, bilingualism, biculturalism, values, identity

“Naučte se nový jazyk a získáte novou duši,”

Learn a new language and get a new soul.
Czech Proverb

Introduction
From the cross-cultural and psycholinguistic standpoint, an interesting
research question arises pertaining to the relationship between bilingual
proficiency and the formation of bicultural identity. In this research project,

Address for correspondence: Łukasz Kmiotek, University of Social Sciences and Humanities,
Chodakowska 19/31,03-815 Warszawa, Poland. E-mail: [email protected]
193 Ł. K. KMIOTEK, P. BOSKI

the authors are asking whether language proficiency is related to cultural identity
formation. For the purpose of the present study, cultural identity is theoretically
conceived of as the distance (similarity) between one’s endorsement of cultural
values and one’s perception of their importance in cultures (Boski, 2006).
In the first section of this paper, empirical arguments are presented to support
the claims regarding the relation between language and identity among mono and
bilingual individuals. In the second section, arguments are presented to support
the claim that declared preference for the values of a particular culture may lead
to the learning, improvement and maintenance of the language associated with
that particular culture. Research findings presented in the third section of this
paper suggest that social values (perceived high social status and prestige) might
lead to learning a second language.

The relation between language and identity

Wierzbicka (1997) argues that languages impose cultural constraints on
their users. In other words, the acquisition1 of each language is combined with
the adoption of specific ways of thinking, styles and norms of behavior, and
manners of expressing our feelings. Consequently, the natural acquisition of
a second language – like that of the first – involves one’s inclusion into the
second culture, rather than simply the assimilation of a linguistic code. Using any
language implies "becoming" a member of a particular cultural group (ethnic,
national or both at the same time) and involves participation in a variety of social
interactions, as well as the enrichment, or sometimes the formation or redefinition
of one's own identity. The use of a language2 (L1, L2, Ln...) in daily interpersonal
interactions is closely related to identity at the personal, as well as cultural and
ethnic level (e.g. national pride, situational communication, attitudes and beliefs,
Hamers & Blanc, 2000). From the acculturative standpoint, communicative skills
serve as an indicator of successful adaptation and adjustment. Since language
and other aspects of culture (e.g. lifestyle, attitudes and beliefs, customs, values,
etc.) are all intertwined phenomena, the acquisition of a country’s official
language(L2) during migration should have various cultural consequences for
the individual. This may concern lifestyle changes (including daily practices and
behaviors)in self-representation and self-construals (Markus & Kitayama, 1991).
Cross-cultural research shows that the two cultural components, language
and values, are related. When comparing monolinguals from different cultures,
a link has been shown between the use of certain grammatical forms (i.e. the first
person singular pronoun “I”) and individualism on the individualism-collectivism
cultural dimension (Uz, 2014, Nisbett & Miyamoto, 2005; Kashima & Kashima,
1998). Study results indicate that in collectivist cultures, languages allow for

1
Linguists distinguish between “language learning” and “language acquisition”. The first process is
teacher-led and classroom-based, whilst the second denotes spontaneous child language development
(Laskowski, 2013; Laskowski, Czelakowska, & Wiraszka, 2015; Wróblewska-Pawlak, 2014).
2
L1 denotes the mother tongue or first language, L2 denotes the second language learned after the first.
 LANGUAGE PROFICIENCY AND CULTURAL IDENTITY 194

dropping the singular “I” pronoun, whereas languages in individualist cultures

do not allow pronoun dropping.
Using the TST (Twenty Statement Test), Cousins (1989) showed
the independent self to be related to the use of adjectives and the interdependent
self to the use of nouns. This path of research has been continued in political
psychology, demonstrating links between grammatical parts-of-speech use
and the worldview or specific ideology ascribed to by the speaker (Cichocka,
Bilewicz, Jost, Marrouch,& Witkowska, 2016). Results of the research show
a correlation between socio-political conservatism and (i) a preference for
nouns in the Polish language; (ii) a preference for nominal sentences in Arabic
(sentences composed of nouns or a noun and an adjective in which the verb
is implied); (iii) a higher proportion of nouns in the speeches of Republican
presidents compared to those of Democratic presidents in US English. As
the authors explain, “Nouns convey greater permanence, stability of subjects
and objects, as well as categorical perceptions of social actors and the world at
large. As such, they are likely to address conservatives’ greater needs for order,
certainty, and predictability.”
The monocultural/linguistic framework may be extended to bilingual/
cultural analysis. Here, the best known example is the cultural frame switching
and parallel linguistic code switching paradigm (Benet-Martínez, Lee,& Leu,
2006; Benet-Martínez, Leu, Lee, & Morris, 2002; Chen, Benet-Martínez,
& Bond, 2008; Pavlenko & Blackledge, 2004). This paradigm assumes that with
a linguistic switch, bilinguals change their cognitive style or value preferences
to the characteristic of a primed culture. Benet-Martínez et al.(2002) proposed
the Bicultural Identity Integration Model (BII) which defines the switch
between two cultures as a way of responding adequately to situational demands.
Well-adapted bicultural/bilingual individuals seem to be able to switch their
cognitive functioning harmoniously and congruently from culture A to culture B
or vice versa, depending on which culture's symbols are presented. The use of the
code switching mechanism in daily interpersonal interactions enables negotiation
of an individual's dual (hyphenated) identity. A paradoxical switch occurs for
individuals whose bicultural identity is conflicted. They respond with the cultural
identity opposite to that which was primed.
Based on the code switching paradigm, Boski & Iben Youseff (2012)
extended the evidence from the purely cognitive to the axiological domain by
studying two generations of Arabic-French bilingual Tunisians. Participants
were asked questions pertaining to values entrenched in their cultural milieus
and about values reflecting their personal convictions. The authors tested to what
extent the bilinguals endorsed two sets of cultural values: Arab-conservative
(i.e. conformity, family, tradition, honor and goodness) and French-autonomous
(i.e. hedonism, life quality, freedom, equality, subjectivity, universalism and
reason). The findings demonstrated that individuals examined in Arabic declared
Arab values as more central in their family environment and endorsed them to
195 Ł. K. KMIOTEK, P. BOSKI

a greater degree than respondents examined in French. On the other hand, those
tested in French reported more conflict between environmental pressures and their
own personal preferences. The study demonstrated that certain cultural concepts
or values can only be expressed in the language to which they correspond.
Otherwise, what occurs is a "lost in translation" phenomenon (Wierzbicka, 1997).
These findings ascertain that bilingual individuals, who are users of two systems
of meaning also have two systems of values, that change depending on which
culture is activated (Bond, 1983). The study provides empirical evidence for
the influence of language on the use of values as life-guiding principles among
the bilingual Arab population of the Maghreb.
This model of analysis and interpretation can also be applied to the study
of Polish immigrants, who are in the process of acquiring a new language and
retaining their first language. In the present study the Polish-French profile is
assessed. We expect that bilingual proficiency increases in correspondence to
identification with the activated cultural system.
Consequently, and in line with findings discussed above, we speculate that
value acquisition should be regulated by language proficiency (bilingualism).
In other words, communicative skills should influence value internalization
and identity among monolinguals and bilinguals- to the extent that they have
mastered both languages. With improved linguistic skills, there should be
increased identification with the corresponding cultures.
However, an alternative path of causality, from values to language learning
and competence is also plausible. The following section will concern the influence
of ethnic values on ethnic language learning improvement and maintenance.

The influence of values on language learning

The decision to learn an ethnic language may stem from identification with
certain values, perceived as salient, distinctive cultural characteristics. In such
a case, a sense of belonging to the cultural group (ethnic identity) is not supported by
language proficiency but may lead to its acquisition. This happens when a language
forms into a core value– an element perceived as a salient, crucial and distinctive
characteristic of cultural identity (Smolicz, 1981, 1999). This phenomenon
was observed by Miodunka (2003) who explored Polish-Portuguese
bilingualism in Brazil. The study findings present the relation between
the participants’ self-assessment of Polish language use and the knowledge
of the Polish lifestyle, customs and cultural traditions. The use of Polish in
traditional social roles (e.g. parent-child dyads) and institutions (e.g. folkloristic
groups) has resulted in transmission of the Polish way of life, social norms
and “unconscious” ethnicity to the younger generations. These results support
the claims that Polish-Portuguese bilingual individuals identify equally with the
two cultures.
The willingness to learn Polish is observed among Polish repatriates from
post-Soviet Republics (e.g. Kazakhstan, Asiatic part of Russia). Here, young
 LANGUAGE PROFICIENCY AND CULTURAL IDENTITY 196

individuals possessing knowledge about Polish culture and traditions (Christmas

tree, St. Nicholas bringing Christmas presents, the blessing of Easter baskets, Wet
Monday after Easter), and traditional Polish meals (chicken noodle soup, pierogi,
pączki [a type of doughnut], borsch, and black pudding) declare attachment to
traditional Polish values, including Catholicism. These descendants of Polish
citizens (forced by Soviets during World War II to expatriate, Herling, 1996),
demonstrate high motivation to learn Polish. Meanwhile, Boski (1992) found
that descendants of Polish migrants in the U.S. (second and third generation)
had completely lost their ancestral language even though their values remain
embedded in Polish culture.

Acculturation, cultural identity formation and language: the deficit of

research
This section intends to demonstrate Boski’s (2008, 2009) approach which
serves as the theoretical and methodological basis for the present study. Here,
language is a factor implicated in the migrant’s psycho-cultural adjustment to
a new environment. The cultural model of acculturation assumes that the two
factors – language proficiency and culturally specific values and scripts of behavior
that shape one’s cultural identity – are equally implicated in the acculturative
process. L2 proficiency is a vehicle of the acquisition of cultural knowledge;
consisting of behavioral scripts, functional competencies, social roles and
functions (hierarchy and gender). An individual adapts to the new environment
by acquiring the tools by which his or her behavior becomes meaningful to
others. The language of the country of settlement is the fundamental vehicle of
that shared meaning. On the individual level, communication skills enhance and
facilitate interaction with the local people.
Boski’s (2008, 2009) framework assumes that integration is the merger or
the third value (see: Table 1). If behavioral scripts overlap in two cultures
(e.g. French and Polish: “Men are courteous gentlemen towards women;
females expect males to be gentlemen who treat women with courtesy”), there
are no value conflicts or competence dissonance and individual's conduct
being undistinguishable can easily be adopted. If one acculturates to a second
environment for a sufficiently long time, the outcome is a fusion of constituent
elements. Those elements can be perceived as shared value (e.g. “Parents
encourage their children to stand on their own feet and be independent from
a young age”).
197 Ł. K. KMIOTEK, P. BOSKI

Table 1.Culture description framework: perception of French and Polish values and practices in a 2 x 2
taxonomy
Culture A (PL) Culture B (FR)
Yes No
Yes Integrated Set Distinct Culture (PL)
{PL*FR} {~FR*PL}
{1;1} {2;-1}
No Distinct Culture (FR) Neither of the two
{FR*~PL} {~FR*~PL}
{-1;2} {0;0}
Note: The content of this table illustrates a distribution of a set of values and cultural practices between
any two cultures. It is assumed that four logical classes represent joint present and absent, as well as
culture A and B specific subsets. Example: Highly valuing close, long-term friendships and caring for
them. A study participant having experience with both cultures may decide on the placement of this item
in one of the four logical cells. Assuming the item pool of a test is N, then the class capacity of each of
the four subsets is the number of items falling in that cell. For instance, for integrative subset,
CSInt = ∑{Ai*Bi}; where i = {1, . . ., n}.

Current research

The present study aims to examine two components of biculturalism:

linguistic skills and cultural identity. The authors of the study ask how the
two components are interrelated in the French-Polish acculturative context.
In the current research, two psychometric scales are applied in order to assess
language skills: listening with comprehension and bidirectional translation.
The aim is to explore whether the increase in bilingual skills (oral comprehension
and bidirectional translation) is accompanied through value embedment from the
two cultural environments. In line with the code switching paradigm introduced
and discussed before (Benet-Martínez et al., 2002; Boski & IbenYouseff, 2012)
language activation triggers endorsement of values relevant to the corresponding
culture. We assumed that bilingual Poles are the carriers of two systems of
meaning (Polish and French) containing different values.
Research questions refer to the (1) bilingual language proficiency,
(2) bicultural identity, and their relation amongst three group of respondents:
(i) first generation immigrants, (ii) secondary school students in Lyon and
(iii) French language university students in Poland.
Regarding the languages we asked:
1: Will Polish individuals whose scores are higher in Polish language identify
more strongly with the values that they view as corresponding to the Polish
culture? Respectively, will individuals whose French language scores are
 LANGUAGE PROFICIENCY AND CULTURAL IDENTITY 198

higher identify more strongly with the values that they view as corresponding
to the French culture?
Concerning cultural identity we asked:
2. Does the identity differ according to acculturative category (respondent
group)?
2.1 Will the Polish cultural identity score of French language students in
Poland be higher than their French cultural identity score?
2.2 Will the French cultural identity score of Polish migrants (first generation
and secondary school students) in France be higher than that of the French
language students living in Poland?
And finally, concerning the link between cultural identity and language
proficiency:
3. Is there a correlation between one’s language proficiency score (Polish,
French) and the corresponding cultural identity index?

Methods
Participants
Our sample (N = 169; 145 females) were split into three groups:
Group I, first generation immigrants (N = 50, 42 females, Mage= 35.5 years);
Group II, migrant CSI students (N = 40, 30 females, Mage=17.3 years);
Comparative Group III, French language students from a Polish University
(N = 79; 73 females, Mage=21.0 years). The years of contact with the two
languages was divided by age to count the percent of one’s lifetime exposure
to L1 and L2 (see: Table 2).
Table 2. The percent of one’s lifetime contact with Polish and French language
Polish French N (% of women) Mage
Group I (I Generation in FR) 97 41 50(82.4) 35.5
Group II (High school stud. in FR) 99 73 40(75.0) 17.3
Group III (Students in PL) 97 24 79(92.4) 21.0
Note: If a migrant aged 35 declares having 35 years of direct and continuous contact with the Polish
language and 18 years with French, the percent of lifetime exposure is respectively: 100 for Polish and
54 for French.

The socio-economic status of participants from Group I was diverse.

Men predominantly worked in building construction (flooring, plastering, wall
painting or plumbing). Women were employed in the administration sector
(as translators, language teachers and/or educators) or in social services
(individual care for residents of nursing homes, home aid). At least one
year of stay in France was required to take part in the study. The majority of
199 Ł. K. KMIOTEK, P. BOSKI

the study participants represented the last emigration wave, starting from 2004,
the year when Poland became an EU member state and new job opportunities
were opened to Polish citizens. Thus, the time spent abroad varied from one year
to fourteen years, and the reasons for emigration were mainly economical. Only
a fraction of the sample (7 individuals, 14%) emigrated to France before 1989.
All study participants declared regular visits to Poland for family events
(weddings, Christmas, Easter, etc.).
Group II was recruited from the International School “Cité Scolaire
Internationale de Lyon, CSI” and a Polish school (Daszczuk, 2012; Matczak,
2008). The Polish school is a public educational institution. It educates children
from primary, through middle, to high school level. CSI has been an international
educational institution since 1995, and it houses a Polish section. Other sections
are English, Spanish, Italian, German, Portuguese, Chinese and Japanese.
Matczak (2008) observed a growth in the number of students attending CSI,
especially after 2004. 127 students (primary and secondary level) were enrolled
in the Polish section in 2010/11, 120 students in 2008/2009, and 92 students in
2006/07. In the academic year 2010/11, 48% of students originated from mixed
families, while 52% of students originated from both Polish parents.
According to Laskowski (2013), between 700-800 thousand Poles lived
in France in 2008. In 2011, the French National Statistics Bureau (INSEE)
estimated the number of Poles in France at 93 000, while in 2012 the number
given by Eurostat was 350 000. The discrepancy between these estimations
makes the base number of Poles in France only approximate. Apart from that,
we also observed a lot of cross-border, temporary migrations.
We assumed that inclusion of a group with direct and continuous contact
with the French language in Poland into the study might shed more light
on the relation between language and identity. Thus, a comparative group
(Group III) was recruited from the University of Wrocław in Poland. Study
participants included first, second and third year (bachelor degree) students
enrolled in the French language program.

Procedure
Participation in the study was voluntary and anonymous;
confidentiality was provided to encourage honest responding. Participants
were recruited through French-Polish associations, which serve as
the migrants' institutional support, Polish Catholic Mission and Polish
Consulate. The questionnaires were administrated and completed in a quiet
classroom. Participants also reported demographic data including age, gender,
nationality, length of residence and education level. Instructions were given
at the beginning of the session.
 LANGUAGE PROFICIENCY AND CULTURAL IDENTITY 200

Instruments
Two data gathering instruments were used in the study:
(1) Cultural Values and Scripts Questionnaire (CVSQ, Boski, 2006, 2008,
2009), and (2) the Polish-French bilingual proficiency questionnaire, which is
composed of two parts: (i) oral comprehension and (ii) bidirectional translation.
We shall briefly describe the two research instruments.
The CVSQ was initially prepared in Polish. The French version was created
by a French-Polish bilingual and bicultural person, whose mother is Polish
and father is French, and who has spent many years in the two countries. The two
versions of the questionnaire were then translated back into Polish by a French
language teacher residing in Poland and highly proficient in both languages.
The final stage of verification took place in France by two Polish-French
bilinguals, one of whom is a teacher of Polish language living permanently in
Lyon. During the study participants could choose which version of the CVSQ
to take: French or Polish.
The CVSQ contains 39 items adapted to two generations of participants.
A 39 item pool was selected from the original questionnaire, which is 66 items
long (Boski, 2009, p. 409). All items were formulated in terms of specific and
context-loaded cultural values in two languages: French or Polish. The tool was
designed in two interdependent parts: (1) locative aspect (cultural perception) and
(2) evaluative aspect (value endorsement). Cultural perception is measured in
a 2 x 2 table (Table 1). We ask, “To what extent does each individual perceive
the two cultures he/she participates in as similar or distinct?”. Item example
would be, “Being an optimist by nature, waking up with new hope for a better
future every day”– Is this value Polish or French, neither or both? If only PL,
then the score is (2:-1); if only FR, then the score is (-1:2); if both (1:1); if neither
(0:0); (see: Table 1).
Next, we asked about personal endorsement of these cultural values(e.g. “I
am an optimist by nature; I wake up with new hope for a better future every day”).
The participants answered from -2 to 2: strongly disagree, disagree, I don’t know,
agree, strongly agree – depending on the level of personal identification.
Cultural identity is theoretically conceived of as the distance (similarity)
between one’s endorsement of cultural values and one’s perception of their
importance in the cultures (Boski, 2006).
This can be computed in two ways:
(1) Two components: Aggregated Polish vs. Aggregated French.
Here, we multiply the cultural perception score (a pair of values, e.g.
{ -1PL : 2FR }) for each item by the personal endorsement score.
For example, if a participant decides that the statement (item)
“Being an optimist by nature…” describes only the French culture (and not
Polish) and strongly agrees with it, then we will obtain the formula:
{ -1PL : 2FR } x 2 = { -2PLId: 4FRId}. The result is the individual participant’s
201 Ł. K. KMIOTEK, P. BOSKI

aggregate score for this item (Boski, 2008; 2009). To obtain the participant’s
total aggregate Polish and total aggregate French scores, we add up all of their
aggregated scores(taken from items 1 –39).
(2) Four partial components (the second way):
Integrated (both Polish AND French) vs. Distinctly Polish vs. Distinctly
French vs. Neither Polish nor French (Exterior). Here, for every participant,
we first assign items 1–39 to the categories listed above, based on the answers
that the participant gave in the cultural perception part of the questionnaire.
For example, if the respondent categorizes an item (e.g.: “Being an optimist…”)
as “distinctly French”, then FR=1, PL=0, BOTH=0 and NEITHER=0.
Then, if the respondent strongly agrees with the statement, giving it
2 points, we will obtain a formula: { 1FR } x 2 = { (2)}. This yields the individual
participant’s distinctly French identity.
To obtain the participant’s total French score, we add up all of the items that
were categorized as distinctly French. For each of the remaining components
we proceed in the same manner.
Polish-French Bilingual Proficiency Questionnaire. Listening with
understanding. In part one (Listening), there were two conversations chosen
for research purposes: one in French and another in Polish (Burkat, Jasińska,
Szymkiewicz, & Małolepsza, 2008). Participants listened twice to the recordings.
The French recording was a conversation between an arguing couple invited
to a wedding ceremony who came late to the event. Eventually, after they have
arrived, the woman expresses her wish to catch the veil3 (which in her opinion
should motivate her partner to marry her, as they have been a couple for a long
time). The Polish recording is a spoken account of a police officer questioning
the witness of a car accident.
The study participants responded to eight true/false questions and they
scored 1 point for each correct answer (French example: “La femme veut que
Paul tourne à droit”, “The woman wants Paul to turn right”; Polish example:
“Mężczyzna spacerował po parku w chwili zdarzenia”, “The man was walking
in the park at the time of the event”).
Translation. The second part consisted of a two way text translation:
(i) from French to Polish, (ii) from Polish to French (see: endnote). The
texts were retrieved from the textbook “AlterEgo 4” (Dollez & Pons, 2014).
The French text talked about an individual living with his family in a working-
class area4. As a green party supporter, he is actively engaged in promoting
3
The custom called “oczepiny” epitomizes the traditional Polish wedding reception ceremony. At midnight,
the bride and groom perform a special task: sitting on chairs with their eyes closed, they each have to throw,
respectively: the veil and bow-tie. It is said that those who catch these items are believed to get married within
one year. The throwing of the veil and bow-tie represents the final custom in a sequence of events, following
which the couple are considered as married.
4
“Une quartier populaire”– this French term exemplifies the fact that words have their cultural and historical
background, and in this case, political connotations, which might be lost in translation. The term evokes the
commonly known tripartite French motto Liberté, égalité, fraternité, and based upon the fight for social justice
and against economical inequalities. The term is one of the most challenging expressions to translate.
 LANGUAGE PROFICIENCY AND CULTURAL IDENTITY 202

an ecology-friendly lifestyle. The Polish text is a brief letter written by a graduate

student, who interns at a television station, to a friend. She appreciates the
egalitarian work environment.
Evaluation of the translated text is based on scoring linguistic errors from
four categories within the target text: 0.25 for spelling, repetitions, punctuation
marks; 0.5 for omission of single elements from the sentence structure; 0.75 for
grammar, semantic, lexical, idiomatic or loan translation mistakes; 1.0 change in
the meaning of the whole phrase; the whole phrase is missing. In other words,
the worse the translation by the participant, the more points were attributed to
it (an example of a French to Polish semantic error: „Mes engagements veulent
contribuer à la” translated as „Moje zaangażowanie może uczestniczyć” instead
of „Moim zaangażowaniem pragnę wpłynąć na”. An example of Polish to French
semantic error: „Mój szef” translated as „Mon propriètaire" instead of „Mon
patron”; more detailed examples of committed errors and their evaluations are
provided in Annex A). The table below presents the correlations between the two
tools used for assessing language skills. Table 3 presents correlations between
results obtained from the two language assessment scales. The two translation
method subscales were positively correlated. Surprisingly, they were negatively
correlated with one oral comprehension scale (listening in French).
Table 3. Correlations between results obtained through the listening and the translation method of
bilingual assessment
Listening FR Listening PL PL>FR FR>PL
Listening FR - - - -
Listening PL .07 - - -
PL>FR -.25** -.06 - -
FR>PL -.30 **
.11 .47 **
-
**
The correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed).

Results
Language Proficiency
To test the first group of our research questions concerning the impact of
acculturative category on language proficiency (listening comprehension),
a two-factor analysis of variance (multivariate repeated measures – MANOVA)
was carried out. The study was designed in a 2 x 3 format: listening comprehension
(FR vs. PL as repeated factors) by Groups (I vs. II vs. III). The interaction
effect between the two variables, language (listening comp.) and generation,
was significant F(2,167) = 18.50, p < .001, η2 = .18, (see: Fig. 1). Compared
to other groups, CSI students (Group II) had the highest French language
proficiency scores, operationalized as results of the listening comprehension test
F(2,167) = 19.45, p < .001, η2 = .19.
203 Ł. K. KMIOTEK, P. BOSKI

Figure 1. Bilingual proficiency rates (Listening) among French language students in Poland and migrants
in France.

For group II, the statistical difference of French vs. Polish oral comprehension
skills was not significant F(1,167) = 0.06, p = 0.79.
On the oral comprehension scale (French and Polish), the high school students
in France scored: MFr = 5.32, SD = 1.16; MPl = 5.40, SD = 1.54, compared to
first generation migrants: MFr = 4.86, SD = 1.77; MPl = 5.78, SD = 1.48; and
the students in Poland: MFr = 3.72, SD = 1.32; MPl = 5.89, SD = 1.22.
This pattern of results suggests balanced comprehension skills among
the CSI students (group II). In group I (first generation of migrants) and French
language students in Poland (group III), Polish language prevailed over French.
When it comes to Polish language listening comprehension skills,
the statistical analysis did not reveal any statistical differences; students in
Poland scored non-significantly better than second and first generation migrants
F(2, 167) = 1.72, p = .18.
To answer the research question of the impact of acculturative categories
on language proficiency (bidirectional translation), a two-factor analysis
of variance (multivariate repeated measures – MANOVA) was carried out.
The study was designed in 2 x 3 format: Translation (Polish > French vs.
French > Polish as repeated factors) by Groups (I vs. II vs. III). The interaction
effect between two variables, language (Translation) and generation, was
significant F(2,164) = 10.91, p < .001, η2 = .11, (see: Fig. 2). For the bidirectional
translation the simple effect was significant for group III F(1,164) = 39.74,
p < .001, η2 = .20; and for group II F(1,164) = 41.05, p < .001, η2 = .20, but
not for group I F(1,164) = 0.26, p = .60. The participants forming groups II
and III translated the French text to Polish better. CSI high school students
 LANGUAGE PROFICIENCY AND CULTURAL IDENTITY 204

and first generation migrants exhibited balanced bilinguality respectively in

listening comprehension F(1,167) = 0.065, p= .79, and bidirectional translation
F(1, 164) = 0.26, p = .60. In the two groups (the first generation of migrants and
French language students) the correctness of French to Polish translation was
better than in the opposite direction.

Figure 2. Bilingual proficiency rates (bidirectional translation) among French language students in Poland and
migrants in France.

Cultural Identity
In the theoretical part, the procedure of transforming the raw results from
the CVSQ into cultural identity indices was discussed (see: Table 1). This part
presents the cross-cultural comparison between (a) two cultural identity indices:
aggregated Polish vs. aggregated French, and, (b) four partial identity indices:
Integrated vs. PL vs. FR vs. Neither PL nor FR.
To answer research questions concerning the impact of acculturative category
(adults vs. CSI students vs. students in PL) on identity dynamics, a mixed model
of analysis (MANOVA) was carried out. The study was designed in a 2 x 3
format: Cultural Identity indices (FR vs. PL) by Groups (I vs. II vs. III). Figure 3
presents the cultural identity profile.
Dependent variables were the two identity components. A significant
interaction effect between identity and type of group was found F(2,167) = 6.78,
p < .001; η2 = .07, (see: Fig. 1).
205 Ł. K. KMIOTEK, P. BOSKI

The interaction effect between identity indices (a derivative of the two:

cultural perception and personal endorsement of values) and groups indicates
that Polish students with French language identify more strongly with the
French culture than the first generation and CSI students in France F(2,167) =
4.36, p < .001, η2 = .05. The same students identify with the identity measures
they consider Polish to a lesser extent than the Polish migrants in France
F(2,167) = 8.41, p < .001, η2 = .09 (see: Fig. 3). Secondly, the highest Polish
identity indicators appear in the group of CSI students living in France
F(2,166) = 8.96, p < .001, η2 = .10; while the French identity is highest among
students in Poland, F(2,167) = 3.12, p = .01, η2 = .04, (see: Fig. 1).

Figure 3. The two cultural identity components among French language students in Poland and migrants
in France.

For the identity indices, the simple effect was significant for group II
F(1,167) = 7.82, p <.001, η2 = .04; and for group III F(1,167) = 5.23, p = .02,
η2 = .03, but not for the first generation F(1,167) = 0.60, p = .40. The integrated
identity (both: PL – FR) is the strongest in all three groups. French language
students in Poland had the lowest score in the category “Polish distinct”
(see: Fig. 4).
This pattern of discrepancies in identity scores between the groups of
migrants and Polish students of French in Poland seems to indicate that
the country of residence (living abroad vs. in the country of origin) is not the sole
factor determining the individual's cultural identity. These differences may exist
because the participants belong to different acculturative categories, but more
importantly the younger participants had had earlier contact with the French
 LANGUAGE PROFICIENCY AND CULTURAL IDENTITY 206

language and culture as children. Also, the older participants were economical
migrants and as a result they might have been more concentrated on practical
issues, as opposed to mastering the language and cultural belongingness.

Figure 4. The four cultural identity components (Integrated vs. French vs. Polish vs. Exterior) among French
language students in Poland and migrants in France

To test the research question concerning the impact of acculturative category

(Group I vs. Group II vs. Group III) on identity dynamics, a mixed model of
analysis (MANOVA) was carried out. The study was designed in a 4 x 3 format:
Identity (Integrated vs. Distinct PL vs. distinct FR vs. Neither PL nor FR) by
Groups (I vs. II vs. III). Dependent variables were the four cultural identity
indices: Integrated vs. distinct Polish vs. distinct French vs. Neither of the two.
Figure 4 graphically presents the four mean (partial) identity scores of the three
groups of respondents.
A significant interaction effect between cultural identity and type of group
was found F(2,163) = 4.39, p <.001, η2 = .05, (see: Fig. 2). For the category
“Integrated” (PL – FR) the main effect was significant F(2,163) = 3.11, p = .047;
η2 = .04. The mean score for integrated identity was the highest among
secondary school students in France F(2,167) = 5.66, p = .004, η2 = .06. French
language students in Poland had the lowest score in the category “Distinct PL”
F(2,163) = 13.13, p < .001, η2 = .14. An extended explorative study is needed to
explain these unexpected results and whether they may be related to internalization
of positive vs. negative stereotypes towards the two cultures.
207 Ł. K. KMIOTEK, P. BOSKI

Cultural Identity According to Language Skills

To answer the research question concerning the relation between cultural
identity and language proficiency, we conducted a Pearson’s correlation
analysis. The statistical analysis revealed a significant correlation between
the distinctly Polish identity and French to Polish text translation, r = -.23,
p = .01 (see: Table 4).
Table 4. Cultural identity and language proficiency correlations
Listening Translation
French Polish PL>FR FR>PL
Integrated PL x FR -.14 -.07 .01 -.03
Polish Identity .15 -.01 -.09 -.23*
French Identity -.06 .01 -.01 -.01
Neither PL nor FR -.03 .01 -.01 -.04
*
The correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed)

Discussion
The aim of this research paper was to shed light on the link between cultural
identity and bilingual proficiency in the context of acculturation. This aim has
been partially accomplished. The present paper refers to the study of bilingual
proficiency and biculturalism of Poles living in France (first generation and
CSI students) and French language students in Poland. The three groups were
compared with regard to their contact and personal experience with the two
national languages and cultures.
The present study went beyond self-declaration measures and assessed
linguistic proficiency which further developed methods used by Benet-Martinez
et al. (2002). We explored particular language skills operationalized as
(1) language comprehension and (2) bidirectional translation. The conducted
analyses revealed structural differences in identity, as well as the bilingual
profiles of migrants and foreign language students living in their homeland.
The highest rates of proficiency in French and Polish together were observed
in the two migrant groups: CSI students (listening comprehension) and first
generation (two-way translation). The presented results suggest a relation
between acculturative context and improvement of balanced bilinguality
in L1 and L2. The CSI students (Group II) scored similarly in L1 and L2 on
the listening comprehension scale, whilst the first generation had similar results
in PL and FR on the translation scale (see: Figure 1 and 2). In other words, life as
an immigrant creates favorable conditions for second language learning. French
language students in Poland (Group III) had the lowest mean scores in French
and the highest in Polish on the oral comprehension task. In the same group,
 LANGUAGE PROFICIENCY AND CULTURAL IDENTITY 208

translation skills from French to Polish were slightly better than in the reverse
direction (see: Figure 2).
Concerning cultural identity, we received interesting results at the group
level. Cultural identities appear reverse to country of residence: the Polish identity
score is highest among immigrant youth in France and the French identity score
is highest among Polish students of French language and culture. Also, these
identities run counter to language competencies. These results suggest conflicted
identity integration, according to the Benet-Martínez et al. (2002) model. Results
on the identity scale provided by the CSI students suggest their wish to maintain
contact with the traditions of their ancestors. Polish culture seems to attract
people's attention. Taking into account the bilingual education policy at CSI,
the authors speculate that proficiency in both Polish and French language could
play a mediating role and might help in answering the inevitable question posed
by young migrants: “Who am I?”.
The second area of interest for us was the relation between language
proficiency and cultural identity, whether growth of bilingual proficiency is
accompanied by increased identification with values perceived as jointly French
and Polish, distinctly French, or distinctly Polish. It was assumed that the higher
the language proficiency in both languages at the same time, the more one would
endorse cultural values viewed as common for the two national milieus. If this line
of reasoning had been confirmed, we would have provided non-direct evidence
that language influences cultural identity. This assumption was not confirmed.
Although French language students in Poland strongly identified with the two
cultures (French AND Polish), when it was time for them to complete the oral
comprehension task, they scored the lowest in French and the highest in Polish.
In the same group, translation skills from French to Polish were slightly better
than in the opposite direction (see: Figure 2).
The French language proficiency and cultural identity results in group III
suggest that the acquisition of values may lead to language learning. Taking
into account that presently English is the prevalent second language (spoken
fluently by about a quarter of the world’s population, roughly 1.5 billion people,
Crystal, 2003)one could suppose that the French language students strongly
identify with French culture because of ideological instead of practical reasons.
The endorsement of cultural values perceived by the non-migrant Polish high
school students as intrinsically French might have driven them to select French
language as their major subject at university. The results seem to support this
claim. Their mean French identity score, compared to groups I and II leads to
the conclusion that identification with values attributed to the French culture may
lead to language learning. With the highest indices of French identity and the lowest
oral comprehension skills students in Poland might underestimate the difficulties
faced by migrants. Their identification could change with the experience of life
in France and the necessity to search for housing and employment as a foreigner.
209 Ł. K. KMIOTEK, P. BOSKI

Weinreich & Saunderson's (2005) Identity Structure Analysis (ISA) theory

may also contribute to explaining the results. Social and personal aspirations
often are core dimensions of a person's identity. The students in Poland may
have formed idealistic identifications with significant others who had ties to
French culture and language and who have had influence over their personal
well-being. Accordingly, the students may wish to emulate their prized features,
including knowledge of the language and life according to western values. Thus,
Polish students’ choice to study the language of Voltaire is a rather deliberate
and idealistic decision motivated by such factors as: esteem/prestige, fascination,
admiration or simply the high status of the French language (Lambert, Mallea,
& Young, 1984).
Also, these results may exemplify what Cheng, Lee, and Benet-Martínez
(2006) have called the reverse priming or contrast effect. In 2007, Osińska
also obtained a similar reverse-priming effect by using a shortened version of
the CVSQ (20 questions) among Polish-American students at the American
School of Warsaw (ASW, Boski, 2009). In the Polish language/cultural symbol
priming condition, ASW students scored significantly lower on Polish value
endorsement as opposed to American value endorsement. In the American
priming condition, identification with distinctly Polish and distinctly American
values was equal.
In the past, contrastive results of the CVSQ have been interpreted as possibly
resulting from respondents’ feelings of inferiority towards the Polish culture, or
their depreciation of it (Boski, 2009). Cheng, Lee, and Benet-Martínez (2006)
also suggest that biculturals may internalize one culture’s negative stereotypes
towards the other or towards itself.

Limitations and further research

More research is needed to identify the cognitive and affective factors
necessary for the contrast effect to take place. The concept of identity may
need to be redefined, taking into account not only personal identification with
the ethnic/national group(s) but also whether the group(s) is accepting of
the member (I am/not: Polish as viewed by other Poles, French as viewed by
other French people, Polish as viewed by French people, French as viewed by
Poles). Also, in order to more extensively ascertain whether bilingual skills (oral
production, writing) are functionally linked to cultural identity development,
a longitudinal study is needed. This will be the objective that we are going to
achieve in forthcoming studies.
In order to go beyond self-declarative bilingual assessment, the authors
applied the bi-directional translation method. Despite its incontestable merits
(i.e. assessment of writing skills), one should be careful interpreting the results.
While a bilingual person may possess natural translation skills (Malakoff
& Hakuta, 1991), this particular competence is the subject of translation studies,
not bilingualism studies. Also, when comparing and interpreting the results
 LANGUAGE PROFICIENCY AND CULTURAL IDENTITY 210

of these three groups, one should keep in mind the demographic differences
(age, gender ratio, initial contact with the French and Polish languages). In order
to broaden the scope of the present research, future studies should apply measures
for assessing other linguistic skills not explored here (reading, speaking), as
well as the harmonious vs. conflictual bilingual identity integration distinction
(Benet-Martínez et al., 2002). In this study, we focus on French-Polish
bilingualism but the possibilities to study other language pairs are still open.

Acknowledgements
We are extremely grateful to Joanna M. Kwiatowska for her valuable
comments on this and the previous version of this paper.

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Annex A
Examples of committed errors in French to Polish text translation and its
evaluations.

0.25 „J'habite avec ma „Żyję z moją rodziną „Mieszkam wraz z

famille dans le quartier w popularnej dzielnicy” moją rodziną w
populaire...” zwyczajnej dzielnicy”
„dans le quartier „w znanej dzielnicy” „…w zwyczajnej
populaire...” dzielnicy”

0.5 „En tant que l’adepte „____ adept „Jako członek

d’association” stowarzyszenia” stowarzyszenia”

0.75 „dans le département,” ”w wydziale,” „w departamencie,”

„Mes engagements „Moje zaangażowanie „Moim zaangażowaniem

veulent contribuer à la” może uczestniczyć” pragnę wpłynąć na”

1.0 „J'habite avec ma „Ja i moja rodzina „Wraz z rodziną

famille dans le quartier pochodzimy czwartego mieszkam w
populaire...” stanu społecznego” zwyczajnej dzielnicy”

Examples of committed errors in Polish to French text translation and its

evaluations.

0.25 „nie robię nic „je ne fais pas rien „je ne fais rien
ciekawego,” d’interrésant” d’interrésant”
0.5 „Mój szef też jest „Mon patron est „Mon patron est
ambitny i wrażliwy.” ambitieux et _____.” ambitieux et sensible.”

0.75 „Mój szef” „Mon propriètaire.... ” „Mon patron”

1.0 „dostałam wreszcie „j’ai donné un stage „j’ai enfin obtenu

staż w” dans” un stage dans”
 LANGUAGE PROFICIENCY AND CULTURAL IDENTITY 214

The endnote: Texts used in translation task

French text (i): J'habite avec ma famille dans le quartier populaire. Mes
engagements veulent contribuer à la transformation de la société vers plus
d’égalité, de fraternité et de solidarité. Je participe à travers mes différentes
responsabilités associatives et mon travail d'enseignant à la construction d'un
monde où chacun ait une place. En tant que l’adepte d’association « Verts » depuis
1998, je me bats pour que l’image de notre association, dans le département
comme dans la ville, se transforme en prenant en compte les idées de l'écologie.
Polish text (ii): Przepraszam, że nie pisałam tak długo, ale dwa tygodnie temu
dostałam wreszcie staż w telewizji. Jako stażystka nie robię nic ciekawego, ale
ludzie są tu fantastyczni! Otwarci i dynamiczni, pracowici i zdecydowani. Bardzo
podoba mi się atmosfera w pracy. Mój szef też jest ambitny i wrażliwy. Zawsze
mogę z nim pogadać o moich problemach. A Ty? Co słychać u Ciebie w pracy?
Mam nadzieję, że jesteś tak samo zadowolona jak ja. Czekam na odpowiedz.
Ewa