Cockcroft Police Culture Themes and Concepts

POLICE CULTURE
Police culture has for over half a century attracted interest from
academics, students, policy-makers, police institutions and the general
POLICE
public. However, the literature of this area has proven to be diverse,
sprawling and prone to contradiction leading to an enthralling yet
intricate body of knowledge that, whilst continuing to provoke interest
and debate, has largely escaped any wider commentary.
CULTURE
This book provides a comprehensive overview of the area of police
culture primarily by situating it in the context of the literature of
organizational culture. From this starting point, the idea of police
culture is developed as an occupationally-situated response to the
TOM COCKCROFT
uniqueness of the police role and one in which our understanding is,
at times, hindered by the challenges of definitional, operational and
analytical concerns. The book then charts the development of our
understanding of the concept, through traditional explanations to the
contemporary, highlighting in turn the tensions that exist between the THEMES AND CONCEPTS
elements of continuity in the police world and those of change.
Police Culture: Themes and Concepts draws on research from the

1950s to the twenty-first century from the UK, USA and elsewhere to
show how the historical trajectory of police work from its early origins
through to the late modern present has imbued it with a complexity
that is undermined by deterministic explanations that seek to simplify
the social world of the police officer. This book will be of interest to
academics, practitioners and students studying the sociology
of policing.
Tom Cockcroft is Senior Lecturer in the Department of Law and

Criminal Justice Studies, Canterbury Christ Church University, UK. His
areas of publishing and research interest are criminal justice, policing
and occupational culture.
Criminology/Law
Cover images:© Shutterstock
TOM COCKCROFT
www.routledge.com
Police Culture
Police culture has for over half a century attracted interest from academics, stu-
dents, policy-makers, police institutions and the general public. However, the lit-
erature of this area has proven to be diverse, sprawling and prone to contradiction,
leading to an enthralling yet intricate body of knowledge that, whilst continuing to
provoke interest and debate, has largely escaped any wider commentary.
This book provides a comprehensive overview of the area of police culture
primarily by situating it in the context of the literature of organizational culture.
From this starting point, the idea of police culture is developed as an occupation-
ally situated response to the uniqueness of the police role and one in which our
understanding is, at times, hindered by the challenges of definitional, operational
and analytical concerns. The book then charts the development of our understand-
ing of the concept, through traditional explanations to the contemporary, high-
lighting in turn the tensions that exist between the elements of continuity in the
police world and those of change.
Police Culture: Themes and Concepts draws on research from the 1950s to the
twenty-first century from the UK, USA and elsewhere to show how the historical
trajectory of police work from its early origins through to the late modern present
has imbued it with a complexity that is undermined by deterministic explana-
tions that seek to simplify the social world of the police officer. This book will
be of interest to academics, practitioners and students studying the sociology of
policing.
Tom Cockcroft is Senior Lecturer in the Department of Law and Criminal Justice
Studies, Canterbury Christ Church University, UK. His areas of publishing and
research interest are criminal justice, policing and occupational culture.
Police Culture
Themes and concepts
Tom Cockcroft
First published 2013
by Routledge
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© 2013 Tom Cockcroft
The right of Tom Cockcroft to be identified as author of this
work has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright,
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All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced
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explanation without intent to infringe.
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data
Cockcroft, Tom.
Police culture : themes and concepts / Tom Cockcroft.—1st ed.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references.
1. Police—Social aspects. I. Title.
HV7921.P555 2012
306.2'8—dc23
2012010327
ISBN 13: 978–0–415–50257–3 hbk

ISBN 13: 978–0–415–50259–7 pbk
ISBN 13: 978–0–203–10115–5 ebk
Typeset in Times New Roman by Swales & Willis Ltd, Exeter, Devon
For Ulanda and Tegan
with love.
Contents
Acknowledgements viii
Introduction 1
1 Organizational and occupational cultures 4
2 Occupational culture and policing 16
3 Police culture: traditional approaches 46
4 Police culture(s): explaining variation 79
5 Researching police culture 104
6 Managing police culture 119
Conclusion 146
References 152
Index 165
Acknowledgements
The writing of this book has been made an altogether easier process through a wide
range of support. I am very grateful to have been granted study leave by Canter-
bury Christ Church University for three months in the academic year 2010/2011,
and colleagues from the Department of Law and Criminal Justice Studies have
been a valued source of ideas, advice and friendship. Iain Beattie’s encyclopedic
knowledge of obscure pieces of police research has proved an invaluable resource
for several years now, and I thank him for his willingness to share it so generously.
On the publishing side, Nicola Hartley at Routledge patiently coaxed me towards
my deadline and was incredibly helpful throughout. The ongoing encouragement
of my parents Keith Cockcroft and Jane Hopkins and brother Graham has, like-
wise, been greatly appreciated. Whilst many friends and loved ones have helped
to sustain my enthusiasm over the year or so when I actually wrote the book, some
deserve a less perfunctory mention. Ged Denton has proved a relentless source
of friendship and laughter since our misspent youth. The greatest acknowledge-
ments, however, must go to my wife Ulanda and my daughter Tegan. I received
the book’s contract the same week that we learned of Ulanda’s pregnancy, and the
writing process has been punctuated by all those things in life that really matter.
For my absences, both physical and mental, I thank you for your patience and
support.
Introduction
This book is about police culture, a subject which, as broadly criminological con-
cepts go, remains something of an anomaly. As Westmarland (2008) notes, whilst
essentially an academic term, it has become widely accepted as a means of referring
to what are generally considered problematic areas of policing and police behav-
iour. Despite having significance for academics, policy-makers, practitioners and
members of the public alike, the cultural elements of police work and police institu-
tions have failed to attract significant attention in any ordered way. Whilst scholastic
work into police culture has generated a number of monographs, and an even larger
number of academic papers spanning a period of over 50 years, there has been little
attention paid to providing some kind of overview of the area. This is not particularly
surprising. The subject area of police cultural studies (if it can be called that) is, at one
level, loosely held together by a multitude of definitions, methodologies, disciplinary
orientations and focuses. In part, its fragmented nature parallels that of McLaugh-
lin and Muncie’s (2006) depiction of criminology as a cross-disciplinary endeavour
where the lack of a common language has led to a vibrant academic community from
a variety of intellectual foundations. This, in turn, has meant that the subject area of
police culture has benefited from the insights of a wide array of perspectives and
intellectual orientations focused upon a relatively narrow range of issues.
Somewhat ironically, and despite the broad and flexible parameters of the subject
area, recent years have seen commentary move towards a more critical appraisal
of the state of this academic subject area. In particular, there is a hint that the area
is, in some respects, trading on past glories rather than developing new intellectual
ground. Whilst this is not wholly justified, especially in the light of more recent
work, the ceaseless politicization of policing and the emergence of new police
scandals against the backdrop of a changing society lend weight to calls for a rein-
vigoration of what is becoming an ever more complex set of concepts. Whilst this
book in no way should be seen as advocating what McLaughlin and Muncie (2006,
p. xiii) suggest as a ‘discursive unification’ of the subject area, what it does aim
to do is to highlight its origins, its development and the practical, conceptual and
analytic challenges that have become associated with it over recent decades.
As has already been suggested, the literature and research of police culture,
owing to the expansiveness of the term, represent an incredibly extensive body of
work. One substantial challenge is to provide an appropriately broad assessment
2 Introduction
of the cultural elements of themes common to this subject area such as discretion,
gender, ethnicity and corruption and which amount to substantive subject areas in
their own right. To overcome this, the book makes no attempt or claim to present an
exhaustive coverage of all the individual contributions made in this field. Instead,
I have adopted an approach that I hope will serve not just to identify many of the
key pieces of work and their importance but also to assess their influence and their
relevance. Indeed, reflecting on the chapters of this book as I come to the end of
the writing process, I am struck by the fact that, to me at least, the book is about
the balance of change and continuity. Crucially, such changes refer not just to the
police institution, their policies, processes and the means by which officers navi-
gate these, but also to the people who constitute the societies that the police serve
and the relationships that, at different times, draw the two sides together or apart.
At a more removed level, this balance is also explored with reference to the more
general social changes associated with late modernity, which signify a whole range
of conceptual challenges for traditional visions of police culture.
If one compares the work of Banton (1964), one of the first systematic studies
of this subject area, with one of the most recent (by Loftus, 2009), differences and
similarities quickly emerge. Banton’s work is an incredibly illuminating account
of the state of policing (in both American and Scottish contexts) and its treat-
ment by sociologists during the 1960s. His research could be considered to have
been driven by fundamentally different motivations to more contemporary work
not least in respect of its acknowledgement that policing, at that time, had been
subjected to insufficient academic scrutiny. However, perhaps the fundamental
difference relates to his suggestion that policing merited attention on account of its
status as being a ‘successful’ institution. Given the orientation of later works, one
might reflect on the extent to which sociological dissections of police work have
been, for the most part, essentially negative rather than positive evaluations of
police culture and practice. At the same time, Banton’s work identified a number
of issues that would go on to become persistent themes in later pieces of research,
if not those that immediately followed it. Indeed, his work can be considered quite
prophetic not least in respect of its identification of the evolution of different polic-
ing styles and cultures in different locations, the impact of population changes, the
rise of consumerism, the growth of information technology, shifting conceptions
of class, nostalgic depictions of ‘golden ages’ of policing and the importance of
the police relationship with the public.
Loftus’s work, published 45 years after Banton’s, provides a fitting comparison
by acknowledging the present state of police cultural studies. Whilst Loftus notes
that police culture, and the way we conceptualize it, is going through a period of
change, she also highlights a potential schism in the orientation and form that our
explanations and descriptions take. To some, therefore, police culture is a phe-
nomenon that through targeted action can be addressed and subsequently modi-
fied. These approaches are fundamentally reformist and exemplify a means of
addressing the manifestations of police culture without really engaging too explic-
itly with the subtleties of the culture itself. On the other hand, argues Loftus, a
series of different explanations have been used to present a much more complex
Introduction 3
conception of the nature and properties of police culture and one that is predicated
upon differences in culture and behaviour rather than similarity. To such writ-
ers the idea of police culture has been replaced by one of police cultures. These
essentially different sets of explanations have meant that traditional ideas of police
culture have generally fallen out of favour, leading to a variety of ideas about what
police culture is, how it works and how best to investigate it. In what some might
consider a telling affirmation of the cyclical nature of many intellectual ideas,
Loftus, whilst acknowledging the contribution made by those authors who empha-
size difference above continuity at a cultural level, makes a persuasive case to
argue that there is sufficient universality between police cultures for us to address
them in the singular. One of the largest challenges that faces us, and one that is
made explicit by Loftus’s work, is that culture impacts broadly and at many lev-
els within a police context. Whilst management initiatives to implement cultural
change may be deemed successful by virtue of them causing a change in expressed
behaviour, it might be premature to hail these as successful instances of cultural
change. Cultural artefacts or manifestations and underlying cultural beliefs are, as
organizational theorists like Schein make clear, essentially different. ‘Evidence’
of cultural change being driven by new initiatives may therefore be misleading
and may represent behavioural but not necessarily attitudinal change. Further-
more, such changes may be driven by external pressures such as the recognition of
formerly marginalized groups. When one focuses on less politicized dimensions,
such as class, we find that little effort has been made by police institutions to
address these at the structural level let alone the behavioural or attitudinal.
Police culture was, and continues to be, a complex issue and, after 48 years, the
following passage from Banton’s work remains exceptionally germane:
Were I to aim at a really complete description and analysis of the policeman’s

role I fear that I should commit myself to a lifetime’s labour. One of the dif-
ficulties is that the police service is a little world of its own in which almost
everything is related to everything else and it is impossible to isolate a single
aspect for separate examination.
(1964, p. xii)
For a book aiming to explore the themes and concepts associated with police
culture, therefore, the challenge is of conveying a sense of discrete and identifiable
concepts without losing track of the less tangible themes that nevertheless have a
primary role in explaining the complexities of culture. Given that all these vari-
ables are open to analysis at a number of levels and from a variety of perspectives,
any attempt to isolate them would amount to an act of gross over-simplification.
To avoid such an eventuality I have attempted to create an account that highlights
the components of the cultural world, and the ideas that we use to explain them,
but which ultimately makes no wholesale attempt to extricate them for the pur-
pose of ‘examination’. The interrelatedness to which Banton refers is essentially
where the power of the culture of the police resides and, for better or worse, I have
attempted to keep this intact.
1 Organizational and
occupational cultures
Introduction
Any analysis of police occupational culture, arguably, begins not with a review
of the literature of policing and police studies but with an acknowledgement of
the literature of organizational culture. It is perhaps fair to say that research into
the area of police culture has largely been driven by the work of sociologists and
criminologists seeking answers to immediate issues of police behaviour. This
approach has undoubtedly generated a wealth of knowledge regarding the police,
their behaviour and their values. However, reviews of the literature often leave
one with the impression that, to some police scholars, our understanding of police
culture, police behaviour and the relationship between the two can be understood
solely through knowledge generated within those two subject areas (although
writers such as Chan, 1997, can be seen as an exception to this generalization). By
starting with a broad overview of the literature of organizational management and
the conceptual challenges associated with it, we can unravel some of the wider
themes relating to organizations, the cultural factors inherent to them and the
behavioural and attitudinal responses that they encourage.
What is organizational culture?

To Johnson, Koh and Killough (2009) organizational culture refers to the values
shared by colleagues in an organization and which become manifest through the
occupational practices within that environment. Numerous factors can influence
the direction and intensity of the cultural dynamics of organizations, and these can
be internal or external to the organization. Internal factors can include the size,
function, structure, technology and goals of the organization, and external factors
can include the qualities of the industry or sector that they operate within as well
as societal and national cultures.
Schein (2004) begins by addressing the meaning of the word ‘culture’ and
shows how, over the years, it has popularly been used to denote the level of an
individual’s sophistication, to describe the traditions that communities engage
in and which become embedded historically and, also, to represent the context-
specific principles and values that inform the way that people think and behave.
Fundamental to the complexity of the term ‘culture’, in a social scientific sense,
Organizational and occupational cultures 5
is the fact that despite being an abstract and non-tangible concept it has real and
perceivable impacts across a range of organizational and occupational life. In turn,
this idea of culture as lacking in physical substance but significant in its role as
a stimulus to certain behaviours and beliefs has become commonly accepted. To
Schein (2004), ‘culture’, within the context of understanding organizations and
occupations, refers to a sharing of beliefs or a consensus of values. These shared
social artefacts are not to be considered as synonymous with a particular group’s
culture but as manifestations of it and represent the variables through which we
try to observe and identify the culture. The importance of this point is not to be
underestimated, as it reminds us of the need to differentiate between culture as a
concept and those behaviours and attitudes that are displayed by human actors as
a result of it.
Culture (according to Schein, 2004) can be broadly understood in terms of the
following categories: ‘observed behavioural regularities when people interact’;
‘group norms’; ‘espoused values’; ‘formal philosophy’; ‘rules of the game’; ‘cli-
mate’; ‘embedded skills’; ‘habits of thinking, mental models, and linguistic para-
digms’; ‘shared meanings’; ‘root metaphors or integrating symbols’; and ‘formal
rituals and celebrations’. However, the above categories are interlinked with con-
cepts that group members share but which cannot strictly be considered as a ‘cul-
ture’ and, to Schein, the term ‘culture’ is important in that it is more flexible and
fluid than the above explanatory categories. Therefore, to fully understand cul-
ture, we need to contextualize the above categories of sharing in terms of ‘critical
elements’ of ‘structural stability’, ‘depth’, ‘breadth’ and ‘patterning’ or ‘integra-
tion’ (2004, p. 14). ‘Structural stability’ refers to the inherent resilience of cultural
dynamics. This is not to say that cultures cannot change, but that their strength
lies not just in their definitional powers (in terms of bringing meaning to people’s
lives) but in their ability to remain in situ regardless of the turnover in membership
of group members. ‘Depth’ is an important attribute of cultures, as culture, as we
have already noted, lacks a physical dimension and impacts largely at an uncon-
scious level. The essence of culture, therefore, is ‘hidden’ underneath its more vis-
ible manifestations. ‘Breadth’ represents the all-encompassing nature of culture
and the way it influences an organization’s internal hierarchy, its task orientation
and its relationship to the environments that it operates within. Fundamental to
many ideas of culture is that it is broad enough to impact significantly upon all
areas of organizational life. Finally, ‘patterning or integration’ refers to the way
in which cultures draw together the various manifestations of themselves into a
meaningful whole. Thus, both horizontally and vertically, the culture equates to
more than the sum of its parts and draws, in terms of depth, from the observ-
able manifestations of cultural life down to unconscious and intangible constructs.
Likewise, its breadth encapsulates all aspects of organizational life from conven-
tions of presentation and language to the nature of relationships with colleagues
and client groups. Such integration (both vertically through the concept of ‘depth’
and horizontally through that of ‘breadth’) is paramount to the notion of culture,
as its very pervasiveness is what makes it meaningful to individuals.
It is upon these principles that Schein defines culture as:
6 Organizational and occupational cultures
a pattern of shared basic assumptions that was learned by a group as it solved
its problems of external adaptation and internal integration, that has worked
well enough to be considered valid and, therefore, to be taught to new members
as the correct way to perceive, think, and feel in relation to those problems.
(Schein, 2004, p. 17)
Buono et al. lend further clarity to the concept by noting that:
Organizational culture tends to be unique to a particular organization, com-

posed of an objective and subjective dimension, and concerned with tradition
and the nature of shared beliefs and expectations about organizational life. It
is a powerful determinant of individual and group behaviour. Organizational
culture affects practically all aspects of organizational life from the way in
which people interact with each other, perform their work and dress, to the
types of decisions made in a firm, its organizational policies and procedures,
and strategy considerations.
(cited in Schraeder, Tears and Jordan, 2005, p. 493)
Different levels of culture

We can understand culture at a number of different levels and can differenti-
ate between these levels in respect of their visibility to the observer. A failure
to understand the intricate layers of cultural phenomena is probably one of the
key reasons why we find defining culture difficult. Accordingly, we have to dif-
ferentiate between the explicit physical expressions of culture and the ‘deeply
embedded, unconscious, basic assumptions’ (Schein, 2004, p. 25) that represent
its purest, most abstracted form.
Schein goes on to define three levels of culture: ‘artefacts’; ‘espoused beliefs
and values’; and ‘underlying assumptions’. ‘Artefacts’ represent those perceptible
phenomena associated with the cultural group and include traditions, ceremonies,
folklore, explicitly articulated values, language, products and modes of dress and
address. These, the most visible manifestations of the culture, are also the most
difficult for those from outside the culture to interpret or to make sense of without
prolonged exposure to the group. ‘Espoused beliefs and values’ represent con-
scious and explicitly articulated philosophies that will lead to some observable
phenomena at the ‘artefact’ level. Those beliefs and values that ‘work’ for group
members and which provide meaning to their social experience may, over time,
become embedded at the deeper level of ‘underlying assumption’. Complexities
may arise at this level in terms of some beliefs and values that might seem to hold
conflicting purposes. Sometimes these apparent ambiguities may emerge owing to
the fact that some values are at the level of rhetoric (as opposed to tested or learnt
behaviour) or may be regarded as aspirational rather than justificational. ‘Under-
lying assumptions’ represent those espoused beliefs and values that through
repeated and successful use or testing have changed in status from conjecture to
reality. Once these assumptions have been ascribed this status, their validity is
guaranteed and consensus is reached regarding their value. Such assumptions are
internalized at an unconscious level and are embedded sufficiently to negate, in
most cases, debate regarding their worth or ‘correctness’.
Cultural typologies
Typologies have a particular function to play in helping us to understand the non-
tangible elements associated with organizational culture. In other words, basic
experience has little, if any, implicit meaning and understanding arises only as we
develop conceptual categories through language learning. This process of apply-
ing systems of language to our experiences represents our cultural education, and
we continue to develop these cultural categories as we enter new cultural environ-
ments. Individuals working in particular organizations or roles build conceptual
categories that help them to understand the different types of phenomena that they
experience, and these conceptual categories can be drawn from existing cultural
distinctions represented through language or, alternatively, new phrases can be
developed to distinguish these differences in meaning.
New cultural categories and their accompanying additions to our language serve
three key roles. First, they allow us greater clarity or understanding of a particu-
lar observed occurrence; second, they help us to understand the constitution of
that occurrence by developing hypotheses that explain its existence; and, finally,
they allow us to predict how other occurrences (as yet unwitnessed) might appear.
Schein provides a number of examples of such interorganizational typologies. For
example, he draws on the work of Etzioni (1975) that distinguished between three
different types of organization – coercive, utilitarian and normative – which denote
varying amounts of interplay between two factors: the economic control of the
employee and employee commitment to the goals of the organization. Similarly,
Schein (2004) highlights the work of Goffee and Jones (1998) that differentiated
between ‘fragmented’, ‘mercenary’, ‘communal’ and ‘networked’ cultures on the
basis of the levels of solidarity and sociability that were present in organizations.
This is not to suggest, however, that the social world of a particular organiza-
tion has to be rooted within one set of cultural ideas, and Schein does draw atten-
tion to intra-organizational typologies which highlight cultural differences in the
workplace and which are produced through distinctions between different roles or
statuses within the organization. To Schein, the most obvious of these distinctions
is that of the cultural division between management and workers. There are, how-
ever, more nuanced divisions within organizations such as those that exist between
operator cultures (which focus on the performance of core tasks), engineering cul-
tures (which focus on the development of commodities and systems) and executive
cultures (which focus on financial matters within the organization). The extent to
which such typologies can and should be employed is debatable. Although Schein
differentiates between ‘integrated’, ‘differentiated’ and ‘fragmented’ cultures in
terms of the varying degrees to which organizations subscribe to a particular set
of cultural assumptions, questions can be raised regarding the usefulness of the
concept of culture when it is subject to such differentiation. We appear, therefore,
to be confronted with an apparent variety of cultures that threatens, at times, to
undermine the idea that culture reflects a coherent degree of shared values.
At this point, it might appear that organizational culture is, although nuanced,
a relatively straightforward subject. Specific social and operational forces impact
on people who belong to certain organizational groups (and sometimes become
differentiated through further stratification within these organizational groups),
and these forces can be evidenced in three different ways – at the level of ‘arte-
fact’, ‘espoused beliefs’ and ‘views and underlying assumptions’. We can then
adopt or develop broad conceptual categories known as ‘typologies’ to facilitate
our understanding of the cultural behaviours that we observe.
Martin (2002), noting the contested nature of culture played out in the academic
world, describes a number of tensions that arise when attempting to make sense of
organizational culture and how these impact on the ways we frame research into
it. In doing so she draws attention to the ‘culture wars’ that have arisen in the area
of cultural research and which refer to arguments surrounding ideas of the nature
and properties of culture. These reflect fundamental intellectual tensions that have
surfaced within the social sciences in recent years and will be described in the
following sections.
Researching culture
Objectivity and subjectivity

Much research in the area of organizational behaviour is premised upon the notion
that the world we live in will reveal its true and objective nature through sustained
investigation with suitable methodologies. This relatively unproblematic rendering
of the relationship between social phenomena and the use of social science meth-
odology tends to mask some entrenched problems and, consequently, poses some
challenging questions for those undertaking research into organizational cultures.
At a fundamental level, we are faced with the challenge of subjecting the focus of
our research, culture, to empirical scrutiny. Culture, after all, is an abstract concept,
an elusive entity that is experienced as much as witnessed. Thus we face the very
real danger that we merely confuse some of the manifestations of a group culture
as the physical embodiment of the culture. Although this issue will be explored at
greater length later in this book, it is important to note that this apparent reifica-
tion of culture into mere artefacts influences not just how we physically research
organizational culture, but also how we interpret the knowledge that it generates.
Academic opinion is divided in respect of this debate over subjectivity. Martin
(2002) charts the different positions in respect of this, showing how opinions are
positioned on an axis stretching from the purely objective to the purely subjec-
tive and notes how debate revolves around the degree of subjectivity which one
should acknowledge within this process. She goes on to outline the key differ-
ences between strong subjective and moderate subjective positions in respect of
this by drawing on the work of Sahlins (1995) and Stablein (1996). For Sahl-
ins, objective reality or realities do not exist, and members of a cultural world
subjectively interpret the realities that they experience. To highlight this, Sahlins
(cited in Martin, 2002) shows how, for example, different national cultures have
developed and internalized different cultural understandings regarding particular
types of animal meat and its suitability for human consumption. Consequently, the
same ‘reality’ leads to a wide variation in cultural responses, leading Sahlins to
conclude that events or experiences themselves do not lead to cultural experience,
because, quite simply, such events and experiences take place against a backdrop
of existing symbols and meanings. The relationship, therefore, between stimulus
and response is, in the case of the relationship between ‘reality’ and cultural reac-
tion, unreliable. Sahlins’s views, however, might be considered a little uncompro-
mising to some cultural researchers, with many adopting more moderate views
of the subjective standpoint. Writers like Stablein (1996), for example, propose
a reading of the subjective position which stresses that subjectivity is subject to
restraining influences and that these operate at a collective as opposed to an indi-
vidual level. Such an approach can be conceptualized as being essentially founded
upon the principles underpinning the work of Berger and Luckmann (1967), which
highlighted the importance of socially constructed reality in restricting the cultural
judgements that are made.
Etic and emic research

A further distinction, between etic and emic research, mirrors the above issues
regarding subjectivity in our understanding of cultural phenomena. More specifi-
cally, it refers to the issue of subjectivity in developing categories of what is to be
considered meaningful in a cultural research context. In etic research, categories
of analysis are informed from existing literature and theory and are imposed on
the research by the researcher. In emic research, researchers adopt, as far as is pos-
sible, an insider perspective that focuses on categories that are seen as important
to those being studied. These strategies are usually adopted when investigating
cultural practices that might be considered alien to us as researchers and draw par-
allels with Weber’s (1949) verstehende sociology, which, according to Spradley
(1980), highlights the need to avoid ‘the pre-definition of what is to be considered
relevant’ (p. 24). This approach therefore proposes that we should assess phenom-
ena in relation to their own ‘cultural significance’ rather than in relation to our own
values. Ultimately, however, to successfully distinguish between the etic and the
emic positions might be an impossible aspiration. The two approaches, although
portrayed as diametrically opposed, are more intertwined than first appearances
might suggest, and the most appropriate position may be concerned with finding a
suitable balance between the two.
Generalizable and context-specific knowledge

The distinction between generalizable and context-specific knowledge refers to
differing conceptions both of the nature of cultures and of the way we research
them. Researchers who subscribe to the idea of generalizable knowledge in the
field of culture see the purpose of cultural research as being the fundamental
means by which we build theories to explain cultural dynamics in more than one
setting. In other words, for some, the primary purpose of conducting research is
to develop knowledge that can be used to explain cultural phenomena in other
settings and thus to develop universals that can then be used to predict how cul-
ture will ‘play out’ in other situations. On the other hand, however, some cultural
researchers seek not to generate transferable generalizable knowledge but merely
to develop ‘thick description’ (Martin, 2002, p. 43) regarding a particular cul-
ture. Most proponents of this ‘case study’ approach premise their support for such
a method on the assumption that each culture is unique and, therefore, that the
search for ‘cultural universals’ is superfluous. Indeed, as in the case of policing,
many organizations and occupations may view their social worlds and cultural
dynamics as unlike any other. One of the reasons which makes the cultural unique-
ness position so attractive is that some would suggest that a particular situation or
context could give rise to a number of cultural consequences. That is, a number
of different cultural responses could have emerged to make sense of a particu-
lar situation negating the idea of generalization between cultures. This position
seeks, therefore, ‘an appreciation of contextually specific knowledge rather than
an understanding that emerges from the process of abstraction and generaliza-
tion across cases’ (Martin, 2002, p. 41). In many respects, this tension between
the two positions echoes traditional differences between ideographic (based on a
solitary example) and nomothetic research (which seeks to develop generalizable
and universal rules regarding phenomena through exploring samples composed of
numerous cases). Martin (2002) helps to clarify the differences between the two
approaches as follows. Generalizable research treats culture as a variable, whereas
context-specific treats it as a metaphor. Generalizable research seeks to use infor-
mation to predict effects, whereas context-specific research seeks textured infor-
mation as an end in itself. Generalizable research generates ‘thin’ description, and
context-specific generates ‘thick’ description (Martin, 2002, p. 43).
‘Focus’ and ‘breadth’

Associated to the point concerning generalizable and context-specific knowledge
is that of different approaches to ‘focus’ and ‘breadth’ in research. Some research-
ers focus on a limited number of cultural manifestations or artefacts when investi-
gating a culture, whereas others draw on a wider range. Once again, this difference
broadly reflects differences between ideographic and nomothetic stances, with
ideographic work tending to focus on a broader range of conceptual categories.
Nomothetic approaches may focus on variations within a single specific cultural
manifestation between, for example, different organizations or groups.
Level of depth
Similarly, Martin (2002) reiterates Schein’s notion that cultures have three dis-
tinct levels: ‘artefacts’; ‘values’; and ‘basic assumptions’. The existence of these
distinct and differentiated levels of understanding have implications for cultural
researchers, the most important being which level of culture one should seek
to explore. Traditional ethnographic approaches would work towards a level of
understanding that equated with the basic assumption level and which produced
thick description, whereas more quantitative approaches would work at the level
of artefact or values and produce thin description. Schein’s approach suggests that
research into deeper levels of cultural meaning (such as that of the basic assump-
tion) reveals a more profound level of understanding of a culture than research that
deals with artefacts or values. Opinion on this topic is divided, and Martin (2002)
advocates a more flexible approach by suggesting that the different levels of cul-
tural manifestation outlined by Schein reflect different types, rather than depths,
of cultural manifestations.
Ideational and materialistic approaches

It is important to note that further definitional divisions occur within the study of
organizational culture depending on whether one adopts an ideational or materi-
alistic approach, with the former stressing the subjective qualities of culture and
the latter highlighting the objective. Ideational conceptions of culture therefore
emphasize the subjectively experienced qualities of culture, whereas materialistic
approaches highlight the objective and quantifiable elements of organizations such
as differences in pay, conditions and role. Purely ideational cultural definitions
focus on the subjectively experienced perception of a social world without contex-
tualizing it in terms of differential material conditions. Materialistic approaches,
however, are considered important by some, as they enable us to understand the
material conditions under which subjective cognitions arise and, therefore, allow
us to explore intergroup conflict within organizational cultures and structures.
Materialist definitions can broadly be separated into two key categories of those
who see material conditions as integral to the culture and those who see them as
essentially separate from the culture, although helpful as a means of understand-
ing it. To proponents of the latter, therefore:
the materialist base consists of attributes such as job descriptions, reporting

relationships, pay practices, and formally mandated policies and procedures,
which are not part of the cultural superstructure. Culture, then, consists of the
ideational elements, such as beliefs and values, that emerge to explain and
reinforce a materialist base.
(Martin, 2002, p. 59)
We can thus identify a potential relationship between the structural factors of,
for example, the workplace and the cultural values of the organization. However,
the strength of the relationship (how closely the two are related) and the direction
of the relationship (the extent to which materialist factors influence the ideational,
or vice versa) remain largely unarticulated. To provide an appropriate explana-
tory context for the study of the occupational culture of the police, the following
distinctions also need to be made: the distinction between organizational and
occupational culture and the distinction between public and private sector organi-
zational cultures.
Organizational and occupational cultures

The chapter has so far looked at the concept of organizational culture, a means of
describing the ways that groups of people experience, perceive and act within an
organizational environment. This approach implicitly assumes that all employ-
ees of the organization belong to a corresponding cultural group, and this might
be considered problematic in a number of respects. Changes to the structure of
organizations over recent decades (both at national and international levels),
owing to industrial expansion and contraction, the type of employment offered
and the advent of flexible working enabled by technological developments, mean
that cultures and organizations no longer share the same borders. The relationship
between culture and organization, which is so often portrayed in unproblematic
terms, is likely to be subject to over-reach and indicates that, in reality, cultural
dynamics might be more closely aligned to occupations than organizations.
Gregory (1983), in a piece of research that explores the impact of culture upon
those employed by computer companies in California’s ‘Silicon Valley’, high-
lights well this apparent disjunction between organizational and occupational cul-
ture. To many of the workers that she studied the primary factor that dictated their
values and outlook was the role they undertook, not the organization that employed
them. Distinctions were made not in terms of which company people worked for
but with regard to whether they were, for example, hardware or software engi-
neers. This crosscutting of organizations by occupational cultures leads to some
interesting examples of conflicting cultural values between groups. For example,
Gregory’s work showed the ways in which different occupational groups within
an organization, whilst wanting to work on projects based on innovative and new
technologies, had very different motivations for doing so. Engineers’ interests in
such technologies were based on getting products into the marketplace, whereas
scientists’ were motivated more by the developmental aspects of the work. Cru-
cially, Gregory suggests that these different cultural orientations within particular
organizations are due to occupational cultures that are sustained between organi-
zations, rather than being mere subcultures governed by a unique and contained
organizational culture. Paoline (2003) develops this point, with reference to the
work of Schein (1992) and Van Maanen and Barley (1985), by suggesting that a
fundamental difference between organizational and occupational cultures are that
the former are top-down and driven by management whereas the latter are bottom-
up and driven by core practitioners.
Public and private sector cultures

Using cultural approaches to understand the ways that people act within organiza-
tional settings demands an appreciation of the fact that organizations themselves
are subject to differentiation based on factors such as size, core business and, of
course, the individuals and agencies with which they interact. One of the most pro-
nounced distinctions in this respect pertains to the differences between public and
private sector organizations. Schraeder, Tears and Jordan (2005) draw on Denison
(1990) to suggest that the main reason for the growth of interest in organizational
research is the acknowledgement that organizational culture is fundamentally con-
nected to organizational effectiveness. Recent decades, therefore, have seen an
emerging body of work that uses cultural frames of analysis to explain how people
work within organizational contexts. Although the primary driver for such work
has been a focus on the efficiency of organizations operating within the private
sector, increasingly we have witnessed a sustained pressure for government agen-
cies to be run in ways that reflect prevailing fashions in the private sector, a proc-
ess that may involve both operational and cultural change.
To begin with, however, it might be helpful to distinguish between public and
private sector organizations. Schraeder, Tears and Jordan (2005) show how these
two broad categories of organizations operate in very different ways. Profound
differences occur in respect of decision-making, general policies, means of com-
munication, personnel management, materials procurement, financial manage-
ment and marketing. At a broader level, Cockcroft and Beattie (2009) draw on the
work of Jackson (1993) and Wisniewski and Olaffson (2004) to highlight not only
the tendency of public sector agencies to have wider and more complex organi-
zational objectives than private sector organizations, but also that such objectives
are often less achievable given the financial restrictions on such organizations.
Perhaps the most striking distinction between public and private sector organiza-
tions is presented by Williams (1985), who views the evolution of the public sec-
tor as a response to the failure of the private sector to provide for all the needs of
the communities which they serve.
The work of Parker and Bradley (2000) shows how the 1980s saw the emergence
of widespread managerial reforms founded upon new public management ideals of
improved cost efficiency, financial accountability and customer focus. This move
towards a managerialist orientation has generally been accompanied by organiza-
tional change directed at securing the progression of post-bureaucratic organiza-
tional forms and, whilst widespread transformation has been championed, accord-
ing to Sinclair (1991), these changes have been implemented with insufficient
knowledge of public sector organizational cultures. This has led to challenging
implications at both management and policy levels. One such implication is that
the techniques of new public management will not assimilate easily, according
to some commentators, within the cultures of public sector organizations and,
for Parker and Bradley (2000), the success or otherwise of these reforms can be
understood only in terms of these factors.
The impact of these new forms of management are inconclusive, with some
suggesting that they have led to improved performance and accountability (Domb-
erger and Hall, 1996) and others suggesting that they have led to increases in
stress and decreases in job satisfaction (Bogg and Cooper, 1995). Parker and Bra-
dley (2000) go on to suggest that it is important that we understand public sector
organizational culture when exploring options for public sector reform given that
we need to assess the potential for synchronization between reform strategies and
objectives and the culture of the working cultures that they will be directed at.
Organizational culture and transition

Traditional public sector organizations are subject to different forms of exter-
nal controls than private sector organizations (Dahl and Lindblom, 1953). Pri-
vate organizations are effectively constrained by market controls, whereas those
of the public sector are increasingly subjected to control by political authority.
Furthermore, their objectives and the structures that evolve through which to
achieve these are keenly controlled through legislation. Thus political and legal,
as opposed to financial, considerations have been the major forces acting upon
the public sector, leading to a gradual obfuscation of clear objectives. Tradition-
ally, research suggests that public sector organizations have adopted a structured
and hierarchical culture because of both their basic structural stability and their
emphasis on procedural regularity. This is in contrast to the developmental cul-
tures which are traditionally found in private sector organizations and which focus
on responsiveness to changing external environments, risk-taking and efficiency.
Increasingly, according to Parker and Bradley (2000), the new public management
signals a change in focus with less prominence accorded to procedural regular-
ity and administration and a greater emphasis upon ‘entrepreneurial management
strategies, mission statements, performance management, and performance-based
rewards’ (p. 131). In effect, therefore, we have witnessed a change in what we
consider the ideal model for governing public sector organizations with a subse-
quent underplaying of formal hierarchy and a greater role for financial controls,
competition and performance measurement models.
Parker and Bradley’s research explored the experiences of staff within six
organizations in the Queensland public sector. Its aim was to assess the success
with which they had adopted flexible and entrepreneurial values associated with
private sector organizations and shed the traditional bureaucratic values associ-
ated with the public sector. Despite sustained support for the adoption of the new
set of organizational values at management level the authors found that, overall,
the majority of staff in these organizations still subscribed to the conventional val-
ues associated with the public sector. When assessing the reasons for this apparent
failure to succeed in instigating cultural change, the authors put forward a number
of potential factors. These included the difficulties with imposing cultural change
from above, the fundamental and seemingly intractable differences between pub-
lic and private sector organizations, and the wide variety of goals and resources
(see also Wisniewski and Olaffson, 2004). Furthermore, Parker and Bradley sug-
gested that public sector organizations are inevitably bound up in government
strategies and therefore directed not so much by market forces but by political ide-
ologies that push both social and economic agendas. Finally, the authors conclude
by suggesting, quite simply, that those who work in the public sector may have
different values to those who work in the private sector and draw upon research
which suggests that public sector workers tend to be more socially aware and more
focused on the public interest than those in the private sector.
Conclusion
The literature of organizational and occupational culture has become integral to
our understanding of how employment structures (and the sectors and markets
within which they operate) have come to shape the ways in which people make
sense of their working world and their place within it. Its real value lies in the
extent to which it has posed some quite critical and conceptual questions regard-
ing the natures of occupational and organizational cultures. For example, the lit-
erature describes the different levels at which cultural meaning can be identified
and, by doing so, the ways in which some cultural meaning becomes much harder
to discern or identify. It has also prompted us to question the criteria by which we
consider one category, and not another, as a meaningful means of understanding
culture. Yet another layer of intricacy is added when we consider the degree to
which we can take knowledge gained from one cultural environment and use it
to make sense of another. Even if such factors could conveniently be placed to
one side, we would still be confronted by questions over the potential for tensions
between the organizational and the occupational culture and the distorting lens
provided by the wider external market within which that organization operates.
All these factors can be considered pertinent to our understanding of the occupa-
tional culture of the police.
2 Occupational culture and
policing
Introduction
When we direct our attention away from public sector occupational cultures per se
and towards police occupational cultures, perhaps one of the first facts that needs
to be acknowledged is the level of interest that they continue to generate. The sub-
ject area has attracted substantial academic attention over a relatively sustained
amount of time and, as Westmarland (2008) notes, has achieved the somewhat
distinguished position of being one of the few terms in police studies used by aca-
demics and lay audiences alike. Amongst academics, suggest O’Neill and Singh
(2007, p. 1), it has become ‘an inescapable, controversial, surprisingly stubborn
and recurring theme’. That police occupational or organizational culture (the two
terms can be used interchangeably in most respects), seemingly above all other
such cultures, still generates new literature, debate and disagreement indicates that
police behaviour and values, and the drivers behind these, remain contested and
of significant social interest. This chapter will highlight the social and political
undercurrents that have informed much work into police culture before identify-
ing three key eras of police culture research. For each of these eras of research a
small number of key works will be discussed and the main themes outlined. Whilst
the chapter presents some definitions of police culture, a selection of works will be
drawn on to highlight the difficulties associated with defining this complex area.
The shifting social and political context of policing

To fully recognize the powerful draw that police culture exerts, it is important to
understand the ways in which policing impacts on a number of different areas of
academic, practitioner and public interest. Changes within and beyond the polic-
ing institution have, especially in recent decades, compelled us to reassess what
we mean by the term. Likewise, policing has become increasingly sensitive to
the vagaries of competing and conflicting political agendas since the mid- to late
1960s, and this has impacted on what the police do, how they do it and, increas-
ingly, how they present both themselves and the information that they generate.
Policing continues, at a symbolic level, to articulate the relationship between state
and individual particularly in regard to provision of security. At a more practical
Occupational culture and policing 17
level, since the inception of the ‘new’ police, their enforcement of the law has
been grounded not only in mandated intervention but in the application of subjec-
tive discretion, a theme that has been fundamental to our understanding of police
decision-making and its consequences. Furthermore, recent years have seen the
police subjected to ever greater degrees of scrutiny by government, media and
academics alike, and this has continued to fuel our interest in the police institution,
its role, its relation with the public and the behaviour of its officers.
One important factor, therefore, that may explain the enduring interest in the
police as a cultural location is the politicization of crime and crime control, which
has seen policing and penal policies vie as equals with the more traditional policy
issues such as education, health and housing during recent years. Morgan and
Newburn (1997) see this emergence of policing as a political issue as a relatively
recent phenomenon, with President Richard Nixon articulating popular and grow-
ing concerns regarding social issues in the United States during the mid- to late
1960s. Similarly, according to Garland (2001), the election successes of Margaret
Thatcher in the United Kingdom and Ronald Reagan in the United States could be
attributed less to the resonance of their economic policies than to their ability to
provide a voice for broad popular discontent with the post-war social democratic
consensus that was increasingly being seen as a cause of, rather than a cure for, a
multitude of social problems. Increasingly, therefore, the police became account-
able in a political sense for what became known as ‘the crime problem’. This
notion that the politicization of policing is a ‘new’ occurrence that has emerged
over the last 40 or 50 years does come with a minor caveat, namely, that polic-
ing has, at some levels, always been political. For example, to Brogden (1982,
p. 1), the police institution is inextricably connected to the political world when he
states that ‘Nowhere, however, is the confusion over the deposition of the police
institution more opaque than in its political relation.’ Policing, therefore, becomes
political at two different levels. The process to which Morgan and Newburn refer
is the politicization of policing at a popular level and focused upon the demands of
the electorate, whilst Brogden refers to the political dimensions of accountability
within the policing context.
Increased popular concern surrounding crime and order issues, the politicization
of policing at the public level and the contemporary tendency towards heightened
awareness of risk provide an amalgamated discontent for which the public seek
intervention. Interestingly, as Walklate and Mythen (2008, p. 213) highlight, we
find it increasingly difficult to separate fear of crime from the broader ‘tapestry’ of
contemporary (and non-crime) insecurities that impact upon our lives. Therefore,
changes to the ways in which we frame or perceive our security needs and our
increased propensity to seek additional or alternative remedies to these feelings
of insecurity provide one explanation of the public’s continuing fascination with
order, security and the work of the police. These processes have coincided, in
some areas, with a marked shift in the public’s positioning of their security needs
in respect to the ability of the state to provide for them. Mike Davis, in City of
Quartz, his thought-provoking assessment of the social history of Los Angeles,
states:
18 Occupational culture and policing
In the once wide-open tractlands of the San Fernando Valley, where there were
virtually no walled-off communities a decade ago, the ‘trend’ has assumed
the frenzied dimensions of a residential arms race as ordinary suburbanites
demand the kind of social insulation once enjoyed only by the rich.
(1992, p. 246)
The increasingly contested view of security as either a right to be fulfilled by

the state or a commodity to be bought in as a service according to one’s own
needs provides some explanation of the increasing pluralized terms in which we
view policing. Furthermore, it suggests some potentially interesting exploratory
avenues regarding comparisons between public and private police cultures, a sub-
ject that will be addressed in a later chapter of this book.
Westmarland (2008) describes a number of factors that may explain some of our
sustained interest in the culture of policing, and discretion can be seen as central
to these. It is considered important for two key reasons. First, the amount of dis-
cretion bestowed upon police officers (particularly those of relatively low status)
exceeds that enjoyed by those of similar rank in other occupations and, second,
the discretion of police officers can have far-reaching consequences. Brogden,
Jefferson and Walklate (1988, p. 95) allude to this when they note that the
discretion granted requires police officers, on occasion, to make ‘subjective judge-
ments’ regarding whether or not a crime has occurred or whether there is a sub-
stantial likelihood that one might occur. Furthermore, they continue by suggesting
that the discretionary nature of much police work allows for an undermining of
the equalitarian principles espoused within legal rhetoric through the facilitation
of discriminatory practices, for example within the context of stop and search.
Similarly, discretion in the policing context is seen by Black (1980, p. 58) as of
great importance, as ‘Discriminatory decision making by citizens to a degree can-
cels itself out in the citizen mass, while discriminatory behaviour by legal officials
mirrors their own biases, and these are apt to flow in only one direction.’ Police
discretion therefore represents the measure by which we differentiate between the
law as it stands in theory and the law as it is applied by police officers, and the idea
that police discretionary powers should lead to biases in the application of the law
has long been a topic of debate for police scholars. In his book exploring police
accountability, The Police: Autonomy and Consent, Brogden (1982) suggests that
the police institution has successfully undermined the practical application of judi-
cial practice in three particular ways through the exercising of quasi-judicial func-
tions by officers. First, the decision regarding the application or non-application
of a particular law is effectively a judicial decision. Second, legislation such as
that pertaining to stop and search (and repealed UK legislation such as section 4
of the Vagrancy Act 1824) negates the legal principle that assumes the innocence
of the accused individual. Finally, Brogden highlights how, historically, the police
have successfully applied pressure to the judiciary through a variety of means.
The importance of the symbolic interactionist tradition to early work in the area
of police culture, asserts Westmarland (2008), is also worthy of note and, in part,
this can be attributed to the influence of Becker’s (1963) seminal work Outsiders.
This sociological orientation, when focused upon the arena of crime and crimi-
nal justice, views crime and disorder as being socially constructed, with ‘crimes’
being the outcome of interactions between members of the public and agents of
social control (Noaks and Wincup, 2004). To commentators such as Tierney (2006,
p. 131) the impact of these ideas was to break criminology away from its tradi-
tional ‘absolutist’ moorings and to reinvent crime within a ‘relativist’ context.
This ‘relativism’ introduced a number of complexities to our understanding of
crime and institutional reactions to it. For example, Sumner (1994) surmises that
the previously accepted relationship between ‘norms’ and ‘deviance’ had been
cast into doubt, with a growing willingness to accept that the latter was more
likely, in practice, to be defined not so much by societal norms but by the occupa-
tional norms of those tasked with the police role. Sumner illustrates this point in
terms of police practices as follows:
crime is more of a verb than a noun. In some British police forces, that is
actually the nature of the usage. Officers decide whether to ‘crime’ a case
or ‘cuff’ it (cuff, as in the old bobby’s cuff round the ear, rather than formal
sanctions). Working police officers recognize that to make something into a
crime requires work.
(1994, p. 218)
The shift away from traditional approaches of framing crime and crime control
and towards those that stress the socially constructed nature of order was articu-
lated, in the UK, through the National Deviancy Conference, which provided a
focal point for radical criminologists. The importance of this ‘relativist’ paradigm
was not lost on those scholars seeking to explore the reality of what Manning and
Van Maanen (1978b, p. 215) refer to as ‘interaction episodes’ between police and
policed, given that it lent itself perfectly to the use of ethnographic approaches to
generating and understanding data. Interestingly, and despite Noaks and Wincup’s
(2004) suggestion that British radical criminologists had failed to convert their
championing of the ethnographic method into a sustained body of ethnographic
work, the methodology has proved integral to research into police culture across
the world. Whilst existing police ethnographies continue to stimulate debate and
sustain interest in the cultural world of policing, it has to be noted that the tradition
of the classic police ethnography largely belongs to a long gone era (Westmarland,
2008).
As radical sociologists began a concerted critique of the nature, and distribu-
tion, of power within society their gaze unsurprisingly fell, during the 1960s,
upon a British police institution whose status and authority, as Holdaway (1983)
notes, were perceived as beginning to weaken. The same decade saw the inap-
propriate behaviour of some quarters of the Metropolitan Police Force come
to light through the infamous Challenor case, where Detective Sergeant Harry
Challenor was brought to trial on corruption charges in 1964. According to an
obituary in the Telegraph newspaper (15 September 2008), Challenor’s behav-
iour had become increasingly ‘violent and unorthodox’, with one arrested Bar-
badian purportedly being punched repeatedly by Challenor as he sang ‘Bongo,
bongo, bongo, I don’t want to leave the Congo’. The late 1960s also saw conflict
between public and police flaring up during demonstrations such as the Gros-
venor Square ‘riot’ of March 1968, which resulted in 90 police officers being
injured and over 300 members of the public being arrested, signalling a very
evident watershed in British police–public relations. This is not to suggest that
the 1960s saw any demonstrable worsening of the behaviour of either individual
officers or police forces. For example, Emsley’s (2005) analysis of the 1929 con-
viction of Sergeant George Goddard explains police corruption not in terms of
factors endemic to any particular historical era but as a result of the criminalizing
characteristics associated with particular London areas. Ultimately, the 1960s
provided a protracted turning point, if not in police behaviour, then in the scrutiny
of police behaviour by academic and media commentators. In terms of the latter,
Chibnall (1979) provides an enlightening overview of the relationship between
the Metropolitan Police and the print media during the 1960s which depicts the
Dixon of Dock Green iconography of the police as rapidly appearing out of touch
with the irreverent mood of the time. In an apparently simultaneous (and ironic)
twist, Chibnall (1979, p. 137) describes the way in which, in the aftermath of
publicized scandals, policing per se became a fair target for ‘critical scrutiny’ by
newspaper journalists. When such scrutiny transformed into newspaper exposés
of police scandal by the People and the Times, the Metropolitan Police responded
in a robust manner. In terms of the former, the article was met with a libel writ
and, in terms of the latter, the journalists responsible were subjected to interroga-
tion, trailing and threatening phone calls.
Police culture remains a subject area of interest for a number of reasons which
relate to the state and its shifting position and agendas, public perceptions of police
function and efficiency, the powers needed to execute the role of the police and the
paradigms which academics invoke to make sense of the world around them. The
politicized nature of formal social control impacts upon police numbers, roles and
responsibilities. Public fear of crime and concerns over personal and community
security impact upon their behaviours and their expectations of, and relation to,
the state. The discretion that provides the lubrication for the police machinery pro-
vides a delicate balance for officers to engage in common sense or compassionate
policing or, alternatively, to engage in behaviours that undermine the legitimacy
of their work. The emergent model of symbolic interactionism therefore provided
academics with the theoretical tools required to explore police decision-making
and its role as the negotiable buffer between the letter of the law and the need to
resolve human conflict.
In a reflective account about his own motivations to undertake a piece of
research on police occupational culture, John Van Maanen (1978c) provides a
description that might strike a chord with many who have conducted their own
research in this field by presenting an overview of the motivations for academics
to carry out such work. He noted that, despite the array of ethnographic work in
the field of policing, none of these pieces of work managed to fully debunk the
mystique of police work. He comments:
It is as if the field worker, as he is presented in the published works, simply
vanished for a period of time into an obscure and often-unnamed police world;
became involved in the activities that took place there; attained something
akin to a state of grace with the observed; and, then, presto, emerged with the
data in hand. Clearly, important contacts were initiated, roles were carved out,
and certain kinds of events were (and were not) observed while the researcher
was out of view, but we know not how such things were accomplished.
(1978c, p. 310)
One suspects that the rich tradition of research into police culture continues
to engage and inspire researchers to fill in the gaps that they perceive in the
descriptions of others’ fieldwork experiences. Van Maanen continues by suggest-
ing that the language of academia is used as a ‘doctrinal or ideological canopy’
(1978c, p. 311) that conceals the true motives explaining why police research is
undertaken and, to him, the ideological canopies erected by researchers fail to
contextualize the position (or, it might be implied, the particular importance) of
police research within the social sciences. Furthermore, he suggests that much
police research fails either to appreciate or to account for the individual biog-
raphy of the researcher and its impact on the ethnographic experience. In short,
Van Maanen exhorts us to answer the potentially troubling question of why some
individuals choose to research the police and suggests that generally most are
perceived as being motivated by either an ingrained affinity with or distrust of the
subject matter of their research. By doing so, he reminds us that police research,
like policing itself, is subject to politicized agendas.
What is police culture?

In the introduction to O’Neill, Marks and Singh’s (2007) collection of work in the
area of police occupational culture, two of the editors wisely choose to refrain
from attempting a definition of police occupational culture beyond that of:
police occupational culture can best be considered as ‘the way things are done
around here’ for the officers, not always ‘by the book’, but not always with-
out it either. Police, both public and private sector, have socially constructed
ways of viewing the world, their place in it, and the appropriate action to take
in their jobs.
(O’Neill and Singh, 2007, p. 2)
There is, of course, a very good reason to exercise caution when attempting to
define police occupational culture. For a start, police culture goes by a number of
aliases including, according to Westmarland (2008), canteen culture, patrol cul-
ture, street culture and police subculture. Furthermore, recent developments in
the area have made it increasingly common practice to refer to ‘police cultures’
as opposed to ‘police culture’, and it has become difficult in recent years to
provide a straightforward definition of police occupational culture that suitably
encapsulates all the key concepts and themes that have been identified by authors
in the field. This is, perhaps, for one key reason. Quite simply, like many concepts
within the social sciences, the concept of police culture has developed over time
and mutated to cover new ways of thinking about police culture and, crucially,
the changing police world. Waddington, who has robustly critiqued the ways in
which we conceptualize police culture, most notably in an article entitled ‘Police
(canteen) sub-culture: an appreciation’ (1999a), has provided the following work-
able general definition:
Police culture (or subculture) refers to the mix of informal prejudices, val-
ues, attitudes and working practices commonly found among the lower ranks
of the police that influences the exercise of discretion. It also refers to the
police’s solidarity, which may tolerate corruption and resist reform.
(Waddington, 2008, p. 203)
Such a succinct definition is helpful as a means of introducing one to the gen-

eral themes of police culture, but cannot describe the evolution of police cultural
studies over the previous half-century nor alert the reader to the contested nature
of many of its core terms of reference. In terms of explaining the gradual progres-
sion of work in this area, it is helpful to draw on Westmarland (2008), who has
identified three main periods in its development, which might be classed as the
early/classic, middle and late. Before identifying and exploring in more depth the
themes and concepts of occupational culture, it might be appropriate to address,
briefly, some examples of the ways in which police cultural research has devel-
oped throughout each of these stages.
Early/classic period work

Part of the confusion surrounding the definition of police culture comes from the
fact that much of the classic early work in the field, which laid the foundations
and provided the reference points for future work, did not use the term ‘police
culture’. Probably the first piece of published academic work to explicitly engage
with one of the more popular issues to later become associated with police culture
was Westley (1953), in a short paper entitled ‘Violence and the police’, which
presented research that would later form the basis of his 1970 book Violence and
the Police: A Sociological Study of Law, Custom, and Morality. Westley, in the
following passage, outlines the key thrust of his research:
The social definition of the occupation invests its members with a common
prestige position. Thus, a man’s occupation is a major determining factor of
his conduct and social identity. This being so, it involves more than man’s
work, and one must go beyond the technical in the explanation of work behav-
iour. One must discover the occupationally derived definitions of self and
conduct which arise in the involvements of technical demands, social rela-
tionships between colleagues and with the public, status and self-conception.
To understand these definitions, one must track them back to the occupational
problems in which they have their genesis.
(1953, p. 34)
To Westley, therefore, an individual’s occupational relationships and roles had

a substantial impact on the person’s sense of self. The hostility with which offic-
ers were treated by members of the public, in turn, led officers to adopt essentially
negative responses such as overt secrecy, the belief that public respect can be
gained through intimidation and the belief that almost any means of securing an
arrest is legitimate. Greene (2010), in a profile of Westley’s life and work, sug-
gests that the most vital impact of Westley’s research into policing was to trans-
form the study of police work from mere descriptive studies of the police role to
sociological analyses of the police identity.
The work of Michael Banton provides a fitting contextual comparison to the
work of Westley in that, primarily, it presents a comparison between the admin-
istration of policing and the work of officers within Scottish and North American
contexts. Banton’s work interestingly not only charted the differences in polic-
ing between these jurisdictions (for example, in terms of the ideological distance
between the police and the public, the formality of police officers’ manner in
encounters with the public and the formal differentiation between rank) but also,
unusually for a sociological text on the work of the police officer, saw the police
as an effectively functioning institution.
Perhaps the greatest contribution of Banton’s work to the theoretical develop-
ment of the area of police culture was to highlight some areas of convergence in
occupational experience and outlook between officers in these different environ-
ments, most significantly in respect of their use of discretion. To Banton (1964)
police on either side of the Atlantic adopted the role of ‘peace officer’ and, in
a legal sense, pursued a general policy of ‘under-enforcement’. This observa-
tion converged neatly with the work of Wayne LaFave, a legal scholar whose
work found favour with a number of early police cultural theorists like Jer-
ome Skolnick in the United States and Maureen Cain in the United Kingdom.
LaFave (1962a, 1962b), in two separate papers for the Wisconsin Law Review,
pioneered scholarly investigation into the appropriateness of discretionary law
enforcement by police officers and concluded by advocating that it was critically
important for the police to continue to use discretion in the enforcement and non-
enforcement of the law, but that the latter should be subjected to the same level of
legal control as the former. The discretionary nature of law enforcement, accord-
ing to Banton, was further rooted in factors pertaining to the local administration
of the police resource, the police relationship with the public and the moral context
of police work. The balance between law and morality in the interactions between
police and public was considered incredibly delicate given that officers in both
the United States and Scotland spoke to Banton of their reluctance to initiate the
ultimate sanction of depriving members of the public of their liberty. Banton went
on to show how it was police policy in one American city which he visited, when
using speed limiting equipment in a 35 mph zone, to cite only motorists driving in
excess of 44 mph. Conversely, Banton learnt that, in one Scottish force, any police
officer unfortunate enough to be witnessed by a superior officer failing to help an
elderly female requiring assistance crossing roads would automatically be repri-
manded. Banton’s work is of interest, therefore, not just as a comparative piece
of police research, nor just for its focus on the use of discretion, but in its ability
to highlight the moral, as opposed to legal, basis of much police work. Overall,
despite Banton concluding the book with a note of caution regarding what he saw
as future changes to both wider society and the role of policing within it (one might
interpret his conclusion as anticipating the advent of late modernity, the growing
specialization of the police and the increased reliance on community-generated
intelligence), his work remained optimistic and upbeat about the legitimacy of the
police and their work. This, in itself, represents something of a unique approach
within the canon of police cultural literature, and paints a very different view of
both police practice and the police occupational culture from Westley’s work.
To Westley, the discretion of the police led to brutal behaviour as a means of sat-
isfying legal and occupational needs, the former through what he calls the ‘pursuit
of duty’ (1953, p. 41) and the latter as a means of defending the values of the
police identity against an untrusting and unsympathetic public. Banton, however,
perceived the discretion of the police world as allowing officers the opportunity
to engage in moral as opposed to legal policing, a factor that he attributed to the
police officer retaining his or her status as a member of the community.
Jerome Skolnick’s Justice without Trial, originally published in 1966, was a
broadly comparative piece of research into the policing of two American cities.
His work has proven to be of sustained interest to police cultural theorists, not
least for his depiction of the police officer’s ‘working personality’ (1994, p. 41),
which can be conceived as an occupationally derived framework through which
police understand and engage with the environs and their inhabitants. Integral
to Skolnick’s work was the idea that police officers’ perceptions of their occu-
pational world were the product of three unique and converging factors that
represented key aspects of their role – danger, authority and efficiency. Skolnick
did recommend, however, that these explanatory factors of the police ‘working
personality’ should not be considered as tantamount to a universal police culture.
Instead, he contended that individual and group differences will emerge between
police officers, units and forces but that overall these three factors will coalesce to
form ‘distinctive cognitive and behavioral responses in police’ (Skolnick, 1994,
p. 41). Like most pieces of early research into what would later become known as
police occupational culture, Skolnick’s work focused on the specific police role
of beat policing as the prime source of cultural knowledge regarding police work
given that it represented the primary role of the police and provided, whatever
their later specialisms, a grounded set of common experiences for all officers.
Skolnick underlined the core factors of danger, authority and efficiency to
explain the ways in which police officers become socialized into the cultural
world of policing. Danger and authority were considered as the two main sources
of momentum behind the cultural identity of the police, and these occurred against
a backdrop of institutional pressure for efficiency. Danger (potential or realized)
was crucial to the working world of the police officer, as the resultant suspicion
provided a ‘perceptual shorthand’ to categorize certain members of the public as
‘symbolic assailants’ (1994, p. 44). ‘Symbolic assailants’ are, quite simply, mem-
bers of the public whose appearance or language prompts police officers to expect
violence, and these ‘aggressors’ are perceived, not in terms of their actual propen-
sity for violence or past history, but solely in superficial terms of appearance.
Under Skolnick’s model, danger combines with authority to create a pronounced
segregation of the police from the public and potentially encourages illegitimate
police behaviour. Authority, in particular, serves to separate the police from the
policed, causing social isolation that can lead to the resultant cultural response of
police solidarity. Simultaneously, the danger inherent to police work serves as
a unifying force within the police whilst exacerbating the cultural gulf between
them and the public. Skolnick draws a comparative point regarding police work-
ing personalities in the United States and the United Kingdom by suggesting that,
assuming that police in the latter face a lesser degree of danger in their working
lives, there will be less propensity for their authority to be undermined.
Following the comparative approach used by Banton (1964) in The Policeman
in the Community, Maureen Cain in 1973 published Society and the Policeman’s
Role, which drew on her earlier research comparing the work of police officers
in rural and urban areas. Cain’s stated aim was to explore the organization and
behaviour of the police and to explain the latter in relation to the definition of the
police role and the pressures associated with it. In an interesting departure from
other early works in this area, Cain’s theoretical framework owed more to the
traditions of role theory than the more fashionable interactionist theories of the
time and employed a variety of research methods including participant observa-
tion, interviews with police officers and questionnaires conducted with officers’
wives. One significant feature to Cain’s work was her introduction of the concept
of ‘easing’ behaviour. This term refers to parts of police life that facilitate officers’
lives such as, in rural areas, the accepting of gifts of refreshments and foodstuffs
from members of the public. In the urban context, Cain described one eight-hour
patrol where only one formal piece of police business needed to be undertaken,
with the rest of the time spent indulging in ‘easing behaviours’, whether trips to
police stations or cafés for cups of tea or stopping at pubs to enjoy a drink with
plain-clothes colleagues. These behaviours were similar to perks but, apart from
providing some benefit to officers, they represented a way for them to become
accepted by the community as well as offering opportunities to share or pass on
information. The significance of these ‘easing behaviours’ lies in what they tell
us about the ways in which acceptable work practices are transmitted through
subcultural norms (Brogden, Jefferson and Walklate, 1988).
Also of interest in Cain’s work are the different styles and features of police
work that could be distinguished between rural and urban settings. In the rural set-
tings there was an altogether closer relationship between the police and the public
not least because of the reliance on the public, rather than informers, for informa-
tion. Despite this, however, rural officers remained somewhat insulated from the
public (with whom officers would be friendly but not friends as such) and, during
working hours, from their colleagues. City officers, on the whole, dealt with a
more fragmented public and encountered fewer opportunities to develop shared
values within their communities because they were less dependent on them. Simi-
larly, their work was more likely to be considered ‘both unpleasant and monoto-
nous’ (1973, p. 229), because urban officers had a less varied role than their rural
counterparts and were less likely to become involved in criminal investigations.
Despite this more limited role, their work environment did offer some opportuni-
ties for ‘easing’, including the apparently arbitrary arrest of vulnerable members
of the community for public order offences, a practice which provided a means
of enhancing officers’ status as thief-takers. Another means of relieving the mun-
danity of much day-to-day work was to ‘work up’ (p. 229) a beat by developing
relationships with people who lived there. This strategy, however, would be more
successful as a means of accruing status in rural locations where peace-keeping
rather than thief-taking was more central to the police role. Finally, officers in
urban settings could resort to ‘official’ means of job easing by using centrally
provided resources for leisure pursuits. Probably the most important way, how-
ever, in which the styles of rural and urban officers differed from each other was
in the ‘much narrower definition of “work”’ (1973, p. 230, italics in original) of
the latter.
The above sketches present nowhere near an exhaustive view of sociological
research undertaken during the 1950s and 1960s into police work. However, what
I have sought to do is to give a brief overview of some of the key works conducted
at this time by police scholars. Cain (1973) provides a welcome and concise sum-
mary of early work in this area and sees its focus of attention as threefold. First,
it tends to highlight the rights of citizens in respect of how the police operate and
how they utilize discretion. Second, it concerns the reasons why police officers
tend to act in certain predictable ways. Third, and finally, the work focuses on the
effects of police actions.
Despite the term ‘police culture’ having not, at this stage, become a part of the
academic language of police studies, undoubtedly the themes being addressed by
these writers were concurrent with what would now be taken as key themes within
police occupational culture. Westley’s primary aim was not just to describe police
use of violence but to explore the ways in which such behaviour was legitimated by
the role of the police and their relationship with the public. Banton took probably
the most positive view of policing and provided an interesting, semi-comparative
approach which highlights the importance of discretion, and the balance between
legal and moral considerations, to police work. Skolnick probably comes closer
than the other writers whose work has been briefly explored in this section to
describing police culture when he proposed the idea of the police officer’s ‘work-
ing personality’, which suggests that police officers share a common outlook and
that these inclinations are the result of the unique combination of three factors of
the police world – danger, authority and efficiency. Cain (1973), by contrasting
the work roles and relations of officers working in urban and rural locations, high-
lighted the impact of different environments on the methods and styles of policing
used there. Similarly, she underlined the importance of those facets of the police
world that bring small but welcome improvements to the officer’s working day
(‘easing’ behaviours) and their importance in facilitating our understanding of
those norms that underlie police work. Fundamental to all of these four accounts,
however, is the idea of ‘discretion’, which will be more fully addressed later in
this book.
Middle period work

If police use of discretion was the core feature of police work that was commonly
explored by those writers addressing police culture in the early period, the issue
of cultural variation was probably the central theme to much work in the middle
period. Whilst earlier works had tended to acknowledge that variations occurred
between groups of officers, the main thrust of the work had been on emphasiz-
ing core similarities in police work. To middle period writers, policing was more
likely to be approached in terms that explicitly acknowledged not only the idea of
culture and its use as an analytical concept, but also that cultural variation was a
notable element of the social world of the police.
In a book chapter entitled ‘Street cops and management cops: the two cultures
of policing’, Elizabeth Reuss-Ianni and Francis Ianni (1983) provide one of the
clearest declarations that, rather than sharing a homogeneous occupational culture,
specific and different police cultures could be identified within the police world.
They began by drawing upon organizational research to suggest that the ‘infor-
mal social and behavioural systems’ (p. 251) of immediate circles of colleagues
have a greater impact upon behaviour than the wider organization. This presents
a particular problem for the administration of police agencies where resolution of
employee demands is increasingly finely balanced with the organization’s need
for efficiency and citizen focus. Utilizing a mixed methodology consisting of par-
ticipant observation and event and network analyses they found that, within their
research environment of New York City, they could discern two opposing and
incompatible police occupational cultures. The first, characterized as a ‘street cop
culture’ (p. 253), was based on ideologically driven ideas of a police world where
officers of all ranks could be trusted, the public supported the police and local pol-
iticians left officers to their own devices. In many respects, this highly idealized
cultural view of police work represents an amalgamation of a nostalgia-driven
view of ‘good old days’ policing (1983, p. 253) with strongly and commonly
held beliefs regarding the ways in which it should be performed and coordinated.
Street officers that Reuss-Ianni and Ianni interviewed and observed subscribed to
the prevalent view that ‘social and political forces have weakened the character,
performance, and effectiveness of police work and that as a result the policing
function is under strong attack’ (1983, p. 254). These officers highlighted the lack
of respect from the public, combined with a growing restriction and control from
police managers and local politicians, which made the police job more complex,
more perilous and less efficient. The ‘management cop culture’ was seen as gen-
erating bureaucratic responses that were then superimposed upon the ‘street police
culture’, increasingly causing conflict, stress and inappropriate police behaviour,
and which subsequently fortified the importance of the precinct culture to the
officers. Reuss-Ianni and Ianni then explored the reasons for this apparent bifurca-
tion of police cultures within the New York City police. Previously, the ‘street cop
culture’ had provided a coherent and consistent set of values that drew together
and unified all levels of the department. Reuss-Ianni and Ianni described the ben-
efits and drawbacks of this cultural homogeneity, where ‘The mutual dependence
provided a level of morale and esprit de corps; this same mutuality and the secrecy
it produced contributed to the institutionalization of widespread organized graft
and corruption in the department’ (1983, p. 256). They also drew attention to the
factors (internal and external to the police) that they saw as causing the apparent
fragmentation of the police culture. These included the Knapp Commission (based
to some extent on the revelations regarding corruption within the force made by
Frank Serpico and others), a growing interest in the rights of marginalized and
disenfranchised groups, a decline in the amount of leisure time socializing under-
taken by officers (enforced partly by wage increases leading to police officers
living outside the city), calls for greater minority representation within the force
and a growth in the numbers of officers who had completed programmes of higher
education.
Ultimately, Reuss-Ianni and Ianni viewed both cultures as sharing the same
broad goals of providing safety and security to the city’s inhabitants but, signifi-
cantly, noted a variation in their definition of these concepts and the strategies by
which these may be realized. The ‘street cop culture’, for example, highlighted the
notion of the ‘professional’ cop using his or her discretion as the basis for mak-
ing decisions at the local level. On the other hand, the ‘management cop culture’
took a broader geographical remit and concentrated on its key role of prioritiza-
tion of limited resources within a complex array of external financial, political
and social constraints. The authors concluded by stating that the bifurcation of
cultures detailed above is not unusual in any organization that has experienced
pressure to change the way in which it coordinates and executes its work. As a
response to these new demands, two cultures emerged. One remained loyal to the
traditional way of doing the job and the other focused less upon the practical and
symbolic world of the front-line practitioner but was more sensitive to local politi-
cal contexts and media interest. The symbolic icon and language of the ‘officer’
found itself increasingly lost amongst new management discourses that prioritized
‘organization’, and these ‘incongruent values systems’ (p. 272) led subsequently
to disaffection and stress. Interestingly, Reuss-Ianni and Ianni saw the decline of a
unifying singular police culture as a major cause of stress within policing, suggest-
ing, as other organizational scholars have previously, that occupational cultures
do have notable positive impacts.
Another key publication associated with this middle period is Malcolm Young’s
(1991) An Inside Job, written by a police officer turned academic who provides an
engaging account of police work in the UK between the 1950s and 1970s. In many
respects, the true fascination of this book is the author’s reflection on his own
transformation of occupational identity as he moved between law enforcement
and academic cultures. Simultaneously, however, Young used an anthropological
approach to make sense of the ‘nuances and specificities of police reality’ (1991,
p. 63) as he progressed within the police institution. As a new police officer within
one of the three divisions of the Newcastle upon Tyne city police, he described the
process of becoming aware of the cultural world of the city police officer and the
distinctions between ‘thief-takers’ and ‘uniform carriers’, ‘polis’ and ‘civvies’.
The cultural divisions that separated those officers in the North Shields and South
Shields Divisions reinforced the idea of a physical and social environment where
boundaries were clearly marked. Minor differences in uniform, accommodation
policy and height regulations between neighbouring forces reflected ‘alien’ and
despised styles of policing. As Young progressed to being an aide to the Criminal
Investigation Department (CID) and subsequently a detective constable, he charts
how he had effectively crossed a boundary from his previous cultural position.
To his former uniformed colleagues, his new position was disparaged for its free-
dom of movement, its apparent lack of control and the failure of most detectives
to detect crime. Interestingly, Young’s move to CID marks his introduction to
what he terms ‘the primacy of the statistical world’ (p. 82) and a departure from
the world of the uniformed officer where an arrest was seen as an end in itself.
To Young:
The detective has therefore moved from the centrally important activity of
seizing the villains into a manipulated world where the paper exercise of
statistical detections is used to assuage politicians, the media, and a public
obsessed with the moral panic of increasing crime rates.
(1991, p. 83)
Whilst, to the uniformed officers of Young’s recollection at least, officers work-

ing for CID were seen as falling prey, sartorially, to individuality, Young shows
how even detectives were still constrained, in some respects, by social conven-
tions regarding appearance:
To walk into a pub function room as I have often done during the ten years
I was collecting fieldnotes and see two or three hundred detectives in their
‘uniform’ of modern suit and tie, neat haircut, and the fashionable moustache
of the times, is to be visibly reminded that there is a narrow symbolic range of
bodily correctness within which all policemen can properly operate.
(1991, p. 83)
Young’s next move within the institution was one that took him yet further
from what he had been socialized into seeing as ‘proper’ police work and into
more remote areas of police operations. As one of only two full-time members of
a squad tasked with dealing with a new focus for the police, namely drug users,
Young found himself in a position where the austere and prescriptive social con-
ventions of the police world failed to hold either authority or relevance. In his
‘marginal universe’ (p. 89), he enforced new offences, dressed differently, and
lost respect for previously revered systems of the police hierarchy.
Dick Hobbs’ Doing the Business provides a fascinating ethnographic account
of the cultural distinctiveness of the East End of London and its impact on crime
and law enforcement. In it he forwards the argument that the form of entrepre-
neurialism endemic to this specific area represented ‘a specific economic and
cultural order’ (1988, p. 197). To Hobbs, the East End of London and the CID
of the Metropolitan Police represented distinct and different environmental and
cultural phenomena yet shared key characteristics. Indeed, Hobbs’s work draws
attention to the role of CID officers and makes a strong case to distinguish them
culturally from their uniformed colleagues. In an engaging overview of the history
of the CID he details the impact of Sir Robert Mark (former commissioner of the
Metropolitan Police), whose unveiled animosity towards CID was a manifestation
of his personal characteristics that embraced both conservatism and militarism.
Hobbs concluded that the detective role is essentially ‘entrepreneurial’ rather than
‘militarist’ and that this distinction placed the two forms of police work in ideo-
logical and symbolic conflict.
The entrepreneurial basis of the local environs, coupled with the similarly
enterprising nature of detective work, ensured that the local geographic and
social culture provided shared symbolic meanings for both officers and villains.
The primacy of market forces in the area also meant that relationships between
police and local criminals were dictated, not by the formality of police bureauc-
racy, but through informal interactions based on the trading of different forms of
commodity. Hobbs describes one such interaction:
Consulting a CID officer was the legal equivalent of a ‘cash only’ deal – no
VAT, no due process. However, unless the East-Ender had something to trade
no deal was forthcoming. When one man’s younger brother was arrested in
connection with a robbery he consulted a detective, a drinking-partner of sev-
eral years’ acquaintance: ‘What have they got? Nothing solid have they? He
never did it. He’s not at the heavy; shooters not his thing. What have they
got?’ When this potential ‘client’ was asked to ‘put up’ names, he declined
and the transaction was aborted.
(1988, p. 198)
To Hobbs, the relationship between the police and their public was based on
their mutual understanding of the rules that typified police CID relations with local
criminals. Turn-taking was one rhetorical device used by CID officers to manage,
articulate and sustain the CID mythology in ways which belied the departments’
relationship to the wider police organization. In such a way, investigations were
portrayed in terms that emphasize their similarity to a game where both police and
criminal took turns and were either successful or unsuccessful owing to the inter-
vention, or non-intervention, of luck. In this way, the CID officer was recast as ‘an
autonomous entrepreneur of law and order’ (p. 205) rather than a state-sanctioned
law enforcement officer, an important distinction for those whose livelihoods
relied on their ability to ‘fit in’ with the local community.
More serious types of crime, such as murder, required a shift from working-class
local rhetoric back to the formal and unambiguous police codes of language where
officers were quick to straightforwardly identify both themselves and their aims.
Murder was conceived by detectives as a ‘real’ crime and therefore one that could,
unlike most incidents, be dealt with in a manner detached from the symbolic and
cultural dynamics of the East End. Such a division of presentational codes should
not be taken as evidence that formal and informal codes of policing never actually
converged, and Hobbs described how CID officers used both verbal and non-
verbal working-class styles of communication to become more effective officers.
The rhetoric of the CID therefore served as a means of transmitting knowledge
regarding the rules of the game that both sides played, thus highlighting the ‘sym-
biotic’ relationship between the public and the police force in the area. The entre-
preneurial basis for the East End culture was seen as pervading the occupational
personalities of both the police officers and the ‘villains’, and both were seen
as players in a game based upon ‘the trading of moral identities’ (Hobbs, 1989,
p. 179), which tended to confuse the distinction between ‘cop’ and ‘criminal’.
These three pieces of research from middle period studies of police occupa-
tional culture provide an altogether different take on police culture from that which
emerged through early work in the area in that they describe the emergence of
significantly different and separate cultures within specific police organizations.
For the first time, research in this area was going beyond solely acknowledging
variations in police values and behaviours as writers like Skolnick (1994) and
Westley (1953) did. Where early writers did acknowledge such variations they
were portrayed as aberrations of the dominant cultural themes that the literature
described. The work of Reuss-Ianni and Ianni and Young describes the coexist-
ence of cultures that appear to conflict with each other (in the case of Reuss-Ianni
and Ianni), cultures that appear, in some cases, to be variations on a similar theme
(Young’s distinction between uniformed and CID cultures) and, in the case of
Young’s experiences working for a drug squad, an example of police officers
operating under no discernible police culture. To Young, he and his colleagues
had become ‘aberrant policemen’ (1991, p. 90) exposed to new ways of viewing
the world and, as a result, they began to drift away from the police institution’s
sphere of influence. Hobbs also succeeded in drawing out the cultural differences
between CID and uniform work by highlighting the different occupational priori-
ties, such as high-quality paperwork (which casts the reality of detective work in
a more occupationally appropriate light) and performance in court (which Hobbs
lightly refers to as ‘repertory justice’).
Of considerable interest here, however, is the way in which the middle period
of police culture writing brought about not only an awareness of different cultures
existing simultaneously within particular occupations but also, in Hobbs’s case,
an awareness of the relationship between geography and occupational culture.
Most significantly, the main difference between uniform and CID officers is that
the latter are ‘doing the business’ (1988, p. 196) in an environment founded on
entrepreneurialism and within a framework of relationships that echo those of the
trading heritage of the East End whilst the former are more tightly constrained
by the culture of the police institution. The occupational culture of the police that
Hobbs described competed with the indigenous cultural framework of the East
End to provide a detective culture that succeeded in drawing substantially on the
latter’s unique geographical milieu. Hobbs describes the East End as a unique
environment that can be viewed as a ‘cultural community’ in the fullest sense of
the phrase, owing in part to its heritage of Huguenot, Irish and Jewish immigra-
tion. The Irish and Jewish communities left the most lasting impression on the
area, with the former contributing to the pre-industrial culture of the area, and the
latter providing its entrepreneurial character. Working-class culture, according to
Hobbs, represents a reaction to particular social and economic conditions and will
vary between regions. Malcolm Young pursues a similar vein when he explores
differences in policing styles between the city centre of Newcastle upon Tyne
and the outlying divisions, but does so without really exploring the fundamental
uniqueness of his chosen geographical area. To Young, the differences between
areas were as much a reflection of police perceptions of differences between polic-
ing styles as a commentary upon social and cultural differences pertinent to the
lives of all denizens.
Evident in the research of this era was an acknowledgement of the growing
importance of managerialism to the administration of the police function and its
inevitable impact upon the cultural world of the police. Although this phenomenon
is more explicitly addressed in Reuss-Ianni and Ianni’s work, it is also highlighted
within Young’s depiction of the pressures that were brought to bear on new CID
officers. He outlines the ‘tremendous semantic significance’ (1991, p. 82) to offic-
ers of a ‘quality’ arrest, within a system that cares only for ‘numbers’ of detections.
Likewise, Hobbs (1988) shows how one of the ways in which the entrepreneurial
nature of CID is evidenced is by the way that they respond to the pressure for
results that they face. The entrepreneurial CID officer does not just solve a crime;
he or she turns small offences into big offences (by generating evidence for more
serious charges) or turns a single offence into a number of charges.
Late period work

In this section, an overview of a limited number of later examples of police culture
literature will be presented. These are not intended to present a definitive over-
view of the contemporary literature of this area, but merely to demonstrate the
increasingly diverse and complex ideas that have become evident within recent
work. For example, later work has tended to critique the relevance of earlier writ-
ings especially in respect of the substantial changes that both police institutions
and ‘policing’ as a concept have undergone in recent years.
In Changing Police Culture: Policing in a Multicultural Society, Chan (1997)
proposed a new approach with which to analyse police culture, prompted by her
belief that the majority of research undertaken in the area was limited owing to
the use of an outdated conceptual framework. Her research, based on question-
naires, semi-structured interviews and a content analysis of documents, led her to
forward four general criticisms of literature in the area. Her first criticism is that
most research presents cop culture as too deterministic and inflexible a concept, a
theme initially developed by middle period writers such as Reuss-Ianni and Ianni
(1983). This is shown by the failure of most accounts to explain internal differ-
entiation between groups of officers who hold different police functions and led
Chan (1997) to suggest that cop culture was a more ‘fluid’ concept than previously
acknowledged. Furthermore, any account of police culture should, she suggested,
be flexible enough to describe differences within and between police forces.
Chan’s second criticism refers to the process whereby police officers become
socialized into the occupational culture. To Chan, existing accounts have failed to
address the issue in sufficient depth and, accordingly, have painted the individual
officer as a passive bystander in what she terms the ‘acculturation process’ (1997,
p. 66). Whilst acknowledging the undoubted potency of occupational cultures,
Chan proposed that police cultures should not be seen as inevitably overriding
the will of the individual. By way of contrast, she suggested that any theory of
police culture should acknowledge the active role played by individual officers
in comprehending their institution and the cultural landscape within which that
institution existed. Accordingly, Chan placed great emphasis on the importance of
understanding the interaction between the occupational culture and individuals’
existing attitudes.
Chan’s third criticism of existing literature is that police occupational cultures
are portrayed as operating in a vacuum that exists independently of external (non-
police) contexts. Thus, the fact that political change, the emergence of new social
challenges and the impact of new legislation can have a profound effect on the
culture of the police needs to be recognized by theories that purport to explain
police culture. Under such a model, the culture within a particular station can be
particularly affected by an external inquiry, a change in organization or a new
piece of legislation. Chan’s fourth and final criticism encapsulates her previous
points and is that, to a large extent, the dialectic between social environment and
policing has been ignored, making it impossible for existing theoretical frame-
works to account for changes to, or variations within, cop culture. Only when such
a relationship is established will we be able to examine the phenomenon with any
sense of objectivity.
Chan, in the light of these issues, proposes a re-conceptualization of police cul-
ture within three converging themes. The first is that of recognizing the active cul-
tural role played by individual members of the police force. Secondly, she claims
that there is a need to be aware of the fact that multiple cultures may exist within a
single organization. Thirdly, she states that there is a need to situate culture within
the ever-changing social and cultural contexts of police work. As a means of over-
coming these weaknesses, she developed a framework which drew upon cognitive
models and Bourdieu’s concepts of ‘field’ and ‘habitus’. Traditional models of
police culture assume, suggests Chan (1997, p. 73), that a linear relationship exists
between ‘field’ (‘the structural conditions of police work’), ‘habitus’ (‘cultural
knowledge’) and ‘police practice’. Such a formulation assumes that a determin-
istic and causal process exists whereby police work is solely responsible for the
generation of cultural knowledge which, in turn, informs police practice. Chan
(1997) criticizes this simplistic framework on two main grounds. First, it fails to
articulate the extent to which individuals can actively contribute to cultural knowl-
edge and, second, it suggests that the application of changes to the structural con-
ditions of police work would de facto lead to changes in cultural knowledge and,
therefore, police behaviour. In its place Chan proposes a model that acknowledges
the potential for individual police actors to become the connecting factor between
‘field’, ‘habitus’ and police practice. Under this model, there would be no causal
assumption that culture was solely informed by the structural conditions of police
work and that all police practice was dictated by cultural knowledge. To Chan,
therefore, a structural change need not necessarily lead to changes in culture and
practice, being dependent instead on the extent to which officers feel equipped to
modify their practice to accommodate the change.
Waddington (1999a), in ‘Police (canteen) sub-culture: an appreciation’, pro-
vided us with an equally thought-provoking critique of the literature of police
culture in which he forwarded an ‘appreciative’ as opposed to ‘condemnatory’
reading of police culture, and this represented a means of restoring balance in an
area where, traditionally, police culture had been viewed as being an essentially
negative phenomenon. Waddington wisely noted the reluctance of criminologists
to ‘appreciate’ police culture despite the discipline’s history of uncritical apprais-
als of ‘criminal’ or ‘deviant’ groups. Furthermore, the normative approach that
we have traditionally adopted to understand police culture, he maintained, has
had limited success in explaining the cultural aspects of police work. His work
provides a thought-provoking critique of approaches to understanding police
culture and raises several key themes. The first to be presented in this brief over-
view is his suggestion that police officers belong to, and contribute to, two police
cultures. In this way, he draws our attention to a possible distinction between
canteen and operational police cultures, a point of crucial importance to those
studying, or researching, police work. His analysis suggests that the methodolo-
gies associated with police culture research (generally qualitative interview and
ethnographic approaches) have dictated that much of the body of literature in this
area reflects oral culture (that is, an analysis of police narrative) rather than physi-
cal culture (that is, an analysis of police behaviour). If Waddington’s notion of a
bifurcated police culture is correct, then an increasingly complex set of questions
arise around the relationship between language and behaviour and, subsequently,
around the relationship between operational and canteen culture. Perhaps one of
the more crucial challenges in this respect concerns the extent to which the infor-
mal narrative of the canteen informs the operational culture of the street or merely
reflects it.
In short, therefore, Waddington’s point is an important one, as it calls into ques-
tion the relationship between what police officers do on the street and how they
later recount such behaviour. This potential differentiation between the ‘actual-
ity’ and the culturally appropriate ‘presentation’ of a given event is one that has
received insufficient attention to date. However, Waddington’s work is of signifi-
cance in that it invites us to speculate upon not only the existence of seemingly
coexistent yet distinct cultures (which pertain to acted and narrated behaviour)
but also the essentially palliative rather than instructive qualities of police ‘can-
teen’ culture. Waddington (1999a, p. 295) likens the police canteen to the ‘repair
shop’ where the police go to make sense of their working lives in front of an
understanding audience. To understand this fully one needs to realize that despite
its image the police is a fragile institution. Police officers, like others in marginal
(or marginalized) occupations, use the oral tradition of the canteen as a means of
imbuing status into their work and skills, whilst simultaneously celebrating their
core distinguishing factor – that of their legitimate claim to violence. To Wad-
dington, the palliative as opposed to prescriptive nature of this canteen culture can
be evidenced by the nuanced and intricate practices that police engage in that are
rarely represented within the banter of the canteen. Assessing the true nature of
the relationship between these two cultures (and the extent to which one informs
the other) is of central importance therefore to our understanding of the complex
cultural dynamics of police work.
Another substantial issue that Waddington develops during the course of the
article concerns what he terms the ‘interpretative over-reach’ (1999a, p. 291) of
more linear accounts of police culture. Waddington suggested that, in part, this
problem is a consequence of the sociological use of the term ‘culture’ as a means
of distilling meaningful knowledge from a diverse array of values and behaviours.
The study of ‘police culture’ is predicated upon a range of generalizations about
the cultural origins of police behaviour. These include, at a fundamental level, an
assumption that a substantial cultural ‘distance’ exists between the police and the
public and that this parallels a pronounced division between ‘wider’ culture and
the occupational culture of the police. Waddington unpicks this issue further by
claiming that our normative approach to understanding police culture relies on a
degree of comparison with other cultural benchmarks. In the example of racism, an
appropriate or inappropriate level of racism within a culture would be evidenced
through comparison with either an ideal, if not realistic, level of zero racism or an
occupational culture more familiar to the researcher. In the case of the latter, sug-
gests Waddington, it is likely that the literature of police culture, as generated by
academics, is as likely to help us understand the occupational culture of academia
as it is that of the police. In short, in the absence of an appropriate benchmark
beside which to assess the intensity of certain cultural dynamics, we assume that
whatever it is that we are observing is a manifestation of the occupational culture
that we are studying, rather than a product of wider societal forces. Waddington
illustrates this point more fully with reference to explanations of police brutality
as a cultural norm amongst South African police officers, which, research sug-
gests, can be traced back not to the culture of the police but to the wider culture of
apartheid South Africa.
The work of both Chan and Waddington provides extremely useful angles
from which to revisit our understanding of police culture. Both are critical of
approaches that portray police culture (or cultures) in a linear and deterministic
manner, but appear to disagree over the extent to which research should have
a normative agenda. To Waddington, Chan’s work is condemnatory rather than
explanatory. Furthermore, Chan’s description of police culture highlights its fluid
nature and its chameleon-like tendency to adapt to its surroundings, whereas
Waddington’s work suggests that many cultural reference points are remarkably
consistent between and within jurisdictions. Moreover, whilst Chan supports the
existence of different discernible cultures, Waddington is opposed to what he sees
as the ‘intellectual fashion that seeks to erode and relativize police sub-cultures’
(1999a, p. 295). Overall, the value of these two accounts lies in the way in which
they redirect attention towards the relationship between police culture and wider
societal culture.
Barriers to the successful definition of police culture

Cockcroft (2007) provides an overview of some of the issues that arise when
defining police occupational culture. For example, whilst Waddington’s (2008)
definition of police culture is entirely appropriate, we find that different police schol-
ars tend to highlight different themes within their definitions. The following descrip-
tions of police culture have been presented by Peter Manning, Robert Reiner and
Janet Chan, respectively:
• ‘accepted practices, rules, and principles of conduct that are situationally

applied, and generalized rationales and beliefs’ (Manning, 1989, p. 360);
• ‘a patterned set of understandings which help to cope with and adjust to the
pressures and tensions which confront the police’ (Reiner, 1992, p. 109);
• ‘a layer of informal occupational norms and values operating under the
apparently rigid hierarchical structure of police organisations’ (Chan, 1997,
p. 43).
(cited in Cockcroft, 2007, p. 87)
These three interpretations provide us with a diverse selection of themes that iden-
tify, respectively, the importance of culture in promoting accepted ways of ‘doing
policing’, a framework of meaning that helps officers to make sense of work-
based issues and, finally, a means of resolving the tension between formality and
informality within formal institutional structures. All three of these help broaden
our understanding of the cultural world of the police officer but are less successful
in a definitional sense, owing to the fact that they are, by necessity, very broad and
do not articulate the breadth and depth of the subject area.
That such definitions can be regarded as insufficiently specific to really con-
vey our understanding of police culture is a result of a number of factors that are
outlined by Cockcroft (2007). The first issue is that of the broad-based role of the
police. Like many public sector institutions, policing encompasses a wide range of
skills, locations, technologies and roles, and police scholars as far back as Vollmer
(1936) have suggested that the police undertake a much wider range of functions
than their official obligations would suggest. Similarly, Goldstein (1979) makes
the distinction between that which the public believe the police do, enforce the
law, and what it is that they actually do, solve problems. Furthermore, as Brogden
(1991) reminds us, the role of the police varies between social environments and
is contingent upon embedded patterns of industry, employment and the economy
within a particular area.
A second factor that tends to inhibit the clarity of definitions of police culture
relates to the sociological orthodoxy of viewing it as a fundamentally negative
phenomenon. The majority of sociological work into policing has been either
‘reformist’ (Narayanan, 2005) or ‘condemnatory’ (Waddington, 1999a) and
reflects social sciences’ concerns with distribution of power within society. In
contrast, scholarly work undertaken into occupational culture from an organiza-
tional perspective tends to highlight the more positive aspects to occupational
culture, for example in relation to stress reduction (MacAlister, 2004). One some-
what surprising champion for the values of police culture, the chaplain to an
Australian police force, published a brief article entitled ‘Thank God for police
culture’ (Beal, 2001) in which he suggested that the sense of community enjoyed
by police officers was something to be welcomed in a world characterized by
individualism. He concludes the piece by writing:
The quality of community life one finds within the police culture should be
valued and preserved. It mirrors much of what the Christian Church has been
trying to establish for 2000 years: a supportive, honest and real community of
people who are there for each other through thick and thin. I say, thank God
for police culture.
(2001, no page)
Her Majesty’s Inspectorate of Constabulary (HMIC), a body responsible for the

oversight of policing in England, Wales and Northern Ireland, in a 1999 report,
were equally sceptical of the suggestion that police culture led to inappropriate
behaviours at the expense of appropriate ones. They wrote:
The journalistic shorthand that summarises the thinking of operational police

officers as being explained by ‘a canteen culture’ is as misleading as it is
mischievous. It is acknowledged that the location reference is merely evoca-
tive of what is seen as a collective attitude. These very canteens witness the
conversations of officers who still see service to all members of the public as
an intrinsic part of their vocation. The number of officers who are nominated
each year for community awards are part of this same culture.
(1999b, p. 29)
Similarly, it should be noted that Paoline (2003), in his review of police culture
literature, cites published work (generally from North America) that underlines a
number of potential benefits to the police institution of its organizational culture.
It is seen as providing a measure of emotional comfort to officers engaged in tax-
ing roles, enabling new officers to learn the practical skills needed to undertake
their role effectively, a potential facilitator of police reform and a means of pre-
venting poor police practice. A third factor that has led to increasing difficulties in
developing comprehensive definitions of police culture is associated not so much
with new ways of thinking about culture but with recent years having witnessed
tremendous societal change, not least in respect of the criminal justice system
(Garland, 2001). Factors such as the increasingly pluralized orientation of security
provision (Garland, 2001) and the normalization of crime (Matravers and Maruna,
2005) are leading, it can be argued, to a reduction in the potency of the police as
an institution and a reassessment of appropriate levels of responsibility and effec-
tiveness. As Loader and Sparks make clear, we have witnessed the emergence of
a set of new philosophies regarding crime and its control that draw on ‘a diverse,
contradictory array of situational technologies, policing styles, preventative strat-
egies’ (2005, p. 14). Control of crime and the provision of security has become
an increasingly intricate array of relationships that take place against a backdrop
of changing criminological knowledge and competing political agendas. In short,
policing has changed greatly since the time of the early period writers in this area,
and both ‘policing’ and ‘culture’ appear, as concepts, to have escalated in com-
plexity over recent years.
To these challenges we might add another and one that highlights the con-
ceptual rift between those who prioritize the understanding of police culture and
those who focus predominantly on its effects. In practice, the study of police cul-
ture engages with a number of separate but intertwined issues. It touches upon
particular behaviours, the social forces that motivate individuals to display those
patterns of behaviour and the ways in which police use cognitive and communica-
tive frameworks to understand or express those behaviours (Cockcroft, 2007). So
far, we have explored some of the fundamental themes associated with police cul-
ture and provided a brief overview of some of its inherent complexities. It should
be noted, however, that our interest in police culture is concerned not just with
the cultural dimensions of the police world, but with the impact of those factors
on the practice of policing. In reality, the primary concern of a great deal of the
literature of police culture appears to have been not so much an understanding of
the culture of the police but an analysis of those aspects of police behaviour which
might be considered inappropriate or illegal, and which are generally attributed
to a specific police culture. Such behaviours include heightened sensitivities to
gender and race, camaraderie, social solidarity, suspicion, noble cause corrup-
tion, cynicism, machismo and a sense of mission, and it is these issues that have
tended to become associated with the issue of police culture (in the minds of many
academics and members of the public alike). Cop culture has traditionally been
conceptualized as a universal phenomenon by virtue of the fact that police offic-
ers throughout the world have a large amount of occupational discretion at their
disposal to be utilized on a common set of problematical situations. Thus, it could
be argued that police officers working in such diverse cultures as the UK, the
USA, Asia and Africa all face similar issues regarding public order, crime detec-
tion and crime management and that this has prompted a willingness to perceive
a comparatively cohesive culture within the occupation. Furthermore, if one takes
Skolnick’s (1994) concept of the ‘working personality’ as a cultural template for
police organizations, the key factors of danger, authority and efficiency would be
present, in some form, in the majority of public police organizations. Increasingly,
therefore, police culture has been portrayed as a universal phenomenon with far-
reaching consequences, which accordingly demands a set of responses with which
to combat it. To all intents and purposes, therefore, criminologists, sociologists
and police scholars alike have never satisfactorily explained how, why and where
we should differentiate between, and I borrow heavily from Downes and Rock
(2003, p. 316) here, police culture as a sociological problem and police culture as
a social problem.
The complexity of police cultures

Traditional early accounts of police culture present a standardized description of
police institutions, with research conducted by Westley and Skolnick during the
1950s and 1960s acknowledging cultural variation between officers but failing
to engage, at a sufficiently explanatory level, with these differences. This pres-
entation of the police institution in such homogeneous terms represented, in part,
a somewhat skewed account of police work, concentrating as these researchers
did on the work of lower-rank beat officers in predominantly urban areas. Whilst
the following chapters of this book will deal in greater depth with the impact of
changes to the police institution and its culture, attention will now be turned to
some of those specific issues that have at times been ignored in those accounts
of policing which highlight the uniformity of the police role and its associated
cultural responses. There is no wish to pre-empt here some of the themes that will
emerge later in the book, but what follows will help to introduce some of the broad
conceptual points that will emphasize and reinforce just some of the reasons why
police culture is such a difficult area to define effectively.
Paoline (2003), in the introduction to an article in which he advocates a syn-
thesis of existing knowledge of police culture, suggests ironically that, despite
the consensus regarding the importance of culture to the policing world, there
is no real unanimity regarding an accepted definition of its nature. In part, this
might be attributed to the persistence of a quite narrow set of terms of reference
regarding the police role that has become increasingly irrelevant as new policing
ideas take hold and as police employees are recruited from increasingly diverse
backgrounds. This clear-cut rendition of the police institution, the individuals who
work within it and the roles they carry out has met with some criticism, especially
in recent years. To Nigel Fielding the problem is straightforward, and he criticizes
what he views as simplistic interpretations of police culture for their unimagina-
tive ‘cultural universals’ (1988, p. 185), which have become embedded through
our failure to develop an analytic framework that acknowledges difference as well
as similarity in the behaviour of police officers.
Paoline continues by considering these issues at some length and suggests that
there is no conceptual structure in place that adequately helps us to explain the
source of police culture, the solutions it presents for practitioners and what the
consequences of such solutions are. These he considers crucial questions, and
he goes on to explain why these are of such importance with reference to environ-
ment, the coping mechanisms that the culture prescribes to practitioners and the
impact of these on the wider community. Paoline suggests that fundamental to
our understanding are the environments within which the police operate, and he
makes the case that not only do police officers require cultural prescriptions to
allow them to deal with the stresses of dealing with the public, but also that the
imprecise nature of the police role, coupled with inconsistent approaches to super-
vision and discipline, leads to insecurity and stress. Police officers, therefore, find
themselves navigating two distinct environments, both of which present pitfalls
and hazards, as ‘organizational uncertainty is the counterpart to the perceived
physical danger within an officer’s occupational environment’ (2003, p. 201). In
turn, the threats posed by these are met with a number of informal cultural solu-
tions, including suspiciousness, ‘ass-covering’, and a crime-fighter orientation.
Through the adoption of these responses, two ‘defining outcomes’ (2003, p. 203)
of the culture emerge, specifically social isolation and group loyalty, which have
a further impact on police interactions with members of the public.
Importantly, Paoline stresses the importance of allowing for cultural variation
between and within police institutions and identifies the three main axes along
which these occur – ‘organization’, ‘rank’ and ‘officer style’. Organizational fac-
tors are significant, as the organizational environment of police work may vary
between institutions given a particular location’s law enforcement needs. Pao-
line recognizes that some geographical areas have more pressing law enforcement
requirements than others and that, accordingly, police departments will vary in
respect of their law enforcement and service provision roles. In turn, these dif-
ferent organizational requirements will lead to different needs amongst officers
and, presumably, differences in the form and/or intensity of cultural solutions.
Of particular interest here is the work of Wilson (1968), which proposed more of
a top-down model of police occupational culture. Styles of policing, for Wilson,
varied between different locations, but for reasons associated with the desires of
police managers and administrators rather than the particular requirements of a
given environment. Despite lower-level officers being ‘directed’ by the strategies
of their managers, Wilson is quick to add the caveat that their effect is ‘gross,
imprecise, and hard to predict – they shape the over-all style or strategy of the
police but they cannot direct or guide police behaviour in the concrete case’ (Wil-
son, 1968, p. 279). Control in such cases is reduced to the application of negative
policies with which to inform officers of behaviours that they should not engage
in. This failure to apply control through informing officers of what constitutes
appropriate behaviour has disadvantages for officers. Telling officers what not
to do merely highlights the lack of direction regarding what should be done and
therefore is unlikely to be seen as beneficial.
The second factor that Paoline draws upon to explain cultural variation is that
of rank. Drawing heavily on those middle stage pieces of work that identified
cultural variation between ranks, such as Reuss-Ianni and Ianni (1983), he makes
the point that the various ranked levels of the police organization, predictably,
have different priorities and ideals and engage in diverse practices. In contrast to
accounts that portray a single all-encompassing police culture, Paoline presents
a view of police culture where each rank is effectively isolated, culturally, from
the others and this fragmentation mirrors the concerns of that particular level of
the hierarchy. The culture of lower-level officers focuses predominantly on the
immediate and practical concerns of managing their working environments with
the least level of harm or risk to the self. For middle-ranking officers, a manage-
ment ethos is the main cultural driver given their need to liaise effectively with
both the more senior ranks and lower-ranking officers. For those officers at the top
of the command chain, different concerns lead to an altogether different cultural
set based upon the politics of the police organization, issues of accountability and
concerns over the perceptions of the institution held by external audiences.
The third factor that Paoline used to explore the issue of variation in police
culture is that of officer style. One of the potential disadvantages of traditional
conceptions of police culture is that they tend to conflate or confuse the distinc-
tion between the organizational culture and the individual’s behaviours that arise
as a result of it. In short, there was an assumption that individuals would react
uniformly to the culture, and this prompted Fielding to suggest that ‘one cannot
read the recruit as a cipher for the occupational culture. The occupational culture
has to make its pitch for support. . . . Increasing experience lays open increasing
grounds of contradiction’ (1988, p. 135). This acknowledgement of the agency of
the individual in relation to the policing institution does pose problems for earlier
theories of police culture given that we then, by necessity, have to balance the
idea of autonomous individuals encountering a dogmatic occupational culture.
Over time, police literature has come to reflect a somewhat uneasy existence of
these two conflicting concepts under the assumption that the discretionary basis of
much police work means that the culture of the police facilitates independent deci-
sion-making or, as Paoline suggests, ‘there are some shared attitudes, values, and
norms amongst police officers as well as tolerated differences’ (2003, p. 206).
This tension in the individual officers’ orientation to the police culture is also
highlighted through the use, by some authors, of officer typologies which provide
different types of category of police officer that coexist yet represent different
orientations to certain core characteristics of the police role. Such typologies,
according to Paoline, should be seen as subcultures that appear to be relatively
consistent between police forces and eras. Reiner (2010), for example, provides
an overview of the typologies provided by the likes of Broderick (1973), Walsh
(1977), Shearing (1981) and Brown (1981) and proposes, despite the fact that
these typologies differ in both purpose and focus, that they all suggest police offic-
ers can be divided into one of four categories, which reflect ‘an alienated cynic, a
managerial professional, a peacekeeper and a law-enforcer’ (2010, p. 134). Unsur-
prisingly, these typologies closely reflect basic differences between lower-rank
officers and managers and between detectives and uniformed officers, as well as
accounting for personalized or individualized responses to the job and its career
opportunities. Such typologies, to Fielding (1988), signal a discrepancy with the
occupational culture, obviously providing different prescribed behaviours and
values to different individuals. He goes on to question the extent to which the
culture is universally endorsed by all members of the occupation and, crucially,
whether the sole requirement for cultural membership is to work for the organiza-
tion. We are therefore left to question whether or not the adoption of typologies
of different officer styles allows for a more comprehensive understanding of the
cultural world of the police or merely serves to undermine the notion of a single
comprehensive culture.
In addition to Paoline’s three factors of ‘organization’, ‘rank’ and ‘officer style’
it might be possible to suggest that other factors also have a role to play in explain-
ing variations in organizational culture. For example, Paoline’s analysis of the
occupational and organizational environments that shape the cultural requirements
of police officers fails to highlight the impact that environments have upon the
police world in a more fundamental sense. The work of Mike Brogden, especially
The Police: Autonomy and Consent (1982) and On the Mersey Beat: An Oral
History of Policing Liverpool between the Wars (1991), shows the importance of
probing beyond basic distinctions between ‘rural’ and ‘urban’ when assessing the
impact of specific geographic locations on policing cultures. Brogden does this by
focusing on the city of Liverpool in the North-West of England and charting the
lasting influence of its historical development upon the class composition of the
police, their work and their relationship with the public.
Brogden’s work is significant in that it draws out the unique economic and
social characteristics of Liverpool, which, for part of its history at least, was
Western Europe’s largest seaport. The city’s resultant economic infrastructure,
which was composed, in part, of 12 miles of docks, led to a central reliance on
casual employment practices amongst the poorest sector of the working class,
with over 50 per cent of the working population working in shipping and its
related industries. The chaotic nature of their working lives contrasted sharply
with the rigidly supervised work of police officers, meaning that ‘Time, like
control, had a different meaning for police and policed’ (Brogden, 1991, p. 2).
Other factors also contributed to the distinctive social environment, which, ulti-
mately, came to be reflected in styles of policing in the city. Brogden describes
how, for a long time, the Liverpool police force was the most heavily resourced
(in terms of both personnel and funding) outside the capital, and played a part
in many of the new developments in policing. Likewise, Liverpool’s eco-
nomic history persisted in shaping class relations within the city. In spite of its
distinguished history and contribution to the maintenance of the British
Empire, the city was, by the early 1930s, a city in decline and one whose police
officers were marginalized through ‘draconian discipline and appalling work
conditions’ (Brogden, 1991, p. 1). That police identities merged with class poli-
tics is perhaps inevitable in such a city, and Brogden (1982) describes a police
force divided by stratifications of social class, with officers from the middle
classes being overtly antagonistic to unions and their members. Despite this divi-
sion within the police force, Liverpool was the only force outside of London to
witness significant police involvement in the 1919 police strikes that ultimately
proved abortive in the face of a failure to organize local and national union
support. Of significance here though is the mobilization of the lower classes
against, and the support of the merchant classes for, those officers who chose
not to strike. Simultaneously, the numbers of members of the middle class who
signed up to join the Specials during the strike served to provoke dissent against
the lower classes, who viewed this as an ‘outright embodiment of class interest’
(1982, p. 184). To the Liverpool of the first half of the twentieth century, class
relations were ‘messy, [and] confused’ (Brogden, 1991, p. 2), and some officers
appeared to straddle the two conflicting worlds of unionism and policing, with
one of Brogden’s sources describing his work policing industrial unrest during
the 1926 General Strike whilst at the same time sending money back home to
support striking family members.
Integral to Liverpool’s police–public relations have been pronounced sectar-
ian and racial divides that, of course, mirror wider societal tensions in the area.
In terms of the former, Emsley (1996) suggests that there is evidence to support
allegations that Liverpool police had, during some sectarian incidents (of which
there had been several during the early 1900s), displayed bias towards Protestants
and against Irish Catholics. Similarly, the Toxteth riots of July 1981 took place in
the geographic and symbolic borderlands between the merchant classes and the
secondary economy (Brogden, 1982) and were comparable in many respects to
the race riots that had occurred, resulting in the death of one protestor, in 1919.
An interesting tangent documented by Brogden (1982) emerges regarding sen-
ior police officer attitudes to the causes of racial tension in the city, with reports
from both 1919 and 1978 suggesting that problems stemmed, respectively, from
relationships between black males and white females and the offspring of such
liaisons.
What we get from Brogden’s work is an engrossing portrayal of a city whose
police seem to defy convenient classification into a linear distinction between
police and policed and whose social tensions appear intimately woven into the
historical fabric of the environment. Historically, hostilities flared up sporadi-
cally in the city, bringing the police into conflict with communities that were
keen to air grievances based on religion (for example, the sectarian violence of
the early 1900s), class (for example, the bread riot of 1855) or race (for exam-
ple, the race riots of 1919 and 1981). Above all, the importance of crime and its
control was underplayed, with Brogden suggesting that, historically, Liverpool’s
police were ‘uniformed garbage-men’ (1991, p. 1) who favoured informal rather
than formal means of maintaining the status quo. The laissez-faire approach to
crime control in Liverpool is further evidenced by Emsley (1996), who describes
the warnings of the Head Constable, Captain William Nott-Bower, in 1890 when
asked by his Watch Committee to proceed with police action against brothels
in the city. He reasoned that brothels were to be expected within a seaport and,
second, that police intervention would displace prostitution to more respectable
areas and impact on local businesses. His wish for non-intervention was eventu-
ally granted, when members of the local business community complained, ade-
quately illustrating that police use of discretion could also benefit members of the
local mercantile class.
The impact of local cultures upon police behaviour is also evidenced by the
work of Emsley (2005), who focuses on the case of Sergeant George Goddard,
an officer in the Metropolitan Police who was sentenced to 18 months’ hard
labour in January 1929. Emsley’s work provides a timely contribution to debates
regarding the ways in which police histories traditionally view police corruption
in individual (the ‘rotten apple’ metaphor) rather than systemic (the ‘diseased
orchard’) terms. By focusing on a particular case, Emsley succeeds in describ-
ing how police corruption could be influenced by the nuances of the particular
environments in which they worked. Goddard was stationed in the Metropoli-
tan Police’s ‘C’ Division, which dealt with the district around Soho associated
with much of the capital’s vice industry, and his responsibilities included the
regulation of the area’s nightclubs and brothels. Whilst the latter were consid-
ered illegal and subject to stringent police control, the regulation of nightclubs
was generally restricted to alcohol sales outside of permitted licensed hours.
This role, however, put Goddard in a unique position. Effectively he controlled
which information was passed to magistrates for applications for entry warrants,
making him a highly influential player within the lucrative, if legally ambig-
uous, businesses located in and around Soho. By the time he was arrested in
autumn 1928 he had, according to Emsley (2005), personal possessions worth in
excess of £17,000, including £12,000 in cash. As a case was built against God-
dard, evidence began to surface suggesting that Goddard had tipped off those
establishments at risk from police raids, enjoyed the hospitality of hoteliers
(whose businesses often relied on prostitution) and failed to act on anonymous
information regarding ‘disorderly houses’, licensing offences and drug dealing.
In regard to prostitution, Emsley draws on police memoirs to provide evidence
that prostitutes on the Division routinely paid money to Goddard to be eligible
for arrest by appointment, a system whereby women would be arrested on rota-
tion at a pre-arranged time, allowing them to concentrate on the work of securing
custom unhindered by police attention.
Allegations of police corruption appeared to blight ‘C’ Division, and Emsley
notes how in 1931 one inspector and 26 police constables, stationed at Great Marl-
borough Street, were discharged for accepting illegal payments. That ‘C’ Division
suffered the most high-profile and perturbing examples of police corruption dur-
ing the inter-war years appears to highlight the enabling features of that particular
environment. The apparently illicit nature of much of the business activity in the
area, the fact that it generated considerable wealth and the fact that legislation
relating to licensing, prostitution and drugs was unlikely to eradicate these behav-
iours meant that laws, in this context, were used as tools to manage rather than
fight crime. Similarly, in her oral history of British policing, Weinberger (1995,
p. 166) notes that exchanges between the police and marginalized groups became
‘formalized relationship and ritual’ through means of strategies such as the accept-
ing of bribes in return for ‘turning a blind eye’. It is this ritualism which partially
facilitated at least some of the ‘corruption’ that emerged around police control of
morally ambiguous behaviours.
Brogden’s depiction of the importance of Liverpool’s historical heritage on
the city’s style of policing echoes Paoline’s ideas of cultural variation, as does
Emsley’s coverage of the Goddard case, but extends them by acknowledging that
police relations with the public are complex, entrenched and rooted in specific
localized factors and features. Of importance, therefore, is that these local quali-
ties will influence police opportunities and choices regarding use of discretion,
their choice of tactics for maintaining order, the expectations of the public and, of
course, the police–public relationship.
Conclusion
The suggestion that police culture is not monolithic (Reiner, 2010) lays the founda-
tions for the successful definition of police culture, whilst simultaneously drawing
us towards some incredibly challenging conceptual and practical barriers. Indeed,
the concept of ‘culture’ suggests an implicit uniformity of value and behaviour
which, whilst making for a considerably more straightforward analytic model,
arguably has little if any relevance to our understanding of policing in contempo-
rary society. When one veers away from the more linear and monolithic depictions
of police culture characterized by homogenized actions, thought and expectation,
we are effectively opting to choose a model of culture that is characterized by vari-
ation, exception and caveat. The inherent complexities of these approaches tend
to encourage altogether different views of police culture. No longer does police
culture represent merely the informal ‘trade’ rules that enable police officers to
maintain order without falling foul of the laws, institutional procedures or even
resource shortfalls that hinder their role. Instead, non-monolithic accounts encour-
age us to view culture as an altogether more sophisticated concept and, similarly,
provoke debate regarding what culture is, the extent of its influence, the effect of
different environments upon its potency and focus, its relation to wider societal
culture and the extent to which it directs thought and behaviour.
46 Police culture: traditional approaches
3 Police culture
Traditional approaches
Introduction
As has been described in the previous chapter, our knowledge of police culture has
emerged through a number of stages following the initial surge of early research by
pioneers such as Westley, Skolnick and Banton. As Westmarland (2008) points out,
however, even the earlier depictions of police culture, which tended to highlight the
existence of a single culture supported by a linear socialization process, have suc-
ceeded in raising, upon later reflection, a substantial number of unresolved issues.
These points of continuing disagreement tend to revolve around issues of variation
in both the police culture and individual orientations towards it. To writers like Peter
Manning (2007), early period work in the area of police culture has provided us with a
range of classic but obsolete studies that have been selectively drawn upon to present
lifeless caricatures of the police world. However, it is still important to note that any
contemporary assessment of police culture must explore the core elements of these
early texts. Many authors highlight the tremendous contribution that these classic
works have made to our understanding of policing with later accounts also acknowl-
edging that this literature reflects a culture that, as time has passed, has diminished in
relevance as a means of explaining contemporary police work (Loftus, 2010).
In this chapter I will draw out some of the key ‘products’ or manifestations of
police culture, that is, the essentially negative issues that are associated with it. First,
however, it is probably wise to address the issue of discretion in some depth, as it
represents a seemingly constant thread within the sociology of policing. Not least,
it signifies the element of freedom that allows some police values or opinions to
become physically realized. Similarly, discretion has a deeply symbolic relevance,
not just to sociologists studying police action, but to police officers themselves, who
have traditionally valued discretion as an emblem of their professionalism. From the
earliest pieces of research into police culture, discretion has emerged as an integral
element of our understanding of police work. For example, Westley notes that:
the amount of violence which is used and the frequency with which it is
employed will vary among policemen according to their individual propensi-
ties . . . the collective sanction for the use of violence permits those men who
are inclined to its use to employ it without fear.
(1953, pp. 39–40)
Police culture: traditional approaches 47
Whilst cultural values regarding, for example, police violence may become
more condemnatory, tolerant or nuanced over time and between communities,
what remains important is the extent to which discretion allows for such cultural
values to become appropriated as tolerated police practice.
Discretion
Klockars (1985) provides an illuminating introduction to the issue of police dis-
cretion (or selective enforcement, as he often refers to it) and begins by outlining
the definition (adapted from Davis, 1969) that ‘A police officer or police agency
may be said to exercise discretion whenever effective limits on his, her, or its
power leave the officer or agency free to make choices among possible courses of
action or inaction’ (Klockars, 1985, p. 93).
Three key elements of Davis’s definition are highlighted by Klockars. The first
element is that discretion is something that is integral to the work both of patrol
officers and of police administrators. This point is significant given that traditional
conceptions of police culture have tended to highlight the importance of discretion
at the lower end of the police ranks (not least through the work of Wilson, 1968,
who famously remarked that discretion increases as one’s position in the police
hierarchy decreases). Similarly, Brogden, Jefferson and Walklate (1988), amongst
others, have been effective in stressing the importance of discretion at different
levels of the police organization, from senior officers’ decisions to pursue or aban-
don particular policies to the decisions of patrol officers to deal with offences for-
mally or informally. Whilst it should be noted that discretion is applied differently
between patrol officers and managers (for example, with the former applying it
at interpersonal as opposed to strategic levels), the wide disparity of status within
the police hierarchy ensures that discretion has a different form and nature for
different ranks, with a greater visibility accorded to those decisions taken at the
more senior levels. The second element of Klockars’s definition is that, despite the
potential for external influence, the power to make a particular decision rests with
police officers and agencies. (This idea of external influence can be considered of
some importance, especially in the light of discussions regarding the relationship
between the police and local political elites described by Punch, 2009.) Klockars
does note, however, an alternative definition by Reiss (1974) that proposes that
‘discretion’ pertains not only to an individual or agency holding the power to
make a decision but also to the fact that that decision is not subject to review.
The final factor highlighted by Klockars is the issue of action or inaction. In this
respect, the application of discretion at street level is characterized by a decision
either to act or not to act, and these differently framed discretionary decisions
allow for a variety of types of scrutiny or oversight to be applied. As Klockars
notes, the decision to arrest is usually accompanied by some form of inspection
of the circumstances of that decision, whereas decisions not to arrest rarely meet
with further consideration.
Skolnick’s (1994) Justice without Trial provides one of the first sociological
appraisals of the importance of discretion to the police officer, drawing on the work
of legal scholars in the area such as LaFave (1962b) who supported the application
of legal controls to those discretionary decisions not to enforce the law. Central to
Skolnick’s understanding of discretion was the balancing of the concepts of order
and legality. The prioritization of either of these concepts, he observed, necessitates
a reduction or expansion of the ‘decisional latitude’ (1994, p. 69) available to offic-
ers, and it is this elusive balance between the two that provides the basis of many
of the debates regarding police discretion. Too much latitude arouses suspicions
regarding unaccountable use of police power, whilst too little leads to accusations
of overt bureaucracy and a dearth of ‘common-sense’ policing.
Skolnick (1994) goes on to identify two types of discretion exercised by the
police, delegated discretion and unauthorized discretion. Delegated discretion
referred to that discretion which was conceived as an inevitable part of the police
officer’s job (and therefore viewed as authorized), whereas unauthorized discre-
tion referred to that discretion which was influenced by the individual officer’s
personal views. Unauthorized discretion was seen to arise from the fact that
‘policemen are rarely supervised, that supervisory (Sergeant to patrolmen) ratios
are very high, and that training in most cases is minimal, “internal” control over
police conduct is weak’ (Manning, 1977, p. 364). Within a UK context, discre-
tion is conceived as fundamental to police work, and the work of Steer (1970)
summarizes the accepted position that the police have a considerable amount of
discretionary power invested within them and that, inevitably, not all breaches
of the criminal law that are witnessed by the police will result in police action.
The Association of Chief Police Officers, whilst claiming that officers might be
able to use their discretionary powers ‘more wisely and more uniformly’ (Royal
Commission on the Police, 1961, p. 16), appeared to be of the view that the public
generally favoured the unbiased and often compassionate way in which such pow-
ers were exercised.
Police discretion, according to Jones (2008), has largely appeared incongruent
with the public perception of police institutions as hierarchical and disciplined
bureaucracies tasked with imposing the rule of law, and he identifies three issues
that have led to discretion assuming such importance. First, the disparity between
the resources available to the police and the limitless scope for the use of the
criminal law leads to the police having to decide which laws are to be prioritized
for enforcement and under which conditions. Second, the criminal law represents
a set of tools to be used, not as a means of ensuring full enforcement, but as part of
a range of options for dealing with particular situations. Officers require a substan-
tial amount of discretion to match the most appropriate law for the position that
they find themselves in. Discretion in this sense represents a degree of freedom in
the face of the complex and fluid situations and environments that constitute the
social world of policing. Officers may also use discretion to decide that, despite
grounds for enforcing the law being present, it would be more appropriate for
non-enforcement or alternative non-legal interventions to be used. Finally, many
police interactions with the public focus on those who are marginalized, less vis-
ible and less likely to formally articulate grievances against the police, especially
grievances that rest on perceptions of unfair application of discretionary powers.
The work of Klockars (1985) provides us with five further explanations of why
discretion appears of such central importance to police work: the ‘over-reach of
the law’; the ‘purpose of the law’; the ‘question of priorities’; the ‘problem of
bad laws’; and the ‘power of citizen discretion’. Taking each of these in turn,
‘over-reach of the law’ suggests that laws are incredibly broad and cover situa-
tions and actions for which there are legitimate exemptions. Discretion is neces-
sary to ensure that those people who break the law under circumstances that are
exceptional and subject to exemption are not arrested. The ‘purpose of the law’ is
to punish those individuals who ignore its authority, and discretion is required to
ensure that those for whom punishment might be unwarranted do not suffer the
inconvenience of police action. The ‘question of priorities’ arises when an officer
witnesses a behaviour that is technically illegal but which has not been priori-
tized, for example by local policing arrangements or by that officer’s specific role.
Discretion in such cases allows for officers to concentrate on particular crimes,
whereas a policy of full enforcement would not. The ‘problem of bad laws’ refers
to the fact that some laws fail to serve a coherent purpose, for example because
they were introduced for political reasons or because, over time, they failed to
remain relevant to the lives of those living under them. Klockars wisely acknowl-
edges that the police will be unlikely to impose laws that are viewed as irrelevant
and that such legislation will be left to ‘die a slow and quiet police discretionary
death’ (1985, p. 101). The ‘power of citizen discretion’ acknowledges that police
discretion, in a great many circumstances, relies on citizen discretion. Citizens use
their discretion to choose whether or not to involve the police in a particular situ-
ation and, more importantly, may be the deciding influence on any further action
that the officer takes. Klockars draws on the work of Black (1971) to present what
appears to be an extraordinary finding, that arrests occurred in only 10 per cent of
cases where the officer could legally make an arrest but in which the accuser did
not want an arrest to be made.
Discretion is often a difficult concept to unthread, not least because of the
fact that it concerns the application of abstract legal concepts to the vagaries of
human life against a backdrop of resource and priority considerations. Neyroud
and Beckley (2001) draw on the work of Kleinig (1996) to identify four different
ways in which discretion can be exercised by police officers: ‘scope decisions’;
‘interpretive decisions’; ‘decisions about priority’; and ‘tactical decisions’. ‘Scope
decisions’ reflect the ambiguities that are often associated with the breadth of the
police role and whether or not the police are the most appropriate agency to deal
with a particular matter. ‘Interpretive decisions’, in many respects, accord with the
five points put forward by Klockars mentioned above in that they refer to those
situations where an officer is required to decide whether or not formal application
of the law is appropriate. In some cases, the officer might decide that, although
the law has technically been broken, the most fitting resolution to the situation is
based on negotiation rather than enforcement. ‘Decisions about priority’ reflect
the impracticality of implementing full enforcement policies, so the police priori-
tize certain offences in line with national and local targets, and this has a strategic
impact on the deployment and tasking of officers. ‘Tactical decisions’, again taken
at a strategic level, reflect the difficulties in ensuring that an adequate balance is
struck between the rights of individuals and those of the wider community.
From the above it is evident that discretion is a central thread running through
all ranks of the police organization and that decisions made on the basis of
scope or interpretation are more likely to be made by lower-ranking officers
and those regarding priorities and tactics are more likely to be made by officers
with more strategic roles. Differences in the characteristics of street-level and
strategic discretion are, according to Neyroud and Beckley (2001), commonly
to be found in respect of the context within which the decisions are made, the
time that is available to make the decision, the intricacy of the situation and the
number of interests to be represented. Strategic uses of discretion tend to take
place in less tense environments and over longer intervals of time but with added
difficulties associated with the consideration of a greater number of individuals
and options.
Why is discretion important?

Issues of police discretion have a history of underpinning theories and observa-
tions concerning police occupational culture. Discretion, suggest Brogden, Jeffer-
son and Walklate, provides the ‘space’ (1988, p. 35) within which the occupational
culture takes hold, with occupational cultures requiring the lack of restriction that
discretion allows to fully impact on officer decision-making. Grimshaw and Jeffer-
son (1987) also show how the ‘discretionary framework’ (1987, p. 290) of police
work is increased in particular circumstances, such as when insufficient guidance
is given for officers to make informed decisions regarding potential actions. In
these cases, officers tend to rely on ‘occupational common sense’ (Grimshaw and
Jefferson, 1987, p. 291) to select the appropriate police response.
Police use of discretion also allows for an intricate understanding of the police
institution and its practitioners. Primarily, and as Chatterton (1979) amongst oth-
ers has observed, the discretion outlined by authors such as Klockars and Neyroud
and Beckley provides a marked contrast to some of the more orthodox accounts
of a police institution founded on discipline and hierarchy. For Chatterton, there-
fore, the importance of discretion to policing appears at odds with the presentation
of the police institution as one of ‘military-bureaucratic discipline and control’
(1979, p. 83). Similarly, orthodox historical accounts of the police organization,
according to Emsley (2005), depicted it in terms that underplayed the power of the
lower ranks and highlighted the role of ‘disciplinarian’ police leaders in ensuring
that officers were effectively controlled. The exploration of the role that discretion
plays within the policing world does encourage a view of the police function that
stresses an order maintenance as opposed to law enforcement agenda (Klockars,
1985) and, according to Crank (1998), it is precisely these areas of order which
lead to a reliance on subjective decision-making. What is notable in respect of this
type of decision-making is that it is influenced not just by principles of impartial-
ity but also by organizational requirements and considerations (Fielding, 1988,
p. 154).
The issue of police discretion has, of course, ramifications at a more interpersonal
level. The subjectivity that informs the ways in which discretion is utilized means
that increased attention is paid to stereotypical ideas regarding ‘suspicious’ or
‘normal’ behaviours (Chan, 1997, p. 44) in the face of limited guidance as to the
application of particular laws. This issue has raised comment amongst several
authors, with Brogden (1982) stating that police discretion undermines judicial
function and Klockars (1985) proposing that police discretion can be seen as tan-
tamount to allowing police officers to devise their own laws. Central to these
arguments surrounding the appropriateness of discretion to the role of the indi-
vidual officer are concerns regarding whether or not policing is to be considered
as an occupation or a profession. Rawlings (2002), assessing the historical con-
text of policing in England and Wales, suggested that beat policing traditionally
was viewed as ‘low-skilled work’ (p. 181; see also Emsley, 1996). Furthermore,
despite the increased use of the rhetoric of professionalization over recent years,
Neyroud (2003) draws on Friedson (1983) to portray policing as an occupation
that fails to readily satisfy the definitions of either ‘profession’ or ‘public serv-
ice’. Similarly, Bayley (1979) suggests that different countries adopt very differ-
ent philosophies regarding the extent to which policing is professionalized, with
countries like the UK and the USA choosing to impose explicit limitations on the
powers of officers. In countries such as Japan, Bayley views the control of police
discretion as being achieved through individual self-regulation rather than through
limitation of power.
Making sense of police discretion

Neyroud and Beckley (2001) forward four disparate and competing means of
analyzing police discretion and its properties. These represent different analytic
approaches that can be broadly categorized as ‘legal’, ‘social contract’, ‘discrimi-
natory’ and ‘professionalization’. The ‘legal’ perspective represents the views
of academics such as Davis (1975) and LaFave (1962b) who assert that judicial
powers have been undermined by the policing institution through the ‘mandatory
discretion’ (Brogden, 1982, p. 24) that is integral to police practice. This posi-
tion calls for a more robust approach to controlling police discretion and for the
increased use of accountability mechanisms. One suggestion in respect of this
has been for the imposition of greater control over police decisions not to enforce
the law (LaFave, 1962b). The ‘social contract’ perspective, associated with writ-
ers such as Bayley (1994), proposes a more optimistic account of police discre-
tion. Police discretion, from this perspective, is seen as an important means of
bridging the gap between the law as it stands at an abstract level and its fair and
equitable application in the real world where the rights of individuals and groups
have to be considered. The police are accorded a certain level of discretion and
are trusted to use it for the good of society. Should police actions be seen as inap-
propriate, citizens are allowed to confront the police regarding their concerns.
Those accounts of police use of discretion that are aligned with the ‘discrimina-
tory model’ tend to focus less on the legal processes and philosophies that allow
for the use of discretion than on the outcomes of its use. The work of writers
such as Rowe (2004) and Quinton, Bland and Miller (2000) illustrate persistent
concerns that police discretion leads to discriminatory practice by police officers,
particularly in respect of the use of stop and search powers against members of
ethnic minorities. Traditionally, police literature associated with this model has
tended to identify police occupational culture as one of the key drivers of these
types of discriminatory practice. Those who adhere to the ‘professionalization’
model (for example, Davis, 1991) suggest that inappropriate use of discretion can
be addressed by organizing the structure of police work along the lines of the pro-
fessions. To proponents of this model, the solution lies in granting more personal
autonomy to police officers rather than less. Top-down regulation, notes Davis
(1991), does little to impact on police behaviour and removes officers from the
process of developing a framework of occupational ethics. Furthermore, Davis
advocates a position whereby the police combine the structured and hierarchical
institutional traditions of their occupation with the decentralized control enjoyed
by other professional groups. This latter factor of decentralized control, he states,
is crucial in defining the difference between professions and occupations, yet Van
Maanen (1978a) adds further fuel to the debate when he considers the question of
whether we require professionalized police forces or accountable ones. The extent
to which professionalism and accountability can be considered synonymous, or
even as related concepts, is likely to remain an area of disagreement.
Key manifestations of police culture

Traditional research, and many later works, have all highlighted certain residual
cultural manifestations that are seen as potentially problematic at a practical level.
These manifestations are also generally taken as de facto evidence of a specific
and seemingly universal police culture and tend to present, and reinforce, some-
what deterministic accounts of the relationship between culture and behaviour.
A number of these key manifestations will be explored in turn in the following
sections. The issue of police corruption, whilst considered by many to be a key
manifestation, will be addressed separately in Chapter 6.
Sense of mission/way of life

In the heart of every cop is a sense of morality, strong in some and weak in
others, but always present. . . . Cop culture works in large part because cops
start out with a common residue of moral values associated with the tradi-
tional, small-town that symbolizes mainstream America. . . . Police culture
transforms and unifies cops with a shared perception of social justice.
(Crank, 1998, p. 43)
Central to traditional thinking about police culture is the idea that policing repre-
sents a way of life, different to those associated with other occupational groupings.
The uniqueness of the cultural orientation of the police may in part be due to what
Skolnick (1994) viewed as the convergence of the factors of danger, authority and
efficiency. However, literature in the area points to something more emotively
driven and value led than Skolnick’s explanatory factors might fully suggest. In
other words, policing represents a set of values that are viewed, at least by offic-
ers, as inherently righteous. This ‘sense of mission’ (Reiner, 2010, p. 119) comes,
therefore, from a perception that policing is not just a ‘worthwhile’ occupation but
an ‘essential’ one and established upon easily identified and enforceable ideas of
right and wrong. This cognitive framing is encouraged from what Brogden, Jef-
ferson and Walklate (1988, p. 32) see as the ‘embryonic’ images of the occupation
that probationers or rookie officers are subjected to during training and which pro-
mote a heightened awareness of the importance of the job of the police officer, the
commitment required to be a police officer and the thin blue line that separates law
and order from chaotic societal influences. The sense of mission becomes more
heightened when officers make the transition from probationer to police officer
and manifests itself in a number of ways. Not least, Cain (1973) shows how many
officers seek to work a ‘good pitch’ (p. 65), where officers would be more likely
to encounter public order issues that allowed officers the greatest possible discre-
tion with regard to choice of action. Similarly, Van Maanen (1978a) shows how
the ‘moral superiority’ (p. 222) of the police is intrinsically linked to their role
within the ‘moral mandate’ (p. 227), and it is this moral superiority, according to
Skolnick and Fyfe (1993), that reinforces the views of a politically conservative
overclass.
However, and as Reiner (2010) notes, the framework of moral values that is
used to bring meaning to policing is somewhat flawed in practical terms. Quite
simply, police work fails, in many instances, to reflect the ideological resonance
that the sense of mission hints at. When Cain (1973) highlights the importance
of ‘events’ (for example, witnessing a theft being committed or an act of public
disorder taking place), the occurrence has symbolic meaning far beyond the imme-
diate police actions that it might provoke. Such ‘events’, suggests Cain, ‘told them
[officers] who they were. They became their justification and raison d’être’ (1973,
p. 65). Van Maanen (1978a) provides further evidence for the tension between
‘real’ police work and the more service-oriented tasks that officers perform when
he shows that, even within a busy urban environment, only between 10 and 15
per cent of a patrol officer’s time would be spent undertaking types of work that
equate with this idealized view of their role. Wilson (1968) shows how, over 40
years ago, police departments that valued crime prevention over law enforcement
were earning the label ‘progressive’, perhaps signifying a decline in the value of
the iconography of lower-rank policing in practical, if not allegorical, terms.
The tension between law enforcement and service provision as the defining
roles of the occupation are highlighted when young officers, steeped in the ‘war
stories’ (Van Maanen, 1978b, p. 298) of their more experienced colleagues, real-
ize that for much of their time at work they will be the ‘proverbial clerk in a
patrol car’ (Van Maanen, 1978b, p. 304). These tensions, however, are somewhat
resolved through ‘police mythology’ (Innes, 2003, p. 21), which tends to present
the crime-fighting role as the key focus of police work and which is, in part,
perpetuated by the ‘sacred canopy’ (Manning, 1977, p. 5) that obscures the real-
ity of policing from the wider public. Amongst the police, storytelling and police
rhetoric promote this idealized vision of their work (Shearing and Ericson, 1991;
Waddington, 1999a), and the ‘common experience of secret knowledge’ (Field-
ing, 1988, p. 185) provides individuals with a collective language and folklore.
The ‘sense of mission’ does however have broader and more fundamental foun-
dations beyond those represented by occupationally located characteristics such
as moral superiority and a shared mythology. At the heart of the police sense of
mission is their institutional relationship with the state. To Manning (1977), in a
reference to the work of the social contract theorist Thomas Hobbes, the police
were ‘Leviathan enacted’, the street-level implementation of the state’s traditions,
values and morality.
Cynicism/pessimism
The police officer is frequently a critic of society; through what he sees in the
courts, as well as on the beat, he is in an unparalleled position to observe the
machinery of society in operation.
(Banton, 1964, p. 144)
To Reiner, police cynicism is the ‘Janus face of commitment’ (2010, p. 120) and is
caused by the discord between police officers’ sense of mission and their experi-
ences of the ‘reality’ of their occupational world. In some cases, this is caused by
the sometimes excessively idealistic attitudes held by officers when they join the
police force. In research carried out by Chan (2003), of officers who had recently
completed their training, 60 per cent were more negative about the police role
than previously and only 6 per cent were more positive. Similarly, Walsh (1977)
speculated that police cynicism was experienced more acutely by officers from
middle-class backgrounds who found their career aspirations limited, and it
appears fitting, as Reuss-Ianni and Ianni (1983) propose, that cynicism might not
therefore be a cultural attribute solely associated with the police role. With this
in mind, however, police cynicism can be seen as having an altogether deeper
connotation than those forms experienced by members of other occupations. For
example, scholarly explorations of the symbolism to be found in police funerals
(see Manning, 1977, and Crank, 1998) serve to underline the moral superiority
of the police institution, the power of the state and the righteousness of the police
officer. When police officers see the world through a negative prism the effect
is to paint an altogether more apocalyptic vision of humankind, which is amply
illustrated by Niederhoffer, who asserts that:
Cynicism is an ideological plank deeply entrenched in the ethos of the police

world. . . . When they succumb, they lose faith in people, society, and eventu-
ally in themselves. In their Hobbesian view, the world becomes a jungle in
which crime, corruption and brutality are normal features of the terrain.
(1969, p. 9)
Police cynicism leads to negative feelings towards, amongst others, the wider
public (MacAlister, 2004), minority groups (Chan, 2003), police management
(Chan, 2003), new policing styles (Crank, 1998), the judicial system (Skolnick,
1994), detectives who conjure arrests out of nowhere (James, 1979) and even
politically motivated increases of police resources (Wilson, 1968). All these
heighten police antipathy towards every aspect of the world they inhabit with
the exception of, according to Chan (2003), the mythologized and idealized
vocation of policing itself. The result of this process is that the moral founda-
tions of the police mandate are soon swept away, leaving a police culture whose
‘sense of mission’, according to Skolnick and Fyfe (1993), promotes values
demanding of lip service but little more. This sentiment is keenly demonstrated
by Manning when he describes a police cynicism that sees humankind as ‘stu-
pid, fallible, greedy, lustful, immoral, and hypocritical. . . . Man is seen as a
translucent Machiavelli, easily uncovered by insightful probing or police action’
(1978b, p. 83).
Examples of police cynicism are easily located throughout the literature of
police occupational culture. Westley (1970), for example, shows how the police
view the ‘public as enemy’. Punch (1979) describes senior police officers express-
ing their disappointment at specialists who hinder police attempts to prosecute
young offenders. In his description of the bargaining process that occurs between
judges and defence lawyers in prostitution cases, Skolnick (1994) describes a
police culture that appears to harbour more resentment towards the intricacies of
criminal justice procedure than to individuals who commit victimless crimes. Per-
haps one area where the cynicism of the police is most pronounced is in the area of
police paperwork. The detectives studied by Dick Hobbs (1988) in his account of
detective work in the East End of London, although quick to pronounce the trivial-
ity of paperwork to their role, found that paperwork had a transformative quality
in that it allowed for the veiled actions of the detective to be articulated in a way
that accorded it with a semblance of legal probity. In other words, administrative
skills allowed for dubious police work to be transformed into formal accounts
where every procedural requirement had been fully satisfied. Other accounts of
police work, however, portray paperwork as something to be avoided or, at least
suggests Reiner (2010), kept to a minimum. Some police scholars have chosen to
frame police enmity to it in ideological rather than pragmatic terms, with Field-
ing hypothesizing that paperwork functions as a ‘metaphor for the bureaucratic
model of organization’, which contrasts markedly with the orientation of police
work depicted in the ‘sense of mission’ (1988, p. 116). The bureaucratic elements
of police work not only undermine the notion of the autonomous law enforcer
and reassert the supervisory hierarchy of the institution, but also, notes Field-
ing (1988), provide a means of challenging officers’ ability and professionalism.
Understandably, the cynicism of the police finds itself reflected in both the behav-
iour of the police (for example, in respect to paperwork) and the vernacular of the
culture (Crank, 1998).
Suspicion
This use of quick and incisive classification as a method of imposing control
is a police art, for classification is the basis of all legal systems.
(Young, 1991, p. 108)
Much of the existing literature in the area of cop culture (for example, Banton,
1964; Manning, 1977; Reiner, 1978; Smith and Gray, 1983; Skolnick, 1994;
Crank, 1998) has suggested that police officers tend to be suspicious of behaviours
that do not readily accord with their idealized description of a particular social
world. This suspicion appears to be a crucial facet of what Skolnick (1994) termed
the police ‘working personality’, and is, according to Crank (1998), a central fea-
ture of both the physical and cultural worlds of the police. Fundamental to police
suspicion is the notion of ‘incongruity’ (Manning, 1977; Sacks, 1978; Mooney
and Young, 2000), and this can relate to people looking ‘out of place’ or display-
ing ‘odd’ behaviour or indeed any activity or occurrence that offends the officers’
‘conception of order’ (Skolnick, 1994, p. 46). Where this subjective benchmark
represented by the ‘conception of order’ causes difficulties is in the inevitable
over-reach with which it is applied. That is to say, police suspicion will lead to
people being stopped by the police who are not engaging in illicit behaviour but
whose location, demeanour or behaviour would suggest otherwise (Skolnick and
Fyfe, 1993). That police officers themselves are often unashamedly aware of this
cognitive orientation is evidenced by one officer, interviewed by Banton, who
stated that ‘The police mind means that you suspect your grandmother and that’s
about the strength of it’ (1964, p. 207).
There is some evidence to suggest that police suspicion has been reinforced not
just by the role that they undertake, but by legislative provisions to support their
work. That the police should be afforded the legal power to subjectively define
what constitutes suspicious behaviour was enshrined within sections 4 and 6 of
the Vagrancy Act 1824 (also known as the ‘sus’ laws), which empowered officers
in England and Wales to arrest individuals in public spaces who they suspected
had intent to commit a criminal offence. The ‘selective enforcement’ (Brogden,
1982, p. 244) of these largely unregulated powers over time became a part of rou-
tine police work, although recent decades have seen attempts to introduce more
objective regulation of these powers. Most notably this is evidenced through the
introduction of the concept of ‘reasonable suspicion’ (see, for example, Terry v.
Ohio in the United States, R. v. Simpson in Canada and the Police and Crimi-
nal Evidence Act in England and Wales). Crank (1998), however, highlights an
inconsistency in the relationship between the legal appropriation of suspicion and
its utility as a cultural ‘craft’. His criticism rests upon the idea that any attempt to
objectively articulate suspicion, at a cultural level, is liable to present itself as a
clumsy technical arrangement that fails to adequately portray the intangible and
intuitive consciousness that the police experience when reading the social world
around them.
Skolnick (1994) claims that the suspiciousness of the police can be traced back
to the element of danger associated with police work. Many occupations may make
claims to the inherent danger that their practitioners face, yet policing is differ-
ent in that the sources of danger are the same public whom they are charged with
serving, thus blurring the distinction between ‘public’ and ‘enemy’. Furthermore,
Wilson (1968) makes an additional distinction by stating that order maintenance
policing (as opposed to crime and traffic work), despite statistically presenting a lesser
risk, creates greater anxiety for officers owing to its greater propensity for unpre-
dictable behaviours. The centrality of the ‘threat–danger–hero’ concept to the
police mythology (Manning, 1977, p. 302) draws together a variety of aspects
of police institutional life from promotions and recommendations to the respect
of their colleagues. That the notion of danger remains so embedded within the
collective psyche of the police rests to an extent both on organizational traditions
and on practical considerations. With regard to the former, most police forces
adhere to a tradition that all police officers, regardless of rank, have at some point
undergone the cultural baptism of patrol work, meaning that, despite divergent
career trajectories, all police officers have a common knowledge of the core loca-
tion, value and lore of police work. Danger impacts at a more immediate level
in the shape of Skolnick’s concept of the ‘symbolic assailant’ (1994, p. 44), and
police officers are, from their introduction to the force, made aware of the part
that danger will play in their occupational lives. One of the purposes of police
training, therefore, is to develop the ‘craft’ of suspicion. Furthermore, with their
introduction to the streets, officers develop a ‘perceptual shorthand’ (Skolnick,
1994, p. 44) through which they can cognitively filter and assess the extent to
which individuals’ behaviour or language represents a potential physical threat.
Police suspicion is supported by both the institutional moulding of the officer
through training and the practical strategies that police develop for dealing with
the unpredictable potential dangers that their work subjects them to. The extent to
which police training or the experience of police work acts as the primary driver
for police suspicion is naturally hard to assess, although much research evidence
suggests that official police training insufficiently prepares recruits for the reality
of police work (see Harris, 1978; Bittner, 1983). Some literature also suggests that
police attitudes are more likely to be ‘caught’ rather than ‘taught’ (Police Training
Council, cited in Fielding, 1988, p. 91).
Isolation/solidarity
Relationships among officers are structured in such a way that they are mutu-
ally supportive, and their common interests bind them into a cohesive broth-
erhood that personalizes task performance as well as social relationships.
(Reuss-Ianni and Ianni, 1983, p. 258)
Two interrelated factors which also contribute to the police officer’s ‘working
personality’ and therefore to police culture are police solidarity and social isola-
tion (see Skolnick, 1994, and Reiner, 2010). Under normal circumstances, sug-
gests Skolnick (1994), police officers encounter great difficulty in forging (and
maintaining) relationships with those who belong to different occupations from
themselves, even when factors such as age, race, class and religion have been
accounted for. This social isolation is inextricably entwined with the concept
of police solidarity, and both are subject to variations of intensity under certain
external conditions. Whitaker (1964), for example, forwards the idea that police
solidarity has increased with perceived decreases in police authority. When,
therefore, the police feel under increased threat, through legislation, restructur-
ing or increased public hostility, there may be a tendency for the solidarity and
camaraderie within the occupation to increase, resulting in a corresponding rise
in officers’ isolation from the public. That the culture of the police is essen-
tially inward facing is to be expected given the occupation’s reliance on ‘secret
knowledge’ (Fielding, 1988, p. 185), ‘the need for mutual secrecy and trust’
among police officers (Cain, 1973, p. 190) and Skolnick’s (1994) claims that
the camaraderie of the police as co-workers is reflected outside the workplace
in their leisure activities.
The twin factors of isolation and solidarity therefore reflect the tendency of
police officers to withdraw emotionally from the cultural world of the wider
public and to subsequently invest more into their relationships with colleagues.
The importance of solidarity to the occupational culture cannot be overstated. To
Punch, secrecy and solidarity represented the ‘distinguishing characteristics’ of
the cultural world of the police officer (1983, p. 224), and they continue to play an
integral role in the framework of beliefs that informs their relationships not only
with other officers but also with the public. Equally, the work of Wilson showed
how police solidarity manifested itself in ‘defensiveness, a sense of not being
supported by the community, and a distrust of outsiders’ (1968, pp. 48–49). Over
40 years later, Reiner (2010) describes how police officers continue to experience
difficulties in successfully shifting between the cultural world of the police and
that of civilians.
Police solidarity is made possible by a number of factors common to the police
world. Reiner (2010), for example, notes the detrimental impact of public antago-
nism, occupational stress and shift work and how these cause a withdrawal from
meaningful interaction with non-police officers, a process that facilitates the
‘“them” and “us” outlook’ that permeates the culture of the police (p. 122). A
similar theme is developed by Van Maanen (1978a), who, in his depiction of the
cultural grouping of the ‘asshole’, underlines the strict delineation between the
police and the public and shows how police officers use the term to portray those
who seek to restrict or even scrutinize police action. At the same time, public
attitudes towards policing and those who undertake it help to reinforce the cama-
raderie of the police and to sustain the division between police and public. One
pertinent factor here concerns the ‘moral division of labor’ (Harris, 1978, p. 273),
which describes how highly regarded members of particular occupations manage
to avoid discrediting themselves through undertaking the less attractive types of
work associated with that occupation. Drawing on Carlin’s (1966) example of
higher-status lawyers who refuse to undertake divorce work, Harris extends the
concept of moral division to suggest that there are entire occupations, such as
policing, that are considered ‘dirty’. The public recognize the value of the police
role, but have no desire to associate themselves with either the work of the police
or those who undertake it. In other words, ‘the respectables hire the police to do
their dirty work for them’ (Harris, 1978, p. 273), be it ‘dirty’ in either a physical
or a moral sense. Furthermore, the public perception of those who undertake the
‘dirty’ forms of work associated with the regulation of public morality is that the
people who do this kind of work are unlikely to adhere to the ‘moral norms’ (Skol-
nick, 1994, p. 55) that they are paid to enforce. Thus, the conflicting occupational
needs both to combat danger and to live in accordance with austere principles hint
at a potential tension between the norms of the police working personality and
the police role in regulating the moral life of the citizenry. At no point, however,
should we assume that police solidarity is a simple response to public opinion
and that the police do not actively foster and thrive on this esprit de corps. The
uncertainty that characterizes much police work (especially in regard to police
encounters with the public) provides an impetus for the police, wherever possible,
to establish elements of certainty in their social world. Hence, Manning (1977,
p. 306) draws our attention to the importance of ritual to the police world and, in
particular, to police solidarity. The unpredictability of police interactions with the
public is matched only by the certainty of the camaraderie of their occupational
grouping.
Evidence of the ways in which camaraderie and solidarity influence police
officers has been presented by several police scholars. For example, Smith and
Gray (1983) found that police solidarity manifested itself in the institutional-
ized practice of the protection and ‘covering up’ of colleagues’ infringements of
procedure. Evidence of this was cited within their research when the authors inter-
viewed the head of a crime squad who claimed that, in the event of one of his men
getting into ‘trouble’, he would ‘get all of us together and . . . script him out of
it’ (1983, p. 72). Punch (2009) explores the same problem within an American
context when he writes about the Mollen Commission, which was put together
in 1992 in an attempt to investigate anti-corruption procedures and allegations
of police corruption within the New York Police Department (NYPD). After a
painstaking investigation, the Commission concluded that one reason for contin-
ued police corruption within the city was a police culture that ‘exalts loyalty over
integrity’ (Mollen Commission Report, cited in Punch, 2009, p. 69). Punch’s work
is of particular interest here, as he shows how investigations into the probity of the
NYPD through the Lexow, Knapp and Mollen Commissions have achieved little
more than to highlight the recurring cycle of corruption, investigation, recommen-
dation and purge that has characterized the force for over a century. The power
that camaraderie appears to exert over officers suggests that sanctions exist to use
against those officers who do not wish to commit themselves to the norms of the
group. One example of this is the case of Serpico, the American officer whose
experiences led to the formation of the Knapp Commission in 1972. Frank Serpico
was an American of Italian descent who joined the New York Police Department
in 1959. Accounts show him to be conscientious, hard-working and staunchly
devoted to the force. By the time that he joined a plain-clothes team he had
forged a reputation as an outsider who alienated himself through his relatively
sophisticated demeanour. As a detective, he found himself confronted by wide-
spread corruption that had become far more than a cultural aberration and was
‘highly organized, well regulated and almost bureaucratic’ (Punch, 2009, p. 59).
Serpico’s refusal to integrate himself within this system led to him being ostra-
cized. In turn, when his superiors failed to respond to his concerns regarding what
he saw as the systemic corruption amongst detective colleagues, he made contact
with the New York Times, a move that ‘broke’ the story. Serpico continued to
work in the NYPD, but was reputedly shunned by colleagues, on one occasion
placing his life at risk. For Punch (2009), the Serpico case is important for two
fundamental reasons. Not only does it draw attention to the challenges that face
those officers who fail to internalize the predominant cultural values of their team,
but it also shows some of the potential measures that are brought against whistle-
blowing colleagues. Solidarity, therefore, proves of interest to police scholars
because of the part it plays in the concealment and justification of illegal, deviant
or inappropriate police practice (Chan, 1997).
The vision of police solidarity presented so far does portray the issue in
incredibly consistent terms. Police officers are seen as belonging to a rigid and
prescriptive culture where camaraderie appears to be assured. Maguire and
Norris (1994), however, make the point that much of the evidence for police
solidarity emerges from studies of patrol or beat officers rather than detectives
and cite the work of Baldwin and Moloney (1992), who found that feelings of
solidarity amongst plain-clothes officers was limited to their ‘teams’. This sig-
nals a divergence of opinion with Skolnick’s (1994) hypothesis that portrayed
solidarity as uniformly present both within and between ranks. Similarly, both
Cain (1973) and Young (1991) outline what the latter refers to as the ‘fractured
rivalry’ (p. 82) between uniformed officers and their detective counterparts.
Young (1991) continues by noting how uniformed officers who take up a role
on a CID team are seen by their uniformed colleagues as traversing a cultural
gulf into a disparate set of police values. Further factors may also account for
differentiations in levels of solidarity within the police. The work of both
Reuss-Ianni and Ianni (1983) and Wilson (1968) suggests that ‘managers’ and
‘cops’ adopt subtly different cultural values and that these will limit the degree
of solidarity between, if not within, these particular groups. Similarly, the
‘tribalism’ with which Young (1991) characterized relationships between offic-
ers in different forces finds scant support in Brogden’s (1991) historical account
of Liverpool policing, which describes the ‘occupational isolation’ (1992, p. 35)
of the average Liverpudlian police officer. Finally, Skolnick (1994) makes a case
to suggest that American and British police officers experience social isolation
for subtly different reasons, American officers being isolated through the antag-
onism of the public and their British counterparts through their self-imposed
‘impersonal authority’ (Reiner, 2010, p. 122). Social solidarity and social iso-
lation therefore can be seen to act as complex and self-reinforcing ‘push’ and
‘pull’ factors that help define many aspects of the police–public relationship
owing to the ways in which they define ‘police’, ‘public’ and, crucially, the dif-
ferences between the two.
Police culture and gender
In effect, there is no real place for a woman in this world, and whenever pos-
sible it seeks to exclude this structural intruder by claiming she is a sensual,
illogical creature, needing protection from her own aberrant nature and from
the violence and malevolence of others.
(Young, 1991, p. 251)
In 1991, Malcolm Young in An Inside Job described the police institution as

a ‘primarily masculine domain’ driven by imagery of ‘hunting’ and ‘warfare’
(p. 191) and one which is, ideologically at least, a polar opposite to the formulaic
qualities that have traditionally been associated with the female gender. Although
Heidensohn (1992, p. 77) raises doubts as to the universality or authenticity of
rigidly masculine portrayals of police work, an emphasis on stereotypically male
attitudes and behaviours has for a long time been regarded as an integral element
of cop culture (Reiner, 1992; Maguire and Norris, 1994; Skolnick, 1994). Whilst
police literature addressing the gendered nature of policing is not particularly
expansive, the idea that the police world is fundamentally based on traditional
male values is beyond doubt (Silvestri, 2003). Furthermore, Westmarland (2008,
p. 267) suggests that such ‘institutional sexism’ (transmitted through traditions,
institutional arrangements and cultural knowledge) limits the ability of the police
to provide appropriate levels of service both to female members of the public and
to females employed within policing agencies. To fully appreciate the gendered
qualities of police culture, there is a real need to understand the role that ‘mas-
culinity’ plays in the occupational culture of the police and how this impacts on
police conceptions of gender.
Female police officers still experience minority status within police forces
throughout the world. In the United States, analysis by the Bureau of Justice Sta-
tistics (2010) suggests that female officers number just under 100,000 and repre-
sent 15.2 per cent of the total number. In England and Wales, the Home Office
(2010) presents data that indicates a considerably higher percentage of females
at 25.7 per cent, amounting to 37,066 officers. Police forces throughout Western
Europe and North America have experienced substantial increases in numbers of
female officers in recent years. In England and Wales, for example, Home Office
figures show an 8.7 per cent increase in numbers of female officers between the
years 2000 and 2010 (Home Office 2000, 2010). Nevertheless, this marked dif-
ferentiation in representation of males and females within the police has been an
entrenched feature of police forces for many years and has been assumed by some
to be a substantial factor explaining the prevalence of an exaggerated masculinity
amongst many police officers.
If we look back historically, however, evidence emerges to suggest that the
tradition of separating male and female police roles may also play a substantial
role in explaining the male orientation of police work. Women have played a part,
albeit an irregular one, in the policing of England and Wales since the late nine-
teenth century. Emsley (1991), for example, describes the Metropolitan Police’s
employment of female staff to visit women convicts as early as the 1880s and, by
1889, the formal creation of 14 police matron positions. The formalization of the
police matron function proved advantageous in that it relieved police wives of
some of their unofficial responsibilities, especially those related to both searches
and supervision of female and juvenile offenders. The advent of the First World
War provided yet further opportunities for female employment in the police,
prompting former supporters of the suffragette movement to form the Women
Police Service and the National Union of Women Workers to introduce voluntary
women patrols. Both organizations, interestingly, engaged themselves in pursuing
the moral, rather than legal, protection of female members of the public (Ems-
ley, 1991; Rawlings, 2002), a focus that would prove to be remarkably enduring.
Whilst opportunities for female employment did arise throughout the first half of
the twentieth century, owing in part to the exigencies of two world wars, it was
not until 1947 that the Police Federation formally abandoned its strident opposi-
tion to female police officers (Rawlings, 2002). The Police Federation’s original
position on women police is addressed by Judge (1994), who states that, despite
the recommendations of the Report of the 1929 Royal Commission which urged
greater female recruitment, its opposition centred on two simple yet fundamental
issues: first, that policing was a man’s job and, second, that to employ a female
constable was to deprive a man of his work and his wage. Judge’s account of the
meeting of the Police Council, at which consideration of the Royal Commission’s
recommendations took place, shows that there was almost unanimous rejection
of these proposals, and he goes on to show how the Federation’s representative,
Constable Albert Goodsall, regarded those female officers employed in the Met-
ropolitan Force as displaying ‘a tendency to find immorality where it did not exist,
and so to get into difficulties from which the men had to extricate them’ (Judge,
1994, p. 55).
Owing in part to growing public and political support for the woman police
movement and in part to the tenacity of Miss Dorothy Peto, a female officer and
campaigner for the cause, it soon became obvious that the Police Federation’s
position would eventually become untenable, although it would be another 40
years before circumstances presented a substantial opportunity for increasing
the number and status of female police officers. The early 1970s were a troubled
period for policing in England and Wales, with under-recruiting forces directing
their inadequate resources on to law enforcement priorities that did little to bolster
the service provision role of the police mandate (Rawlings, 2002). At the same
time, the police were seeking to subtly reorient the balance between these two ele-
ments of police work through the introduction of specialized service work (espe-
cially in the area of juvenile liaison) that prioritized constructive police interaction
with the public whilst downplaying the former emphasis on crime work.
This shift towards preventative work with young people was not, however, a
wholly new focus for the attentions of the police. The welfare of juvenile popula-
tions had been a traditional role within the policing institutions of England and
Wales, and Emsley (1991) describes some officers, following the 1870 Educa-
tion Act, as being tasked with ensuring school attendance amongst local youth
populations. To some commentators, however, this progressive form of policing
was welfare tempered with control, a set of interventions legitimized by emerg-
ing theories regarding the role of the immediate environment as a catalyst for
criminality (Brogden, 1982). What it did signal, in terms of the gendered order
of police work, was a specifically defined female role within the very male world
of the police officer. The partial repositioning of the police role in this way did
appear incredibly well timed given that 1975 saw the introduction of the Sex
Discrimination Act (SDA), which, whilst paving the way for the modern female
police officer, failed to fully impress upon individual forces the requirement of
full ‘gender-integration’ (Silvestri, 2003, p. 47). The immediate response to the
introduction of the legislation was a substantial increase in female applications to
join the police, but those who were successful in their applications would continue
to find that the female officer’s role was defined within very narrow parameters.
Heidensohn (1992) illustrates this with narratives taken from interviews with two
female officers:
● ‘from the training school, the atmosphere had been that you were second-
class police because you were really just going to sit-around fiddling with
children and young people’;
● ‘we dealt mainly with the aliens, missing persons, truants, child abuse,
neglect’.
(Heidensohn, 1992, p. 120)
The separation of male and female officer roles is well documented within
police literature (for example, by Smith and Gray, 1983; Brogden, Jefferson and
Walklate, 1988; Graef, 1989; and Young, 1991), and this is reflected in a wider
distinction between the genders in policing. One potential explanation for this is
through the concept of ‘hegemonic masculinity’, which Fielding (1994, p. 47)
draws upon to describe the ways in which masculinity is expressed within policing
contexts, especially that of the canteen culture. His analysis suggests that ‘hege-
monic masculinity’ is evidenced through cultural values of ‘aggressive, physical
action’, ‘competitiveness and preoccupation with the imagery of conflict’, ‘exag-
gerated heterosexual orientation’ and ‘rigid in-group/out-group distinctions’ and
that these combine to create a masculine cultural milieu that denigrates values
and qualities associated with the female gender. More traditional literature has
focused upon related areas such as police drinking and overstated heterosexuality.
Research conducted amongst members of the London Metropolitan Police Force
in the early 1980s highlighted the importance of alcohol to officers, noting that,
for CID, drinking had become a central aspect of occupational life, whereas for
the uniformed officers it was an integral part of their social lives (Smith and Gray,
1983). Alcoholism has been considered a persistent problem for police forces
(Reiner, 2010) and can be considered a historical legacy from the days when it
was accepted custom for publicans and public alike to give beer to their local
bobby (Brogden, 1991). That alcohol featured prominently in the working lives
of detectives was partly an artefact of the occupational requirement of detectives
to become a part of the same world as their quarry. Whilst there remained some
truth in the adage ‘you don’t meet crooks in church’ (Punch, 2009, p. 43), alcohol
presented a more symbolic purpose to Hobbs’s East End detectives, for whom ‘A
sufficiently high regular intake of alcohol functions as an embalming fluid, pre-
serving a deviant rebellious image of detective work’ (1988, p. 196).
The prominence given to displays of overt heterosexualism by male officers
within the police occupational culture, likewise, cannot be overstated. Substantial
evidence exists to suggest that gendered power differentials are to some extent
embedded within police agencies. For example, Smith and Gray (1983) described
initiation rituals of ‘stamping’ female recruits’ bare backsides with police sta-
tion ink stamps, which, the authors suggested, carried three symbolic meanings:
the treatment of females as objects; the humiliation of females; and symbolic
sexual assault. This gendered duality is not a phenomenon restricted to inter-
personal encounters between officers and appears at all levels of the organization.
For instance, the denigration of female officers demonstrated by the Police
Review (a British publication aimed at police officers) organizing a competition to
discover ‘The Prettiest Policewomen in the Land’ (Young, 1991) finds parallels
with Brown’s (1997) description of her experiences of having to observe the Ms
Hungarian Policewoman beauty competition at a conference in the mid-1990s.
At a more routine level, Westmarland (2001) describes the sexualized banter that
occurs between officers whilst in the detached environment of police vehicles and
which, intriguingly, combines a physical appreciation of females with a measure
of disdain. The heterosexuality of the police culture ensures that officers will pro-
fess to being attracted to female members of the public, but the division between
police and public ensures that they will not be considered equals.
More seriously, research suggests that female members of the public may be at
risk from the exaggerated heterosexuality of the police. In a widely cited piece of
American research into police sexual violence, Kraska and Kappeler (1995) used
federal litigation and media data to highlight 124 crimes (including 37 sexual
assaults and rapes) committed by on-duty officers against female members of the
public over a 14-year period. The authors use the findings of this piece of research
to challenge existing discourses that frame police sexual violence within commonly
used narratives. One such narrative sees innocent officers being ‘corrupted’ by
females offering sex in exchange for clemency in consideration of minor misde-
meanours that they have committed. Instead, Kraska and Kappeler advocate an
understanding based on factors such as the structural position of the police, its
inherent sexist culture and, perhaps most importantly, the pronounced disparity
in power between male officers and female citizens. Some research suggests that
these gender differentials also manifest themselves in more sympathetic treatment
of females in custody. Women are, such research suggests, treated with more
courtesy and are less prone to be physically assaulted than their male counterparts
(Holdaway, 1983). For example, Skolnick (1994) explores how the ambiguities
thrown up for police officers by the complexities of gender relations create
considerable problems for male police officers. Females rarely belong to the cog-
nitive category of ‘symbolic assailants’ (Skolnick, 1994), as they are unlikely in
most cases to represent a threat. Instead, Holdaway (1983) presents women as
‘disarmers’, a symbolic category defined by their publicly perceived vulnerability
and one which is incongruous with the status of offender.
The cognitive dissonance that appears to emerge when male officers encoun-
ter female offenders seems to highlight further essentialist stereotyping within the
masculinist culture. Women are readily placed into objectified and dichotomized
categories such as ‘wife/whore’ (Heidensohn, 1985; Brogden, Jefferson and Walk-
late, 1988; Brogden, 1991) and ‘rough/respectable’ (Cain, 1973), a restricted array
of roles that has little relevance to the reality of female experience. Extracts from
interviews with female officers evidence the simplistic ways in which they are per-
ceived by their male colleagues:
● ‘If you say anything, it’s “Oh, how about more Women’s Lib?” There is no con-
sistency. One minute you’re holding the baby and the next you’re a “Women’s
Libber”’ (Graef, 1989, p. 202).
● ‘When I joined, you were either a nymphomaniac or a dyke, you couldn’t be
normal’ (Loader and Mulcahy, 2003, p. 215).
The masculine orientation of the police culture, therefore, has far-reaching con-
sequences in terms of how it shapes the ways in which male police officers relate
to female members of the public, female colleagues and gendered crimes. At its
most extreme, the ‘organizational, structural and cultural environment’ (Kraska
and Kappeler, 1995, p. 97) of the police both legitimizes and facilitates acts of
sexual violence against female members of the public. Furthermore, legislation
can be viewed as supporting sexist cultural police practices. Skolnick describes
how the police officers that he studied operated under a formal order entitled the
‘Venereal Disease Quarantine Procedure’ that empowered officers to quarantine
prostitutes, those associated with brothels and anyone engaging in a ‘lewd or
lascivious’ (1994, p. 105) manner. Furthermore, in the jurisdiction where he under-
took his research, the district attorney’s office introduced a policy recommending
that every woman arrested for prostitution offences should undergo medical tests
for venereal disease and, consequently, could be quarantined for up to eight days
in the local jail. In practice, holding rates varied greatly, with most officers com-
plying with the requirement only in around 25 per cent of cases, although one
officer in Skolnick’s sample quarantined in 48 per cent of arrests. In England and
Wales, similar powers were available under the Contagious Diseases Acts of 1864,
1866 and 1869 (Brogden, Jefferson and Walklate, 1988; Emsley, 1991; Rawl-
ings, 2002) to protect unsuspecting men from contracting sexually transmitted
diseases by subjecting women to physical examination by medical staff. Both the
legislation and its implementation have been criticized on a number of grounds.
First, the legislation can be considered sexist and encouraging of stereotypical
views of women (Brogden, Jefferson and Walklate, 1988). Second, the problem-
atic relationship between prostitutes, as low-level but permanent suspects, and the
law means that police discretion will lead to differentiations of enforcement and
therefore to uneven police intervention (Brogden, Jefferson and Walklate, 1988).
Third, the use of these degrading powers against working-class women (many
of whom were not prostitutes) was considered an arbitrary application of pow-
ers designed to humiliate on the whim of an officer’s suspicion (Emsley, 1991).
Finally, accusations began to surface that officers were waiving their powers in
return for payment from prostitutes.
The historical treatment of female members of the public may be considered to
provide a partial explanation of more contemporary expressions of the gendering
of the police occupational culture, especially in the case of female victimization.
A fundamental stereotypical classification within the police officer’s ‘working
personality’ is that of the ‘woman as the victim’, and this tends to reinforce out-
dated perceptions of the female gender. Interestingly, MacAlister (2004) draws
on research to suggest that the victim status accorded to women is dependent,
to a degree, upon the type of crime that they have experienced. In other words,
some victims were more likely to be accorded legitimate victim status than others.
Whilst elderly female victims of crime would generally be met with unconditional
sympathy, younger females of criminal offences would not, especially when the
offence was either domestic or sexual in nature. Brogden (1991), in his account
of policing Liverpool in the inter-war years, describes how domestic issues were
regarded by communities as beyond the scope of the police and that intervention
in such cases usually ended in action being taken against officers. The net effect
of police non-intervention in such cases was to privilege the male over the female.
Similarly, early work in the area of police occupational culture tended to focus on
the impact of sexist attitudes upon police responses to allegations of sexual crime.
In particular, ideas of victim precipitation and contributory negligence meant that
female victims of sexual crime were often treated inappropriately. For example,
descriptions presented by Smith and Gray (1983) indicate that some male officers
investigating sexual offences with female victims implied that victims provoked
or even enjoyed their experiences. These findings appear to have a degree of geo-
graphical universality about them, with work by Jordan (2001) in New Zealand
and Temkin (1997) in Great Britain highlighting rape victims’ negative perception
of police responses. In the most extreme cases, Jordan (2001) likens the reporting
process to a secondary victimization, intensified by a general reluctance amongst
police officers to grant a sympathetic hearing except in cases of stranger rape and
where physical injuries were also presented. To Smith and Gray this exposure of
police officers to female victims leads to a ‘devaluing of qualities associated with
women’ (1983, p. 91).
Within an organizational context, sexism has also both restricted the entrance
of females into the force and had implications for their future careers. Prejudice
against female police officers by their male colleagues traditionally centred upon
the idea that female officers are of inadequate physical stature for the types of
work undertaken by the police. The female officers whom Smith and Gray (1983)
interviewed claimed that male officers were prejudiced against them mainly on
the grounds of physical strength and their doubts that females were sufficiently
physically equipped to undertake police work efficiently. Those female officers
who do exhibit physical strength risk contradicting culturally ascribed ideas con-
cerning appropriate female behaviour, and those who do not risk reinforcing those
cultural stereotypes (Bryant, Dunkerley and Kelland, 1985). Surrounded by such
an omnipresent male culture, female officers often have to struggle to become
accepted as ‘real’ officers, and those who do succeed will do so only partially and
at the cost of their femininity (Young, 1991).
Gender differences appear to underscore various facets of the working life of
female officers, and many of these relate to an exaggerated concern over sexuality
by male officers. Graef’s fascinating collection of police narratives provides a rare
insight into the experiences of female police officers in which all policewomen are
‘plonks’ (derogatory British police term for female officers), those who engage in
sexual relations with male colleagues are ‘relief bicycles’ and those who do not
are ‘lesbos’ (Graef, 1989). Herein lies one of the contradictions of police work,
that whilst male police officers draw out and reinforce simplistic depictions of
human sexual relations through talk with other males, they remain uncomfortable
dealing with the reality of gendered crimes (Westmarland, 2001) a factor that has
ensured historically that female officers have found it difficult to gain attachments
to detective units, where, it is claimed, masculine attitudes are at their most preva-
lent. The apparently deep-rooted antipathy to female officers within the male cul-
ture is a result of the threat that they pose to the informal and male-based working
rules of the occupation and therefore to the existing ‘police myth’ (Hunt, 1984).
The literature of gender and policing outlines common concerns amongst
female officers regarding harassment, role differentiation and restricted promo-
tion prospects. In part, it was assumed that the Sex Discrimination Act of 1975
would succeed in ending inequality and promoting less discriminatory attitudes
towards female officers, although it had little immediate effect upon the reserva-
tions held by police staff associations, the Police Federation and Her Majesty’s
Inspectorate of Constabulary (Brown, 2000). In terms of exploring the views of
female officers following the introduction of the Sexual Discrimination Act, the
work of Holdaway and Parker (1998) is important, as it explores female experi-
ences of police work in an era when discrimination on grounds of gender had been
made illegal. Crucially, their research depicts a correlation between the rigid gen-
der expectations held of female officers and their subsequent experiences within
the police organization and, in doing so, highlights gender-based marginalization.
One of the primary findings of this piece of work was an apparent division of
police labour drawn on grounds of gender. Female officers who took part in the
research were less likely than their male colleagues to state that they were work-
ing in their preferred role. Furthermore, many reported feelings of frustration at
the narrow range of crime work that they were assigned, focusing as it did on
victim work (predominantly with victims of sexual and/or violent crime), non-
adults and domestic disputes. Fundamental to these perceived issues is the role
of supervising officers who assign tasks to specific officers and whose decisions
led to female officers taking on different roles, experiencing excessive constraints
on their work and being allocated to less hazardous beats. Nonetheless, it appears
that one area of policing where female officers experienced less restriction was in
attending training courses, with 48 per cent of female respondents attending equal
opportunities training in comparison to only 17 per cent of males. This apparently
rigid division of occupational opportunity represents to Holdaway and Parker the
active prevention of female officers from accessing, and taking part in, the domi-
nant culture of their workplace.
In no part of the police force were these divisions so pronounced as amongst
detectives in the CID. Holdaway and Parker (1998) found that female officers
represented only 7.5 per cent of CID staff despite more female than male offic-
ers expressing an interest in transferring to a post there. One reason given for the
restricted female representation in detective work was that their previous experi-
ences of police work would have not contained sufficient crime work. One area
where criminal investigation work was undertaken by females was within sexual
offence and child abuse units, although these units remained separate from CID,
their staff were not accorded detective status and their work was not formally
recognized as appropriate experience for a future CID role. For those females
who did transfer to CID, the unit represented a very different cultural experience
from that of their uniformed work and one that was not wholly appreciated by all
male or female officers. The detective culture appeared more prone to gender-
based cultural division than the uniform culture, and women in CID reported that
they were less likely to feel accepted by their colleagues, less likely to be fairly
appraised by their supervisors and more likely to witness sexual harassment. The
fairness of selection procedures for CID roles was also questioned by officers of
both sexes, although significantly more so by females.
The marginal position of female officers in the police institution meant that
they felt less able to question their work assignments, experienced pressure to
perform their work to a higher standard than their male colleagues and received
less encouragement from line managers, prompting the researchers to note the
vastly diverse occupational worlds of male and female police officers. One partial
explanation for the division of the police world in such ways was the perceived
influence of external factors (for example, domestic responsibilities) that was
seen to impact on female officers’ commitment to the institution and, simulta-
neously, to reinforce male attitudes regarding essentially ‘female’ qualities. The
experience of gender also appeared to play a significant role on female officers’
perceptions of the promotion process. Female officers’ understandable concerns
regarding combining their police role with other roles (most notably as mothers)
were reflected in male prejudices, leading to substantially more female than male
officers suggesting that there existed potential for conflict between their work and
home lives, despite the fact that a greater proportion of the male sample were par-
ents than the female. A significant finding of the research was that the fundamen-
tal and gender-driven divisions within the police force being investigated were
largely caused by widespread beliefs that female police careers were different to
male police careers. Underpinning this was the widely held assumption, identified
by Holdaway and Parker (1998), that female officers would eventually leave the
force to marry and start a family, making the organization more likely to choose to
invest in a male officer’s career than a female’s.
Brown (1997), in her comparative review of policewomen in Europe, notes
that a number of common stages of female integration can be identified between
national jurisdictions. The introduction of female officers to police forces is often
realized after much pressure and only then in respect to staffing shortfalls caused
by state crisis or catastrophe. Opposition from male officers continues even in the
face of legislative developments introduced to facilitate female integration and is
supported by discourses that play on a perceived mismatch between the masculine
values of policing and the physical and dispositional characteristics of females.
Having gained integration, female officers will commonly undertake ‘housekeep-
ing’ roles (Brown, 1997, p. 13) such as administrative support or, when used
operationally, work with females and juveniles. One area of difference, however,
between jurisdictions has been the rate at which female police work develops
from an administrative to an operational role, with Brown noting a more restricted
administrative role in French and some Eastern European police forces. Despite
the progression of females within police forces that has been realized over recent
decades, Brown (1997, p. 15) concludes that they still represent a ‘marginalized
minority’, an assertion that echoes Heidensohn’s (1992) view that full cultural
membership of the police is denied to females.
Police culture and race

Bobby Hall apparently was considered a somewhat ‘uppity’ Negro. Evidence
produced at the trial indicated that the tire theft charge was a sham for, as
suggested in the Willingham testimony, Hall’s major crime was to challenge
the power of the sheriff to confiscate his pistol.
(United States Commission on Civil Rights, 1961, p. 8)
Discrimination against members of ethnic minority groups has become a recurrent

theme within the literature of police culture. Police research has consistently found
evidence of police discrimination against ethnic minorities (Smith and Gray, 1983;
Skolnick, 1994) and for it to be remarkably consistent over time in both the United
States and the United Kingdom (Brogden, Jefferson and Walklate, 1988). Like
discrimination on the grounds of gender, racial discrimination impacts on both
the external and internal relations of police forces in that it is seen as a driver for
discriminatory behaviour against both members of the public and those members
of ethnic minorities who join the institution. Traditionally, police racial discrimi-
nation against ethnic minority communities has focused on two primary questions.
First, do members of ethnic minorities receive the same quality of police service
as other sections of the public? Second, do the police actively target certain eth-
nic groups whilst undertaking operational police work (a process that earned the
politicized epithet of ‘nigger hunting’ in the work of Joe Hunte, 1966)?
Before exploring the intricate issues that surround these two factors, it is
necessary to explore the historical precedents of police relations with minority
groups. Whilst Loader and Mulcahy (2003) are correct to assert that the orienta-
tion of the police to issues of ethnicity only came to the fore in the 1960s, it would
be unwise to assume that prior to this period the police had not differentiated
between national and ethnic groups. For example, Emsley (1996) describes how
the Victorian era saw a recasting of the Irish as criminal in view of what was seen
as their propensity for use of violence amongst themselves and against police
officers (see also Cain, 1973, and Brogden, 1982). Similarly, police oral histories
also present evidence of tension between the police and members of London’s
Irish communities. One officer, serving during the 1950s, claimed:
We had Cricklewood with a large Irish population as part of our territory so

we used to have regular fights over there. There used to be a pub on Crick-
lewood Broadway . . . I think it was the Crown . . . and they actually had a
police box at the end of their forecourt and the favourite game on a Friday
and Saturday for the Irish guys was to pick up the phone in the police box
and say they were just being assaulted by 20 people and could we come and
help. Basically, when we got there in the cars and the van and whatever we’d
find them all out on the forecourt applauding . . . so we could never give that
a miss so we’d get out of the van and give ’em a thump anyway. So, I mean
we had that kind of fun.
(Cockcroft, 2001, p. 121)
Similarly, Jewish communities, whilst shedding a ‘criminal’ reputation applied

during Georgian times, still represented a culturally alien environment to most
police officers, prompting them to distrust those who lived in such communi-
ties (Emsley, 1996). To the Liverpool police of the 1920s the black population
and their mixed-race children were seen as particular problems (Brogden, 1982).
These examples provide some evidence to suggest that police racial discrimina-
tion has been, if not a historical constant, then a recurrent issue within the history
of policing in England and Wales. The work of Banton (1964) highlights, within
the southern United States, a tendency for police officers to fail to emotionally
engage with the lives of African-Americans, showing, for example, how white
officers may fail to express the same compassion to African-American victims of
domestic violence as to white victims. A similar reluctance has been highlighted
by research into British police officers (Smith and Gray, 1983), many of whom
were reluctant to investigate incidents involving Asian members of the public or
which were thought to be racially motivated. Similarly, Cain (1973) shows how
police officers were more likely to give freely of their time to higher-status mem-
bers of the public by contrasting the assistance given to an American Air Force
officer in locating a party venue whilst failing to advise a homeless ethnic minor-
ity male on the availability of accommodation.
Foster (1989) identifies two separate types of police racism, one in which
officer prejudices do not impact on the way they relate to colleagues and citizens
from ethnic minority backgrounds, and the other in which they do. Indeed, she
shows how officers who privately recognize their own racial prejudices will often
deal with members of ethnic minority groups in an appropriate and professional
manner. This particular form of racism has not always been viewed as constitut-
ing a significant operational issue in that it will not impact on police interactions
with members of ethnic minority populations, although may be likely to impact
on relationships with colleagues from ethnic minority backgrounds. Furthermore,
Skolnick (1994) notes that officers in the United States became gradually aware
of the political power of ethnic minority groups in the wake of the civil rights
movement and accordingly became less inclined to act inappropriately against
members of minority groups. The second type of racism that Foster’s work identi-
fied (where officers’ practice is influenced by their prejudiced views) has been
seen as a culturally embedded problem within police forces on either side of the
Atlantic for several decades.
Much research has consequently highlighted an essentially negative set of
police assumptions about ethnic minority groups, in the United Kingdom in regard
to individuals of West Indian descent and, in the United States, towards Afri-
can-Americans. This is not to suggest that members of these groups are the only
ones to perceive police biases against them, but that the majority of research has
focused on the experiences of these two main groups. One of the first pieces of
police research to address this phenomenon was Westley’s paper ‘Violence and
the police’. In it, he describes how police officers assume that African-Americans
and those who live in low-rent neighbourhoods do not respond to civilized treat-
ment and quotes an officer who states that:
The colored people understand one thing. The policeman is the law, and he is
going to treat you rough and that’s the way you have to treat them. Personally, I
don’t think the colored are trying to help themselves one bit. If you don’t treat
them rough, they will sit right on top of your head.
(1953, p. 40)
Similar examples of police racism were presented in the Justice Report of the
United States Commission on Civil Rights (1961). It found that African-Ameri-
cans were more likely than any other group in American society to experience
police brutality. In the two-and-a-half-year period leading up to June 1960, 35
per cent of allegations of police violence were made by African-Americans, who,
as a group, represented only 10 per cent of the population. Moreover, two-thirds
of allegations originated in the southern states and the District of Columbia. This
publication presents an uncomfortable account of both the intensity and the extent
of police brutality in the United States during the twentieth century, detailing as it
does cases involving the deaths of civilians and even serious assaults upon black
police officers by white colleagues.
In the United Kingdom, similar evidence emerged throughout the latter part
of the twentieth century, although Whitfield (2004) notes how, originally, police
responses to large-scale immigration centred on issues not of crime but of moral-
ity. Interracial sexual relationships were viewed by the public at large (and the
police) as a threat to traditional ways of life and were connected to fears over the
exploitation of white women by immigrant males. Such perceptions have been
commonly held since the 1950s and further reinforced by public comments made
by senior officers within the larger city forces, such as those made by Superintend-
ent John Ellis in 1987, inferring widespread West Indian involvement in drugs
and prostitution in the Chapeltown area of Leeds (Farrell, 1993). Popular fears of
links between West Indian communities and vice appear to have been overplayed,
however, with Metropolitan Police figures appearing to show that, in London,
West Indians were one of several racial groups involved in such crimes and that
their involvement varied considerably (Whitfield, 2004).
Over time, police relations with the West Indian communities in the United
Kingdom appeared to deteriorate and, by the 1970s and 1980s, young black males
were seen as violent, lazy, difficult and anti-police (Smith and Gray, 1983; Graef,
1989). Routine tension between police and young black males was punctuated by
tragedies such as the death of David Oluwale, a homeless Nigerian man, in Leeds
in 1971. Oluwale, after being beaten by and then urinated upon by two police
officers, was chased into a river, where he drowned, the officers being subse-
quently convicted of assault rather than the manslaughter with which they were
originally charged. Likewise, the Institute of Race Relations (cited in Bowling and
Phillips, 2003) revealed that 16 black people had died in the United Kingdom over
the 22-year period to 1991 through police use of force or inadequate care. Such
events took place against a cultural backdrop in which racial prejudice and dis-
criminatory language were apparently seen by many in the police as acceptable.
In the aftermath of the Deptford fire that killed 13 young black people in London,
a researcher working on the Policy Studies Institute study into police and public
relations was asked by a police officer, ‘How many of these niggers actually fried
in this barbecue at Deptford, then?’ (Smith and Gray, 1983, p. 116). Similarly,
even those officers tasked with liaising with West Indian communities did not
always opt to use appropriate language, as was shown at the Police Federation
Conference of 1984 when Inspector Peter Johnson, who had previously served on
the National Police Training Council and the Home Office Working Party on Race
Relations, referred to ‘our coloured brethren or nig nogs’ (Brogden, Jefferson and
Walklate, 1988, p. 126; Farrell, 1993, p. 114).
Racial prejudices held by police officers are mirrored, to some extent, by nega-
tive perceptions of the police amongst members of ethnic minority communi-
ties, and Crank (1998) suggests that the mutual distrust between the two groups
can partly be explained through routine police work representing a self-fulfilling
prophecy for police biases. Research from both the UK and the USA does show
that negativity towards the police is experienced differentially within and between
ethnic minority groups (Smith and Gray, 1983; Reiner, 1985). For example, dis-
trust of the police is greatest amongst marginalized young black males and occurs
to a lesser extent amongst Asians (Smith and Gray, 1983). What was less clear
during the 1970s and 1980s in the UK was the extent to which this distrust was
shaped by interaction with the police or by ideological opposition to the police at
a more symbolic level.
Evidence from both sides of the Atlantic does appear to suggest that the dif-
ferential application of police powers to individuals of different racial groups has
traditionally played a large part in explaining resentment of the police amongst
ethnic minorities. Racial profiling has been a constant theme in police literature
for almost 50 years and continues to be presented as evidence of prejudicial police
behaviour. A somewhat ironic example, presented by Reiner (2010), describes
how Professor Henry Louis Gates of Harvard University, and credited with being
the first to identify the unwritten law of ‘D.W.B. Driving While Black’, was
arrested in 2009 for breaking and entering his own house. Generally, however,
American and British research appears to indicate that young marginalized eth-
nic minority males are stopped more frequently than other racial groups (Smith
and Gray, 1983; Reiner, 1985). There is much evidence to support the view
that police officers stop a disproportionate amount of young and male Afro-
Caribbeans. Smith and Gray interviewed one Metropolitan Police constable who,
when asked what criteria he used to make a stop, replied, ‘How does an experi-
enced policeman decide who to stop? Well, the one that you stop is often wearing
a wooly [sic] hat . . . is dark in complexion . . . has thick lips he usually has dark,
fuzzy, hair.’ Another police constable is quoted as saying, ‘If I saw a black man
walking through Wimbledon High Street I would definitely stop him’ (Smith and
Gray, 1983, pp. 129–130).
Racially disproportionate stop and search statistics may be explained, in part, in
terms of the presumed criminality of ethnic minorities. Ethnic minorities were ‘by
definition’ considered suspicious (Cain, 1973, p. 118), a point which Crank (1998,
p. 206) expanded upon by suggesting that police held ‘cognitive predispositions’
that equate particular crimes with particular ethnic groups. These differences may
also be explained more subtly in the way that they reflect the different orienta-
tions of particular police departments. For example, Wilson (1968), in his study of
differing organizational styles of policing in the United States, found that police
departments run in a legalistic style, with law enforcement as a priority, tended
to arrest significantly fewer members of ethnic minority groups for disorder
offences than those operating under watchman styles where order maintenance
took precedence. Interestingly, officers operating under the latter style considered
African-Americans as lacking sufficient family and community controls and
therefore used legislation intended to counter intoxication or disorderly conduct
to control these sections of the community.
In the United Kingdom, probably the most visual manifestations of the prob-
lematic relations between the police and ethnic minority populations have been the
widespread civil disturbances witnessed in towns and cities throughout 1980 and
1981, in Birmingham and Tottenham in 1985, in Bradford in 1995 and through-
out northern towns in 2001. Those that occurred within the 1980s have attracted
significant academic analysis and a government inquiry led by Lord Scarman.
The catalyst for the Brixton riots of April 1981 was the Metropolitan Police’s
‘Operation Swamp 81’, a saturation policing exercise that saw 120 officers (both
uniform and plain-clothes) tasked with using ‘sus’ laws to stop and question ‘sus-
picious’-looking members of the public. Of 943 people stopped during the four
days that the operation ran, 118 were arrested and 75 charged. Over half of those
stopped were black (Bowling and Phillips, 2003). Research continues to suggest
that there is scant evidence that stop and search has had a substantial impact on
criminal behaviour, and it is seen as leading to reduced confidence in the police,
especially when used disproportionately amongst minority groups (Quinton,
Bland and Miller, 2000). Whilst Scarman’s report into the Brixton riots suggested
that the implementation of ‘Operation Swamp 81’ led to a ‘crisis of confidence’
(Scarman, 1982, p. 196) between the police and members of the local West Indian
community, the ongoing symbolic policing presence in black people’s lives also
played a considerable role (Reiner, 1985).
Many within English police forces had been reluctant to accept the charges of
racial prejudice aimed at both the police as an institution and the individuals who
worked for it, and this was reflected in the mood of the Police Federation. The
chairman of the Metropolitan Federation at that time, John Newman, reputedly
told the then Home Secretary, Willie Whitelaw, in response to comments regard-
ing the need for the police to respond to the needs of ethnic minority communities,
that ‘The police officer sheltering behind a riot shield from a barrage of petrol
bombs cannot be expected to exude love and harmony towards the ethnic minori-
ties, if it is they who are throwing the bombs’ (Judge, 1994, p. 378). Following the
publication of the Scarman Report, the Police Federation formally welcomed the
recommendation that the police should draw more officers from ethnic minority
backgrounds (Judge, 1994). This suggests a change in direction from that reported
by a former Home Office minister (cited in Loader and Mulcahy, 2003), who
recalled a speech made by a former Home Secretary, Roy Jenkins, to a conference
of the Metropolitan Police Federation. Within the speech, the suggestion that the
police should be covered by the anti-discriminatory measures of race relations
legislation was met with derision, prompting some members of the audience to
walk out.
The years 1966 and 1967 saw the introduction of, respectively, the first Asian
and the first black police officers in England, a progression that, whilst ‘inimical
to dominant conceptions of the “English Bobby”’ (Loader and Mulcahy, 2003, p.
218), was seen as a welcome step in improving relations between the police and
ethnic minority groups (Rowe, 2004). One of the challenges regarding the timing
of this move towards integration, according to a Police Federation representative
quoted in Loader and Mulcahy (2003, p. 219), was not whether ethnic minority
officers would be accepted at that time by liberal white communities, but whether
they would be accepted on a Saturday night in Camden Town outside the Mother
Redcap pub. The implication here is that ethnic minority police officers should be
employed only when they can work in the same challenging environments as their
white colleagues, and this, in many respects, echoes the problems faced by black
police officers in the southern United States, who in some cases, traditionally,
were not allowed to arrest white members of the public (Banton, 1964).
Policing literature from both the USA and the UK tends to acknowledge the
political dimensions surrounding integration of ethnic minorities into police
forces (Banton, 1964; Rowe, 2004), and the problems that this causes in respect
of racial conflict within the institution (Crank, 1998). Indeed, one might argue
that the potential benefits that have been experienced as a result of the introduc-
tion of ethnic minority officers have been partially negated by discrimination
against those same officers. Banton (1964) describes how black officers in the
United States were considered lazy, and oral historical evidence from England
also tends to echo the experiences of women who joined the police force. For
example, ‘I had to be twice as good as my peers to be seen as being their equal,
yet I had to do half a thing less than them to be sacked’ (ethnic minority officer
from Manchester, quoted in Loader and Mulcahy, 2003, p. 220). For many Afro-
Caribbean or Asian officers, the issue of race appeared to be as divisive within
the police station as it was in the communities that they policed and, by 1999,
the Metropolitan Police in England were facing 31 unresolved cases of racial
discrimination (Rowe, 2004). This issue is further confused, according to Rowe,
by responses to remedy the lack of ethnic minorities serving at senior levels
within the police service. These have, in the past, worked upon a deficit model
that prescribes extra personal leadership training to resolve what are seen as
individual as opposed to institutional failings in accounting for the lack of senior
officers from ethnic minority backgrounds.
Much has been written about police racism and its possible link to police
culture. However, conclusions are hard to draw because of the fact that police
racism takes many forms and can be used to describe racist attitudes which are
or are not acted upon, the way in which crimes are recorded and police attitudes
to officers from ethnic backgrounds. Such a breadth of issues might mean that
simple and succinct explanations are unlikely to adequately explain police racism,
especially when police officers themselves often deny allegations of racial bias
by claiming that they are merely telling the truth about race issues (Graef, 1989;
Skolnick, 1994). In particular, there exist tensions between explanations that see
police racism as an individual issue, an institutional issue or a societal issue. Indi-
vidual explanations tend to view discriminatory attitudes amongst police officers
as the result of individual predispositions towards prejudice and stereotyping. For
those individuals who display attitudes associated with the psychological concept
of the ‘authoritarian personality’, police work may appear an attractive occupa-
tional choice (Colman and Gorman, 1982; Skolnick, 1994), and this explanation
appeared to find some favour with Lord Scarman in his report into the Brixton
riots. For example, the report adopts a focus that emphasizes an individual as
opposed to institutional understanding of police racism (Rowe, 2004), referring as
it does to the ‘ill-considered, immature and racially prejudiced actions’ of younger
officers (Scarman, 1982, p. 105).
Institutional explanations of police racism became more prevalent following the
publication of the Macpherson Report in 1999, in which the Metropolitan Police
were branded institutionally racist. Traditionally, however, the concept of insti-
tutional racism had lacked clarity, and Macpherson’s report, unlike Scarman’s,
provided a clear and appropriate definition:
The collective failure of an organisation to provide an appropriate and profes-

sional service to people because of their colour, culture, or ethnic origin. It
can be seen or detected in processes, attitudes and behaviour which amount to
discrimination through unwitting prejudice, ignorance, thoughtlessness and
racist stereotyping which disadvantage minority ethnic people.
(1999, p. 634)
This definition is significant for two main reasons in that it represents a shift
away from individual explanations of racism and focuses on outcomes more than
intent. Despite the concept attracting some criticism (Bowling and Phillips, 2003)
for encouraging generalizations that all officers are racist and for failing to hold
individuals to account, the labelling of the police as institutionally racist has facili-
tated a growth in anti-discriminatory policies. Sociological explanations propose
that police racial prejudice may have origins in wider societal discrimination and
have remained popular with a number of police scholars on both sides of the Atlan-
tic (Reiner, 2010). Crank (1998), for example, draws on the work of Williams and
Murphy (1990) to highlight the ways in which discrimination, segregation and
slavery have historically exerted a detrimental influence over police relations with
ethnic groups. In this respect the police represented ‘a social and moral barom-
eter of the society they inhabited’ (Crank, 1998, p. 208), a sentiment previously
voiced by Sir Robert Mark, the former commissioner of the Metropolitan Police.
This point is further explored by Banton (1964) in relation to the experiences of
African-Americans in the southern United States, who were expected to exhibit
deference to white members of the public in terms of everyday social interaction
yet were, theoretically, bound by the same rules as them. For many of the white
members of the police and public alike, African-Americans were considered to
have insufficient dignity to make arrest a shameful experience, and this might
account for differences in levels of arrest between white and black members of
the public. Police racism, therefore, mirrored the racism of the working and mid-
dle classes from which the police tended to recruit the majority of their officers
(Reiner, 2010) and, accordingly, accounted for the relatively low levels of dif-
ferentiation in levels of racial prejudice between members of the public and the
police (Bayley and Mendelsohn, 1969; Skolnick, 1994). Despite this, racial dis-
crimination by police officers has largely become viewed as a problem of police
culture as opposed to wider culture.
Conservatism
The police force is ultra right wing. No doubt about it. If you air a left-wing
view you’re called a lefty pinko faggot! There are a lot of closet lefties,
though. There are also some PCs who are out-and-out Nazis.
(Black London Metropolitan Police constable,
quoted in Graef, 1989, p. 139)
Another major element of cop culture is that of conservatism (Farrell, 1993; Skol-
nick, 1994; Reiner, 2010), with Reiner claiming that the majority of police officers
are conservative ‘both politically and morally’ (2010, p. 126). Skolnick (1994)
during the course of his research came across only three police officers who con-
sidered themselves to be politically liberal, a predictable finding for an organiza-
tion so deeply directed by ‘“honor related attitudes” of commitment, moral order
and tradition’ (Manning, 1977, p. 20).
Furthermore, conservative values based on small-town traditions are replicated
within the police owing to the police service being a traditional vehicle through
which the working classes can achieve middle-class status (Crank, 1998). The
conservatism of the police, therefore, is the conservatism of those groups for
whom police work remains an occupational choice, although we should resist the
temptation to paint the conservative moral outlook of the police as being entirely
unambiguous. Skolnick (2008), for example, suggests that the moral conservatism
of the police is not so much founded upon ‘apple-pie-and-motherhood values’ but
upon the subtle differences of ‘dead wrong, wrong, but not bad, wrong but every-
body does it’ (Skolnick, 2008, p. 37).
Police conservatism may be influenced by several factors. Reiner (2010), for
example, notes that public order policing has often revolved around labour dis-
putes and union activity and that political policing is central to Brodeur’s notion
of ‘high policing’ (1983). Traditionally, police literature has highlighted an
ingrained antagonism of police officers to the political left, whilst, in Britain at
least, the early 1980s saw a Conservative law and order manifesto lead to the
police becoming ‘instrumentally and symbolically’ (Loader and Mulcahy, 2003,
p. 273) embedded in the political terrain. Any pre-existing police sympathy for
the Conservative Party was magnified by the full implementation of the Edmund-
Davies pay increase that the party had pledged to implement if successful in the
1979 General Election, resulting in police officers enjoying a substantial financial
benefit. This, however, did cause problems for the police in subsequent industrial
disputes, with the police facing accusations of being ‘bought’ by the government
to break strikes (Judge, 1994).
Although twentieth-century history is littered with instances of the policing of
left-wing demonstrations, it would not be prudent to assume that this automatically
implies a police bias against the left wing. There were several disturbances caused
between 1934 and 1940 when the British Union of Fascists (BUF) clashed with
left-wing groups and where the police became involved, and Skidelsky (1975)
claims that the police were impartial during such occasions and were supportive
of neither the fascists nor the socialists but merely adopted a pragmatic pro-police
stance. Contested accounts, however, do emerge, and Temple (1995), for exam-
ple, argues that collusion between the BUF and the police did occur.
Whilst Reiner (2010) highlights the congruence between the structured and
regimented world of police work and conservative values, some evidence sug-
gests that CID work has traditionally been an exception, with Maguire and Norris
highlighting the ‘autonomy and discretion’ (Maguire and Norris, 1994, p. 20) that
necessarily characterizes detective work. In a fascinating overview of Sir Robert
Mark’s attempts to dismantle the CID, Hobbs (1988) shows how it was Mark’s
conservatism and adherence to tradition that made him so highly value uniform
work and the preventative principle and to loathe the autonomy of the CID, which
he famously denounced as ‘the most routinely corrupt organization in London’
(Mark, 1978, p. 138). For most officers, however, the authority upon which their
role relies necessitates some wider belief in or attachment to the values underpin-
ning the laws that they enforce. Skolnick (1994), for example, describes from his
research the experiences of a young African-American who joined the police for
political reasons from a background in civil rights advocacy and who was unable
to overcome the disparity that became increasingly evident between his political
views and his police role.
In England and Wales, the rigid political conservatism of the police may over
recent years have shown signs of decreasing. The advent of the Sheehy Report of
1993, which recommended a major reorganization of police roles and pay, was the
Conservative Party’s attempt to modernize the police force in the wake of similar
restructuring of other public sector professions. Resistance from the Police Fed-
eration (Morgan and Newburn, 1997) led to a warm welcome for the new shadow
Home Secretary, Tony Blair, at the 1993 Police Federation Conference and was
followed by 23,000 officers attending an open meeting at Wembley Arena in
London. Whilst Sheehy’s recommendations were not all introduced, in retrospect
they signalled an end to the special status that the police had previously enjoyed
(Loader and Mulcahy, 2003). Similarly, evidence suggests that police officers in
England and Wales have, from the mid-1990s onwards, been less likely to sup-
port the Conservative Party, owing not only to dissatisfaction with the continued
drive towards managerialism but also, in part, to dissatisfaction with right-wing
analyses of social problems (Reiner, 2010).
Conclusion
Whenever one presents the manifestations of police culture, especially those as
described by traditional or classic writers, one becomes wary of being seen to
associate a series of essentially negative attributes with the culture of the police. In
part this reflects the ‘reformist’ sociological orientation of much of the work into
police culture, and neglects some of the research undertaken into police culture
from those undertaking organizational research. This distinction is an important
one in that much of the research undertaken by scholars of organizations (rather
than criminologists and sociologists) highlights the positive role played by organi-
zational cultures in sustaining efficiency. At the same time, the fundamentally
politicized background that has provided the backdrop to much police culture
research has tended to produce accounts of police culture that, whilst develop-
ing our understanding of the police, have failed to truly reflect the complexity
of policing. To writers of early accounts, little attempt was made to differentiate
between the assorted manifestations of police culture that were highlighted. In
other words, there remained a blanket assumption that officers were subjected to
negative cultural values and would succumb to them. Under such models, one can
be forgiven for interpreting culture as a blunt instrument through which attitudinal
and behavioural control is implemented uniformly and without exception on those
individuals who choose to join the police. More contemporary accounts of police
culture have tended to portray culture in more problematic terms, and these criti-
cisms of traditional accounts will be covered in the following chapter.
4 Police culture(s)
Explaining variation
Introduction
As shown in the previous chapter, early research into police occupational culture
largely downplayed the scope for variation in police behaviour and orientation
at either the individual or the institutional level. Accordingly, police culture was
generally taken to refer to a standardized set of cultural values and behaviours,
and these were portrayed as being universally internalized by police officers.
Despite reassurances from some commentators that police culture should not
be viewed as ‘monolithic, universal, nor unchanging’ (Reiner, 2010, p. 132), it
is fair to say police culture has been represented in a rather limited and inflex-
ible way, owing to what Sklansky views as ‘cognitive burn-in’ (2007, p. 20). In
other words, just as the culture of the police is seen as encouraging a rigidified
and narrow interpretation of the social world within which police officers exist,
so our ideas about how this process works are similarly grounded in assump-
tion. A general trend within the police culture literature of recent years has been
an acknowledgement of the worth of approaches that highlight greater degrees
of cultural variation and is, in part, prompted by the evident limitations of ear-
lier research and the increasing complexity of both policing and the societies
within which it takes place. Accordingly, this chapter will highlight recent
changes to the context of police work and the impact of these upon the police at
a cultural level.
Variation and the world of the police officer

Whilst early research into police culture is often portrayed as misrepresenting the
fluidity and variation of both police behaviours and culture, some literature had
hinted at a level of complexity yet to be widely recognized. Whilst, in part, this
might be a result of society resembling an ‘unmanageable social domain’ (Man-
ning, 1978a, p. 8), Manning continues by highlighting the importance of organi-
zational factors:
An individual’s ‘organizational’ behavior varies with what the organization

is said to require or permit, with his particular place in the organizational
80 Police culture(s): explaining variation
hierarchy, and with the degree of congruence between the individual’s per-
sonal definition of the role and the organization’s definition of his role.
(1978a, p. 9)
Similarly, Fielding, addressing this issue from a UK perspective, wrote that

‘Of course “the” occupational culture is actually many subcultures; nuances and
colourations arise from regional differences, differences of ambition, divergent
perceptions of the police mission, varying experiences of the organization, and so
on’ (1988, p. 157). Manning (1978a) continues by postulating that a number of
assumptions can be derived from the core values of the police occupational culture
and that these relate to a number of issues, including the danger that the public
represent, the importance of ‘experience’ and ‘respect’ to police officers and the
nature of crime and criminals. Importantly, these core assumptions regarding the
relationship between police and the wider world apply principally to lower-rank-
ing officers without a college education and exclude ethnic minority officers and
those working in rural areas or administrative roles. Further differences regarding
the style that officers adopt have been highlighted, amongst others, by Reiner
(2010), who shows how academic work has highlighted four distinct officer
approaches or orientations to police work (which correspond to Reiner’s catego-
ries of ‘bobby’, ‘new centurion’, ‘professional’ and ‘uniform carrier’). Likewise,
distinctions exist between officers in managerial and lower-status roles (see, for
example, Reuss-Ianni and Ianni, 1983). These cultural discrepancies are typically
exposed when police officers become promoted to the senior ranks and, thereby,
are drawn into a more formal ideology of policing more closely equated with
the values of society and more removed from the ‘dirty work’ which, for lower-
status officers, represents police work. Moreover, the existence of such cultural
factions may undermine the perceived solidarity of the police, which, when sub-
jected to scrutiny, often appears more intense from outside the police force than
from within it.
Perhaps the most widely cited piece of traditional or classic literature that
highlights the variations endemic to police practice comes from Wilson’s (1968)
research into the administration of law enforcement in eight American commu-
nities. In particular, his work focused upon the ways in which patrol officers
exercised their order maintenance and law enforcement functions and the ways
in which organizational orientations and legal limitations impacted upon these.
His work has undoubtedly provided a foundation for later studies that emphasize
variation within policing at a behavioural, if not a cultural, level, and from his
research he concluded that three distinct institutional approaches or styles to the
administration of the police role could be identified. The first was the ‘watchman’
style, which was founded above all else on order maintenance. Whilst order main-
tenance is prioritized in most communities, temporarily, under certain conditions,
the ‘watchman’ type represents a style of policing in which order maintenance
has become the core operational value of the department. Under the ‘watchman’
model, minor violations of the criminal law, such as the ‘victimless’ crimes of vice
and gambling, were generally tolerated, owing to them taking place amongst a
Police culture(s): explaining variation 81
diverse population that failed to achieve a consensus view on acceptable standards
of public order and moral behaviour. Juveniles were expected to engage in low-
level criminal behaviour and so were dealt with informally. Similarly, African-
Americans were ‘thought to want, and to deserve, less law enforcement’ (1968,
p. 141). Crime attracted formal intervention only when it reached a particular
threshold of seriousness or when behaviour fell beyond the wide-ranging limits of
what was considered appropriate or, more importantly, acceptable. In most cases,
the criteria for formal intervention were dependent not so much on the legality or
otherwise of the displayed behaviour but on the reactions of the particular commu-
nity that it occurred within and the perceived consequences of the act. This style of
policing reflects a traditional American approach that resists a relentless enforce-
ment of the law and was to be found in diverse communities characterized by
diverging views of acceptable standards of behaviour. Whilst formal intervention
was generally resisted, laws against disorderly conduct and public intoxication
were used regularly, as they represented a powerful yet ‘low-risk’ tool with which
to reacquaint the public with the local limits of tolerance. Offenders were unlikely
to dispute or resist such charges, as they constituted a low-level punishment with
little associated stigmatization and were, unlike most minor offences, unlikely to
look bad on a police officer’s record.
The ‘legalistic’ style, however, represented an approach that reduced oppor-
tunities for officers to use discretion by advocating a law enforcement focus and
was identified in areas characterized by high arrest rates and high ticketing rates
for motoring offences. In direct contrast to the ‘watchman’ style, the ‘legalistic’
adopts a universally applied threshold for acceptable public standards, and the law
is, as far as possible, universally and evenly applied to all. Officers adopt formal
and ‘institutionalized’ approaches in their dealings with members of the public
and, whilst specific groups might perceive that they experience inappropriately
high levels of police attention, evidence generally suggests that officers in fact
act fairly. Where choices arise regarding disposals for certain crimes, officers are
actively encouraged to opt for the more formal, and Wilson describes how the
police persuaded those retail businesses that apprehended shoplifters to seek pros-
ecution rather than to accept restitution. Whilst Wilson acknowledges that police
officers, when uninstructed, appear to veer towards under-enforcement, admin-
istrators saw a number of advantages associated with this approach. In a world
where ‘police chiefs are broken by scandal, not crime’ (Wilson, 1968, p. 181), the
‘legalistic’ approach offers administrators the opportunity to defend themselves
from allegations of corrupt behaviour (which are associated with excessively high
levels of discretionary police practice) whilst simultaneously evidencing effec-
tiveness in the enforcement aspects of their role.
The final style of policing outlined by Wilson was that of ‘service’ and incor-
porated elements of both the ‘watchman’ and ‘legalistic’ models by responding to
both order maintenance and law enforcement requests. Under the ‘service’ style,
interventions, whilst frequent, were generally informal and were made possible by
the values of the community being policed and the orientation of the police adminis-
tration. The communities where this style of policing tended to become established
were middle-class and displayed a consensus on the dimensions that public order
should take. Accordingly, the local police administrators did not demand officers to
focus exclusively on law enforcement. The lack of division along lines of class and
race allowed officers to concentrate on service provision, traffic management and
dealing with juveniles and ‘outsiders’. For those issues that required a law enforce-
ment response, specialized units were developed, leaving ‘regular’ police officers
free to fulfil the needs of the community by overlooking minor misdemeanours,
keeping ‘undesirables’ at bay and generally maintaining order. In deference to com-
munity wishes, almost 40 per cent of police personnel were employed on foot patrol,
and rigorously high standards of moral behaviour were expected by police officers
whilst on duty and in their private lives. As with the work of Banton (1964), Wilson
describes, under the ‘service’ style, the ways in which police officers fail to rigidly
enforce speed limits if they perceive that the public find them ‘unreasonable’. For
example, following a collision on one stretch of road in the area being researched,
Wilson reports that the speed limit was reduced from 50 mph to 35 mph, yet offic-
ers intervened only with those driving in excess of 50 mph. The ‘service’ style,
therefore, represents a philosophy of policing based on satisfying the requirements
of communities with well-defined notions of acceptable and unacceptable behav-
iour. The focus on public satisfaction ensures that police departments in these areas
employ individuals whom they view as less likely to generate public complaints of
‘discourtesy or inattention to duty’ (Wilson, 1968, p. 208).
These varying styles of departmental administration are to be considered of
some importance to our understanding of police culture, as they highlight the
potential for police behaviour to be shaped by the convergence of community
values and expectation and police management orientation. To what extent this
represents a moulding of the culture, however, is debatable. For example, the strict
discipline that is brought to bear on officers operating under a ‘service’ style does
lead to resentment amongst officers. Wilson charts, for example, the perception
of severity and unfairness felt by some officers under ‘service’ models, with one
member of his interview sample complaining that he would welcome the same
rights as criminals in regard to the departmental discipline which he was subjected
to. Whilst officers might toe the line, they might not always agree with it. Perhaps
more importantly, however, the different orientations of ‘watchman’, ‘legalistic’
and ‘service’ styles of police departments represent very different styles of political
influence. As Wilson (1968, p. 228) shows, in spite of this local politics generally
intersect with policing only in a ‘particularistic’ way. That is, rather than suggest
the general direction of police strategy, political influence will be felt in regard
to specific issues, most notably gambling, street crime and public complaints.
The police, therefore, whilst not universally influenced by community pressures,
may feel the impact of some in regard to particular issues. They therefore tend
to frame the politicization of local issues as attempts by non-police groups to
seize control of the police agenda. In short, therefore, styles of policing emerge
as a response to local political structure and orientation. The ‘watchman’ style
tended to occur in those areas characterized by local political arrangements that
prioritized a low level of public service, low local taxation and a moderate level of
order maintenance. Politics spilled over into law enforcement in several respects.
The public were to be policed in a laissez-faire style unless their behaviour
impacted on the quality of life of others. Police officers’ appointments and pro-
motions were matters for local political elites, and locally owned vice enterprises,
for example, were allowed to prosper as long as they remained low-level and
unobtrusive to those who might find them distasteful. In part, local police officers
were happy to turn a blind eye to certain criminal acts, as crime rates were gener-
ally not high and political pressure for low taxes ensured that police officers and
police forces alike resisted the lure of ‘professionalism’.
Police departments operating under the ‘legalistic’ style in Wilson’s study
managed, in many respects, to avoid the problems associated with navigating the
external demands brought to bear by politicians, pressure groups and the wider
community. This was largely achieved by the adoption of a ‘professional’ orienta-
tion. This professionalism was evident in a law enforcement focus that appeared
agreeable to the public, with many applauding the efficient, if slightly rigid, appli-
cation of the law. However, the focus on professionalism, whilst negating external
pressures, could exacerbate internal tensions between administrators and offic-
ers through reliance upon overtly bureaucratic systems. These systems tended to
alienate police officers through overzealous disciplinary procedures and unfair
promotion mechanisms and could result in extremely low morale amongst offic-
ers, thus indicating that the removal of political influence comes to some forces at
a substantial price.
In the ‘service’-styled departments, politics played a much more limited role in
comparison to ‘watchman’-based areas. Whilst the appointment of police chiefs
was inevitably a political intervention, other examples of such interference were
largely noticeable by their absence. For these smaller, more affluent and more
socially cohesive communities the requirements of the community were substan-
tially less ambiguous than those of other more divided communities. Similarly, the
deference that the police showed to the local community led to a proactive style
of police work that attempted to foresee and pre-empt potential problems before
they became major issues. The hiving off of crime functions to specialized units
allowed officers generally to adopt a service role that helped ensure that divisions
between police and public did not arise. Interestingly, politics appears not to have
played much of an explicit role in police–public relations in ‘service’-style depart-
ments, for the reason that officers tended to live in the communities and assimilate
with the dominant social values. In one of the areas run in the ‘service’ style stud-
ied by Wilson he noted that officers and residents alike shared common political
affiliations and that this probably leads to political issues failing to cause substan-
tive problems for the police institution. Integral to this approach is a focus upon
‘community relations’, but through a lens that places the onus upon the police to
evidence their responsiveness to the service rather than crime-related demands of
the local population.
By providing an overview of the ways in which local politics and administrative
orientations provide a steer on the occupational values and actions of police offic-
ers, Wilson’s work provided a flexible portrayal of policing that can be considered
a precursor of Chan’s work. However, whereas Wilson’s research portrays police
styles as being imposed upon individuals, Chan’s places a greater emphasis on the
importance of understanding the interaction between the occupational culture and
the individuals’ existing attitudes. Similarly, whilst Wilson portrays variation at a
behavioural level, the extent to which this further impacts at a cultural level remains
unaddressed. Nevertheless, his work is important in that it highlights the need to
recognize the divergent demands placed upon police forces in different societal
contexts and the subsequent ways in which police styles adapt to satisfy these.
Police culture and contemporary contexts

Whilst it is beyond doubt that the works of early writers such as Skolnick and
Wilson have immeasurably enhanced our understanding of police work, there is a
tendency to overlook the fact that their status as classics of the field often makes
us reluctant either to question their relevance to today’s policing landscape or,
alternatively, to portray them as superfluous at every level. In this section, I wish
to highlight some of the changes to the police world that may prompt us to re-
evaluate the relevance of some traditional concepts within police culture.
Gender
Changes to the structure of police hierarchies have presented some inherent
threats to the masculinist cultural values that have been described within tradi-
tional accounts of police occupational culture. For example, Brown (2007) shows
how recent trends towards focusing upon intelligence work, crime prevention,
community work and reassurance policing, whilst hinting at a less overtly mas-
culine policing domain, have largely failed to detract from gendered attitudes
to, and styles of, police work. In part, this may be due to new styles of policing
ultimately being underpinned by managerialist developments that have become
associated with the emergence of a ‘smart macho’ culture. The new terrain of
police work, whilst diverting attention away from traditional law enforcement
roles, has become increasingly identifiable as a quality-focused and managerial
style of policing, whose participants ‘are fierce, tough, forceful, and quick think-
ing, displaying ruthlessness, competitiveness, and risk taking’ (Silvestri, 2003,
p. 15). The net result is that ‘filing a routine report of command unit statistical
returns is made almost as fraught with competitive masculinity . . . as an opera-
tional exercise would be’ (Brown, 2007, p. 209). Evidence suggests that the tra-
ditional under-representation of women in the police, especially at higher levels,
continues to persist, as does sexual harassment (Brown, 2007). Similarly, despite
changes to police policy and structures to facilitate greater equality between the
genders, discrimination is still present if not as overt or as consistent as previously
seen. In many respects, the intransigence of this issue is due in part to the police
service externalizing discrimination as a condition that afflicts individuals rather
than institutions. By adopting an explicit stance of gendered neutrality, argues
Silvestri, policing institutions do not acknowledge the gendered nature of either
their structure or their culture and continue in their failure to suitably accommo-
date the female gender. Those women who succeed in being offered roles within
detective units, notes Westmarland (2001), soon become alienated through being
assigned repeatedly to sexual investigations. For those who take up senior posi-
tions, solidarity with other females is not apparently supported by the culture, a
point articulated by one of Silvestri’s interviewees, who stated that ‘It’s like being
in the sisterhood with no sisters’ (Silvestri, 2003, p. 159). The convergence of
police culture and gender throws up other challenging and perhaps unexpected
dynamics. Waddington (1999a) notes little differentiation in the values and beliefs
of male and female officers in terms of an orientation towards law enforcement,
with female officers valuing the same types of ‘action-packed’ work as their male
colleagues. Indeed, he cites research by Bryant, Dunkerley and Kelland (1985)
which suggests that female officers object to discrimination that fails to allow
them to undertake the same work as male colleagues. Such evidence, however,
might require some further analysis. Waddington himself highlights the problem-
atic relationship between what is said, what is experienced and what is done within
police contexts (see Chapter 5). These findings may suggest that female officers
have become fully assimilated into the masculinist nature of the police culture or,
alternatively, that female officers feel pressured into displaying the masculinist
values associated with the culture.
Race
Whilst race has been a traditional dimension of research into police culture, there
is evidence that over recent years it has been taken increasingly seriously as a cul-
tural issue within police forces. For example, the Macpherson Report (1999) can
be considered a central development in any analysis of the relations between police
and ethnic minorities, in the UK, although some doubts persist given the failures
in implementing the recommendations of the Scarman Report (Rowe, 2004). If
nothing else, Macpherson made race a central concern of policing and led to a
raft of initiatives to combat the institutional racism which was seen as endemic to
the police world. One of the proposals of the report was for the establishment of
a black police association in each constabulary. O’Neill and Holdaway (2007), in
an assessment of the impact of such associations on police occupational culture,
make a number of interesting observations. First, whilst the London Metropolitan
Police’s black police association had a sufficiently large membership to exert a
substantial degree of cultural influence, such authority was not shared by all ethnic
minority staff associations (EMSAs), particularly those in rural areas where small
numbers of ethnic minority officers provided less opportunity (and less motiva-
tion) for membership. At the same time, when EMSAs do exert cultural influence,
it will be as ‘a police occupational culture’ (2007, p. 261, italics in original) and
will differ from the mainstream occupational culture only in respect of certain top-
ics of race and ethnicity. Second, where cultural change in regard to race and eth-
nicity does occur, it is difficult to isolate the extent to which one particular factor
(in this case, staff associations) can be seen as the cause. Third, there appeared to
be some difference of opinion regarding the extent to which EMSAs should aspire
to change attitudes, actions or both. These factors are important insomuch as they
provide some glimpses into the acute difficulties associated with understanding
police occupational culture. For a start, O’Neill and Holdaway show how ethnic
minority staff associations hold a subcultural rather than counter-cultural position
to the mainstream police culture. In other words, race and ethnicity are the sole
dimensions in which ethnic minority police officers’ cultural orientation will dif-
fer from that of other police officers, providing a subtle variation rather than an
opposing cultural stance. The authors’ suggestion that explanations of cultural
change are hard to attribute to particular sources is also of interest, as it highlights
the methodological challenges of exploring cause and effect in a cultural con-
text as well as the politics of an organizational context where senior officers are
sometimes happy to take plaudits for change regardless of the substantive cause.
Finally, as shall be seen in Chapter 6, the relationship between attitudinal change
and behavioural change is of great interest to those exploring occupational culture.
If, as O’Neill and Holdaway suggest, the work of EMSAs will have enjoyed more
success in changing actions than in changing attitudes, one is again confronted
with the difficulties in measuring culture as a tangible phenomenon.
Unionism
Although not a new development, police unions have largely escaped the scrutiny
of those writing about the occupational culture of the police. As in the case of
EMSAs, police unions present an interesting focus for investigating police culture
in that they provide a context for understanding the way in which police cultures
can accommodate interest groups that may find themselves focused upon cultural
change or, alternatively, resistance to cultural change. Marks (2007) assesses the
cultural significance of police unionism, its potential for innovation or resistance
in the face of new work practices and the extent to which unions are part of, or
opposed to, the wider police culture. These tensions appear to represent, at times,
a challenge for ownership of the police agenda between those, on the one hand,
advocating a managerialist orientation defined in terms of systems, outputs and
efficiency and those, on the other hand, who propose a more traditionalist view of
policing based on custom, common sense and, above all, the thin blue line.
It appears that members of police unions primarily identify with the symbolism
of their occupation rather than the union movement. Despite this, whilst police
unions and management alike share broad agreement regarding the role of the
police, differences do occur in how the respective sides portray their vision and
the ways in which it is to be delivered. Thus, modern police management is coun-
tered by a view presented by police unions that tends to invoke a particularly Key-
nesian version of police work where the police have a monopoly on the provision
of security and changes to this balance are to be resisted. That such symbolism
has been maintained is probably testament to the embedded resentment to change
in some quarters. The impact of new public management has been particularly
marked for some, and the move from a ‘hierarchical bureaucracy’ to a flatter struc-
ture of command, whilst potentially providing challenges of control, has tended
to exacerbate the divisions between those in administrative and patrol roles. And
whilst it is difficult to chart the extent to which managerialism has impacted on
the culture of the police it is possible to see police unions as adopting, in different
situations, broad stances of either resistance or support in relation to occupational
initiatives. Police unions can be conceived as generally adopting an approach that
resists innovation and change to their members’ working practices.
O’Malley and Hutchinson (2007) in a similar overview of the role played
by unionism in the police understanding of their world note how the increased
corporatism under managerialist agendas has led to a reinvigoration of police
unionism. In some occupational sectors its impact has seen ‘industrial relations’
superseded by ‘human resources management’, a development which encourages
greater collaboration between labour and management and therefore one with
potentially negative consequences for unionism. On the other hand, however,
police corporatism has led to increased division between managers and patrol
officers, the latter of whom largely resist new managerialist practices that aim
to uncover ‘the inscrutable knowledge systems of “closed” institutions and
professions’ (O’Malley and Hutchinson, 2007, p. 164). They suggest that,
overall, the emergence of managerialism has strengthened rather than weakened
resistance to changes in police practice and that this has rejuvenated rank-and-
file support for the police unionism movement. Further to this, they suggest, two
key conclusions can be posited: first, that a surge in support for police unionism
amongst lower ranks will hinder the spread of corporatism and, second, that this
backing will serve to embed the traditional cultural principle that the values of
policing are inescapably informed by street policing. The work of Marks (2007)
and that of O’Malley and Hutchinson (2007) are both of interest in that they help
us to make better sense of the role that police unionism can play in rearticulating
the traditional values of lower-rank police officers during periods of change to
policing institutions. Similarly, and as O’Malley and Hutchinson (2007) note, an
appreciation of the importance of police unionism allows us another tool with
which to investigate the cultural world of the police, especially during a time of
convergence between the public and private police sectors.
Education
Throughout recent history we have seen major transformations in Western police
institutions in terms of the ‘types’ of individuals recruited to undertake policing
roles. Traditionally, police work was an occupation oriented towards, and attractive
to, lower-middle-class and upper-working-class males. In a revealing anecdote
from Fielding’s research into police training he noted the extra scrutiny given to
graduates who applied to join the police. In 1979, over 50 per cent of university-
educated applicants to the police force where his research took place were rejected
on the grounds of their motivation to join the service, with one member of the
recruitment board apparently declaring that ‘I wouldn’t touch them [graduates]
with a disinfected barge pole’ (Fielding, 1988, p. 24). Conversely, Fielding notes
the lengths towards which the force actively sought to recruit individuals with
military backgrounds. In part, this can be attributed to the traditional ‘pragmatism’
or ‘conceptual conservatism’ (Reiner, 2010, p. 131) of policing. Young (1991)
also charts the resistance traditionally exhibited by rank-and-file officers towards
the world of academia when he recounts his own experiences of returning to a
uniform position after a sabbatical spent undertaking a degree. Although carrying
the status of ‘ex-real polis’ (a local term for a bona fide police officer) he also
arrived with the distrusted label of ‘academic’. He recalls how, within his police
force, the traditional strategy adopted for dealing with local academics visiting
police stations to conduct research was simple. They were placed by officers in
a room with ‘data’, secure in the knowledge that the visitor would learn nothing
about the reality of police work and therefore allowing the officers to preserve the
‘purity of their adversarial world’ (Young, 1991, p. 117), a comment that echoes
Hobbs’s (1988) reflection on the disparity between paperwork accounts of police
work and its ‘reality’.
There has been, however, a tentative but noticeable coming together of policing
and academic institutions in respect of training, research and other forms of
collaboration and, whilst police attitudes maintaining that ‘to be educated was
to be deviant’ (Punch, 2007, p. 110) may not be as embedded as previously was
the case, specific tensions do remain. Punch (2007) in an essay highlighting the
relationship between policing and academia makes a number of observations. First,
since the inception of the ‘new’ police, he suggests that there has traditionally been
an emphasis upon avoiding the elitist taint of the military hierarchy by recruiting
from below. Second, this state of affairs persisted until the 1960s, when forces,
in the UK, introduced schemes for some officers to attend university. Third, the
educational profile of senior police officers in England and Wales has changed
greatly of late, and Punch suggests that, effectively, this change in profile has
meant that senior officers are now expected to have at least one higher education
qualification. Fourth, despite such changes it is often difficult to reconcile the
values that underpin universities with those of the police institution. Fifth, the
seemingly intractable barriers between the two sets of institutional values have
started to erode in recent years, and this perceived ‘secularisation’ (2007, p. 113)
of the police can be attributed to two interrelated issues. Changes to the nature
and intensity of the threats that confront communities, the advent of a changed
technological landscape and increased public scrutiny of police practice have
necessitated a move towards enhanced police professionalism. Simultaneously, one
potential benefit of the rise of police managerialism has been the transformation of
the police institution from one that is inward-facing to one that is outward-facing
and where, in some respects at least, cultural dogma fails to inhibit openness to
new ways of thinking and the forging of new and productive inter-institutional
relationships.
One pioneering scheme run, in the UK, by the University of Essex and Essex
Police, and which saw some officers given the opportunity to study for a full-
time social sciences degree, was viewed by Punch as largely successful. Gradu-
ates who took part in this scheme were viewed as benefiting in terms both of
social capital and of generic skills which enabled them to play innovative roles
within the transforming police landscape. Such skills also led to a questioning of
force ideology and to tensions arising between graduate and non-graduate offic-
ers, with Punch (2007) describing an occasion on which a graduate officer was
censured by a senior officer for using the words ‘implicit’ and ‘explicit’. Whilst
Punch provides a generally optimistic assessment of contemporary police forces
imbued with increasingly tolerant cultures, which he partly attributes to a grow-
ing proportion of graduates amongst new police recruits, there are two particular
trends which he sees as barriers to effective integration with the higher educa-
tion sector. The first is that it is often difficult to justify wholesale university
education for police officers on the grounds of value for money. Secondly, the
importance of professionalization to the new landscape of policing has impacted
on the ‘types’ of higher education made available to police officers.
The ‘liberal’ educational opportunities offered by Essex Police were echoed
by Malcolm Young’s experiences during the 1970s of being awarded a Home
Office scholarship to read social anthropology at Durham University and reflect
a largely bygone era. Nowadays, the convergence of higher education and
policing is reflected in a large number of vocational degrees that focus on police
matters, rather than allowing individuals to step outside of their work role and
to mix with students from different backgrounds. In part, this may reflect wider
debates regarding the confusion between police training and police education (see
White, 2006, and Wood and Tong, 2009), yet, despite such reservations, Punch
views education as a key element in improving police practice and mitigating
what he sees as some of the more negative elements of the police culture. How-
ever, in terms of the latter, Punch admits that graduates entering the police will
not provide a panacea to many of the more negative traditional artefacts associated
with the culture of lower-ranking officers.
In a British context, Sir Ronnie Flanagan’s review of policing has recom-
mended a shift from police training to education, although it is difficult to tell,
at present, whether or not higher education will become the preferred setting for
it. Indeed, as White (2006) notes, it appears that police institutions have failed to
consider the context within which to situate the educational frameworks that they
develop. One result of this is that the unintended consequences of police training
(what White refers to as the ‘hidden curriculum’) undermine the stated values
of the organization. As White suggests, ‘We seek to engender creative problem
solvers, but the hidden curriculum values teach compliance and conformity, and
a reliance on experts to do the thinking’ (White, 2006, p. 396). The argument
being proposed here is that cultural change within the police cannot be achieved
by passively ‘teaching’ appropriate values or cultural knowledge to probationers.
Quite simply, the level of engagement required to internalize such values is not
encouraged by an approach to education that values passivity. Furthermore, Chan
(2003) highlights the challenges of pursuing police educational curricula premised
upon professional and reflective practice when occupational experiences tend to
reinforce contradictory ways of thought and behaviour. It therefore remains the
case that street work often undermines the best intentions of the classroom.
Police culture in changing social environments
One of the most prevalent transformations of policing in recent decades has been
the emergence of a type of police work that reflects the loosening of the state’s
monopoly on the provision of security. The broadening base of security provi-
sion is reflected within the literature of policing by a trend towards focusing upon
‘policing’ rather than the ‘police’, and it is this acknowledgement of the plurali-
zation of police work that has led, as Newburn (2003) rightly notes, to increased
references to ‘security networks’ and ‘commodification’ in the context of police
provision. The increasingly privatized context of policing represents an incredibly
broad area covering the complexities of new communicative technologies and
their application in commercial and community settings as well as more tradi-
tional surveillance and patrol services.
A brief overview of late modern society

Behind this new and emergent security market can be found a convergence of chang-
ing social factors. These lead not only to new forms of individual lived experience
amongst members of the public but also to demands being made on the police to
respond to new levels and new forms of insecurity. The stability of our home, work,
welfare and political infrastructures has been inverted to such an extent that ‘social
change becomes the central dynamo of existence and where anything might hap-
pen’ (Young, 2007, p. 59). Likewise, the post-war consensus of values has largely
been replaced by the dissonance of individualism, and such fundamental changes
resonate throughout all aspects of our existence, not least in increased feelings
of vulnerability to threats from within, and from outside, our communities and in
growing demands on the state to respond to the perceived sources of these risks.
From the 1970s onwards many advanced industrial societies were transformed,
via late modernity, into high-crime societies (Garland, 2001), and it is this shift that
is fundamental to explaining heightened awareness of risk and, therefore, height-
ened fear of crime. In the past there had existed widespread consensus surround-
ing crime and its control. Crime was unproblematic in that it failed to capture the
public consciousness to the extent that it has of late and, generally, the focus was
on the pathological rather than the mundane. For everyday crimes with rational
decision-making or straightforward opportunity as a key explanatory factor little,
if any, concern was generated, and greater energy was spent on those acts that
hinted at criminal dispositions. In other words, therefore, the majority of illegal
behaviour failed to contravene moral standards and generate real concern amongst
the public. Regardless of recurrent concerns regarding crimes such as paedophilia
(see Kitzinger, 1999), recent decades have seen trends towards net-widening and
the expansion of crime-based interventions (Goldson, 2000). For example, in Eng-
land and Wales, the introduction of over 3,000 new crimes over a ten-year period
(Whitehead, 2008) has contributed, arguably, to a normalization not only of crime
but of ‘a new level of crime-consciousness, a new depth of emotional investment,
and a new salience of crime in our everyday lives’ (Garland, 2001, p. 164).
Whilst substantial attention has been paid to the role that media coverage plays
in facilitating these processes (see Cohen, 1972, and Hall, Critchley, Jefferson,
Clarke and Roberts, 1978), public concern about crime is invariably connected to
non-crime issues. Fear of crime becomes intertwined within a wider ‘tapestry’ of
unrelated insecurities (Walklate and Mythen, 2008, p. 213), leading to a process
that has tended historically to see fear of crime become synonymous with the sym-
bolic threat posed by the young. As noted above, we have witnessed a growing
intensity of concern about what should be loosely referred to as ‘criminal’ behav-
iour, a process characterized by Young (2009) as representing a shift from one of
moral indignation to one of moral panic. The distinction here is a subtle one, and
one that signals a growing recognition not just of a contravention of moral norms
but of an accompanying perception of threat. Whilst concerns about the behaviour
of young people have been amply charted historically (see Pearson, 1983), recent
years have seen a growing tendency to formalize these concerns through interven-
tion rather than solely moral censure.
The causes of such insecurities are undoubtedly many and complex, and it is
possible to identify more removed factors that undoubtedly contribute to this phe-
nomenon. Ajzenstadt (2009), in a paper exploring a moral panic in Israel con-
cerning single mothers who claim welfare benefits, provides a thought-provoking
appraisal of the role played by political philosophy, most notably neo-liberalism,
in stimulating popularly held insecurities around non-criminal behaviour. Simi-
lar ideas can be found in the work of David Garland (2001), who shows how
the move towards neo-liberalism and neo-conservatism in the later stages of the
twentieth century (demonstrated by the policies adopted by the respective admin-
istrations of Ronald Reagan in the United States and Margaret Thatcher in the
United Kingdom) signalled the emergence of new forms of political rhetoric that
encouraged social division. The intervention of the state in the lives of the public
was increasingly questioned by those who thought that, ‘far from the welfare state
ameliorating the problems of a market society, it carried the diseases of “wel-
farism” and dependency’ (Young, 2007, pp. 106–107). To Ajzenstadt (2009) the
moral panic represents a ‘government technique’ (p. 84) encompassing a variety
of purposes, including the regulation of individuals who pose a risk to society
from their non-adherence to the tenets of neo-liberalism. Similarly, moral pan-
ics are used to repress those accounts that situate the cause of social problems in
structural inequality and to promote values based on free market ideology to our
understanding of society.
Late modernity, globalization and risk

The rise of late modernity has led to fundamental changes in the basic concept
of community, specifically in so far as it signals, to paraphrase Young (2007,
p. 194), a loosening of the moorings between the community and its specific phys-
ical environment, thus leading to a multiplicity of communities. Young’s analysis
describes a series of pluralistic communities inhabited by different subcultures
of varying intensity and, whilst relations, at one level, might appear disjointed
between such groups, ‘crosscutting alliances’ (2007, p. 195) that transcend cul-
tural divisions do emerge. The subcultures that develop are not statically frozen
but are reinvented and rewritten over time. Meanwhile, the collision of global
and local communities means that, whilst some community subcultures have a
specific geographic location, others are ‘virtual communities’. Notions of differ-
ence appear embedded, yet shifting, within late modern societies and, unlike tradi-
tional communities where cultural values were largely underwritten by consensus,
within the late modern community values become increasingly more fluid and
disputed. At the same time, processes of globalization and the growing integration
of localities through global networks have led to substantial social change, which
in turn has, Young (2007) suggests, generated extensive uncertainty. Integral to
this process are rising inequalities of income, which become manifested at both
intra-national (in the case of growing margins of difference between high and low
earners) and international levels (in the case of differences between wealthy and
poor states). These differences are important in that they lead to relative depriva-
tion and a perceived incoherence between ‘universal’ benchmarks for opportunity
and lifestyle that are betrayed by structural inequalities. Globalized market socie-
ties have further physical impacts on the life experiences of individuals through
their transformative qualities, which have introduced volatility to workplaces,
communities and families and which have resulted in fractured personal histories,
at least in respect of the dictates of tradition. The extent to which such changes
actively exclude people, in both a material and a political sense, should not be
underestimated. In the same way, the dehumanizing aspects of these processes are
seen by Young (2007) as being an important factor in explanations of intergroup
conflicts, in that they lead to the reconstitution of identity, a process made more
difficult with the decreasing power of ‘class’ as a symbolic cultural reference
point. Given the transformative power of globalization at individual, community
and national levels it is perhaps natural, as Young proposes, that crime itself has
failed to escape its influence, with a subsequent growth in crimes motivated not by
simplistic materialistic desires but as a means of expression.
Risk has emerged as a key concept within this new social landscape and refers
not so much to an increase in the amount of risk in any quantitative sense but to a
change in orientation to chance. At the same time, the scientific and technological
advances of recent eras have contributed to new and different threats to our secu-
rity, which subsequently attract further scientific attention to deal with associated
secondary risk (this ‘scientization’ of risk is explored by Ericson and Haggerty,
1997, p. 113). Developed as a sociological concept by Beck (1992), the notion
of ‘risk’ has been seized upon, in a criminological sense, as a means of under-
standing the way in which societies and individuals position themselves in respect
of the threats posed by crime. Johnston (2000a) explains this transformation in
terms of a shift from societies characterized by a resigned acknowledgement that
life contains hazards, to those where such hazards are identifiable, quantifiable
and, to some extent, avoidable. The growing extent to which perceptions of risk
become embedded in our day-to-day lives leads to a substantive change in the
focus of our lives from one of positive, ‘normative ends such as social equality or
social justice’ (Johnston, 2000a, p. 70) to straightforward avoidance of personal
harm. This transition from social to asocial, characterized by a tendency towards
the ‘individualized, privatized, and instrumental’ (Ericson and Haggerty, 1997,
p. 258), paralleled the rise of neo-liberalism witnessed during the same period
with two main results, according to Johnston (2000a): first, that the social world
had become increasingly fragmented and, second, that the role to be played by the
state in respect of crime and order maintenance was to become radically altered.
Late modernity and the reconfiguration of security

Whilst it is incredibly difficult to disentangle the respective parts played by the
concepts of globalization, late modernity and the emergence of risk, as a whole they
represent a number of challenges for policing, public expectations of the police
and the nature, intensity and purpose of police occupational culture. Broadly, the
significance of the change is articulated through the shift from traditional com-
munities characterized by consensus and stability to contemporary societies char-
acterized by fragmentation, plurality and risk. Many of the problems subsequently
faced by the police can be considered global and have resulted in both new threats
and new ways of policing. The heightening of economic and cultural divisions
has given rise to new social classes that sit outside traditional class divisions, and
family, occupational and leisure patterns have experienced substantial change,
leading to new lifestyles. Moreover, individualism has become linked with exces-
sive consumerism, and the relevance of these distinct yet interrelated changes to
the core terms of reference of the police culture is multifaceted and will, no doubt,
stimulate further debate over coming years. However, it is likely that the fragmen-
tation and fluidity of wider culture will continue to contribute to accounts of police
culture that emphasize change as much as continuity.
The move towards globalization has fundamentally blurred the boundaries of
the state, the market and wider communities (Johnston, 2000b). Simultaneously,
the experience of late modernity has led to growing insecurity, a change in the
configuration of space and an increasingly pluralist security framework (Wake-
field, 2003). Similarly, these developments have led to new forms of territorial
and policing arrangements, with Davis (1992) drawing attention to the growing
use of private security within reconstituted and mass privately owned geographi-
cal settings. Whilst Davis’s observation that, ‘In cities like Los Angeles, on the
bad edge of postmodernity, one observes an unprecedented tendency to merge
urban design, architecture and the police apparatus into a single, comprehensive
security effort’ (1992, p. 224) might strike some as somewhat dystopian, it is true
to say that the provision of security has undergone significant change largely in
respect of the growing commodification of security, the advent of new forms of
publicly accessible territory and the associated growth of alternative non-state
provision.
Central to this is the emergence of a privatized policing industry that, in recent
years, has succeeded in breaking the monopolistic hold that the state police pre-
viously held over the policing function. Explanations of this phenomenon have
tended to focus upon the displacement of Keynesian approaches to policing and
the emergence of neo-liberal rationality (see, for example, O’Malley and Palmer,
1996). As Keynesian approaches to governance are superseded, so we witness
a reduction in the scope of state provision of services. With this hollowing out
of the state comes a drawing in of its boundaries and its responsibilities and the
emergence of a gap between the expectations of the public and the state’s willing-
ness or ability to provide services. This gap is then filled by private providers,
which supply those services previously offered by the state to paying customers.
Johnston (2000b, p. 124) highlights three broad types of privatized security provi-
sion – ‘physical security’, ‘electronic security’ and ‘staffed services’, which exist
in parallel to ‘in-house’ services for specific institutions or jurisdictions. Whilst it
is hard to chart the exact size of the private security sector, what is beyond doubt
is that the private sector not only matches, but exceeds, the work undertaken by
many public forces (Jones and Newburn, 1998). Jones and Newburn do, however,
present two caveats to this finding of their research within a London borough:
first, that, whilst private provision en masse meets and exceeds the roles of state
provision, provision remains fragmented and specialized and, second, that ‘high’
policing functions such as those pertaining to security at a national level unsur-
prisingly fail to be mapped by the private sector. What should be noted is that
these processes, especially the privatization of public space, are especially more
pronounced within North America than in the United Kingdom (Jones and New-
burn, 1998). In North America more individuals are employed in private security
than in public police agencies (Johnston, 2000b), and Jones and Newburn (1998)
remain sceptical of the extent to which the United Kingdom has experienced a
comparable growth in mass private property to the United States.
Despite such differences in experiences of private policing, Singh and Kempa
(2007) provide a timely overview of the impact of private policing upon police
occupational culture. Whilst the majority of research into private policing to date
has focused upon the roles, size and governance of this sector, they explore the
parallels between the occupational orientation of officers in private and public
policing domains. Whilst the research findings, from fieldwork undertaken in
South Africa, might not juxtapose seamlessly with other national contexts they
do highlight a growing convergence of the two sectors. In terms of the breadth of
the role undertaken by private security personnel, like Jones and Newburn (1998)
the authors found that many public police roles were also being undertaken by
private sector counterparts, especially following the rapid growth of the South
African private security sector during the 1990s. The occupational culture of the
private sector also mirrored that of their public police counterparts, with Singh
and Kempa noting the emergence of different styles of policing similar to Rein-
er’s typologies of ‘bobby’, ‘new centurion’, ‘uniform carrier’ and ‘professional’
(2010, p. 133) and cultural variations between those working in contract and in-
house security. Interestingly, it appears that private policing, like public policing,
is essentially concerned with reactive law enforcement rather than proactive crime
prevention, and this may account for an occupational culture that, despite cer-
tain geographical inconsistencies, largely parallels the documented public police
cultures of the mid-twentieth century. In explaining these similarities, Singh and
Kempa suggest a number of factors. Private policing, in a reminder of traditional
research into public police culture, tends to attract authoritarian individuals who
may harbour long-term ambitions to join the public police. Likewise, management
positions within South African private sector companies are often held by those
who formally held security positions under the apartheid regime, thus contributing
to the continuing paramilitary characteristics of a form of policing where training
courses promote strategies based on the concept of force rather than of service.
What should be noted, however, is that private security cultures will reflect a very
limited type of ‘public interest’ (2007, p. 315) and, as Singh and Kempa argue,
the culture of those private policing employees in their research, whilst reflecting
many of the themes of ‘classic’ police culture, did show some differentiation, for
example in respect of management being recruited externally rather than inter-
nally. What is important, they conclude, is that police culture literature can aid
our understanding of a part of the security sector which is inextricably tied to the
market economy that has emerged to satisfy our changing security needs.
Managerialism
Broadly managerialist strategies, associated with the private sector, have had an
increasing role to play in the United Kingdom over recent years, with some tracing
their foundations to the Planning, Programming and Budgeting System of the early
1970s (Southgate, 1985). However, to many, the key moment indicating the arrival
of the managerialist agenda, within a UK context, was Home Office Circular 114/83
(Manpower, Effectiveness and Efficiency in the Police Service), circulated in 1983,
which stipulated that ‘value for money’ should be an overarching consideration
when resourcing police work. As a memo, the document did not constitute policy,
nor was its remit particularly broad. However, at a symbolic level it represented an
unequivocal statement of the future direction that senior officers and police authori-
ties would be expected to take in quantifying the level and type of ‘quality’ that
they delivered in return for the funding that they received. Five years later, Home
Office Circular 105/88 (Civilian Staff in the Police Service) paved the way for fur-
ther developments regarding the increased civilianization of the police service.
These changes can largely be seen in the context of the collapse of the post-war
political consensus regarding cross-party commitment to public services. Under the
burgeoning new right of the 1970s, Long (2003) suggests that two criticisms were
put forward of public sector policy: first, that the market, not the public sector, was
the most efficient means of distributing resources and, second, that an oversized
welfare state was incompatible with the return to values stressing individual respon-
sibility. Momentum was sustained, within a policing context, with the publication
of the Audit Commission (1990) report Effective Policing: Performance Review in
Police Forces and the Policing Reform White Paper (Home Office, 1993), although
it was the Sheehy Report (1993) that has provided a well-weathered focal point for
what became a slow-brewing revolution in police management. Amid a flurry of
activity to provide a statutory footing for managerialist and ‘best-value’ changes
(Police and Magistrates’ Courts Act 1994, Police Act 1996, Local Government Act
1999, Police Reform Act 2002 and the Police and Justice Act 2006), annual police
performance assessments were used to measure effectiveness in 23 core activities,
therefore allowing comparison through a ‘league table’. By 2008 the British gov-
ernment’s commitment to performance management was articulated by the then
Home Secretary, who stated that ‘Performance management is central to policing’
(Home Office, 2008: i). Police opposition to such reforms, whilst entrenched for
many years, has partly eroded more recently and has led, according to Cockcroft
and Beattie (2009), to a widening of the division between management and patrol
ranks within police organizations. In part, this move towards ‘professionalization’
in policing, under the auspices of managerialism, has tended to entail decreased
discretionary freedom for practitioners on the streets.
In an evaluation of a police performance regime in an English police force,
Cockcroft and Beattie (2009) highlight the ways in which prescriptive perform-
ance indicators can lead to a number of changes to police practice. Their findings
tend to support earlier research by FitzGerald, Hough, Joseph and Qureshi (2002)
that found that quantitative targets in respect of policing outcomes led to demo-
tivated staff and a decrease in the powers of middle managers. Both the HMIC
report on police integrity (Her Majesty’s Inspectorate of Constabulary, 1999a) and
Miller (2003) have noted the relationship between performance pressure and poor
police practice, not least in respect of the ways in which performance measure-
ment regimes invariably go beyond the measurement of practice and actively aim
to modify it (Levi, 2008; Cockcroft and Beattie, 2009). The rise of performance
regimes, therefore, has been accompanied by a trend for such measures to be used
as a means of reinterpreting the police role as fundamentally narrower than tradi-
tionally has been the case. Furthermore, they also fail to represent the true extent
of the police role (in particular, those aspects that are service oriented or which do
not generate easily understood quantifiable data) and may also generate unhelpful
or inaccurate data. Ultimately, however, the importance of these mechanisms can
be judged by the fact that they are unable to measure every aspect of the police role
(Butler, 2000). This suggests that, under such regimes, police prioritization of the
role is reduced to ‘what gets measured gets done’.
The rise of performance as a driver for police practice therefore represents
a fundamental change to policing, which can be analysed at multiple levels.
As evidenced above, the ‘professionalization’ of policing through the introduction
of performance regimes, apart from changing the ways in which officers work,
also has much value as a means of explaining how policing is evolving at a more
fundamental level. One key aspect of the move towards professionalization has
been to place hitherto unrecognized levels of importance on the presentation, if
not the reality, of police work, and this has arguably rendered policing ‘hyper-
real’ (see Baudrillard, 1994) through the distortion of the distinction between the
two. Increasingly, observe Ericson and Haggerty (1997), police organizations
are tasked with generating data for external agencies, and policies are routinely
developed regarding which types of knowledge can be conveyed to which sort of
agency in which particular format. In turn, these policies provide a framework
that informs officers’ understanding of the social world that they inhabit. Within
this new policing environment, where the police are invested with an authority
not only to ‘shape the narratives surrounding crime, disorder and risk, but also
to circumscribe the parameters of what is acceptable, normal and appropriate’
(Cockcroft and Beattie, 2009, p. 534), the epithet of knowledge workers (Ericson
and Haggerty, 1997) seems wholly appropriate.
The likelihood of managerialist initiatives, under the banner of new public man-
agement, to affect cultural change are presently unclear. Fundamentally, however,
it is evident that a number of tensions emerge at a practical level when implement-
ing such initiatives within public sector organizations. Public sector organizations
tend to be characterized as having considerably broader aims than those in the
private sector (Williams, 1985), and this has considerable implications for the
ways in which ‘success’ is measured. Not least, the strategic domains upon which
performance measurement regimes are based need to consider not only the core
tasks of the institution and the concerns of the community but also the values
and norms of front-line practitioners. The power of Williams’s work is in that it
succeeds in describing the causes of some of the cultural challenges that might
be encountered when trying to ‘managerialize’ police institutions. Central to his
argument is that the public sector arises as a response to the inability of the free
market to fulfil all the requirements of the public, that performance measurement
schemes tend to be inaccurate as measures of quality outcomes and that they often
fail to reflect the knowledge of practitioners. Research has found that, whilst some
officers might ‘play the game’ by conforming to what might be viewed as arbi-
trarily chosen performance targets, this could not automatically be considered as
evidence of cultural change. As with the case of equal opportunities legislation,
new policy developments might change behaviour but not, as the work of Loftus
(2009) shows, change police values. Similarly, research by Cockcroft and Beat-
tie (2009) suggests that the introduction of performance management initiatives
may actively cause conflict with core concepts of the dominant police culture.
Officers working under schemes that allocated points for arrests and form-filling
complained of competitiveness, overcharging, manipulation and needless arrests.
Similarly, core parts of the police role (such as reassurance work and crime pre-
vention work) were not reflected appropriately within the performance mecha-
nism. Officers who had been in post for a short time tended to find the regime
more helpful than those with a longer amount of service, with the latter being less
likely to use the points system as a guide to action. To some, the scheme appeared
as an affront to officers’ professionalism, as it tried to direct officers to undertake
those particular tasks which could be easily measured and not to engage in those
which were altogether less quantifiable. Older officers, especially, were unlikely
to react positively to having the definition of policing reinterpreted from above.
Risk aversion
A relatively recent development, at least within UK policing contexts, is that
the police have become increasingly subjected to accusations of ‘risk aversion’.
This issue was highlighted by Sir Ronnie Flanagan in his review of policing (2008).
It is understandable that, given the growing reorientation to risk that has become so
prevalent in wider society (see Beck, 1992), it would have some unintended impacts
upon policing. Flanagan’s report, in particular, highlights the relationship between
the decrease in police discretion, the subsequent increases in police bureaucracy
and a growing tendency for officers to allow themselves to become overly directed
by rules and policies, a process which he claimed had become supported by the
occupational culture. Subsequent consultation by the Risk and Regulation Advisory
Council (RRAC) led to the publication of a report, in 2009, that concluded that risk
aversion within police forces was a reflection of the impact of risk in wider society.
Furthermore, the report noted that risk aversion represented a corrosive influence, as
it led to officers adopting excessively bureaucratic and rule-based working patterns
that were incompatible with latter-day police arrangements. Whilst the report advo-
cated a more ‘flexible policing environment’ (2009, p. 19) and a move towards repo-
sitioning responsibility as an individual rather than governmental issue, it remains to
be seen how this agenda will unfold, in policing terms, over the coming years.
In an article that explores the relationship between policing and risk, Heaton
(2010) draws attention to some of the factors that have contributed to the risk
aversion that is seen as permeating contemporary policing. Primarily, he distin-
guishes between the status of risk within the private and public sectors, noting
that, for many private sector institutions, risk is accompanied by the potential for
considerable ‘positive’ effects. In contrast, for public sector institutions, like the
police, risk-taking is less likely to be perceived as leading to benefits substantial
enough to be justified. As Berry (2009, cited in Heaton, 2010) suggests, risk is
integral to police work, and unnecessary risk-taking jeopardizes not so much the
financial stability of the institution but, more importantly, its ‘organizational repu-
tation’ (Heaton, 2010, p. 76). Furthermore, the RRAC (2009) notes the breadth of
factors that have led to the preponderance of risk aversion in the police, drawing
specific attention to: individuals who actively prey on public perceptions of risk;
a profusion of information; a zero-tolerance approach to failure; calls for imme-
diate government intervention; and disempowered individuals and communities.
Whilst these factors can be considered significant hurdles to a more positive risk
orientation within the police culture, risk aversion is facilitated further by a fail-
ure to satisfactorily articulate the difference between ‘blame’ and ‘accountabil-
ity’. Furthermore, legislation and agency review are both considered additional
external drivers towards risk aversion. One solution that has been proposed to
risk aversion is the promotion of ‘entrepreneurial policing’ (see Smith, 2008), a
concept that balances risk-averse policing with more ‘creative’ entrepreneurial
approaches. The culture of the police, suggests Smith, reflects class divisions in
wider society, with those of the status of constable and sergeant generally reflect-
ing traditional working-class norms of deference to the middle classes. Whilst
Smith makes a case to argue that the rank system stifles entrepreneurialism and
privileges ‘the politically astute networker’ (2008, p. 12), he goes on to suggest
that entrepreneurialist cultures can be encouraged by team working, criticality,
goal-oriented work, pragmatism and decision-making borne of partnership work.
The issue of risk aversion amongst the police offers some interesting contexts
for debate regarding the nature and extent of police occupational culture given
that it appears fundamentally at odds with the accepted values identified by early
work into police culture. What appear to emerge are two conflicting accounts. The
‘risk aversion’ model suggests that the growing professionalization of policing
has been accompanied by a decrease in the levels of officer discretion and a grow-
ing culture of rule following. Police officers are increasingly viewed as less likely
to engage in ‘innovative’ policing and are increasingly ‘controlled’ in a culture
where they feel inadequately supported to make decisions for themselves. Punch
(2009), however, takes a somewhat contrary stance by considering the persistence
of police corruption in a number of diverse police jurisdictions. For example, in
the UK context he shows how the convergence of pressure for ‘results’, a culture
of silence and ineffective independent scrutiny of the police has led to acute chal-
lenges to reforming police behaviour. Similarly, within the USA, the develop-
ment of accountable police forces has proven difficult, with ingrained resistance
towards civilian-led complaints mechanisms. Research cited by Punch (2009)
describes how police departments in the USA have failed to fully enforce reform
measures and, in some instances, actively sought to reduce their effectiveness. He
goes on to note that ‘there is something about the nature of policing that distorts
perceptions and deflects good cops onto deviant paths while encouraging bad cops
to become rogue cops . . . police corruption will always be with us’ (Punch, 2009,
p. 235). It would appear difficult to rationalize these two accounts. One suggests
that discretion has been squeezed out of the system to such an extent that officers
have become unimaginative automatons who rigidly enforce laws and who are too
afraid to ‘innovate’. The other, as described by Punch, presents policing as hav-
ing an inevitable skew or tendency towards corruption, which inevitably indicates
a concerted rejection of procedure. Whilst Flanagan’s concern over a culture of
risk aversion might resonate at some levels, Punch’s concerns for police serv-
ices that veer towards corruption unless resolute leadership is in place do suggest
an incomplete picture of cultural drivers and inhibitors of risk-taking behaviour.
Amidst these ongoing debates regarding risk aversion within UK police culture,
Heaton (2010) suggests that it is difficult to assess the extent to which cultural
change will be successful or otherwise in changing police attitudes to, and use of,
discretion. In conclusion, he notes that much of the impetus for risk aversion itself
stems from the actions of central government, an accusation that appears to carry
some weight given the moves, over recent decades, to reduce the freedom with
which police exercise their discretionary powers.
Bridging traditional and contemporary depictions of

police culture
Above I have presented a number of loosely based themes that might act as
conceptual reference points from which to explore police culture through a con-
temporary lens. By way of reiteration, these suggest that policing is subject to
differentiation as a result of wide-ranging social and cultural change, the shifting
demands of local populations and the assessment of the relative merits of par-
ticular styles of policing in specific communities. The latter appears to be
especially true of the localized nature of policing in the United States, although dif-
ferences have also been observed within the United Kingdom, where, for example,
research has addressed differences in policing styles between rural and urban areas
(Cain, 1973; Loftus, 2009). Whilst early work into police culture tended to focus
upon commonalities between officers, their orientation to the role and their inter-
actions with the public, more recent analyses of police work have tended to address
‘difference’ in policing, and this has forced a reassessment of the extent to which a
specific police culture can support a variety of different policing styles in diverse
contexts.
Contemporary analyses have also highlighted not just the explicit differences
that exist between styles and attitudes of policing, but also those factors that would
initially appear to challenge the primacy of a rigid police occupational culture.
Government-led inquiries and increases in representation through recruitment and
equality legislation may all be considered as having a part to play in reducing
explicit denigration along the lines of, for example, gender and race, yet have still
led to concerns regarding discriminatory attitudes being pushed ‘underground’
and therefore made more powerful. Police unionism, again, might be considered
one factor that would mitigate some negative aspects of the occupational culture.
However, it appears that police unionism might further embed traditional cultural
practices given its conservative character and its embodiment of the ‘traditional’
crime-fighting image. A fundamental aspect of police unionism is that it is a curi-
ously apolitical unionism that is unashamedly pro-police, and this tends to eclipse
its potential for links to the wider trade unionism movement. In a similar way, the
much touted potential of education to be a key factor in the transformation of the
police force appears, at present, to be limited. Whilst higher education qualifica-
tions have become increasingly important for promotion to senior police posi-
tions, the role of higher education in lower-level police work, the cultural core of
the occupation, remains ambiguous.
Assessing the impact of private policing on police culture remains an inter-
esting issue. Whilst the most likely area of inquiry regarding the relationship of
private security to police culture will be the extent to which private police culture
reflects the main themes and directions of public police culture, the move towards
partnership work has provided areas for future research. For example, Wakefield
(2003) and Jones and Newburn (1998) have described the ways in which effec-
tive partnerships can emerge between public and private police, with Jones and
Newburn finding during the course of their research that almost 90 per cent of
private security companies had what they would describe as ‘good’ or ‘very good’
relationships with the public police. Given this gradual loosening of the public
police’s monopolistic hold over the security agenda, there do appear to be oppor-
tunities, through partnership work, for a revision of the isolationist worldview
held by many to be fundamental to the police culture. Alternatively, however,
some also propose, as Singh and Kempa (2007) and Shearing (1997) do, that we
are witnessing a process of convergence between the private and public police.
Where these authors differ is in describing the nature of this convergence, with
Singh and Kempa noting a growing militarization across both sectors, whereas
Shearing suggests that growing similarities between sectors can be explained as
a result of the neo-liberal and market-led forces that have transformed the public
police, making them increasingly preventative rather than reactive in outlook. One
conclusion, which appears beyond contention, is made by Singh and Kempa when
they suggest that we need to escape the ‘binary depictions’ of both sectors and to
look at the ways in which they interrelate within a shared security context.
Police institutions have diversified in terms of both the roles that they under-
take and the make-up of their workforces and have done so against a backdrop
characterized by accelerated social change. Bethan Loftus (2009, 2010) provides
a refreshing approach to contemporary police culture that helps us to extend our
existing framework of understanding. She suggests that community policing, the
advent of new public management, changes to traditional recruitment demograph-
ics and the ongoing politicization of the police have made the occupation unrecog-
nizable, in some respects, from that which provided the basis for much of our early
knowledge of police culture. Additionally, she draws our attention to the ‘new
social field of policing’ (2009, p. 21), characterized by legal and political changes,
the policing of diversity and increasing levels of social exclusion that have fur-
ther impacted, culturally, upon policing. The most significant of these changes,
argues Loftus, has been the impact of ‘identity politics’ on the cultural realm of
the police, leading to a growth in demands for equality along predominant axes of
ethnicity, gender and sexuality. This has had two substantial effects on the police:
first, it has limited the extent to which the cultural values of many police officers
can be explicitly expressed and, second, it has implications for the ways in which
the police engage with people from specific social groups.
Arguably, the emergence of ‘identity politics’ as a threat to traditional police
cultures can be traced back to the aftermath of the riots of the early 1980s and the
publication of Lord Scarman’s report into the Brixton riots. During the intervening
years, British society has become increasingly diverse, and the police have strenu-
ously articulated their commitment to diversity in all its forms as a policy priority.
What we have witnessed, therefore, is the materialization of a ‘new politics of
policing diversity’ (Loftus, 2009, p. 35, italics in original) that plays into direct
conflict with the traditional cultural tenets of rank-and-file police officers. The
substantial changes to policing during this period corresponded with wider social
change associated with the shift from a modern society to a late modern society.
One facet of this shift has been, according to Young (1999), a disproportionate
exclusion of large sections of the population both from labour markets and from
civil society and their drift towards the attentions of the criminal justice system.
Similarly, we have also seen a growing tendency to reposition crime and disorder
as problems caused by individual rather than structural factors as old ideologies
have been replaced by the ascendancy of crime prevention discourses. It is within
this context that Loftus (2009) presents a strong argument to suggest that the
rise of identity politics has coincided with a gradual decline in the political rel-
evance of both class and poverty. Loftus draws on the work of Zurn (2005) to
explore the meeting of the politics of recognition and those of distribution and
questions whether acknowledgement of diverse identities can coexist with a com-
mitment to deal with financial marginalization. A possible conclusion, of course,
is that it is a more feasible political aim to recognize previously denied social iden-
tities than to put an end to structural inequalities. Correspondingly, Loftus draws
on the work of Haylett (2001) to describe the ways in which class has become the
key differentiating factor that the police can utilize to create ‘legitimate’ targets.
‘Excluded from notions of multiculturalism’, writes Loftus, ‘poor, young, white
men stand forward as the embodiment of disorder and distaste’ (2009, p. 45).
The diversity agenda and the rise of identity politics, whilst causing what Lof-
tus terms an ‘interruption’ to the occupational culture of the police, has failed
to represent a shift in traditional cultural values. Indeed, the transformation of
policing in this way has encouraged a mood of resistance amongst those officers
who resent the implications of these changes. The language of diversity comes
to be seen as a tokenistic and politically correct gesture that, whilst impacting on
how officers express themselves, does little if anything to alter their opinions and
values. Among the more practical consequences of this attempt to reorient police
values is that the marginalized white male becomes an ‘unproblematic terrain’
(2009, p. 160) for the types of discretionary policing previously experienced by
ethnic minorities.
Fundamental, however, to Loftus’s analysis is not that class has suddenly
become a new target of police attention in the wake of the diversity agenda, given
of course that class can be mitigated or exacerbated by other distinctions. Instead,
Loftus suggests that the importance of class to the work of the police has been
unsuccessfully represented within existing police scholarship, given that it largely
fails to identify class as a consistent and embedded factor in the police psyche
outside of analyses of the introduction of the New Police (see Storch, 1976) or
in respect of outbreaks of industrial unrest. What is important here is the impact
of identity politics as a factor that actively inhibits the expression of culturally
motivated police actions and attitudes. The white urban poor emerge as a con-
temporary social grouping for whom no specific cultural recognition has been
forthcoming in terms of police policy and, as a result, this has led to the persist-
ence of class-discriminatory policing. This might be considered ironic in the light
of historical work by authors such as Brogden (1991) for whom class was always
the prioritized social domain of police work.
Conclusion
Variation has always been a part of police work, not least because of the fact that
particular areas have distinct security and order requirements and these will lead
to different forms of police action and priority. However, the importance of works
such as those of Wilson (1968) is not to be seen just in terms of the way in which
such works chart varieties of police orientation, but in the way that they account
for it. The populations of different communities had, noted Wilson, different val-
ues, exhibited different behaviours and held different thresholds of tolerance to
particular behaviours. Significantly, these came to dictate the type of policing
that would occur in different areas, and it becomes evident that, in some areas, the
police directed the citizenry and, in others, the power was firmly in the hands of
the communities. Furthermore, the impact of local political structures and elites
also impacted upon the way in which the relationship between the police and the
public would be played out. The world which Wilson describes for us is one in
which policing becomes subjected to the intricacies of local social pressures and,
whilst not being articulated by Wilson, hints at the idea that police culture is sub-
ject to change between locations.
The work of police culture writers over recent years has, in many respects, fol-
lowed Wilson’s lead, although with a greater degree of sophistication. Wilson’s
focus on behaviour has been supplanted with a tendency for greater attention to be
paid to culture (and the ways in which culture and behaviour are related). There
has also been a growing acknowledgement of the role of both change and continu-
ity in respect of manifestations of police culture or cultures. Issues such as race
and gender continue to be a primary domain for many police culture writers, yet,
increasingly, concepts such as unionism, education, managerialism and risk are all
being drawn upon as ways of exploring change in the police world. And it is vari-
ation that has become the dominant currency, arguably, for writers in this field.
The era of simplistic binary depictions of police culture has given way to refer-
ence to the fluidity of police cultures and, simultaneously, the search for meaning
has become increasingly difficult when the deconstruction of the police world
means that little uniformity of behaviour or culture can be identified. Interestingly,
however, a synthesis of the two approaches has been hinted at by the work of Lof-
tus (2009), and the class-based nature of police culture has provided a potential
anchor for our understanding of police work in a world where constant change has
tended to obscure even the most persistent features of the cultural landscape.
5 Researching police culture
Introduction
Whilst a tremendous amount of time and effort has been spent by academ-
ics undertaking research into police culture, we rarely reflect on those factors
that shape the form and remit of such studies. It is perhaps helpful therefore
to acknowledge the ways in which police research has gone through different
stages, historically, which reflect different academic and policy considerations
and that these have impacted upon our knowledge of police culture. A related
issue concerns the purpose of policing research and the extent to which its focus
and orientation are to understand policing at a cultural level or to develop ways
of dealing with culturally determined police issues. This is a subtle distinction yet
one which leads to a diversity of research projects and methodologies which will
have widely varying outcomes. Finally, this chapter will highlight some of the
definitional, methodological and analytical challenges of police culture research
prior to discussing a broader set of orientations within which to conduct research
into police culture.
The context of police culture research

Police research, as an identifiable subject within the social sciences, began to
emerge during the early 1960s, shortly after the advent of modern criminological
research, which took place towards the end of the 1950s (Reiner and Newburn,
2007). Whilst these developments took place simultaneously on both sides of
the Atlantic, there existed subtle differences between the two countries. In the
United States, the focus appeared to be primarily on the civil rights implications
of police work (as evidenced, for example, in the 1961 report of the United States
Commission on Civil Rights), especially in regard to the use of discretion, a
matter that generated considerable research from legal scholars such as LaFave
(see LaFave, 1962b). This trend in early police research was reinforced during
the 1960s with the growing influence of labelling theory, which shifted attention
away from those who broke the criminal law to those who enforced it, placing
police research in the United States at the centre of legal, social and theoretical
debates.
Researching police culture 105
As in the United States, policing research in the United Kingdom was the result
of developments both in criminal justice and in the social sciences. By the late
1950s, the ‘Golden Age’ of English policing was coming to an end, with recorded
increases in crime rates, a perceived deterioration in relations between the police
and ethnic minority groups and a cooling of the mutual respect that had previously
been the defining characteristic of the police relationship with the middle classes
(Reiner, 2010). The ‘celebratory’ manner which permeated orthodox accounts of
the police (see, for example, Howgrave-Graham, 1947) was increasingly being
contradicted by concerns surrounding individual corruption and wider issues of
police accountability (Reiner, 1997).
Before long, research on both sides of the Atlantic was beginning to diversify,
in the United Kingdom not least because of the growing politicization (Neyroud,
2003) and managerialism of the police, and this resulted in the coexistence of
two broad types of police research. One type continued to explore the class-based
nature of policing and control (reflecting the sociological orientation of symbolic
interactionism through the application of labelling theory), whereas the other was
fundamentally rooted in the need for research into specific policy issues and was
generally funded by the police and other state agencies and departments. In the
United States, the civil rights agenda was beginning to wane as the focal point
for police research and came to be replaced by a more organizationally oriented
research agenda. A brief resurgence of research that explored concerns of both
police efficiency and accountability was made possible during the late 1980s by
the advent of community policing (Reiner, 1997), although even policy-oriented
research in the United States has, in recent years, become jeopardized through
substantial cuts to research budgets. This has occurred despite the assertion, made
by Sherman (2004), that between 1980 and 2001 criminology learnt more about
crime than it had in the last 200 years, an argument he supported by pointing to the
decrease in homicide rates over the corresponding period. Reiner and Newburn’s
(2007) claim that this reduction of funding for research into policing is due to a
distrust of the social sciences by governments tends to reinforce the view that
police research is as liable to politicization as policing itself.
Reiner and Newburn describe the ways in which research into policing has
passed through a number of stages defined by ‘consensus’, ‘controversy’, ‘con-
flict’, ‘contradiction’ and ‘crime control’. The consensus agenda resulted from
the apparently tranquil and unproblematic policing of the ‘austere, socially rigid,
monochrome world of the late 1940s and 1950s’ (Loader and Mulcahy, 2003, p.
14). This era, whilst representing perhaps the most appropriate matching of police
service to society that the United Kingdom had ever experienced, was, unfortu-
nately, about to witness substantial and unprecedented change over a particularly
short period of time. By the late 1960s and early 1970s, British policing was find-
ing itself increasingly tarnished through widely reported incidents that heightened
concerns over police practice not least in respect to corruption and discrimination.
At the same time, British police forces were increasingly tasked with the con-
trol of public demonstrations that, whilst not always directed against the police,
had the effect of placing the police physically and ideologically against sections
of the community with whom they had hitherto enjoyed relatively harmonious
relations. Whilst the consensus research agenda is reflected in the publication of
Banton’s (1964) The Policeman in the Community (Reiner and Newburn, 2007),
the new wave of British police scholarship largely rejected the consensual focus
of old and moved towards a more wholesale adoption of the critical orientations
found in sociological theory. These they used to develop accounts of policing
which were far removed from the optimistic tone of Banton’s work. Whereas
Banton had focused on police work as an example of a successfully functioning
institution, under the controversy agenda attention was directed to inappropriate
police practices facilitated as a result of police discretion. The conflict agenda of
police research constituted a progression from the controversy agenda, signalling
an approach less informed by labelling theory and more explicitly by Marxist
thought. This process was accompanied by a broadening of the focus upon police
practice from an individual level to one centred upon larger and more systemic
issues such as police accountability. Therefore, whilst labelling theory progressed
our understanding of the interpersonal dynamics at play in police–public encoun-
ters, these led to broader questions regarding the distribution of power in society,
which necessitated a move towards more macro theories.
The penultimate stage outlined by Reiner and Newburn is that of contradiction
and was made possible by the emergence of left and right realism, which had
developed in response to a growing political consensus between political parties
on crime and criminal justice issues. The element of contradiction in this stage
comes from the diverse and sometimes contradictory views espoused under crimi-
nological realism, which represented an attempt to deal with ‘the crisis of etiology
and penality’ (Young, 1994, p. 80) through a movement towards less explicitly
ideologically grounded theories. The realist enterprise therefore represented a
rejection of the grand narratives, such as Marxism, which had failed to provide
policy-relevant knowledge with which to combat crime. Whilst realist thinking,
in the United Kingdom, was largely represented by left realism and in the United
States by right realism, this period also gave rise to a new administrative criminol-
ogy that rejected the abstracted and ideologically tainted paradigms of previous
models. Recent years, according to Reiner and Newburn, have seen yet another
police research agenda emerge, which focuses purely on ‘crime control’, a devel-
opment that reinforces the shift from ideological to pragmatic concerns in our
exploration of crime and police work.
Over a relatively short space of time social, intellectual and political change
have all impacted on the nature and purpose of police research, with, arguably, the
latter as the key driver. Whilst critical research into police work is still undertaken,
it is no longer as central to police scholarship as it once was, as opportunities for
applied research, driven by concerns of efficiency, effectiveness and economy,
have increased. In many respects, this recent history of police research and the
different functions that it has served invariably bring us back to broader arguments
regarding the purpose of criminology and police scholarship. Whilst traditional
work in the field was driven by intellectual curiosity of the roles and practices
of societal institutions (especially in connection with questions of accountability
and inequality), recent years have seen the social sciences adopt a more support-
ive, rather than adversarial, role in the generation of knowledge regarding issues
of order and control. This development means that the role of police research has
become increasingly contested, and analyses by both Zedner (2003) and Eric-
son (2003) have highlighted this. To Zedner, these apparent tensions reflect, first
of all, insecurities over criminology’s status as either an empirical or a critical
discipline, a distinction that she asserts is largely unhelpful. Secondly, criminolo-
gists, note Zedner, harbour concerns regarding their influence outside the academy
and are easily prone to succumb to the view that policy-led criminology is
of greater relevance than academy-led criminology. By way of conclusion, she
suggests that both approaches have particular and specific uses and that crimi-
nology’s real power lies in its ability both to establish ‘normative frameworks’
and to engage in ‘imaginative conjecture’ (Zedner, 2003, p. 235). There is a more
forceful argument, such as that proposed by Ericson (2003), which downplays
Zedner’s view of criminology’s more speculative or theoretical contribution.
Ericson’s view is that criminology and associated disciplinary areas such as police
studies are intrinsically ‘technical’, that is, they provide solutions to specific prob-
lems defined by criminal justice agencies. For Ericson, therefore, those branches
of the social sciences that concern themselves with issues of crime and order have
largely engaged with issues of policy not least because such disciplines, by virtue
of their largely normative nature, make technical research (which is concerned
with improving existing institutional practices) a priority over critical research
(which is concerned with critiquing institutional roles). This view, however, is
met with some resistance from some UK academics, such as Reece Walters and
Tim Hope. To Walters (2003), state authority in a variety of national contexts
represents a means of suppressing criticality within criminology and ensures that
criminological knowledge is largely shaped by those agencies that commission it.
Similarly, Hope (2005) assesses the UK context of criminological research under
the New Labour administration of Tony Blair and notes that even those forms of
research that are essentially technical and policy driven are themselves subject to
interference given the tensions between evidence-based knowledge and the highly
charged and politicized nature of policy.
Methodological issues in police culture research

It is beyond dispute that the ethnographic tradition has provided a substantial
part of the methodological impetus for researchers to explore the dynamics of the
cultural world of the police. Indeed, authorities such as Reiner and Newburn (1997)
and Westmarland (2008) lament the apparent demise of the police ethnography
that has played such a pivotal role in our understanding. In the introduction to a
chapter addressing the motivations that drive researchers towards studying the
police, Van Maanen referred to the ‘discrete illusion and growing mystique’ (1978c,
p. 310) that surrounded ethnographies of police work and which made them such
important contributions to our knowledge. Whilst the ensuing years have also
seen the publication of a number of works that have succeeded in extending this
tradition (for example, Smith and Gray, 1983; Young, 1991; and Loftus, 2009),
more recently there has been a trend towards the types of policy-driven work
that Ericson (2003) saw as the primary role of police research and which Walters
(2003) and Hope (2005) viewed in an altogether more negative light. One issue,
however, which has arguably received insufficient attention from the research fra-
ternity is that of rigorous and critical debate regarding the assumptions that under-
pin our understanding of police culture and which go on to influence the ways in
which we conduct research into these areas.
Police culture, societal culture and interpretative over-reach

One key conceptual issue that hinders the effectiveness of much research into
police culture is the ineffectiveness of sociological models in adequately account-
ing for the impact of social change on policing. The prevalence of the view, held
by Manning and Van Maanen (1978a, p. vii), that ‘the essence of police work
was to be found at the ground level’ has meant that our knowledge of policing is
largely of policing at a micro-level. Accounts explain the nature of police–public
interaction, officer discretion and the targeting of ‘symbolic assailants’ but fail to
enlighten our understanding of the relationship between police work and the shift-
ing social and cultural backdrops against which this occurs. Indeed, the UK litera-
ture appears to present a remarkable continuity in the accounts of British police
relations with the working classes from the inter-war years (Brogden, 1991), to
the 1930s (White, 1983), through the 1930s to the 1960s (Weinberger, 1995) and
to the present day (Loftus, 2009). Whilst policing and the communities within
which it takes place have experienced inestimable change, the world as presented
by the literature of police culture reflects little of the blurring of boundaries or
what Young (2007, p. 3) describes as the ‘disembeddedness of everyday life’.
Instead, police culture research and commentary seem to present a historically
unchanging set of relationships that appear as mutually reinforcing affirmations
of the unyielding culture that underpins police work. Research-derived depictions
of police officers show them unceasingly complaining about bureaucracy, explor-
ing the outer limits of their discretionary powers with young working-class males
and espousing uncompromising views on minority groups. Whilst Loftus (2009)
is correct to focus upon and highlight the persistence with which some of the cul-
tural reference points of policing have survived throughout recent history, there is
equally a case to be made that the nuances of the relationship between the police
and wider society have necessarily shifted as a result of social changes that have
occurred over recent decades. In a speech delivered at Leicester University in
March 1976, Sir Robert Mark, former commissioner of the Metropolitan Police,
suggested that ‘We, the police, are in fact the most accurate reflection of Brit-
ish society, its tolerance, its strengths and its weaknesses’ (1977, p. 33). Whilst
some might question the exact shape and length of the reflection that Mark refers
to, there is considerable support for the idea that police culture and wider soci-
etal culture are not mutually exclusive cultural categories and, furthermore, that
many of the cultural properties common to policing are reflected in the values,
behaviour and language of members of the public. The work of Waddington
(1999a), for example, suggests that seemingly entrenched police cultural artefacts
such as sexism are prevalent within wider culture and therefore not distinctive to
the police environment. This prompted him to question the extent to which police
scholars are correct to attribute distinctiveness to the behaviours and values that
they see enacted and espoused by police officers. He goes on to present two expla-
nations for this phenomenon. First, the absence of comparative data by which to
establish the uniqueness of such behaviours to the police setting suggests that such
conclusions are informed by the bias of the researcher rather than by any objective
phenomenon. Second, the distinctiveness of a behavioural trait is ascribed not on
the basis of its singularity but as a result of the context within which it takes place.
In this way, the particular opportunities for interaction enabled by the police role
may encourage us to see certain behaviours as culturally rather than organization-
ally facilitated. Similarly, the large degree of scrutiny which has been applied to
police work over the last 40 years may lead to mistaken assumptions about the
extent to which police officers are more prone to certain behaviours and attitudes
than people who belong to other occupations that have not been subjected to the
same degree of investigation. As Waddington (1999a) convincingly concludes,
whilst reflecting on Chan’s work into police racism against ethnic minorities in
Australia, negative behaviours observed among these officers are not so much a
reflection of personally held racial biases but a result both of the colonial tradi-
tions of the Australian police and of racial divisions in Australian society. In other
words, we are witnessing an ‘interpretative over-reach’ (Waddington, 1999a,
p. 91) whereby common behaviours and values are misconstrued as being ‘dis-
tinctive’ to the police setting.
Conceptual templates and cognitive burn-in

Increasingly, a number of writers have critiqued not so much the heritage of
police culture research but the use of methodological, definitional and analyti-
cal approaches that are perceived as inappropriate to the contemporary study of
police culture. For example, Sklansky (2007) introduces the concept of ‘cognitive
burn-in’, whereby, over time, ideas become collectively imprinted and continue
to resonate long after the original stimulus has subsided, and uses this as a means
with which to challenge seemingly rigid approaches to investigating police cul-
ture. The result, he suggests, of this collective imprint is the ‘police subculture
schema’, ‘a cognitive burn-in not caused by that subculture but rather consist-
ing in ideas about it’ (2007, p. 20), and this is one explanation as to why, over
a relatively short period, research into the orientation of lower-status police
officers to street work has become the accepted orthodox account of the police
organization. Like Loftus (2010), therefore, Sklansky questions the relevance of a
50-year-old conceptual template to twenty-first-century policing systems, which
are increasingly subjected to widespread independent oversight and which consist
of substantial numbers of recruits drawn from ethnic minority, female, homosexual
and graduate populations. As the work, the composition and the role of the police
have become ever more complex, so, arguably, has the culture, which is more
divided and less unified than was previously thought. Manning (2007) is similarly
critical of the failure to revisit the cultural template that has been used since the
work of early luminaries such as Westley and Skolnick. The difficulty, primarily,
with these pieces of research is that they are seen as failing to fully engage with
the reality of police work. Early research describes an unproblematic and linear
relationship between police culture and police action without addressing the role
of superiors, supervision and bureaucracy in limiting the extent to which cultural
values become realized at a physical level. In part, this can be seen as reflect-
ing distinctions between ‘etic’ and ‘emic’ cultural research, where ‘etic’ research
represents emblematic categories assigned on the basis of previous research and
literature and where ‘emic’ refers to those which are assigned on the basis of their
meaning and relevance to those being studied. This distinction is significant in
that discussions regarding the tensions between these two approaches to research
appear not to have been reflected in policing literature to date. It is probable that
some might view the adoption of rigid cultural categories through an etic stance
as unsuitable in all instances, owing to the potential to restrict the opportunity to
uncover other equally suitable conceptual categories.
In an echo of Young’s assertion that orthodox criminology leads to ‘desiccated’
accounts of human experience (2004, p. 14), even the dynamism of ethnographic
police research has failed to provide a three-dimensional understanding of police
experience. Instead, states Manning, we generate accounts in which officers are
‘flattened, desiccated and displayed like insects pinned on a display board’ (2007,
p. 59). In this sterile caricature of the police world we seize upon the occupation
and its cultural expressions but fail to acknowledge the intricacies of occupational
structure and how this mediates both the culture and the practices through which it
is articulated. Rather than focusing primarily on police attitudes, Manning makes
a convincing case to argue that occupational culture encapsulates what happens,
normative conceptions of what should happen and an idealized police world and,
in doing so, asserts the importance of understanding the role that narration plays
in perpetuating the symbolic dimensions of police work.
Culture, culture(s) and narration

One of the key arguments made by Waddington (1999a) is that police culture
is, effectively, two separate cultures consisting of an operational culture (which
relates to how police officers act) and an oral culture (which relates to how they
narrate such actions). This provides distinct methodological challenges in a sub-
ject area where qualitative methodologies have been widely used yet where it
has been generally assumed that narratives simplistically reflect behaviour. The
notion of a divided, or bifurcated, culture raises some intriguing issues. Do the
narratives of the canteen inform the operational culture of the street or reflect
it? Do these narratives have a shifting role? Do they sometimes inform offic-
ers’ operational behaviour and, conversely, sometimes provide officers with the
presentational reference points to, for example, justify inappropriate operational
behaviour? Whereas, previously, researchers studying police culture had to
concern themselves only with the relationship between culture and behaviour,
they are now being forced to consider a three-way relationship between culture,
behaviour and language.
The ‘vibrant oral tradition’ (1999a, p. 111) that Waddington describes does not,
as some might suppose, denote a blank canvas upon which officers present accurate
representations of their day-to-day working lives. There is no seamless relationship
between what happens and how it is later recounted. Instead, police culture is seen
in rhetorical terms whereby the values that inform police work are exercised and
reinforced. In some instances, for example when Waddington (1999a) refers to the
persistent theme of ‘crime-fighting’, it becomes apparent that police ‘talk’ is often
a means of highlighting an idealized component of the occupational identity. This
is especially the case when that behaviour or role is largely symbolic rather than
realized through day-to-day practice in officers’ regular working life. Cultural
practices that focus on the symbolic rather than grounded everyday experience
are not solely related to police work but can become associated, for example,
with specific geographical locations. For example, Hobbs describes ‘the absurd
posturing and delusions of “doing the business”’ (1988, p. 144), which were a
common symbolic feature of everyday East End life and which, at times, were
significantly removed from the reality of many people’s experience. In a similar
way, the symbolic role of danger in the police officer’s work will continue to
shape attitudes, behaviours and commonly held assumptions regardless of the
potential for that danger to be realized. At the same time, whilst Waddington
(1999a) suggests, as does Loftus (2009), that some elements of police behaviour
have been remarkably persistent over time and between areas, it should be stressed
that this need not be taken as evidence to suggest that what we are witnessing is
an isolated occupational structure. Indeed, Manning (2007) extrapolates this idea
to suggest that the canteen culture is essentially a microcosm of wider Anglo-
American values that are generally antagonistic towards social minorities. It is
upon this basis that he declares the potential benefits to be had from exploring the
relationships between the values that are articulated within police talk and police
behaviour itself.
The complexity of this relationship between police narratives and police behav-
iour should not be understated. The work of the literary theorist Gérard Genette
(1980), for example, envisages any narrative as having a relationship with both
the event that it represents or symbolizes and the act of narration. The subtleties of
the form and purpose of language, combined with the caprices of human percep-
tion and recall, suggest that an individual narrative often serves a different purpose
to just one of informing as to what happened at a given time or location. Such
a stance claims that narratives are not unproblematic representations of factual
occurrences and that, accordingly, they are as valuable to police officers for the
creativity which they offer as they are for the descriptivity. That is, their commu-
nicative value is largely symbolic.
The creative utility provided by narratives forms the basis of a 1991 paper by
Shearing and Ericson entitled ‘Culture as figurative action’ in which they develop
themes around the concept of the ‘vocabulary of precedents’ from an earlier paper
by Ericson, Baranek and Chan (1987, p. 348). Their point is straightforward. The
complexity of narratives allows police language to largely resemble a ‘cultural
tool-kit’ (1991, p. 500). Police stories provide a symbolic guide to action through
allowing for the construction of a ‘police’ version of the world whilst simulta-
neously retaining sufficient freedom to allow a certain degree of spontaneity.
Police storytelling covers a wide variety of forms and purpose in this analysis, and
police language subsequently takes on a multifaceted role, being able to direct lan-
guage and cognition at different levels and for different purposes. Police narratives
may therefore vary in purpose and form between those that are robust, persistent
and cumulative and those that are fleeting, short and descriptive, depending on
their intended purpose and the extent to which they are used as cultural or factual
descriptors. The complexities that plague this relationship between police language,
culture and behaviour, whilst intellectually intriguing, have largely failed to impact
on police cultural research. Police accounts are largely taken at face value and tend
to be used as an objective measure of behaviour rather than as a vehicle for com-
municating police values, assumptions and priorities at a largely symbolic level.
This issue is further compounded when placed in the context of ‘interpretative
over-reach’. Whilst we are happy to draw on police narratives as largely unprob-
lematic transcriptions of physical events, and in so doing to reverse-engineer an
often simplistic cultural backdrop to explain these occurrences, the allegorical
layers of the same stories, paradoxically, are often lost. Furthermore, if Manning
(2007) is correct to describe police culture as essentially a subculture of wider
societal culture, then Punch’s (1985) criticism of our eagerness to automatically
view all police behaviours as artefacts of a specific and separate police culture
looks even more robust. A failure to respond to these criticisms may, for exam-
ple, lead to us viewing the targeting of members of ethnic minorities in police
cultural terms of the ‘symbolic assailant’ rather than more general factors such
as racial prejudice as a predisposition held regardless of occupation. By the same
token, racially prejudiced talk by police officers becomes recast as something that
is culturally supported only within police contexts rather than in wider society.
Obviously such approaches fail to represent reality accurately, yet our failure to
deal with interpretative over-reach reinforces such deterministic reasoning at the
expense of potentially more rewarding conceptual approaches.
In part, these issues may reflect some of the inherent problems of trying to
ascertain the properties of an intangible phenomenon (in this case, culture), where
we can evidence its existence only through the ways in which it makes people
behave, think or speak. Perhaps a logical progression to some of the questions of
police narrative explored above is reflected in Waddington’s claim that, rather
than being a singular and universal occupational culture, police work revolves
around two distinct and separate cultural frameworks. One of these relates to the
physical operational environment of police work, and the other is a separate and
predominantly oral culture, a ‘canteen’ culture, guided by a fundamentally differ-
ent purpose. This idea of a bifurcated police culture with different cultural rules
for ‘doing policing’ and ‘talking policing’ does appear to provide at least a partial
resolution to some of the issues pertaining to police narratives and, as Waddington
(1999a) suggests, explains the pronounced differentiation between policing in an
operational sense and policing in a narrative sense. Whilst the operational police
culture provides a framework of reference points that enables officers to negotiate
the complexities of their interactions with the public, the ‘canteen culture’ fulfils
a role that is both palliative and ‘expressive’ (1999a, p. 287, italics in original).
The canteen provides an environment where officers use rhetoric to make sense
of their occupational experiences and to mutually reinforce collective understand-
ings of policing and the world in which it takes place. Despite the fact that police
work often takes place away from the supportive cushion of their colleagues, the
oral tradition provides opportunities for officers to present experiences and in turn
have their competence and membership of the occupational group reconfirmed.
At a more abstract level this suggests an inversion of the traditional conception
of the relationship between culture, behaviour and language. Previously, police talk
was viewed as reflecting attitudes and opinions and ways of seeing the world that
also directed how police officers interacted with other social actors (both police and
public). Waddington is suggesting that, in fact, the reverse is the case. The role of
the oral, or canteen, culture of the police is predominantly directed at ‘contextual-
izing occupational experiences, a way of emphasizing, and sustaining, the perceived
“them” and “us” worldview of policing which disparages all who play down either
the danger or the bureaucracy of the job’ (Cockcroft, 2007, p. 97). The central factor
to this oral culture is ‘the glorification of violence over which they hold the legiti-
mate monopoly’ (Waddington, 1999a, p. 298), although, intriguingly, at the heart
of this bifurcation of cultures also lies a fundamental contradiction. The strength
of the occupational cultures of the police is derived not from the strength of the
police institution but from its ‘fragility’ (Waddington, 1999a, p. 302), and it is the
vulnerability of policing that ensures that its symbolism is often very different to its
operational reality. The significance of Waddington’s work regarding the purpose of
these two cultural frameworks is to highlight the potential for the canteen culture to
emerge as a reaction to police work, rather than as a guide. In this respect, therefore,
the cultural narratives that emerge from within the police world represent an ideal-
ized reflection of police work that tells us more about its occupational values than
its reality. In a similar way to how oral histories have shown how sometimes people
recount their pasts by emphasizing actions that they ought to have taken rather than
those which they actually took (Thomson, 1998), police narratives allow for cul-
tural themes, integral to the police culture, to distort recollections of actual events.
In short, the challenge for police researchers whose work draws on the narrative
accounts of officers is of how to identify whether the phenomenon they are actually
addressing is a factual account of what happened, where and to whom or a symboli-
cally charged account aimed at perpetuating figurative themes.
Continuity, change and history

The challenge of making sense of police narratives becomes accentuated when
one heeds Punch’s (1985) appeal for police researchers to adopt a wider variety
of methodological approaches with which to unpick the intricacies of their subject
matter. In particular, a historical focus has been largely missing from analyses of
police culture and, it can be argued, this may account for the somewhat polarized
accounts that we have tended to witness over recent decades. These have tended
to fall into one of two camps, be they the deterministic and prescriptive accounts
of early police cultural theorists or the increasingly fluid accounts associated with
the work of later writers such as Janet Chan. This tension between monolithic
and fluid accounts provides the basis of an interesting paper by Paoline (2003),
wherein he questions the conception of police culture as a singular phenomenon.
Central to his paper is the idea that police scholars need to ‘complicate the lines
of culture enquiry’ (p. 209) by moving beyond what he views as the simplistic
dichotomy between diverse and monolithic cultural landscapes. His argument
advocates that both sides of the debate are presenting views that are too polar-
ized to aid our understanding of the reality of the police world. In this respect,
he presents an approach that synthesizes the two positions through advocating
that monolithic conceptions of police culture are being eroded but not dissolv-
ing. In other words, whilst wishing to distance himself from overly prescriptive
understandings of police culture, he remains convinced of the relevance of police
culture even in a world where policing represents a diverse and often contradic-
tory grouping of roles, relationships and settings. The disputed frontier between
these two positions remains, for Paoline, the real area for academic interest, and it
is precisely these areas where cultural differentiation is witnessed that should pro-
vide future focuses for research. In particular, he encourages not just a description
of these variations but an understanding of the factors which explain them and,
in doing so, makes a strong case to argue for future research which differentiates
between the ‘mainstream’ police culture and its subcultures. Fundamental to the
achievement of this, he acknowledges, will be a broadening of methodological
approaches.
Realistically, it appears that some aspects of police culture are embedded. This
is shown by Loftus (2009), who found that class remained a continual symbolic
element within the police world, whilst others may be considered more transient
or fleeting. Accounts like these make ever more apparent the need to develop
approaches to research that can accommodate the shifting relationship between
the police and the policed, the residual importance of some factors and the tem-
poral insecurity of others. If, as Skolnick suggests, police culture represents a set
of ‘cognitive lenses’ (1994, p. 42) that provide a meaningful focus on the world,
it appears reasonable to suggest that their focus will highlight particular issues,
themes or narrative reference points at different times or under certain condi-
tions. Particular aspects of cultural frameworks can, therefore, assume greater or
lesser importance to the occupation in different eras, with the more fundamental
cultural reference points experiencing the greatest amount of stability over time
(Brown, 1995). The dynamics of class, and police orientation to class, does, as
Loftus suggests, appear to embody an example of a cultural thread that success-
fully links accounts of police–public relationships from the earliest accounts to
those of the present day. When Loftus refers to an ‘underclass’ which represents a
(and perhaps the only) legitimate police target, we see parallels with social proc-
esses from 60 years earlier. The underclass of the inter-war years were formally
controlled, first, by laws that protected the more wealthy citizenry from encounter-
ing loitering lower classes on street corners and, second, by laws which protected
them from themselves by forbidding them from engaging in the gambling habits
of the middle classes (Brogden, 1991). In what amounts to an apparently continual
process, Loftus shows how the police focus on the poor exists to ‘reproduce the
exclusion and symbolic domination of this group’ (2009, p. 197).
Whilst there is a wealth of research to suggest that authors like Brogden and
Loftus are correct to highlight the seemingly entrenched importance of class to
the police working personality, it does not, of course, represent a standalone fac-
tor, intersecting as it does with gender, race and a multitude of other variables. At
the same time, an acknowledgement of the importance of class to police officer
attitudes does little to tell us about the relationship between class and these other
factors. Likewise, the assertion of a particular feature, in this instance class, hav-
ing primacy over other factors appears to endanger the very notion of ‘culture’.
Potentially, we find ourselves in danger of reducing the study of police culture to
the exploration of police orientations to individual issues without making a con-
ceptual leap to explaining why and how these issues work as an interconnected
and self-supporting cultural framework.
In part, the apparently embedded concept of class parallels the ideas of Abbott
(1991), whose essay on the relationship between history and sociology provides
a fascinating overview of some of the challenges of explaining social process
through a historical perspective. His central argument is that many attempts to
explain the social world fail to seek an appreciation of the way in which social
change at a historical level adds a layer of complexity to those social processes
which take place against this backdrop. In this respect, Cockcroft (2005) draws
on the work of Samuel (1976) to highlight the ways in which critical historical
stances (such as that of the oral history movement) allow for a more sophisticated
assessment of complex social relationships that revolve around particular social
agencies or structures. Many historical accounts of police work (such as that of
Critchley, 1978) largely fail to present a critical portrayal of the working lives of
police officers, or to engage constructively with the awkward reality that ‘Polic-
ing is an inherently conflict-ridden enterprise’ (Reiner, 2010, p. 69). However,
the oral historical approaches used by White (1983), Brogden (1991), Weinberger
(1995) and Loader and Mulcahy (2003) whilst describing the working lives and
attitudes of officers also succeed in contextualizing such data in terms that bring to
the fore ‘the structural, slow-moving, determinants of police–working-class rela-
tions’ (White, 1983, p. 39). Whereas the above advantages might, on their own,
fail to convince some of the need to adopt new methodological approaches to
understanding police cultures, it could be argued that change is needed for two
further reasons. The first is that policing has become more complex and, as such,
requires more sophisticated means of exploration. The second, as Loftus (2009)
reminds us, is that police culture has become an essentially contested concept
and there is much material that indicates that policing is no longer a culturally
insulated occupation built upon the values and experiences of white, heterosexual,
male officers from the upper working and lower middle classes. Police officers,
according to Sklansky (2007), are no longer solely drawn from a relatively closed
and homogenized set of classes, characteristics and experiences, and this has
important implications for contemporary experiences of a range of cultural issues
including police solidarity and prejudice. In part, this reflects the fact that policing
has undergone a sustained and substantial amount of change over a relatively brief
amount of time. These changes are outlined by Newburn (2003) in a chapter that
shows how opinion is divided over the extent to which these changes represent
evolution or revolution or continuity or change. What does become clear is that
the power of the police, if not weakening, is beginning to change. At a symbolic
level, in particular, that an institution so embedded in ‘discourses of morality, tra-
dition, and “Englishness”’ (Loader and Mulcahy, 2003, p. 134) can undergo such
substantive change demands not only a new way of understanding the core roles
of the police, but, equally importantly, a more sophisticated understanding of the
ways in which police identities are reconstructed through them.
Conclusion
Whilst it can be argued that the early pieces of research into cultural aspects of
police work (for example, Westley, 1953) pre-dated the tumultuous social change
of the 1960s, it is beyond doubt that the impetus for much of the work in this area
is inextricably linked to the profound social and cultural changes that occurred
during the second half of the twentieth century. This period, described by Sumner
in his history of the sociology of deviance as one of ‘a growing resistance on all
fronts to the edifice of power and the one-dimensionality of hyper-consumerism’
(1994, p. 200), largely defined the scope and focus of much of the work associ-
ated with the ‘classic’ era of police culture research. What is surprising here is
that much of the work has failed to adequately recognize the ideological direction
of such research, which often aimed to reform policing as much as to understand
it. A case can be made, as for example Sklansky (2007) does, to advocate schol-
arly orientations to police culture that are more explicitly acknowledging of their
historical precedent, biases and limitations. In particular, the restrictions of the
‘normal diet of macho, racist, sexist thugs’ (Waddington, 1999a, p. 291) does
tend to obscure a very real need for research that engages with the ‘undercurrents,
inconsistencies and quirks’ (Fielding, 1997) of police work and that prioritizes
explanatory aims as much as descriptive or transformative ones.
In part these issues may reflect the trend, over recent decades, for academics
to apply their knowledge to technical rather than systemic police issues through
a buoyant market for what Zedner refers to as ‘“quick and dirty” policy-oriented
research’ (2003, p. 235). Whilst such work undoubtedly has a part to play in
promoting effective and appropriate working practices, it generally does little
to encourage debate or investigation into the more complex issues alluded to by
Fielding (1997), which, whilst perhaps less likely to be of relevance to policy-
makers, should be of central concern to those wishing to understand the cultural
aspects of policing. Whilst Westmarland (2008) rightly advocates the need for
a return to the ethnographic approaches of the latter part of the twentieth cen-
tury, the symbolic interactionism that fuelled earlier accounts of police culture
has surprisingly failed to foster an acceptance of the more biographical meth-
ods with which they are implicitly linked. To Goodey (2000) such methods hold
many advantages for criminological researchers, not least in that they provide a
means of exploring the convergence between the individual and the wider social
world. It may be through the application of new means of exploring police culture,
such as comparative, biographical, organizational, life history and oral history
approaches, that police scholars manage to understand the cultural ramifications
of sociological and historical analyses of police work.
At a more fundamental level, it has to be noted that the concept of police culture
has largely failed to provide an adequately cultural account of the forces that are
being investigated. A welcome reminder of the need for police culture to reflect
policing as a ‘cultural institution’ is provided by Loader and Mulcahy (2003), who
provide some potential guidance for future analyses of police culture by highlight-
ing three central dimensions of symbolic power. The first suggests that polic-
ing exists as a collection of perceptual and professional assumptions that inform
our understanding of threats and the way in which societies should appropriately
respond to them. The second dimension refers to how policing assumes a central
role in a hub of cultural knowledge that both ‘produces and propagates mean-
ing’ (Cockcroft, 2010, p. 257), particularly in respect of our understanding of the
social world, our position within it and the threats that face us. Finally, Loader
and Mulcahy (2003), citing the work of Ericson and Haggerty (1997), make a
case to suggest that policing has increasingly become predicated upon ‘knowledge
work’. The police, therefore, can be seen at one level as an institution whose role
is largely symbolic in that they pronounce upon crime and risk and communicate
the boundaries of moral acceptability. It is within this role that the cultural impor-
tance of police ideology resides, and it is hoped that future cultural analyses of
police work will be sensitive to these symbolic aspects of policing.
It is fair to say that police culture is rarely dealt with empirically in the terms
that Loader and Mulcahy suggest, and its symbolic aspects are generally ignored.
Whilst police research has led to a general acceptance of the idea that numerous
cultures may exist within policing institutions, insufficient attention appears to
have been paid to the interplay between these different cultural enclaves. In partic-
ular, the subject area of police culture would benefit from sustained investigation
of the extent to which overlap occurs between different cultural groupings, be they
based on the distinction between street and management officers (for example, as
in the work of Reuss-Ianni and Ianni, 1983) or on that of operational and canteen
cultures (as in the work of Waddington, 1999a). In respect of the outward-facing
dimensions of police culture, whilst it is evident that wider societal culture does
not simply grind to a halt at the front door of the police station, we are left consid-
ering the best ways to assess the similarities and differences between the culture
of the police and that of wider society. This interplay, whilst problematic enough
at times of high levels of value consensus, becomes even more difficult to assess
in the late modern period. Whilst the police, especially in England and Wales, tend
to draw heavily on symbolic interpretations of policing from its ‘Golden Age’, it
is becoming increasingly difficult to rationalize the symbolic presentation of the
police with the ‘disjointed world of hiatus and chasm’ (Young, 2007, p. 9) that
exists beyond it.
In conclusion, therefore, we need to be aware that research into police culture
cannot just follow the tried and tested blueprints that were used with varying
degrees of success during the last half of the twentieth century, as the social world
has changed vastly over the intervening period. Furthermore, research would
benefit immeasurably from a greater degree of reflection about the methods
that we use and the conceptual assumptions upon which we base these methods.
As far back as 1985, Punch called for a greater variety in the methodological
approaches that we apply to the study of police culture by advocating that we
utilize organizational, historical and comparative levels of analysis. Whilst
Punch’s suggestions remain valid, we should also adopt a degree of criticality
regarding those methodological and conceptual approaches that we choose to
employ. One observation that seems especially pertinent in respect of some of
the issues raised in this chapter is attributed to Werner Heisenberg, the German
theoretical physicist. In a collection of lectures delivered at the University of
St Andrews, he remarked that ‘what we observe is not nature itself, but nature
exposed to our method of questioning’ (Heisenberg, 1962, p. 58). Heisenberg’s
view, whilst originally directed at the natural rather than the social sciences, holds
some stark reminders for those attempting research into policing, or any other
phenomenon for that matter, namely that our concepts and methods should not be
viewed as akin to a window on our research matter, but as a lens that highlights
some contours of the natural or social world and diminishes others.
6 Managing police culture
Introduction
As we have seen from the previous chapter, discussions around police culture
sometimes focus upon issues of conjecture and abstraction that, whilst stimulat-
ing both intellectually and as a means of generating new knowledge, may be less
immediately helpful as a means of ‘dealing’ with police behaviour. For example,
the work of Shearing and Ericson (1991) and Waddington (1999a) can be consid-
ered crucial additions to the literature of police culture, owing to their exploration
of the relationship between police talk and police behaviour, yet may have seem-
ingly little relevance to those exploring the challenges of changing police practice.
This reflects, in part, the sheer breadth of work that has been produced under the
banner of ‘police culture’ and which has, at different times, sought to describe, to
explain or to change police attitudes and behaviour.
The literature of police occupational culture has been instrumental in increas-
ing our understanding of what the police do, why they do it and how they present
this behaviour to the outside world. Since the 1960s, when policing was first
subjected to systematic cultural analysis, interest in the area has continued to
grow, with events such as the Rodney King assault and the issues raised by the
Stephen Lawrence murder inquiry reiterating or facilitating our commitment
to explaining police behaviour in such terms. Several authors have noted that
cultural explanations are, for the most part, used to describe negative police
behaviours (Brown, 1981; Cohen and Feldberg, 1991), a point reiterated by
Manning (2007) when he described how police culture had been customarily
presented in terms that highlighted how the norms of the police were in conflict
with their legal mandate.
This chapter will highlight the role that culture plays in enabling two very dif-
ferent forms of negative behaviour, corruption and absenteeism, within the police
institution. These accounts will be contextualised within a discussion of police
leadership, and the different forms that it takes, and its potential as a means of cul-
tural and behavioural change. Particular attention will be paid to the uniqueness
of policing and the ways in which its existing structures and cultural orientations
may provide barriers to effective police reform.
Police corruption and the role of culture
Allegations of police corruption have been an intermittent but significant feature
of the police forces of many societies since their inception, yet actually charting
the extent, causes and impact of police corruption is a challenging task. As is often
the case with matters pertaining to the more hidden aspects of policing, cause and
effect are hard to assess and it becomes difficult to untangle the relative merits
of journalistic, academic and policy responses to the issue. Focusing briefly on
just one of these examples, journalism, it is possible to highlight the wide-rang-
ing nature of corruption and its relationship to other external actors by showing
how members of the media can work to highlight and combat police corruption
whilst, at other times, becoming complicit in it. For example, in 2010, Philadel-
phia Daily News reporters Barbara Laker and Wendy Ruderman were awarded
the 2010 Pulitzer Prize for investigative journalism for a ten-month series enti-
tled ‘Tainted justice’ that led to allegations of theft, sexual assault and procedural
irregularities against police officers and the subsequent re-examination of a large
number of drug-related criminal cases. Conversely, in the United Kingdom, recent
months have seen the arrests both of police officers and of journalists under two
Metropolitan Police-led operations (Operation Weeting and Operation Elveden)
which were set up to investigate allegations of phone hacking and inappropriate
payments to police officers. Police corruption is, therefore, fluid and variable and
takes different forms at different times and may or may not involve collusion
with individuals from other professions. Likewise, the sheer extent of possible
illicit behaviours (which may include unauthorized dissemination of information,
illicit use of force, abuse of authority for financial or sexual favours, collusion
with criminals and interference in proceedings against offenders) is extremely
broad and may be caused by one or more of several factors. The picture is further
complicated by acts which, whilst criminal, may not necessarily be suggestive of
corruption. In other words, we need to differentiate between crimes committed
by individuals who happen to be police officers (be they crimes, for example, of
theft, fraud, drug offences or domestic violence) and those which are committed
by police officers in relation to their role or their status or which are facilitated by
their work.
Police culture has been presented as one possible means of explaining some
forms of police corruption, from bribery and manipulation of evidence to illicit
use of physical force. However, ‘police corruption’ is a term that covers a large
array of behaviours, and attempts to describe its origins as sitting squarely within
the culture of the police may be overly simplistic. Likewise, it is important to
acknowledge that explanations of police corruption have undergone a significant
shift during the twentieth century, as ‘rotten apple’ explanations (based on the
notion of individual failings) have been replaced by those that advocate the ‘rotten
orchard’ (which view police corruption as a result of more systemic failings). This
shift is evidenced at a formal level by the findings of the Wood Royal Commis-
sion into the New South Wales Police. Any attempt to articulate the relationship
between police corruption and the cultural worlds of the police demands, prima-
Managing police culture 121
rily, an explanation of what is meant by the term ‘corruption’. Newburn (1999),
in a review of the literature of police corruption, warns against the adoption of
conclusive definitions of police corruption and, in doing so, hints at the complexi-
ties of the behaviours that the term seeks to cover. Instead, Newburn suggests that
police corruption can be understood in terms of five dimensions. First, corruption
can be assessed through looking at an officer’s reasons for behaving in a particu-
lar way and by evaluating the outcomes of that behaviour. Second, the outcomes
of corrupt behaviour might be considered wholly acceptable at an institutional
level. Third, corrupt behaviour can be the result of both proper and improper use
of police power. Fourth, police corruption can be internal to the organization and
have no external impact. Fifth, and finally, police corruption is often associated
with the desire to derive benefit at either an individual or an institutional level.
To evaluate the role that police culture plays in explaining these diverse behav-
iours it is necessary to fully explore the different ways in which we set about defin-
ing police corruption. In Newburn’s review of the police corruption research, he
identifies a number of definitional approaches, distinguishing between the broad
approach forwarded by Roebuck and Barker (1974), which highlights corrupt
behaviour as that which involves breaches of honesty, propriety, ethical consid-
erations or, indeed, the criminal law, and that of Wilson (1968), which differenti-
ates between police corruption (crimes linked to the inherent role, opportunities
and authority of the police) and police crimes (‘everyday’ crimes that happen to
be committed by police officers). Of significance here is that these conceptions
of corruption are largely concerned with the benefits accrued by such behaviours
(to an individual or force or unit) but need not necessarily involve financial rec-
ompense, illegality or even a breach of force policy. Newburn also raises the issue
of whether or not all illegitimate behaviour (for example, dereliction of duty or
use of illegitimate force) is corrupt, and it remains the case that police use of force
can generally be considered corrupt if it furthers some occupational aim (be it, for
example, asserting police authority or the extraction of a confession) but not if
such ends are not served. Herein lies one aspect of the complexities surrounding
definitions of corrupt behaviour, that corruption appears as much a quality of an
officer’s motivation or intention as an attribute of a particular physical act.
Police malpractice has been historically identified in numerous police forces
throughout the world and has been found at all levels of the police hierarchy,
although it does appear that particular roles provide greater opportunities or
temptations for officers to indulge in corrupt behaviour. The broad basis of our
understanding of police corruption is, however, to be explained not solely in terms
of financial factors (where the rewards are monetary) or process factors (which
provide benefits at an occupational level, for example through facilitating convic-
tions), but also in terms of competency factors (where ‘corrupt’ behaviour has no
specific motivation but is due to a skills deficit) and informal working practices
(where officers may choose to interpret force policy in a particular way). This
diversity provides some explanation as to Newburn’s reluctance to commit to one
particular definition of corruption, and this is compounded further by the fact that
policing takes place in a number of different national and jurisdictional contexts
where different stakeholders, oversight agencies and political groups all take an
interest in police work.
Following widespread accusations in the UK of police collusion in media phone-
hacking scandals during 2011, the Home Secretary approached the Independent
Police Complaints Commission (IPCC) to report on police corruption within Eng-
land and Wales. In the first of two scheduled reports, the IPCC highlighted the
challenges of adequately defining the problem, gave examples of police corrup-
tion and identified some interim recommendations. In terms of defining ‘corrup-
tion’, the IPCC suggested that an accepted legal definition of the word had yet to
be agreed upon, although the Association of Chief Police Officers (ACPO) had,
within a policing and law enforcement context, defined it as ‘the abuse of one’s
role or position held in the service for personal gain or gain for others’ (cited in
IPCC, 2011, p. 14). The IPCC itself provides a more rigorous definition of what it
calls ‘serious corruption’ by identifying:
any attempt to pervert the course of justice or other conduct likely seriously
to harm the administration of justice, in particular the criminal justice sys-
tem; payments or other benefits or favours received in connection with the
performance of duties amounting to an offence in relation to which a magis-
trates’ court would be likely to decline jurisdiction; corrupt controller, han-
dler or informer relationships; provision of confidential information in return
for payment or other benefits or favours where the conduct goes beyond a
possible prosecution for an offence under Section 55 of the Data Protection
Act 1998; extraction and supply of seized controlled drugs, firearms or other
material; attempts or conspiracies to do any of the above.
(IPCC, 2010, p. 65, para. 211)
The IPCC (2011) provided examples of such breaches of acceptable police behav-
iour by listing police sexual assault of vulnerable adults, inappropriate use of
police databases to help external business concerns, the misuse of police posi-
tion to unfairly progress applicants in the recruitment process, links to organized
criminal groups, the use of improper practices to encourage prisoners to admit to
unsolved offences and inappropriate use of corporate credit cards. Correspond-
ingly, the IPCC has forwarded recommendations that advocate a strengthening of
supervision, more vigorous leadership in the wake of ‘whistle-blowing’ incidents
and the introduction of more robust safeguards in respect of computer systems and
expenses procedures.
In a paper entitled ‘Police investigations: practice and malpractice’, Maguire and
Norris (1994) confront one of the central dilemmas regarding the issue of police
corruption, namely that the success of remedies to these apparently endemic issues
is dependent on understanding the actual causes of the problem. For instance, bet-
ter training of police officers is unlikely to reduce the threat of malpractice if
there is still an unwritten expectation within a force that a particular illicit act (for
example, fabrication of evidence) is the accepted way of dealing with a particular
set of internal pressures (for example, pressure for results). Likewise, Maguire
and Norris give the example that calls for greater supervision of staff by higher-
ranking officers are deemed to be largely unhelpful if those same senior officers
give greater priority to controlling crime than to ensuring due process. At the time
of writing their paper, Maguire and Norris revealed, unsurprisingly, that research
had yet to produce incontrovertible ‘facts’ regarding the nature of police corrup-
tion. This was due to a number of factors. First, police malpractice is difficult to
research because of the challenges of developing a solid operational definition
of the term. Although there are exceptions, police malpractice is largely a matter
of incremental degrees of non-ethical behaviour in a work environment founded
upon discretion. Behaviour is not always explicitly and unambiguously right or
wrong. Second, police malpractice is a fringe activity that will, in almost all cases,
take place beyond the scrutiny of the academic researcher and often beyond that
of the line manager or supervisor. Third, when research does uncover evidence
of corruption it does so usually in a way that grants us knowledge of ‘specific’
instances in a particular geographical and operational context but does little to
tell us about the overall picture of the problem. We find ourselves in a position,
according to Maguire and Norris, of having substantial amounts of case study
data, none of which is generalizable to other areas or forces. As a result, we remain
unaware of the extent of police corruption and of the degree to which the evidence
that has come to light is typical of that which has not.
Whilst concerns in the United Kingdom over police corruption have undergone
something of a resurgence during 2011 and 2012, largely as a result of allegations
of police complicity in media scandals, recent attention has also been directed at
different forms of police malpractice occurring in other national jurisdictions. In
an article published in the Observer (2011), Paul Harris highlights a number of
recent corruption scandals within North America, which he suggests are leading
to mounting public anxieties over the discipline of police officers and the legality
of their practices. For example, Michael Daragjati, a New York Police Depart-
ment officer, arrested an African-American in Staten Island during April 2011
and recounted, during a telephone conversation with a female friend, that he had
‘fried another nigger’ and that it was ‘no big deal’ (his telephone calls at that time
were being monitored by the FBI in connection with another matter). It transpired
that Daragjati had arrested the individual involved and submitted faked evidence
to implicate the person in question on grounds of resisting arrest. The result of
Daragjati’s actions was that an innocent man spent two days in jail. On the West
Coast, in Los Angeles, accusations have been levelled against officers working
for the Sheriff’s Department regarding acts of abuse allegedly committed against
some inmates. Officers within the same police force also face allegations of hav-
ing conducted sexual relations with prisoners. In a case concerning the Pittsburgh
police, an 18-year-old student, Jordan Miles, was beaten by police officers with
such force that a dreadlock was removed from his head, resulting in a medical
referral for neurological treatment. He had been stopped on suspicion of having
a concealed gun (which later transpired to be a soft drink bottle) and charged
with aggravated assault, a charge that was later dismissed by a judge. Harris’s arti-
cle continues by citing findings reported by the New York Civil Liberties Union
that, in 60 per cent of cases where Tasers were used, the incident did not meet the
threshold required for the deployment of such a tactic. According to the report, a
number of such cases involved individuals who were already restrained through
handcuffs and who belonged to vulnerable groups such as the young, the elderly
and the mentally ill.
One of the growing trends being witnessed in the United States, notes Harris,
is the growing use of mobile phone technology to capture images of such exam-
ples of apparent police malpractice. One of his sources, Chris Calabrese of the
American Civil Liberties Union, states that this has resulted in an increase in cases
where police officers have intimidated bystanders into not filming police opera-
tions. Another source, Diop Kamau, of the Police Complaint Center, noted that,
despite the intrusive nature of widespread digital camera technology, the ‘culture
of secrecy’ within police departments meant that officers believed that the chances
of being caught acting inappropriately were narrow. Moreover, even if they were
discovered, they believed that there was little chance of their being formally pun-
ished. Harris concluded his article by highlighting the essentially hidden nature of
these behaviours. These, in part, he saw as being enabled by the localized polic-
ing arrangements common to American policing, which lead to a scarcity of data
regarding the extent of these problems at a national level.
Maurice Punch’s extensive research and commentary on the subject of police
corruption helps us to understand variations in the patterns and forms that it takes
between national jurisdictions. One such example is that of the different types of
corruption that occur in European and North American settings. Whilst Punch
suggests that all forms of corruption tend to occur to varying extents within most
areas, certain types have become more predominant and embedded in particular
locales. Punch (2003) shows how, for example, ‘grafting’ (police involvement in
illicit financial arrangements) and police violence have been the key characteris-
tics of police corruption in the United States, whilst professional negligence and
noble cause corruption have been key themes within a European context. Within
American settings, ‘grafting’ has long been considered a problem. As far back as
1935, Key referred to the payments made to police officers, in return for protec-
tion, by brothels and other illicit businesses in New York that were in breach
of gambling and alcohol legislation. In Europe much greater emphasis has been
placed on corruption as either a consequence of the pressure for results experi-
enced by officers or dubious professional practices, although, as Punch (2009)
suggests, the last 30 years or so have seen a shift within the UK to forms of cor-
ruption that are increasingly less visible. In terms of understanding this variation
in forms of police corruption between Europe and North America, Punch (2009)
provides an engaging account not only of the more lowly pay and status of Ameri-
can police officers but, significantly, of the American trend towards decentrali-
zation of power and the associated importance of ‘machine politics’ at the local
level. Importantly, this process encouraged, and indeed relied upon, a system of
favours in return for political support, thus perpetuating a system based on vested
interests. One example of this is the Democrat-affiliated New York City organi-
zation Tammany Hall, which provided widespread Irish-American influence on
public appointments between the 1790s and 1960s and which was based upon a
system of:
machine politics lubricated by ‘graft’. The incumbents of office in the cities

and their ward bosses induced people to vote for them and to contribute to
their coffers by the distribution of favours and jobs to faithful supporters. The
police chief, commanders in the wards and often ordinary officers owed their
positions to patronage and even paid for the appointment as in pre-modern
times.
(Punch, 2009, p. 54)
Substantial amounts of literature have attempted to explain the reasons why

corruption occurs through the identification of core variables. For example, Sher-
man (1974) draws a distinct line between constant and variable factors. The con-
stant factors that he describes relate to those aspects of the police role that are
linked to the core roles, responsibilities and actions of police officers and include
discretion, the limited visibility of police work, secrecy, the pay and status of
police work and the opportunities presented by it. The variable factors include
organizationally contingent factors such as the level of police cynicism, the extent
and nature of leadership and subcultures in the organization, controls against cor-
ruption and the extent of moral and regulative work undertaken by the police (for
example, through the policing of vice and traffic). They also, however, relate to
the politics, cohesion and conflict of wider society.
Typically, of older work in the area, the focus falls primarily upon those aspects
of the police role that appear also to support the culture of the police. What is
debatable is the extent to which this can be taken as evidence of a direct causal
relationship between police corruption and police culture. Perhaps one of the most
relevant pieces of literature exploring police corruption and its relationship with
contemporary police organizational cultures was produced by Miller (2003) in
a piece of research that drew on data from professional standards units in eight
English and Welsh police forces and the National Crime Squad. Not only did the
research reiterate the breadth of behaviours that could constitute police corruption
but it astutely unpicked the importance of different types of explanatory factor.
Drawing attention to the role played by police organizational culture, Miller sug-
gested that three particular aspects of it could contribute to police corruption. First,
he highlighted the issue of ‘poor security awareness’. Officers were criticized for
paying insufficient attention to the need for discretion in their sharing of sensitive
information with their colleagues, and information-sharing on a ‘need-to-know’
basis was not generally the norm. In some areas, this issue appeared to have been
exacerbated by the use of computerized systems of data management. Second, the
performance-driven culture of the police was identified as a significant contribu-
tory factor, historically, although one that was slowly declining in importance.
The part played by efficiency was highlighted as a key factor by earlier work,
such as that of Skolnick (1994), and there remains room for debate surround-
ing the impact of managerialist pressures as a driver for corrupt behaviour. The
third and final factor described by Miller refers to the role of culturally sustained
solidarity in providing barriers to police officers who might otherwise report
the illicit behaviours of their colleagues. In words that reflect Manning’s notion
of a ‘sacred canopy’ (1977, p. 5), Miller refers to the ‘protective layer’ (2003,
p. 22) that inhibits officers from whistle-blowing in cases of ‘internally-networked
corruption’ (2003, p. 22). Whilst the solidarity of the police might ensure that
illicit behaviour was tolerated, it could not always be taken as evidence of outright
endorsement of it. (A related point is made by Westley, 1953, who differentiates
between speaking out against colleagues’ behaviour and openly supporting it.)
These three explanations can be drawn on to suggest that a specific connection
exists between the culture of the police and police corruption. In addition, Miller,
significantly, identifies the importance of another neglected category of explana-
tion, that of non-occupational factors. He suggests that some police corruption
is informed, not by the cultural factors of the organization, but by the interplay
between personal difficulties experienced by officers (be they, for example, rela-
tionship problems, financial problems or drug or alcohol use) and opportunities
for corruption presented by social networks. In conclusion, Millar draws attention
to the broad range of factors that can contribute to police corruption and, by doing
so, perhaps undermines the long-standing wisdom that illicit police behaviour is
essentially just a police cultural problem.
Many accounts of police corruption do present somewhat polarized explana-
tions, which portray police corruption as the result either of personal deviance
(‘bad apple’ theories) or of systemic organizational failing at a cultural or opera-
tional level (‘rotten orchard’ theories). These, in turn, reflect wider ideological
tensions between the rights and responsibilities of individuals in the former and
those of the state and its agencies in the latter. Importantly, and as Crank (1998)
notes, policing represents a paradoxical balance between the individualism of spe-
cific officers set against the backdrop of an occupational environment steeped in
hierarchy, tradition and ideology. For this reason, it is natural for there to exist
accounts that stress one set of explanations at the expense of the other. Whilst a
diversity of accounts of the variables responsible for police corruption are likely
always to exist, Punch (2009) suggests that only those attempts at reform that
acknowledge the institutional basis of corruption (rather than the individual) are
likely to be successful.
A slightly different account and one that veers away from the traditional dichot-
omy of individual and institutional (or cultural) explanations sees police corrup-
tion as driven by the relation of the police to institutions within wider society.
An example of such an explanation can be found in the work of Brogden (1982),
who suggests that the uniqueness of the police comes not from the legitimation of
their use of force but through what he terms their ‘legal relation’ (p. 121), which
results in senior officers being significantly less likely to be subjected to political
interference, and therefore more fully accountable. According to Brogden, this
legal relation consequently promotes an ideologically driven view of the police
that fails to reflect the reality of police practice. He notes that:
A criterion of reasonableness permits significant police freedom of action in
the process of arrest, in the presentation of court-room evidence, in the legal
form itself, and in the decision to prosecute. In turn, that latitude reflects the
unique position of the police as arbiters of legal relations within the class rela-
tions embodied in the spirit of legality.
(1982, p. 123)
To Brogden, therefore, the reality of police corruption extends beyond the per-
sonal inclinations of officers, or the way in which groups of officers respond to
embedded expectations of values and behaviour. Furthermore, such an analysis
maintains that it is wrong to suggest that the legal relation of the police, whilst
guaranteeing political independence, is merely an extension of those powers
granted to all citizens. The police’s legal position grants them sufficient freedoms,
under the guise of legality, to maintain a sense of legitimacy surrounding their key
role, which is that of maintaining order in a divided society. Waddington (1999b)
expands upon this stance by noting that police corruption exists within ‘a context
of tolerance’ (1999b, p. 175) whereby the particular legal relation of the police
described above means that courts are often inclined to accept or even encourage
the creative application of the ‘Ways and Means Act’ as long as it is undertaken
for ‘noble’ causes. The underlying idea here is that discretion, which seems so
critical to numerous accounts of ‘negative’ police behaviour, may be as much a
legal as a cultural issue.
We should also remain aware that implicit support for improper police practice
is not just an issue pertaining to the institution, its legal relation and the courts.
Skolnick and Fyfe (1993) note the extent to which the public support the police
in their role as specialists in discerning between behaviour that is tolerable and
that which is not. Indeed, the social contract under which we secede our claims
to freedom in return for state protection explicitly entitles us to expect the police
not only to make such distinctions but, note Skolnick and Fyfe (1993), to act upon
them. We, in other words, demand that the police are suspicious and, whilst not
the most appealing of traits, suspicion is fundamental to the work of the police in
dealing with those who constitute their legitimate targets (Crank, 1998). As mem-
bers of the public we expect the police to stop criminals and are not exception-
ally concerned by the methods that they employ to achieve this. Furthermore, we
complain about police action, according to Skolnick and Fyfe, only when ‘inno-
cent’ people are presumed guilty, and mistakes are acceptable when they are made
against those with certain social characteristics. This sits slightly at odds with a
description of what constitutes acceptable use of police force articulated by Bittner:
the fundamental maxim of the methodical exercise of coercion by the police

is that, just as society as a whole attempted to restrict the legitimate use of
force by creating a special institution, so, in turn, resorting to it in police prac-
tice must be restricted to an unavoidable minimum. Above all, force must not
be used for any other purpose except to effect restraint.
(1970, p. 106)
Thirty years after the likes of Westley (1970) and Bittner (1970) addressed the
subject, some of their contemporaries continued to debate these issues. Skolnick
(2000), for example, explains conflicting attitudes towards police use of unauthor-
ized force in terms of a ‘culture war’ between those who believe that police officers
should adhere both to the law and to prescribed police procedures at whatever cost
and those who believe that law-breakers should lose any automatic entitlement to
redress against unauthorized use of force. Crucially, this ‘culture war’ is not being
played out merely amongst police officers but also between politicians and members
of the voting public. This point echoes that of Sparrow, Moore and Kennedy (1990),
namely that unspoken public approval of police use of unauthorized force has been
instrumental in, if not legitimizing it, then at least thwarting its disappearance. In
other words, if the culture of the police has a role to play in facilitating the continued
existence of corrupt behaviour, that role is one made easier by the discretion of the
police role and a tendency for these behaviours to be supported by both the public
and the work of the courts.
The above point is further contextualized by the work of Waddington (1999b),
who questions the extent to which some examples of police corruption are actu-
ally ‘corrupt’ given the ways in which the courts, juries and public opinion have
failed, historically, to robustly condemn police malpractice. Waddington draws
on the Rodney King incident, specifically the failure of the jury to accept that
King’s beating constituted an illegal use of police force, to make a number of
important points in this respect. First, he proposes that in cases like these the
power or authority to determine what does or does not constitute police brutality
rests solely with the jury. Second, given that the jury concluded that King was not
the victim of assault, they disregarded potential objections to police use of force
against African-Americans with criminal records. This leads us to question the
extent to which it is appropriate to consider some apparently illegal police prac-
tices as ‘deviant’. Third, the officers who were exonerated in terms of the assault
charges were subsequently charged with violating King’s civil rights. This implies
that, at a legal level (in respect of the original jury concluding that police brutality
had not occurred), the criminal case had been effectively concluded. The civil trial
therefore became a means of mollifying public opinion, which had been inflamed
by the video evidence surrounding the original events. This draws into focus the
problem of defining what constitutes deviant police behaviour. The police have
to make quick, conclusive and potentially life-changing decisions as situations
present themselves, whilst the legal analysis of such actions is always undertaken
with hindsight. To Waddington, ‘What is acceptable and unacceptable policing is
profoundly uncertain. This arises from the fact that policing entails using methods
of intrinsically marginal legality and acceptability’ (Waddington, 1999b, p. 180).
Importantly, the police are largely judged on the outcomes, rather than the proc-
esses, of their decision-making.
Little real formal consensus exists, therefore, about the extent to which the police
can or should be controlled. In part this is due to the situational context, which
dictates whether police action is correct and appropriate. Two different instances
of police use of force might meet with very different public reactions dependent
solely on the characteristics of the people being subjected to it. Simultaneously,
it appears that political, legal and public opinion is unwilling to engage in debate
regarding which contours of such behaviour should be accepted and which should
not. It might indeed be the case, as Brogden (1982) suggests, that police corrup-
tion, whilst often accommodated by the courts, the police hierarchy and the public,
is more fully facilitated by its relation to the legal structure. In this respect police
legitimacy is not so much politically as legally ascribed and, as a result, serves to
imbue police work with a neutrality that fails to reflect its reality.
Police culture and police reform

The issue of reform in the face of corruption is one addressed by Punch (2009),
who notes that approaches that focus on corruption at an individual rather than at
an institutional level have generally failed to prove effective. Punch’s work shows
how contemporary police reform has been largely shaped by the move towards a
more centralized policing model, in the United Kingdom, and that this has skewed
police deviance to the extent that it now effectively has become a response to
external rather than internal pressures. This process is amply evidenced by the
emergence of new public management in policing (Johnston, 2000a; Waters,
2000; Cockcroft and Beattie, 2009), and it is this, according to Punch (2009),
which has led to the rise of a number of novel forms of police discourse. The
first, evident during the 1970s and 1980s, was concerned with the scrutiny of
the internal effectiveness of police responses to new police challenges. A more
externally facing challenge also emerged during the same period in response to
revelations concerning well-documented police corruption. During the 1990s
accountability was further redefined, in accordance with the managerialism of the
time, to encompass police performance. In this way attention was shifted away
from the shortcomings of street-level officers to a focus upon the ability of police
managers to evidence effectiveness through measurable outputs. Finally, accord-
ing to Punch, most recently the official discourse of accountability has altered to
emphasize the ‘new professionalism’ (Punch, 2009, p. 196) of police work, which
highlights leadership and transparency to stakeholders against a changing context
of competing priorities. Under this model, accountability is ensured, not through
interventions aimed at the cultural dynamics of the police world, but through liai-
son at a community level and through the regulation provided by a succession of
external bodies. What soon becomes apparent through the more contemporary
literature of police corruption is that the convergence of police culture with the
market orientation of policing reveals a complex amalgamation of factors that
fail to unanimously confirm the extent to which police culture promotes deviant
behaviour. Whilst early work tended to promote the view that police culture could
be considered a significant factor, more recent work by Miller (2003) appears to
show that non-work factors may also encourage police corruption. Punch (2009)
also addresses some of the more contemporary factors that may aid our under-
standing of the role that culture now plays in explaining corrupt behaviour. Whilst
acknowledging the shift, over recent years, towards a plurality of forms of external
oversight in British policing, he questions the extent to which this represents
a ‘new culture of accountability’ (2009, p. 198), whilst noting that, at present,
rhetoric outweighs reform. Likewise, he refers to recent evidence that suggests
that a ‘performance culture’ (2009, p. 202) may be considered a major driver for
some forms of corruption. However, Punch notes the rather contradictory way in
which Her Majesty’s Inspectorate of Constabulary, whilst partially responsible for
driving police forces towards greater efficiency, also acknowledged in one report
the potential for performance cultures to encourage some corrupt behaviour. This
potential link between pressure to evidence effectiveness and illicit police prac-
tices represents a politically sensitive area that further complicates our cultural
understanding of police corruption.
Whilst it has become de rigueur to acknowledge the existence of multiple cul-
tures, references to cultures of performance and accountability probably tell us
little about police culture in the terms within which it is generally understood.
This, in turn, necessitates a questioning of the assumptions with which we under-
pin our understanding of culture. Furthermore, it is not unreasonable to argue that
police culture research’s real strength lies in the breadth of its explanatory vigour,
not in its selective application to areas such as accountability and performance.
This is not to suggest that police culture theories cannot help our understanding
here, but that the ‘emotional and logical consistency’ (Crank, 1998, p. 26) that is
integral to police culture appears too complex to make sense when applied to spe-
cific types of culture. This is especially the case when these cultures are defined
not through the organization itself but through the application of generic exter-
nal pressures. Performance cultures therefore have come to represent an artificial
driver motivated not by the ideology of the occupation and its participants but by
managerial incentives aimed at modifying existing ways of doing policing. Simi-
larly, measures to enhance police accountability, in many cases, do little to deal
with issues at a cultural level but focus on how cultural values become manifest
at a behavioural level. This is perhaps unsurprising and, as Chan (1997) notes,
police reform at a cultural level is difficult to achieve without structural change
to the police environment. Chan (2003) also notes how one source of frustra-
tion, and subsequently cynicism, amongst police recruits centres upon what are
viewed as disproportionate mechanisms of accountability. In itself, this provides
us with some useful information regarding the nature of police culture, namely
that it appears to be a bottom-up response to conditions beyond the control of the
rank and file. Rowe develops this idea further by identifying how the culture of
the police represents the defiance of the lower ranks to ‘politically driven manage-
ment initiatives’ (2004, p. 54) and, if true, this suggests that initiatives to instil new
forms of control will encounter difficulties in provoking anything but new forms
of resistance from officers.
By way of conclusion to this discussion of police corruption, I want to return
to the work of Maguire and Norris (1994), as it provides us with some potential
strategies for modifying police behaviour through cultural change. Ultimately,
they believe that there has to be a convergence between both structural and cul-
tural factors within police agencies for behavioural change to occur. They recom-
mend that, to counter police malpractice, a number of areas have to be addressed,
including the acknowledgement by higher-ranking officers that corruption is an
issue worthy of address, the establishment of clear lines of management within
investigations, the monitoring of case materials by independent force quality
units, the reduction of a ‘results’ ethos that leads to unnecessary pressure upon
police officers, the introduction of rewards for high-quality investigative work
and reform of the structures and work of detective units. These reforms can be
effective only if there is a modification of the existing cultures within the police
force. In conclusion, they noted that the consistent message that they had received
throughout their research was that informal communications from senior officers
were more important than formal policies in determining how policy was imple-
mented and, moreover, that those senior officers themselves receive informal
direction from the government, regulatory bodies and the media. These findings
therefore emphasize the importance of appreciating the tensions between formal
communication of policy and the mediation of those policies via the cultural lens
of the police service. The latter point, Maguire and Norris suggest, has largely
gone unacknowledged by previous attempts at reform.
Leadership and police culture

As can be seen from the previous section, policing, at operational, strategic and
political levels, remains a perplexing and conflict-ridden endeavour aggravated
by the challenge not only of articulating a vision of policing but of implement-
ing it at a practical level. The management of police behaviour has emerged as
a persistent theme over recent years, with traditional culturalist views presenting
the police institution as being enslaved to a set of cultural reference points that
leave little opportunity for effective change to police officer attitudes and behav-
iour. More recently, writers like Savage (2007) have identified the emergence of
cultural groupings within the police organization that have more in common with
the values, language and orientation of private sector management than the insular
esprit de corps described within earlier scholastic works in policing. Given the
unlikeliness for this set of new cultural values to fully replace more traditional
value sets, there remains a substantial challenge for police leaders in communicat-
ing a concept of policing that will have resonance within both managerialist and
traditional cultures. Whilst, in many respects, this distinction may reflect the split
between street officers and police managers described by Reuss-Ianni and Ianni
(1983), there is a historical precedence to be found in Niederhoffer’s (1969) work,
which remains of interest for its portrayal of a divided police force long before
the advent of public sector managerialism. His work shows that, as far back as the
1940s, the New York City Police Department was recruiting applicants more than
half of whom had received a college education and that the resulting diversity of
workforce had led to officers driven by competing sets of values and for whom
policing meant different things. He wrote: ‘Dissension has reached serious pro-
portions, verging on internecine class conflict between the lower-class conserva-
tives and the upwardly mobile middle-class radicals’ (1969, p. 18).
The tensions that arose between street officers and management were the result
of class-based differences becoming manifest in a tension between conservative
‘common-sense’ policing and radical ‘professional’ policing. However, whilst the
professionalization of the police may be founded upon friction between beat offic-
ers and their managers, experiences in the UK also highlight the importance of the
relationship between police and government as dictating the direction and gov-
ernance of the process. For example, Savage (2007) identifies the ways in which
the performance culture of the English and Welsh police can be seen as going
through three distinct phases, the first being the general nudging of the police
by the government towards greater efficiency and economy under the ‘Financial
Management Initiative’ of the early 1980s. As Savage notes, this represented a
preoccupation with inputs and the way that police resources were used most suc-
cessfully, although, importantly, at this stage the government did not generally
involve itself in taking an active role in setting police priorities. This develop-
ment was largely driven by the growing perception in policy circles that, despite
increases in police pay, numbers and resources, police performance (when meas-
ured in terms of crime reduction and increased clear-up rates) was apparently
declining (Morgan and Newburn, 1997). By the mid-1990s, however, the gentle
nudges of previous administrations had given way to an increasingly formalized
focus upon police outputs or, in other words, the quantity and quality of what police
services delivered to their communities. With the emergence of key performance
indicators and performance league tables individual forces still retained substan-
tial autonomy. Simultaneously, however, government assumed responsibility for
broadly articulating major operational priorities and for facilitating the genera-
tion of data with which to judge police forces’ performance. The third and final
phase of this gradual strengthening of the state role within the orientation of police
strategy and practice, according to Savage, resulted in a performance culture that
veered towards the ‘oppressive’ (2007, p. 213) and was achieved through three
main developments. First, the ratcheting up of state expectation from ‘objectives’
to ‘plans’ allowed for greater centralized control over the work of the police. Sec-
ond, police performance at force level came under the scrutiny of newly formed
agencies imbued with powers to intervene in forces, or parts of forces, that were
deemed to be underperforming. Finally, targets were introduced by which per-
formance could be quantified and assessed. These changes, whilst representing
an extensive rewriting of the ways in which the police role was defined and their
success measured, also impacted at an altogether more cultural level, with Savage
describing the management culture of the police as increasingly analogous to that
of the corporate boardroom. It is against this backdrop of managerialism and polit-
icization that recent decades have seen a growing emphasis on the importance of
leadership as a catalyst for organizational change. In particular, leadership styles
have increasingly come into focus as potential solutions to the cultural ‘problems’
of police work.
Of note here is the increasing popularity (at both conceptual and practical lev-
els) of the concept of ‘leadership’, which has had a crucial role to play in framing
much of the debate surrounding organizational behaviour and effectiveness.
Over recent decades, as a result, we have seen a growing trend for police leader-
ship to attract the kind of scrutiny previously reserved for lower-level officers
and, in particular, research has tended to concentrate on the operational impacts
of different forms of leadership style. For example, Krimmel and Lindenmuth
(2001), in a piece of research exploring varieties of police leadership in Pennsyl-
vania, attempted to identify positive and negative police leadership styles. In com-
mon with previous research into police leadership (by, for example, Kuykendall
and Unsinger, 1982; Bruns and Shuman, 1988; and Girodo, 1998), the authors
identified the existence of a variety of police leadership styles, noting that these
tend to occupy a limited spectrum from ‘Machiavellian’ (based on unscrupulous
manipulation to achieve favoured results) to ‘participatory’ (based on inclusive
management practices). Research findings also suggest that police leadership is,
in many cases, problematic. Girodo (1998), for example, surveyed senior officers
from police organizations throughout the world in an attempt to understand the
different ways in which leaders exercised control over their staff, and found that
leadership approaches could be categorized as ‘bureaucratic’, ‘social contract’,
‘transformational’ or ‘Machiavellian’. Interestingly, he found that the majority of
police leaders appeared to adopt the negatively perceived Machiavellian style of
leadership, a finding reinforced by Krimmel and Lindenmuth (2001). Likewise,
the work of Bruns and Shuman (1988) highlighted favourable attitudes, amongst
middle-ranking police managers, for participatory styles of police leadership, but
found that these failed to be widely implemented, as police organizations were
ultimately unwilling to support such managerial strategies.
Whilst participatory leadership has not always been championed within the
police, the tide of public opinion has, suggest Krimmel and Lindenmuth (2001),
moved against bureaucratic styles of leadership, which are perceived as leading to
unproductive, unmotivated and undynamic work practices. Furthermore, bureau-
cratic police forces are perceived as being disadvantaged by a host of other fac-
tors, including poor workplace relations between managers and staff, divisive and
divided workforces due to unionization, a proliferation of self-interest amongst
individual workers and, finally, high turnover rates amongst staff. Whilst it is clear
that bureaucratic styles of police management have been subject to criticism over
recent years, Mastrofski (2004) notes how a variety of preventive and corrective
options are available within them, through which police managers can exert con-
trol over their officers. These strategies may range from preventive approaches,
such as modifications to recruitment, training and beat assignment policies, to
corrective ones that focus on new forms of disciplinary code. What must be borne
in mind, however, is that policing is a complex set of actions restricted not only
by elements of bureaucracy but also by the influence of organizational culture
(Crank, 1998). Densten (1999), for example, charts some of the further complexi-
ties for effective police leadership by highlighting a number of key issues. First,
whilst police leadership is necessarily located in the hierarchical rank structure
of the police, the external environment, or individuals located within it, can also
influence how street officers act. This point inevitably highlights the importance of
discretion as a factor alongside police hierarchy in determining police behaviour.
(However, Mastrofski, 2004, is careful to suggest that focusing on the relative
strengths of situational, officer and organizational factors should be considered a
lower priority than charting differentiation in ‘patterns of influence’ (p. 103) in the
use of police discretion.) Second, policing, owing to its nature, involves an inevi-
table degree of failure, and this necessitates reflection on the respective definitions
of success and failure within the police organization. Third, Densten (1999) sug-
gests that a ‘paradox of accountability’ (p. 46) exists whereby police officers are
held accountable for their actions even when there is no defined expectation of
what constitutes appropriate behaviour. This point has previously been acknowl-
edged by Reiner (1998), who noted the absence, within debates of policing, of
constructive dialogue regarding what constitutes good performance and how it
might be measured.
All these issues are viewed as potential barriers to the implementation of effec-
tive leadership within the police service and, furthermore, may prompt us to ques-
tion what exactly constitutes effective police leadership. Often it may appear suf-
ficient to define good leadership through reference to examples of bad leadership,
characterized by Densten (1999, p. 46) as ‘frequent empty and ritualistic gestures,
conservative, cautious, and authoritarian management styles, poor communica-
tion skills, and lack of managerial support’. Silvestri (2007, p. 39), alternatively,
provides a succinct and unambiguous definition of good leadership as being,
simply, ‘the ability to bring about sustained organizational change’. Attempts to
unpick the individual components of successful leadership have tended to focus
on a limited range of factors, with Krimmel and Lindenmuth (2001), for exam-
ple, highlighting the beneficial impact upon performance of individual officers
having been mentored and prepared for their leadership role and of them having
worked their way up through the ranks, having worked in a unionized workplace
and having received a college education. Whilst they were unable to explain why
the unionization of police organizations coincided with positive perceptions of the
quality of police leadership, they state that the importance of education has long
been identified as a determining factor in perceptions of good leadership in a vari-
ety of management contexts. Although such findings may be superficially appeal-
ing, there are some methodological challenges associated with them, not least in
terms of the internal validity of such work. For example, Mastrofski (2004) notes
that it is incredibly difficult to assess where exactly the ‘added value’ lies in police
officer education, as research rarely differentiates between the actual experience
of attending an educational programme and the effects of passing the selection
procedure.
Perhaps the most helpful way of distinguishing between types of leadership and
their effectiveness is to use the distinction between ‘transactional’ and ‘transfor-
mational’ styles. Transactional styles have generally come to be associated with
negative or problematic leadership and are founded upon ‘explicit and implicit
contractual relationships’ (Bass and Avolio, 1993, p. 116), which motivate work-
ers to act in accordance with their own feelings of self-interest rather than to iden-
tify with the needs of the organization. Such leadership tends to take one of two
forms, ‘contingent reward’ (reward for appropriate behaviour) and ‘management
by exception’ (intervention when performance does not meet expectation), and it
is the latter that has been most commonly observed in police organizations (Den-
sten, 1999). Despite transactional approaches generally being considered unpro-
ductive and potentially damaging (Silvestri, 2007), members of police organi-
zations appear to be largely uncritical of them as management styles (Densten,
1999). Similarly, and as Densten acknowledges, professions like policing that
have traditionally encompassed reactive roles and that involve comprehensive
procedural systems are largely suited to transactional methods such as manage-
ment by exception.
In direct contrast to the autocratic transactional approach to leadership, ‘trans-
formational’ leadership has come to represent, to some, a more favoured, and
effective, means of controlling staff within organizations. Where transactional
leadership sees the management role as oriented towards staff who have success-
fully or unsuccessfully followed instructions, transformational leadership is char-
acterized by ‘participation, consultation and inclusion’ (Silvestri, 2007, p. 39) and
a commitment to effecting organizational change legitimately rather than through
reacting to staff on the basis of their actions (Mastrofski, 2004). Consequently,
Mastrofski views the potency of transformational approaches as being in their
ability to encourage a convergence of followers’ values with those of their leaders
rather than through the ‘transaction of compliance’ (2004, p. 104) associated with
a linear reward–punishment system (Densten, 1999). In effect, therefore, such
approaches ‘transform’ followers through effective role modelling and ensure
that they behave in a particular way, not as a means of avoiding or ensuring par-
ticular consequences, but because they believe it to be appropriate. Whilst pro-
ponents such as Bass and Avolio (1993) identify the approach’s features in terms
of influence, motivation, stimulation and consideration, it is open to criticism on
the grounds that it might be considered a method that relies on the personal char-
acteristics of one person to inspire a workforce rather than constituting a fully
strategic approach. Supporters of transformational leadership point to a number
of particular benefits associated with its implementation within an organizational
context. It is seen to facilitate communication, especially in regard to the ways in
which an organization articulates success and failure (Densten, 1999), to encour-
age a more motivated workforce (Pillai and Williams, 2004; Silvestri, 2007), to
improve performance (Pillai and Williams, 2004), to create synthesis between
strategy and culture (Bass and Avolio, 1993), to make followers more goal ori-
ented (Pillai and Williams, 2004) and to stimulate greater workplace solidarity
(Pillai and Williams, 2004).
Whilst garnering substantial support within management circles, transforma-
tional leadership has a tendency to be portrayed as a panacea to the challenges
of leadership (Currie and Lockett, 2007; Neyroud, 2011) and is often depicted as
the only viable option for management. However, the enthusiastic support that the
concept has received from some quarters has been countered by those who believe
that its implementation at an operational level would prove difficult.
Transformational leadership in the public sector
When assessing the impact, or potential for impact, of transformative leadership
on policing and its occupational cultures, we must be aware that transposing trans-
formative leadership from a private to a public sector context represents a not
altogether seamless process. In particular, it is important to realize that the import-
ing of concepts from the private sector to the public sector is often problematic,
owing to a failure to appreciate the extent of the differences between the two
(Williams, 1985). Not least, providing simple measures of success and failure
may be more difficult to achieve in public sector institutions with broader roles.
Similarly, whilst Densten (1999) suggests that transformational leadership facili-
tates the articulation of what constitutes success and failure within organizational
contexts, the work of Jackson (1993) prompts reflection upon the extent to which
failure can become normalized within public sector institutions where the stated
aims often appear to be undermined by financial constraints. Finally, one might
consider Williams’s (1985) assertion that, in the public sector, key knowledge is
usually held by those who are excluded, intellectually and organizationally, from
engaging at a strategic level.
Currie and Lockett (2007) addressed the appropriateness of transformational
leadership to public sector organizations by studying its introduction within an
English secondary school. What the research found was that policies aimed at
introducing transformative leadership to public sector contexts were largely inef-
fective and that the reasons for this failure could be explained as follows. First,
when transformative leadership was introduced it was implemented in a limited
and managerially oriented way that failed to engage with staff of all levels. Sec-
ond, the managerialistic elements of transformative leadership tended not to be
welcomed amongst those whose conception of leadership in the educational con-
text was more aligned with moral and pedagogic values, and in this case meant
that the particular organizational context of the environment had not been fully
recognized. In an educational setting characterized by professional values some
of the more managerial forms of transformational leadership may appear improper
to practitioners. Third, the very complexity of public sector institutions, and the
roles that they undertake, means that, unlike within the commercial sector, leaders
are usually unable to develop the solution to an institution’s challenges unaided.
Finally, leaders have insufficient power to effect change within the context in
which they exercise leadership, owing to the overriding influence of central gov-
ernment. This effectively constrains their ability to lead in a transformative man-
ner. In conclusion, therefore, whilst this idea of ‘generic transfer’ (Currie and
Lockett, 2007, p. 345) of transformational leadership from the private to the public
sectors remains popular, some barriers need to be overcome before it provides a
fully appropriate response to the challenges and contexts posed by public sector
organizations like the police.
The preceding sections have explained the importance of leadership, the differ-
ent forms that it can take and the application of transformative leadership styles
to the public sector context. One important aspect of leadership, however, has
been neglected. Despite the suggestion that successful leadership was predom-
inantly concerned with effecting change within an organizational setting, little
mention has been made of what exactly was in need of change. In most cases, it
can straightforwardly be assumed that the target or focus of effective leadership
should be to change the values held by followers and their resultant actions so that
they more closely support the overall strategic direction of the organization. In
this respect, therefore, leadership, especially within a policing context, becomes
largely concerned with effecting cultural change.
Whilst police culture has become synonymous with a range of negative behav-
iours, in the wider literature pertaining to organizational culture there is a ten-
dency for workplace cultures to be viewed in more positive terms. For Bass and
Avolio the organizational culture is integral to the processes of transformational
leadership, as it represents ‘the setting within which the vision takes hold’ (1993,
p. 112) and reflects the shared values of the workplace. They also note that where
such cultural backdrops become problematic is when they begin to constrain inno-
vation through being backward rather than forward focused. In itself this reflects a
challenge for the successful application of transformational leadership theories to
police organizations where the organizational culture of the police is more likely
to be influenced by an essentially reactive police role rather than the proactive
orientation of senior officers.
Furthermore, despite most police culture research focusing on the behaviour
of street-level officers, Rowe (2006) charts the intermittent concerns that have
arisen regarding the leadership qualities of senior police officers in the UK, from
the corruption scandals of the 1950s (when, for example, the Chief Constable of
Worcester was imprisoned for fraud) through to the criticisms of police leader-
ship made by the Lawrence Enquiry. Home Office proposals published in 2004
highlight the importance attached to the idea that organizational change within the
police was essentially a leadership issue. They suggested that ‘The leadership of
managers and chief officers in valuing customer service and communicating this to
frontline staff will be critical to delivery of a new culture of customer responsive-
ness’ (Home Office, 2004, p. 61). Importantly, Rowe notes perhaps the major chal-
lenge regarding police leadership. It is not solely an issue of individual ‘qualities
and performance’ (2006, p. 759) but one affected greatly by the broader cultural
issues of policing. The personal qualities of senior officers will have little impact
if lower-ranking officers fail to consider the leaders, or their reforms, legitimate
and, logically, Rowe suggests that the forms of leadership that followers will be
responsive to will be those that reinforce traditional perceptions of the occupation.
Understandably, this poses some fundamental obstacles to the implementation of
far-reaching change within police organizations. As long as practical experience
remains an embedded theme in police narratives of effective leadership (Rowe,
2006), ‘radical’ proposals (for example, to make senior positions open to individu-
als from other professions) will be met with resistance. This recurrent theme of the
importance of practical experience to police work can be viewed at some levels
as constituting a tautological device for perpetuating what Reuss-Ianni and Ianni
(1983) saw as the entrenched divisions separating street and management cops.
For example, Rowe (2006) subtly shows how the practical elements of policing are
used rhetorically at two levels. First, they are used as a means of highlighting the
inappropriateness of having non-warranted officers in senior operational positions.
Second, the same device is used to denigrate the ways in which senior officers have
‘forgotten’ about the realities of policing the street since embarking upon their
managerial career paths. Similarly, Rowe’s work demonstrates that the perceived
erosion of discretion (integral to the tenets of practical policing) has become cast
as an attack on traditional police work, with a resultant ratcheting up of tensions
between officers in operational and managerial roles. The growing prevalence of
risk-averse behaviour (which has accompanied decreases in police discretion) has
led to police forces evolving into ‘punitive bureaucracies’ (Mastrofski, 2004, p.
104). These represent a narrowing of the police role and occur in situations where
police leaders have succeeded in eradicating certain types of behaviours but failed
to instil sufficient confidence for officers to perform new ones.
The practical nature of police work poses yet further challenges for transforma-
tive leadership as a catalyst for cultural change, not least because leaders and fol-
lowers alike remain contributing players in the same cultural milieu. Senior offic-
ers tend to be cut from the same cultural cloth as lower-ranking officers. Whilst
Foster (2003) acknowledges this factor as a potential inhibitor to cultural change,
she remains optimistic that policies to reform police organizational culture can be
successful if supported by appropriate leadership strategies. Other authors have
made strong cases to suggest that police reform is, in many cases, less of a leader-
ship issue than a political one. Numerous external factors hold sway over issues of
police use of discretion, according to Mastrofski (2004), and these include police
professional associations, civil rights groups and legal systems. Furthermore, in
a paper assessing the success of police reform in the New South Wales Police
Service, in the light of the Wood Royal Commission Report of 1997, David Dixon
(2001) argues that police reform cannot be understood without reference to the
political and social forces which shape policing and its position within political
arenas. Dixon’s analysis largely places blame for the limited success of reform ini-
tiatives on the politicized nature of policing contexts whereby the intricacies of the
criminal justice system are misrepresented by politicians and succeed in diverting
attention away from the complexities of police administration. In part, the police
are culpable for this. Dixon (drawing on Manning, 1977) suggests that the police
have, in reality, become hostages to fortune by allowing their effectiveness to
be assessed in relation to crime, a phenomenon that research has largely shown
they have limited control over. This identification with crime-fighting (rather than
with, for example, community service) has effectively left them facing consider-
able challenges in respect of evidencing their effectiveness. As a result, Dixon
suggests that policing, whilst inevitably a political issue, has become far more
sensitive to partisan political squabbles than necessary. Dixon ends by highlight-
ing that the rhetoric of leadership reform has masked the fact that ‘command and
control’ forms of leadership remain in use and, by way of example, shows how the
auditors of the New South Wales reform process concluded that ‘management-by-
fear’ continued to be a leadership strategy of choice for some senior officers.
Police culture, absenteeism and transformational leadership
The issue of police absenteeism provides an interesting focal point with which to
assess some dynamics of the relationship between the culture of the police and the
impact of transformational leadership. Police absenteeism, on health grounds, is
generally associated with mental health conditions such as stress (Summerfield,
2011). Whilst there may be a temptation to link the concept of police stress to the
emotional impact of their operational experience, research findings suggest that we
should exercise caution in this respect. The literature has consistently shown that
a central motivating factor for many individuals planning to join the police is the
opportunities it presents for undertaking demanding operational work in situations
of conflict (Cain, 1973; Smith and Gray, 1983; Wessely, 2011). However, research
conducted by Collins and Gibbs (2003) proposes that organizational issues rather
than operational events are most likely to lead to incidents of stress. Furthermore,
they hypothesize that culturally located pressures may make police officers more
liable to suffer from stress-related illnesses, a sentiment echoed by Wessely (2011).
This apparent connection between workplace absenteeism or ill health and police
culture is a telling one, not least in that it highlights the impact of police culture as
reaching beyond the parameters generally accepted within the literature. Moreo-
ver, research by Derek Summerfield (2011), a consultant occupational psychologist
working within London’s Metropolitan Police, indicates how clinical diagnoses
of officer psychiatric ill health are often patient led, take place against a context
of workplace discord and are increasingly conducted within the presence of rep-
resentatives of professional associations (for example, in a UK context, the Police
Federation). While workplace stress amongst police officers was generally caused
by a convergence of issues, the origins of which might be work based, home based
or a combination of the two, officers articulated their health issues within a nar-
rative of disillusionment with the police organization and their role within it. The
patients themselves often led the diagnostic process, and retirement on the grounds
of ill health, to some, became a career option to be worked towards and one which
occupational health workers became complicit in. The report describes one consult-
ant for whom ‘the wear and tear of an officer’s entire police career’ (Summerfield,
2011, p. 92) was the key event accounting for the post-traumatic stress disorder
diagnosis that would lead to a recommendation for retirement on the grounds of ill
health. Few officers undergoing this diagnostic process exhibited the degree of dis-
ability that Summerfield deemed appropriate for retirement on psychiatric grounds,
and the main criterion of determining whether an officer returned to work was
whether or not he or she wanted to. Summerfield’s conclusion was straightforward,
that ill health had become a cultural tool in an organization where extended absence
was associated with both work disputes and perceptions of the police organization
as indifferent to officers’ needs. What this suggests, therefore, is that police cul-
ture may pervade occupational life to such an extent that it negatively influences
police officers’ mental and emotional well-being, provides a means through which
to ascribe the causes of health problems and, importantly, leads to health profes-
sionals ‘buying in’ to these cultural accounts of what constitutes ill health.
Recent years have seen a gradual realization, not only that occupational culture
may influence the extent and presentation of staff sickness and absenteeism, but
also that there is potential for transformational leadership to play a role in com-
bating this process. For example, research by a UK national independent regula-
tor for health, safety and illness issues, the Health and Safety Executive (HSE)
(2008), investigated the extent to which transformational leadership could reduce
absenteeism in four public sector organizations (including the police). In part, the
research was prompted by the aim of the Ministerial Task Force for Health, Safety
and Productivity to enforce ‘culture change’ (Cabinet Office et al., cited in HSE,
2008, p. 1), therefore framing the problem as a cultural one. The report concluded
that transformational leadership had a positive but unexceptional impact on rates
of absenteeism. In an echo of the findings of Currie and Lockett (2007), the Health
and Safety Executive explained these findings by concluding that the inflexibility
of centrally controlled public organizations restricted them from articulating new
‘visions’, thus limiting the potency of any transformational leadership initiatives.
Culture, leadership, continuity and change

The challenge of police leadership was amply articulated by Pat Murphy, a former
New York Police Department commissioner from the 1970s, who was charged with
cleaning up the department in the face of public scandal and entrenched structural
and cultural predispositions towards corruption. To Murphy, the politicization of
police work (in its North American context) allowed for compromise, corruption
and political control, leaving police chiefs ‘simpering like a court jester in the halls
of the mighty’ (Murphy and Plate, cited in Punch, 2009, p. 55). Police leadership
is increasingly seen as the solution to organizational problems. Importantly, it
is seen as a potential means of resolving all manner of institutional challenges
regardless of the nature of the problem, be it the ‘graft’ associated with big city
policing in North America, the ‘systemic incompetence and chronic non-perform-
ance’ (Punch, 2003, p. 173) of some European police institutions or culturally
induced ill health and absenteeism. The concept of transformational leadership
appears to be well received in many policing contexts, a point perhaps reinforced,
during the summer of 2011, when William Bratton, widely credited as bringing
much needed change to the police services of Los Angeles, Boston and New York
and touted as a potential commissioner of the London Metropolitan Police Force,
stated that ‘I think of myself as a transformational leader who changes cultures’
(Dodd and Stratton, 2011). Despite such proclamations, some dissent has been
voiced regarding the extent to which transformational leadership represents the
silver bullet with which to resolve the complexities of managing police values,
behaviour and performance. More specifically, some have raised doubts as to the
extent to which transformational leadership is wholly appropriate for, or effective
within, policing organizations. Neyroud (2011), himself a former chief constable,
describes the awkwardness with which transformational leadership can be applied
to an organizational hierarchy that relies on elements of command. This point is
reinforced by Densten’s (1999) assertion that policing is reactive and reliant upon
procedure, thus making it more readily suited to transactional as opposed to trans-
formational leadership styles.
The structure and culture of the police may therefore have a defined role to play
in ensuring that transactional leadership continues to be used within police organi-
zations. Given the way in which many police forces have a clearly defined internal
career structure where police leaders are essentially drawn from officers who have
walked the beat, it is logical to suggest that leaders and followers alike belong to
the same occupational cultures (Foster, 2003) or, at the very least, are influenced by
them. At the same time, and somewhat ironically, the intrusion of management into
the largely unsupervised work of street officers is one of the key drivers that sus-
tains the predominantly lower-rank outlook of police culture (Crank, 1998). Fur-
thermore, the structures of police forces may do little to provide a fertile environ-
ment for transformational leadership. In a piece of research that aimed to explore
both public perceptions and expectations of the London Metropolitan Police and
the experiences of officers, FitzGerald, Hough, Joseph and Qureshi (2002) found
criticisms of police management that had originally surfaced close to 20 years
ago (see, for example, Smith and Gray, 1983) and that had largely failed to be
resolved over subsequent years. These were further compounded by a top-down,
management-driven performance culture that encouraged short-term strategic
responses, owing to the fact that performance criteria were subject to regular change.
Whilst, at one level, this might be considered broadly beneficial and taken as
evidence that performance indicators evolve and adapt in response to changes in
public opinion and local need, evidence from the report suggests that formal indi-
cators fail to reflect those issues upon which the public make their judgements.
In many cases, performance measurement defaults towards measuring processes
(activities) rather than outcomes (achievements) (Reiner, 1998; Cockcroft and
Beattie, 2009), and this, unsurprisingly, can lead to uncertainty regarding the true
role of the police and, importantly, the effectiveness with which they undertake it.
The authors continue by identifying shortcomings in the Metropolitan Police’s
approach to management, citing the two key themes of ‘poor management’ and
‘staff morale’. ‘Poor management’ was evidenced through both a lack of consid-
eration towards career development and constraints that were placed upon police
managers. In terms of the former, weaknesses in career development could be
traced back to initial training, which was seen as failing in its core function of
preparing new officers for the situations that they would face during their work-
ing lives. When career development issues were engaged with, it was generally in
respect of officers who sought promotion. Officers who were not seeking promo-
tion but who also wanted to experience different types of role within the organi-
zation were viewed as being at odds with the expectations of the police force.
Career development policies, therefore, applied only to those seeking promotion
and focused simply upon demonstrating an aptitude for implementing change.
This system, according to FitzGerald, Hough, Joseph and Qureshi (2002), led to
a perception that a process of change for change’s sake had become a legitimate
career development strategy, which did little to ease tensions between those work-
ing under constantly changing regimes and those who were responsible for them.
Likewise, managers were restricted in the extent to which they could actually lead
staff effectively. In an environment where economy had become the overriding
priority, managers had scarce resources with which to reward ‘good’ policing,
leading to a transactional system that can only bring sanctions against those whose
work is unacceptable, rather than reward those whose work exceeds expectation.
The lack of managerial options available to supervisory staff was, note FitzGerald,
Hough, Joseph and Qureshi (2002), further exacerbated by the expansion of roles
that police managers were expected to undertake. Senior officers reported that
they were increasingly unlikely to know their staff, with one officer recalling the
difficulties he encountered both in ensuring that officers who deserved credit for
their work received it and in making sure that he could remember which officers
had been praised and for what reason.
‘Staff morale’, the other major theme used to explain problematic management,
was apparently compromised at all levels of service. Whilst higher-ranking offic-
ers voiced concern at barriers to implementing an effective rewards system, lower-
level staff considered themselves failed in terms of reward, support and resources.
Officers felt that senior members of the service failed to appreciate the work they
did and, on the occasions that senior officers attempted to engage with the lower
ranks, such attempts at bridge-building were viewed as both patronizing and mis-
guided. Information technology infrastructures created practical challenges for
officers, as they were either insufficient to deal with demand or increasingly being
used for purposes beyond their original remit. One example of this was the increas-
ing use of such systems as a means of producing data for management purposes
rather than their intended use as an operational tool. Importantly, this piece of
research identified some sources of tension and conflict as being so widespread
within the policing institution that they might be considered culturally embedded.
The pressures described by FitzGerald, Hough, Joseph and Qureshi (2002) appear
to mirror those previously described by Reuss-Ianni and Ianni (1983). At the same
time, however, this research does appear to highlight a number of more contextual
factors that have a part to play in aggravating existing cultural tensions within the
police. While Reuss-Ianni and Ianni’s work details the differentiation of role and
belief systems experienced between street and management cops and warns against
management attempts to replace rather than adapt work practices in the work con-
text, such issues are portrayed in a way that does little to acknowledge political
pressures or the tendency for private sector management techniques to cross over
into the public sector. Two factors may partially explain this. First, Reuss-Ianni
and Ianni’s research largely preceded the introduction of new public management
and, second, British policing has traditionally been centrally controlled whereas
American policing is more localized. It is the centralized nature of British policing
that has provided the key means by which new public management could become
so fundamental to UK police practice over the last 25 years. As a consequence, the
symbolic aspects of police work have been made more complex by the interplay
between traditional police cultures and cultural changes associated with the import
of new public management methods and ideologies.
Another issue highlighted in the work of Fitzgerald, Hough, Joseph and Qureshi
(2002) is the emphasis upon the growing discourse of ‘change management’ as a
desirable aptitude in officers looking for elevation to more senior ranks. Change
management represents a novel and unprecedented driver for police values, atti-
tudes and behaviours, representing, as it does, the values of the free market rather
than the traditions of policing. This provides some intriguing options with regard
to police culture. For example, the work of Monique Marks (2007) charts the
contrasting visions of police work advocated by the managerialist agenda and the
police unions and questions the extent to which the advent of new managerialist
agendas represents a change to the established cultural code of police officers. Her
work suggests that, for the time being at least, it does not. Whilst managerialism
may have become part of the everyday lives of police officers, the transactional
leadership styles of old remain intact, owing in no small part to the role that they
play in providing ‘the foundation for efficiency and accountability’ (Marks, 2007,
p. 238). Concurrently, management discourses and practices reflect little of the
shared occupational heritage of police officers but advocate a generic organizational
blueprint for effectiveness. Police leaders are tasked with promoting innovation,
which, by its very nature, suggests changes to ideas and practices that may be
firmly embedded. Despite managerialism offering a new focus for policing within
circumstances that demand ever greater efficiencies, it is unlikely to find any
sustained cultural resonance for many officers, as it represents a value set that
has been projected on to policing rather than developed through policing. Simi-
larly, the essentially ‘palliative’ nature (Waddington, 1999a, p. 295) of traditional
culture (for lower-status officers at least) is not reflected within managerialist
cultures, where the benefits will hypothetically be reaped by police leaders and
supervisors. When we assess the relative characteristics of traditional and manage-
rialist views of policing, it is important to note the apparent convergence between
the symbolic identity of the police as charted by traditional views of police culture
and that forwarded by the police unions. Marks suggests that it is largely the con-
servative outlook, rather than any pronounced tendency towards labour activism,
that allows police unions to retain their popularity with large swathes of police
officers. She notes: ‘Police unions are made up of police workers whose identi-
ties are very powerfully shaped by their occupation, which, despite organisational
overhauls, is still steeped in entrenched traditional police cultural norms’ (Marks,
2007, p. 242).
Furthermore, that police unions have focused largely on the traditional attributes
of the police officer suggests that managerialist attempts to redefine core elements
of policing will be unlikely to enjoy sustained success at all levels. A second
issue to consider here is the extent to which the constraints of police structures
effectively inhibit the effectiveness of transformational techniques, most notably
in the absence of a reward system. A substantial amount of policing is effectively
rooted in a transactional system as a result of its relationship to the state, its focus
on procedure and the stringent financial controls that are applied to public sector
services. In the UK context, therefore, the introduction during the early 1980s of
the government’s Financial Management Initiative ensured that there was only a
partial realization of the market doctrine that was being proposed. It essentially
meant that the police, whilst being encouraged to greater levels of parsimony in
respect of the mantra of the ‘3 Es’ of effectiveness, efficiency and economy (Mor-
gan and Newburn, 1997), were essentially denied the opportunity, pivotal to the
market economy, of exploring new markets, generating new streams of income
or incentivizing individual officers through financial reward. In this sense the
market has never been allowed to fully flourish in the police economy, as suc-
cessful police forces do not generate profit, have financial independence or offer
financial rewards for high levels of performance. Furthermore, the notion of what
constitutes ‘performance’ is problematic here, and whilst police forces may have
broadly defined aims, articulated through mission statements and local policing
plans, the ‘paradox of accountability’, identified by Densten (1999, p. 46), sug-
gests that these fail to remove the ambiguities surrounding what constitutes ‘good
practice’.
This meeting of the peculiarities of the police world with those of market econ-
omies does provide an emerging area of scholarly work, that of ‘entrepreneurial
policing’ (see Smith, 2008, 2009a). However, there remains some potential for
development and clarification of this subject area. Whilst the nexus of ‘polic-
ing’ and ‘entrepreneurialism’ can be traced back to Hobbs (1988, cited in Smith,
2008) we have little idea, at present, of how this variable is realized in different
settings and eras. Ultimately, when one takes into account the convergence of the
‘paradox of accountability’ (Densten, 1999), the strict procedural requirements of
the police, a history of transactional leadership styles (based on management by
exception rather than on contingent reward) and a growing tendency towards ‘risk
aversion’ (Flanagan, 2008; Heaton, 2010) there appear grounds to argue that there
is little opportunity, appetite or indeed reward for entrepreneurial police work.
A further issue is that there remains some area for discussion of what constitutes
‘success’ within the police working personality. The esprit de corps that charac-
terizes early work into policing, for example in Skolnick’s (1994) coverage of
police solidarity and Smith and Gray’s (1983) examples of camaraderie, suggests
that movement beyond the strict cultural tenets of routine police or detection work
was viewed distastefully by others (see, for example, Young, 1991). While the
competitive nature of the traditional ‘thief-taker’ is evidenced through the cultural
divisions between detectives and beat officers (Cain, 1973), it rarely appeared to
manifest itself in a culturally driven desire to aspire to leadership roles. There is
some evidence, however, to suggest that the emergence of police managerialism
has had some impact on the values of officers in this regard. Research suggests
that promotion has become the accepted means of measuring individual achieve-
ment within police forces (Smith, 2009b), with eligibility largely being judged
through success in the implementation of change (FitzGerald, Hough, Joseph and
Qureshi, 2002). This, in itself, may indicate a tension between correlates of suc-
cess being operational or managerial in origin. Interesting, as well, is the fact
that, whilst officers remain largely critical of managerial performance measure-
ment systems, some officers tend to buy into the success measurement ethos that
rewarded competitive edge rather than public service (Loftus, 2009) whilst others
chose not to (Cockcroft and Beattie, 2009).
Conclusion
Whilst the intellectual and theoretical aspects of police occupational culture present
a number of challenges, for many it is at the operational level that the majority of
concern lies. As highlighted throughout this book, the manifestations of police
culture have provided a primary focus for many pieces of research. However,
we should never forget the breadth of problematic behaviours that have come to
be associated with police culture, and these range from high-profile and well-
reported instances of corruption and scandal through to altogether more mundane
issues like staff absenteeism. Furthermore, the work of Miller (2003) draws atten-
tion to the ways in which the causes of often undesirable police behaviours may
be partially explained by factors beyond those of the cultural aspects of the police
role. Whilst this is of interest at a theoretical level (not least in that it might draw
us towards considering the convergence of occupational and societal cultures and
how they impact on individual predisposition), such findings also have implica-
tions for how police institutions try to control such behaviours.
The challenge of leadership within police institutions can, at one level, be
understood in the tension between the police hierarchy and the culture. Whilst
the hierarchy provides a way of distinguishing between low-, middle- and high-
status officers, the core values of the police are based upon and reinforced by the
experiences of lower-ranking officers interacting with the public. Furthermore, in
many countries, all police officers have at some part of their service undertaken
such work, and it is these experiences, and the cultural framework within which
they are understood, that provide a unifying factor to all members of the hierarchy,
regardless of status. The core disposition of the average police officer therefore
will be based on values associated with street work and not with externally gener-
ated values regarding organizational management. Underpinning this tension is
the discretion that is an inevitable part of the officer’s working role and which
appears to contradict demands, from above, for greater control over the work of
lower-ranking officers.
Conclusion
The intention of this book has been to provide an informed overview of the themes
and concepts of police culture. The term’s popularity belies the fact that it can tend
to obscure as much as it explains, and behind a rather plain façade can be found
multiple layers of understanding which themselves reflect academic, political
and institutional tensions. Moreover, recent works have suggested that police cul-
ture has an increasingly limited relevance to our understanding of police work in a
world where both policing and its social environment continue to change. From the
vantage point of the twenty-first century much of the research into police culture,
and the concepts that have subsequently emerged from it, portray policing and
its cultures as distinct and hermetic packages operating in a vacuum far removed
from the shifting landscapes of everyday life. This should not be construed as a
criticism. The social worlds described by the likes of Skolnick (1994), Westley
(1953), Holdaway (1983) and Cain (1973) were fundamentally more stable than
later eras, which have become defined by fragmentation as much as by consensus.
At the same time, whilst some earlier works, such as that of Niederhoffer (1969),
described cultural tensions between working- and middle-class police officers, it
is generally correct to assume that police officers today represent a significantly
more diverse group in terms of a range of social characteristics than was previ-
ously the case. It is now no longer possible, if it ever was, to portray the cultural
orientation of the police as synonymous with that of white, working-class males.
Whilst we may find a degree of comfort in cultural depictions of police and
police work that remain anchored in the traditions and values of the previous
century, Loader and Mulcahy show how these ‘affective seductions of policing’
(2003, p. 125) have increasingly become ‘desacralized’ and lost their symbolic
meaning to many members of the public. Many of the discussions around police
culture, ironically, tend to present culture as a crude process through which police
officers become cultural adepts as they learn the operational side of their role
(Manning, 2007; Sklansky, 2007). Consequently, much of the work that has been
explored in this book has drawn us towards acknowledging that the cultural ele-
ments of the police world operate at a deeper and more symbolic level than this,
and it is these areas that may produce the next generation of classic police cultural
research. One way of countering the more superficial accounts of the police world
that we sometimes encounter is to return to ethnographic analyses of policing, a
Conclusion 147
point previously articulated by Westmarland (2008) amongst others. In an account
of the purpose of ethnography from his seminal 1922 study of the Trobriand of the
Kiriwina Islands, Malinowski highlights vividly the ways in which such explana-
tions may go well beyond the less expansive accounts provided by other methodo-
logical orientations. He states:
This goal is, briefly, to grasp the native’s point of view, his relation to life,
to realise his vision of his world. We have to study man, and we must study
what concerns him most intimately, that is, the hold life has on him. In each
culture, the values are slightly different; people aspire after different aims,
follow different impulses, yearn after a different form of happiness. In each
culture, we find different institutions in which man pursues his life-interest,
different customs by which he satisfies his aspirations, different codes of law
and morality which reward his virtues or punish his defections. To study the
institutions, customs, and codes or to study the behaviour and mentality with-
out the subjective desire of feeling by what these people live, of realising the
substance of their happiness – is, in my opinion, to miss the greatest reward
which we can hope to obtain from the study of man.
(2005, p. 19)
Whilst advocating a solely ethnographic approach to understanding police cul-

ture would be impractical and unbalanced, there is undoubtedly a case to sug-
gest that the sheer depth of understanding that emerges from such research would
provide a welcome addition to our knowledge of contemporary police work.
Furthermore, it would provide a much needed balance to reformist accounts that
aim to identify and react to ‘problematic’ policing rather than, quite simply, to
understand the cultural dimensions of police work. The level of understanding
that ethnographic accounts can generate allows us to see police culture as more
than a collection of mere informal ‘trade’ rules that carry police officers from one
day to the next. Furthermore, given the sustained popularity of the classic works
of this particular academic field, the prospects must be positive for research that
seeks nothing more than to understand the relationship between police culture,
behaviour and talk.
The police culture, or cultures, of the mid- to late twentieth century, whilst
undoubtedly intricate, represented a period when the terms of reference for policing
were significantly less fragmented than today. This recognition leads us towards
some incredibly challenging conceptual and practical barriers, and it is these areas
of our understanding, where ideas are contested, changeable and conditional, that
the concept of ‘culture’ proves of real worth. I therefore want to draw on some of
the elements that have been addressed throughout this book to briefly highlight
some of the key concepts and themes that may facilitate our future understanding
of police culture.
The role of culture is integral to our understanding of organizations, occu-
pations and institutions. However, the literature of police occupational culture
appears at variance with that of scholars from other fields who study the role of
148 Conclusion
culture in other occupational settings, especially in respect of the core assumptions
and understandings upon which knowledge is generated. In particular, the work
of organizational theorists, such as Schein (2004), does much to depict a fully
cultural institutional world. When culture is investigated within a police setting,
distinctions between cultural belief and associated behavioural manifestations
(such as those articulated by Schein in respect of ‘artefacts’, ‘espoused beliefs and
values’ and ‘underlying assumptions’) tend to attract little if any attention from
criminologists and police scholars. Whilst we often fail to appropriately articulate
the complexity of the relationship that links culture and behaviour we still tend to
invoke culture as a key causal factor. In other words, we stubbornly cling to the
concept of police culture but fail to articulate how, for example, it might differ
from, say, police socialization. At the same time, organizational cultures need to
be understood in respect of other variables that are particular to that individual
profession. Therefore, whilst we need to analyse, for example, the role of police
discretion at the cultural and symbolic levels, we tend not to take into account
the essentially legal dimensions of the discretion in the police role (see Brogden,
1982). In part, these tendencies may be a result of much police research focusing
upon ways of managing rather than understanding police culture. The distinc-
tion made by Downes and Rock (2003) between social problems and sociological
problems remains relevant. Recent years have seen police culture cast largely as
a social problem rather than a sociological one, and it is hoped that this balance
might be redressed by future research.
The symbolic world of policing is as important as the operational world for
those exploring police culture. Waddington (1999b) introduces his book Policing
Citizens by exploring the exact purpose of the police. He notes that, despite varia-
tions in role, there appear to be notable parallels of opinion and behaviour amongst
officers even between countries. Regardless of the breadth of roles undertaken
by the police, it is perhaps law enforcement that is, to many, their key priority.
Despite this, research makes a convincing case to argue that the discretionary
basis of police work ensures that, rather than pursuing policies of law enforce-
ment, officers tend to pursue strategies of under-enforcement. Correspondingly,
the importance of detection to the police role has seemingly been overstated not
least by the influence of fiction and filmmaking, where, as Reiner (2007) notes,
crime detection rates fail to reflect real life by remaining remarkably high. Despite
the emergence of the ‘new criminologies of everyday life’ (Garland, 2001, p. 127)
that normalize both crime and the police institution’s difficulties with dealing with
it, public conceptions of policing largely continue to converge on these central
myths. This highlights the incredible importance of symbolism to our understand-
ing of police work, the acknowledgement of which led Reiner (2003) to suggest
that support for the police is as much a result of the symbolism which shrouds the
institution as it is a consequence of its employees’ actions. Whilst this serves to
emphasize what he terms ‘police fetishism’, through which the police are unques-
tioningly assumed to be a ‘functional prerequisite of social order’ (2007, p. 259),
we have to realize that this condition is one that is subject to variation. As Loader
and Mulcahy (2003) point out, the symbolism of the police varies over time and
Conclusion 149
between locations and is further differentiated by factors such as age, class and
ethnicity. To some members of the public, therefore, the symbolism of the police
will equate with the sentiments explicit in accounts such as that of Sir Harold
Scott, commissioner of police of the Metropolis, who wrote, whilst describing the
wartime contribution of the Metropolitan Police, that:
Londoners have long taken their police for granted, but during these years
they came to know them as never before. Lending a hand at every sort of job,
encouraging, helping and rescuing the citizen under the grimmest conditions,
the Metropolitan policeman won for himself a place in the hearts of London-
ers which we may hope he will always retain.
(Hargrove-Graham, 1947, p. vii)
For others, the testimony of James Brazier, an African-American who eventu-

ally died in the US state of Georgia in 1958 as a result of injuries allegedly sus-
tained through police brutality, will provide a more recognizable depiction of the
nature of police–public relations. In a statement presented by the Commission on
Civil Rights, he recounted the following treatment at the hands of a police officer
following arrest for a motoring charge:
When I first entered the door of the jail, [‘Y’] hit me on the back of the head
and knocked me down and said, ‘You smart son-of-a-bitch, I been wanting
to get my hands on you for a long time.’ I said, ‘Why you want me for [sic]?’
[‘Y’] said, ‘You is a nigger who is buying new cars and we can’t hardly live.
I’ll get you yet.’
(United States Commission on Civil Rights, 1961, p. 10)
These accounts, of course, portray a polarized scale of experience that varies

along temporal, socio-economic, racial and geographical variables. They remind
us that policing and portrayals of policing arouse instinctual fears regarding stabil-
ity and physical safety whilst, simultaneously, reinforcing the power that the police
wield. From this basic symbolic framework, individual and group social positions,
histories and trajectories will lead to a multiplicity of ‘meanings, associations,
and vocabularies’ (Loader and Mulcahy, 2003, p. 45) that we use to describe the
police, what they do and what they represent. It is for these reasons that the rela-
tionship between the police and the public remains central to our understanding
of police values and behaviour (Waddington, 1999b), as, in turn, these symbolic
representations of the police become reinforced by the ongoing acting out of these
positions in the physical world.
One recurrent theme in this book has been the theoretical and methodological
impasse that occurs between sociological and historical accounts of police culture,
and this tension between continuity and change is of great importance. Despite a
growing appreciation and acknowledgement of the fluidity of culture, little attempt
has been made to actually understand, or to research, police culture at a historical
level. Historical events and factors tend to be underplayed, and the environments
150 Conclusion
in which the police–public relationship is situated appear to be presented with lit-
tle or no mention of the ways in which local cultural dynamics can distort the pre-
scriptive tendencies that many cultural accounts suggest. As the works of Emsley
(2005), Brogden (1991) and Hobbs (1988) amply demonstrate, police culture and
its impact on police officers are largely mediated through the filtering properties
of a given environment. In Emsley’s work, the mixture of sleaze and wealth that
characterized 1920s Soho provided the ultimate motivation for the corruption case
of Sergeant George Goddard. For Brogden, the maritime tradition of Liverpool
impacted directly on the local nature of secondary economies and industrial and
race relations. To Hobbs, the entrepreneurial edge that characterized working-
class life in the East End of London was mirrored in the creativity displayed by
detectives navigating the gap between ‘policing by the book’ and ‘getting the job
done’. The limited and outdated templates that we sometimes adopt to understand
police culture (see Manning, 2007; Sklansky, 2007) are, in part, a result of this
apparent reluctance to accept that geography and history collide when explain-
ing the cultural foundations of the police–public relationship. Until the artificial
barriers that separate sociology and history are removed, suggests Abbott (1991),
there is little scope for a full understanding of the temporal changes that punctu-
ate our social realities. Mastrofski (2004) reiterates this argument by suggesting
that the treatment of police culture as a constant, rather than as a variable, has
effectively curtailed the development of meaningful theoretical models to explain
police behaviour.
However, despite the dearth of explicitly historical accounts, there is some room
for optimism regarding the exploration of change and continuity in police culture
research. Recent work by Loftus (2009) has articulated this idea that certain core
aspects of police culture are apparently subject to change whilst others remain
firmly embedded. Sensitivities to gender and race have become officially recog-
nized, and a lack of tolerance towards associated stereotyping or pejorative lan-
guage is enshrined in policy and regulation. Whilst not always ‘bought into’ at an
individual level these changes have resulted in a substantial reduction of overtly
discriminatory behaviour and talk. What Loftus suggests is that perhaps the central
cultural constant in terms of police stereotyping is that of class, not least because
it remains the one key differentiating factor that has yet to become ‘politicized’.
The ‘class contempt’ observed by Loftus is not generally an explicit factor in ear-
lier accounts of police culture, but it is one, interestingly, that is easily observable
in many of the accounts that have been generated over the years. This is significant
for a number of reasons. Structural differentials, whilst not always articulated in
terms of ‘class’, remain a constant within most societies and therefore allow for
a fixed variable to be identified against an undercurrent of change. It is this very
idea that led Paoline (2003) to note that it will be the investigation of these areas
of cultural persistence that will allow us to properly assess the balance between
fragmented and monolithic cultures. They also allow us to tentatively assess the
ways in which police culture intersects with the social changes associated with
late modernity. For example, Jock Young (2007) in The Vertigo of Late Moder-
nity draws us again to this idea of class and the role it plays in our articulations of
Conclusion 151
social hierarchy. In particular, he argues against the idea that class ceases to have
relevance in late modernity, instead suggesting that cultural explanations serve
as a means of justifying class-based inequality. For Young, therefore, differences
in life chances caused by class are explained in terms of cultural deficit. This
immediately raises questions regarding the extent to which police cultures reflect
these changing conceptions of class and difference. Furthermore, he also draws
our attention to an accompanying feature of the late modern society. In the midst
of such a blurring of cultural and structural concepts, we search for certainty and
distinction most notably through an increasing need for the divisions between cor-
rect and incorrect behaviour to be articulated and enforced. These aspects of social
change are of such relevance to policing and the police relationship with the public
that cultural analyses that remain rooted in the conceptual templates of 40 years
ago are likely to pastiche rather than to appreciate the police world.
The grey area between police culture and that of wider society remains an impor-
tant one for police cultural scholars and holds real interest as a means of explor-
ing the extent to which police culture and that of wider society may converge
on some issues and diverge on others. Whilst it appears sensible to propose that
wider culture does not end at the front door of the police station, a more precise
knowledge of the conditions that influence this relationship would be welcome.
Obviously, whilst police cultures do not represent an inversion of wider societal
ideas, or a counter-cultural position, the relationship between the two might not
be as straightforward as implied by Sir Robert Mark’s assertion, in 1978, that the
police merely reflect the values of the public.
The extent to which police cultures are different from wider ‘outside’ cultures
remains largely unexplored and, increasingly, it appears the case that there is scope
for accepting that some police behaviours previously associated with police culture
may find partial explanation outside of the police world. With a determinism that
reflects that inherent in Reiner’s (2003) notion of ‘police fetishism’, where the
role of the public in enforcing social control (albeit informally) was effectively
rejected, the ‘interpretative over-reach’ described by Waddington similarly negates
the influence of non-police cultural forces on police behaviour. In one of the clearer
examples of how these rigid conceptions may successfully become eroded, we
find that Miller’s (2003) work into police corruption has started to chip away at
the received wisdom on this matter by highlighting the partial role played by
non-occupational factors. Significantly, such accounts do not signal a return to
individualized or ‘rotten apple’ explanations of police behaviour but, simply, show
that people’s non-work lives sometimes become implicated in their work lives.
In conclusion, it is possible to identify some exciting prospects for future
research, analysis and commentary. All of these, however, necessitate an alto-
gether more complex reading not only of the terms ‘culture’ and ‘police’ but
also of the processes that reflect and reinforce the relationship between the two.
Correspondingly, an acknowledgement of police culture as a variable rather than
as a static feature will allow for the use of methodological approaches that are
sensitive to the presently under-explored relationships between geographical,
socio-economic and historical contexts of police work.
152 References
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Index
accountability 105, 106, 143; legal England 42–43; policing middle class
dimensions of 18; and managerial communities 81–82; presentational
reform 13, 129–130; ‘paradox of codes 30–31; tensions between
accountability’ 134, 144; and police officers 131–132; working class
discretion 51; political dimensions culture 32
of 17; and professionalism 52 corruption: camaraderie and 59–60;
definition of 120–122; ‘graft’ 28,
Banton, M.: cynicism 54; police 124, 125, 140; historic examples
and ethnic minorities 70, 74, of 19–20, 43–44; as individual v.
76; police role 3; suspicion 56; systemic 44, 120, 126; ‘machine
under-enforcement 23–24 politics’ and 124–125; media expose
Bass, B. M. and Avolio, B. J. 134, 135, and involvement 120; national
137 contexts 124; noble cause 124,
Baudrillard, J. 96 127; non-occupational factors 126;
Bourdieu, P. 33 reform 129–131; tolerance of 127–128
Brogden, M.: discretion 18, 47, 50, 51, Crank, J. P.: conservatism 76–77;
56; ethnic minorities 70, 72; external individualism and ideology 126;
environments 36, 42–43; occupational management 141; police and ethnic
isolation 60; political relation 17; minorities 72, 73, 76; ‘sense of
victims of sexual and domestic mission’ 52
violence 66 criminology 1, 19, 106–107, 110
culture: cultural typologies 7–8; as
Cain, M.: ‘easing’ behaviours 25–27; figurative action 111–112; late
police attitudes to ethnic minorities 73; modernity and 93; level of ‘artefact’ 6,
rural v. urban policing 25–26; symbolic 10–11, 148; level of ‘espoused belief
importance of events 53 and value’ 5, 6–7, 148; level of
Challenor, H. 19–20 ‘underlying assumption’ 6, 8, 10–11,
Chan, J.: critique of early work 32–33; 148; organizational and occupational
cynicism 54, 55; ‘field’ and cultures 12; organizational culture 4–6;
‘habitus’ 34; multiple cultures 35–36; police culture and wider culture 35, 36,
re-conceptualization of police 76, 108–109, 111, 112, 151; public and
culture 33–34 private sector 12–14
Chibnall, S. 20
class 92–93; class-based nature of danger 40, 80; and the ‘symbolic
police work 105; composition of assailant’ 57; symbolism of 57, 111,
police service 115–116; embedded 113; ‘working personality’ 24–25, 26,
class relations 108, 114–115; and 38, 53, 56
late modernity 151; as legitimate detectives: alcohol 63–64; creativity
target 101–102; Liverpool, of 150; gender divisions amongst 68;
166 Index
detectives: alcohol (cont.): labelling theory 104, 105, 106
solidarity amongst 60; strategies for LaFave, W. 23, 48, 51, 104
paperwork 55; uniform officers attitudes late modernity 24, 90–95, 151
towards 29, 55; use of presentational Loader, I. and Mulcahy, A.: complexity
codes 31 of police symbolism 148–149; police
discretion 46–52, 108; barrier to ‘desacralization’ 146; political
reform 145; centrality to police orientation of police officers 77, 78;
culture 18, 22, 27, 104; decision- responses to race relations agenda and
making 20, 28, 41; delegated and legislation 74; symbolic power of the
unauthorized 48; detectives 77; police 117
differential use of 65; factors impacting Loftus, B.: class 102, 115, 150;
upon the use of 44–45, 138; as a contemporary fields of policing 101;
legal issue 127; and ‘legalistic’ identity politics 101, 102; relevance
styles 81; and managerialism 96; as an of early work 46; single and multiple
occupational universal 38; problematic cultures 3
use of 102, 106, 123, 128; and risk London Metropolitan Police: alcohol 63;
aversion 98–99, 138; and under- corruption 19–20, 43–44; Ethnic
enforcement of law 23–24, 43 Minority Staff Association 85;
divisions between police officers: introduction of female officers to 61–62;
class 131–132, 42; detective and management of 141; relationship with
uniform 30, 41, 60, 77; division 29, ethnic minorities 73, 74–75; wartime
32; gender 67–68; between ‘street’ and contribution 149
‘management’ roles 86–87, 96, 137 Los Angeles 17–18, 93, 123, 140
Dixon, D. 138
Macpherson Report 75, 85
Emsley, C.: corruption 20, 43–44, female Manning, P. K. conservatism 76;
officers 61–62, 62–63; minority cynicism 55; hidden nature of
groups 69–70; orthodox police policework 54; police and wider
histories 50; pro-protestant police culture 112; relevance of early
bias 43 work 46, 110, 150; ritual 59;
equal opportunity legislation, agendas and ‘threat-danger-hero’ concept 57;
politics 97, 100, 101, 102 ‘unauthorized’ discretion 48; variations
Ericson, R.V.: ‘knowledge work’ 96–97, in behaviour 79–80
117; police storytelling 54; purpose of Mark, Sir R. 30, 76, 77, 108, 151
criminology 107; risk 92–93 Media 20, 28, 91, 120, 122, 123
Miller, J. 125–126, 129, 145
Garland, D. 17, 38, 90, 91, 148 Mollen Report 59
Goddard, G. 20, 43–44, 150 morality 23, 52, 54, 59
higher education 28, 87–89, 100, 131, neo-conservatism 91

134 neo-liberalism 91, 93, 94, 101
Hobbs, D., CID 30–31; East End of New South Wales Police 120, 138
London 32, 111; paperwork 55; police New York City 27, 123
relationship with community 30, 31 New York Times 60
Newburn, T.: context of police
identity politics 101–102 research 104, 105, 106; corruption 121;
IPCC (Independent Police Complaints pluralization 90, 94, 100; politicization
Commission) 122 of social issues 17
Neyroud, P. discretion 50, 51; status
Keynesian and post-Keynesian policing 94 of policework 51; transformational
King, R. 128 leadership 135, 140
Kleinig, J. 49–50 Niederhoffer, A. 54, 131
Klockars, C. 47, 49, 50, 51 NYPD (New York Police Department) 28,
Knapp Commission 28, 59 59–60, 123, 131, 140
Index 167
paperwork 31, 55, 88 enforcement 53, 95, 96; ‘service’-
patrol function 25, 57, 80; difference to style 81–83; ‘watchman’-style 80–81,
other police roles 47, 53, 60, 87, 96 82, 83
police: absenteeism 139–140; attitudes police stress 13, 27, 28, 37, 40; and
to academia 87–89; attitudes to absenteeism 139; and isolation 58
ethnic minorities 69–76, 85–86; policing: common sense 48, 50, 86, 132;
attitudes to females 61–69, 84–85; demonstrations 20, 77, 105–106; impact
brutality 35, 54, 71, 128, 149; of environment 26, 31–32, 40, 42–44;
civilianization 95; conservatism 30, as knowledge work 97; prostitutes 43,
76–78, 131–132; cynicism 54–55, 44, 55, 65–66, 71–72; rural versus
125, 130; entrepreneurialism 30, urban 25–26, 42
31, 98, 144; fetishism 148, 151; pressure for results: and CID 32; and
narratives 34, 64, 110–111, 111–113, corruption 122, 124, 125, 130, 131; and
137; politicization 1, 17, 82, 101, 105, poor practice 96; and reform 99
113, 138, 140; professionalization (see private police/security 93, 94, 95, 100
also managerialism) 51, 52, 89, 96, Punch, M.: education 88–89;
99, 132; secrecy 23, 28, 58, 124, 125; corruption 59–60, 99; leadership 140;
sense of mission 52–54, 55; social ‘machine politics’ 125; police
isolation 25, 40, 57–60, 100; solidarity/ reform 129–130; research
camaraderie 22, 57–60, 80, 126, methodology 113–114; solidarity 58,
135, 144; stop and search 18, 52, 73; 59–60
storytelling 54, 112; suspicion 25,
38, 56–57, 66, 127; training 48, 53, racism (see police, attitudes to ethnic
54, 57, 89, 141; unionism 86–87, minorities): institutional racism 75–76,
100; use of force 72, 120, 121, 127, 85
128 Reiner, R.: conservatism 77, 78,
police authority: decreases in 19, 58; and 88; cynicism 54; fluid nature
the ‘working personality’ 24, 25, 26, of culture 45, 79; isolation 58;
38, 53; abuse of 120 moral basis of policework 53;
Police Federation 62, 67, 72, 74, 78, 139 performance measurement 141;
police managerialism 95–97; police fetishism 148, 151; police
accountability 129; growth of 32; research 104, 105, 106; police
impact on culture 143, 144; symbolism 148; racial prejudice 76;
higher education 88; new public typologies 41, 80
management 14, 97, 101, 129, 142; relationship between history and
performance culture 125, 130, 132, 141; sociology 115, 150
and unionism 87 research: context 104–107; emic 9,
police occupational culture: 110; etic 9, 110; fieldwork 21;
bifurcation 113; definition 21, 22, 36; ideational 11; interpretative over-
definitional issues 36–39; dialectic reach 35, 108–109, 112, 151;
between social environment and 33; materialistic 11; oral history 44, 70, 74,
‘perceptual shorthand’ 25, 57; 115, 117; police ethnography 20–21,
monolithic and fluid accounts 45, 79, 34, 107–108, 110, 146–147; policy
114 and 106–107; politicization 107;
police relationship with the public: and researcher motivation 21
class 114–115; and ‘dirty work’ 59; Reuss-Ianni, E. and Ianni, F. 27–28, 60,
and discretion 48; in Liverpool, United 131, 137, 142
Kingdom 42–43, 44; police hostility to risk 92–93
public 55; public hostility to police 23, risk aversion 97–99, 138, 144
58; ‘symbiotic’ nature of 31; variations
in 25–26 Scarman Report 73, 74, 75, 85, 101
police role: breadth of 25–26, 36, 80, Schein, E.H. 3, 4–7, 10–11, 12, 148
96, 97, 101; ‘legalistic’-style 73, Serpico, F. 28, 59–60
81, 82, 83; service provision and law sexism (see police, attitudes to females)
168 Index
Sheehy Report 78, 95 Van Maanen, J. 19, 20–21, 52, 58, 107,
Skolnick, J. H. culture as ‘cognitive 108
lens’ 114; cynicism 55; delegated
and unauthorized discretion 48; Waddington, P. A. J.: bifurcation 110–
discretion 47; use of health procedures 111, 112–113; definition of police
to control females 65; ‘Justice Without culture 22; female orientation
Trial’ 24–25; moral conservatism 77; to role 85; interpretative over-
public support for police action 127, reach 108–109; ‘Police (canteen)
128; sense of mission 52–53; sub-culture: an appreciation’ 34–35;
suspicion 56, 57; see also ‘symbolic police symbolism 113; tolerance of
assailant’; ‘working personality’ corruption 127, 128
Sumner, C. 19 Westley, W.A.: Violence and the
‘Swamp 81’ 73–74 Police 22–23, ‘pursuit of duty’ 24;
‘symbolic assailant’ 25, 57, 64, 108, 112 policing ethnic minorities 71;
symbolism and the police 146, 148– relationship with the public 55
149; alcohol 64; class 114, 115; Wilson, J. Q. 40, 58, 73, 80–84, 102–103,
danger 111; differences between 121
detectives and uniform officers 30; ‘working personality’ 24, 26, 59, 66; and
discretion 46; initiation rituals 64; class 115; and isolation/solidarity 57;
and organizational change 28, 142; and leadership roles 144; and
police funerals 54; police stories 112; suspicion 56
relationship with reality 111, 113; and
social change 118; symbolic power 117 Young, J.: class 150–151; crisis of
etiology 106; social change 90, 91, 92
transactional leadership 135, 141, 142, Young, M.: attitude to academia 88; CID
143, 144 and uniform officers 31, 60; gender 61,
transformational leadership 134–135, 136, 67; geographical factors 32; An Inside
137, 139–140, 141, 143 Job 28–29; suspicion 56

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POLICE CULTURE

Police Culture: Themes and Concepts draws on research from the

Tom Cockcroft is Senior Lecturer in the Department of Law and

Cover images:© Shutterstock

ISBN 13: 978–0–415–50257–3 hbk

1 Organizational and occupational cultures 4

2 Occupational culture and policing 16

3 Police culture: traditional approaches 46

4 Police culture(s): explaining variation 79

5 Researching police culture 104

6 Managing police culture 119

Were I to aim at a really complete description and analysis of the policeman’s

What is organizational culture?

Buono et al. lend further clarity to the concept by noting that:

Organizational culture tends to be unique to a particular organization, com-

Different levels of culture

Objectivity and subjectivity

Etic and emic research

Generalizable and context-specific knowledge

‘Focus’ and ‘breadth’

Ideational and materialistic approaches

the materialist base consists of attributes such as job descriptions, reporting

Organizational and occupational cultures

Public and private sector cultures

Organizational culture and transition

The shifting social and political context of policing

The increasingly contested view of security as either a right to be fulfilled by

What is police culture?

Such a succinct definition is helpful as a means of introducing one to the gen-

Early/classic period work

To Westley, therefore, an individual’s occupational relationships and roles had

Middle period work

Whilst, to the uniformed officers of Young’s recollection at least, officers work-

Late period work

Barriers to the successful definition of police culture

• ‘accepted practices, rules, and principles of conduct that are situationally

Her Majesty’s Inspectorate of Constabulary (HMIC), a body responsible for the

The journalistic shorthand that summarises the thinking of operational police

The complexity of police cultures

Why is discretion important?

Making sense of police discretion

Key manifestations of police culture

Sense of mission/way of life

Cynicism is an ideological plank deeply entrenched in the ethos of the police

In 1991, Malcolm Young in An Inside Job described the police institution as

Police culture and race

Discrimination against members of ethnic minority groups has become a recurrent

We had Cricklewood with a large Irish population as part of our territory so

Similarly, Jewish communities, whilst shedding a ‘criminal’ reputation applied

The collective failure of an organisation to provide an appropriate and profes-

Variation and the world of the police officer

An individual’s ‘organizational’ behavior varies with what the organization

Similarly, Fielding, addressing this issue from a UK perspective, wrote that

Police culture and contemporary contexts

A brief overview of late modern society

Late modernity, globalization and risk

Late modernity and the reconfiguration of security

Bridging traditional and contemporary depictions of

The context of police culture research