Concentration

Camps in
America: The
Consequences
of 40 Years
of Fear WILLIAM
JOHN
COX
ColdType
William John Cox is a retired supervising prosecutor for the State
Bar of California. Acting as a public interest, pro bono, attorney,
he filed a class action lawsuit in 1979 on behalf of every citizen of
the United States petitioning the Supreme Court to order the
other two branches of the federal government to conduct a
National Policy Referendum; he investigated and successfully
sued a group of radical right-wing organizations in 1981 that
denied the Holocaust; and he arranged in 1991 for the publication
of the suppressed Dead Sea Scrolls. His 2004 book, You’re Not
Stupid! Get the Truth: A Brief on the Bush Presidency is reviewed
at http://www.yourenotstupid.com, and his political writings are
collected at http://www.thevoters.org.
© William John Cox 2008

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CONCENTRATION CAMPS IN AMERICA – WILLIAM JOHN COX

f you type the phrase “concentration camps” into your Internet search engine,

I you will find page after page of references to martial law and the construction
of concentration camps in the United States on behalf of the Department of
Defense, the Department of Homeland Security and the Federal Emergency
Management Agency (FEMA).
A close examination reveals that many of these references lack sufficient facts to
support their conclusions; however, taken as a whole, there is an abundance of infor-
mation showing an alarming trend in the deployment of federal and military forces
to restrain and detain American citizens.
Among the Internet sites are those listing between 600 and 800 locations in the
United States where the government is establishing “concentration camps.” Many of
these are former or active military bases; however, several provide detailed informa-
tion about their location and improvements, including maps, videos, and satellite
photographs:
A former Amtrak facility located in Beech Grove, Indiana, is featured in a widely-
viewed video on You-Tube. From the audio description and video images, it is easy
to imagine that the site could be used as a detention facility; however, a telephone
call to the desk officer of the Beech Grove Police Department reveals that much of
the evidence, including helicopter landing facilities and radio towers, actually belong
to the police department that is located adjacent to the now largely abandoned facil-
ity. The desk officer, who also happens to be a local city councilman, was unaware
of any federal involvement at the location. “It’s a straight facility,” he said.
There are a number of photographs depicting a site in northern Michigan with a
double row of chainlink fencing topped with barb wire and elevated guard towers.
The area is part of Camp Grayling, the largest installation of the Michigan National
Guard, which deploys several military police commands and trains more than 100
law enforcement agencies from Northern Michigan. The photographs clearly show
an outdoor detention facility, and recent comments by an undercover observer con-
firm that it is currently maintained. However, there is an e-mail on the Internet dated
January 20, 1999 from a base Deputy Public Affairs Officer who said: “The ‘camps’
you are referring to are used by our Military Police for training. One of their war-time
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CONCENTRATION CAMPS IN AMERICA – WILLIAM JOHN COX

missions is to process and care for prisoners of war (POWs). The photos you saw are
of that training site.”
Perhaps the most disturbing images show a Department of Homeland facility
known as Swift Luck Green located in Central Wyoming. The five satellite photo-
graphs are labeled as having been taken on January 23 and March 24, 2006 by
DigitalGlobe and are annotated as “DHS Facility (SLG).” Labels include: prisoner
housing, restaurant for DHS personnel; 3-story dormitory for prisoners; guard tow-
ers; and prison cells. Various blogs further identify the location as a closed coal mine
near Hanna, Wyoming in Carbon County.
There is nothing comparable to the photographs visible on GoogleEarth at the list-
ed coordinates, and desk officers at the local sheriff’s office and the police depart-
ment are unaware of any local DHS or FEMA facilities. An e-mail to DigitalGlobe’s
media relations contact about the photographs received this reply: “they were in a
report called ‘the hidden gulag,’ a report on secret nk [North Korean] prison camps.”
The report and original photographs can be viewed at the U.S. Committee for
Human Rights in North Korea’s website, www.hrnk.org.
This is what fear has wrought. First, our own government has done everything in
its power to make us fearful so we will support its illegal and unconstitutional activ-
ities, and then in our fear, we have come to distrust everything our government says
and does – for good reason. These facts are undisputed:
Commencing in the late Sixties, following urban riots in Los Angeles, Detroit,
Newark, Cleveland, Seattle, Cincinnati and Milwaukee, and in response to a recom-
mendation of the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders, the U.S. mili-
tary initiated plans to assist local and state civil authorities during urban unrest.
Collectively, the response was known as “Operation Garden Plot,” and each military
branch established its own plans, which have evolved over the years.
In 1984, a military “Disturbance Plan” defined its targets as “disruptive elements,
extremists or dissidents perpetrating civil disorder,” which in turn is defined as “riot,
acts of violence, insurrections, unlawful obstructions or assemblages, or other disor-
ders prejudicial to public law and order.” It concludes, “spontaneous civil distur-
bances which involve large numbers of persons and/or which continue for a consid-
erable period of time, may exceed the capacity of local civil law enforcement agen-
cies to suppress. Although this type of activity can arise without warning as a result
of sudden, unanticipated popular unrest...it may result from more prolonged dissi-
dence.... This would most likely be the outgrowth of serious social, political or eco-
nomic issues which divide segments of the American population. Such factionalism
could manifest itself through repeated demonstrations, protest marches and other
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CONCENTRATION CAMPS IN AMERICA – WILLIAM JOHN COX

forms of legitimate opposition but which would have the potential for erupting into
spontaneous violence with little or no warning.”
Dated November 1985, a United States Army field manual entitled, “Civil
Disturbances,” says “if there are more detainees than civil detention facilities can
handle, civil authorities may ask the [military] control forces to set up and operate
temporary facilities.... These temporary facilities are set up on the nearest military
installation or on suitable property under federal control...supervised and controlled
by MP officers and NCOs trained and experienced in Army correctional operations.”
At the same time as these plans and manuals were being developed and issued,
President Reagan authorized a secret program for the imposition of martial law and
massive detentions. First revealed by Oliver North during his congressional testimo-
ny, the plan was known as Readiness Exercise 1984, or REX 84. The program was
originally intended to confront a “mass exodus” of illegal aliens across the Mexican-
U.S. border, and to provide confinement facilities where they could be locked up by
FEMA.
Otherwise known as a continuity of government plan, REX 84 involved an actual
civil readiness exercise in April 1984 by FEMA in association with 34 other federal
agencies. In a combined exercise with the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Night Train 84
involved multi-emergency scenarios at play inside and outside the U.S. Confronted
with civil disturbances, major demonstrations and labor strikes that would affect
continuity of government and/or resource mobilization, and to fight subversive
activities, the military was authorized to arrest as many as 400,000 people and to
move them to military facilities for confinement.
In 1985, FEMA’s director was Louis Giuffrida, who in 1970 had called for the impo-
sition of martial law in case of a national uprising by black militants. He envisioned
“assembly centers or relocation camps” for at least 21 million “American Negroes.”
Regarding martial law, he later wrote, “No constitution, no statute or ordinance can
authorize Marital Rule.... The significance of Martial Rule in civil disorders is that it
shifts control from civilians and to the military completely and without the necessi-
ty of a declaration, proclamation or other form of public manifestation.... Martial
Rule is limited only by the principle of necessary force.”
As reported by the Miami Herald on July 5, 1987, “These camps are to be operated
by FEMA should martial law need to be implemented in the United States and all it
would take is a presidential signature on a proclamation and the attorney general’s
signature on a warrant to which a list of names is attached.”
The Defense Department has developed a “Strategy for Homeland Defense and
Civil Support“ against terrorism that pledges to “transform US military forces to exe-

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CONCENTRATION CAMPS IN AMERICA – WILLIAM JOHN COX

cute homeland defense missions in the...US homeland.” The Pentagon is presently

collecting files on antiwar protesters and is prepared to maximize “threat awareness”
and to seize “the initiative from those who would harm us.” The Pentagon’s
National Counterterrorism Center’s central repository now includes the names of
325,000 “terrorist” suspects.
In October 2003, Secretary of Defense Rumsfeld approved a secret “Information
Operations Roadmap” calling for “full spectrum” information operations, including
a strategy for seizing the Internet and controlling the flow of information. It views
the world wide web as a potential military adversary and speaks of “fighting the
net.”
The U.S. Army Internet website displays information about the Pentagon’s
“Civilian Inmate Labor Program,” including “policy and guidance for establishing
civilian inmate labor programs and civilian prison camps on Army installations.” The
program underwent a “rapid action revision” on January 14, 2005 to provide a “tem-
plate for developing agreements” between the Army and corrections facilities for the
use of civilian inmate labor on Army installations.
In yet another exercise in September 2005, the Pentagon’s U.S. Northern
Command conducted a top secret operation known as Granite Shadow that
involved emergency military operations within the continental United States with-
out civilian supervision or control. Under the plan, military special forces units oper-
ating under unique rules of engagement involving deadly force were deployed to
enforce “unity of command.”
The original mission of FEMA was to assure the survival of the United States gov-
ernment in the case of nuclear attack, with a secondary responsibility to coordinate
the federal response to natural disasters. However, FEMA has come to operate as a
secret government in waiting, with powers far beyond that of any other federal
agency.
Specific and detailed executive orders now empower FEMA to take over all trans-
portation, highways and seaports; seize and operate all communications media; take
over all electric, gas and petroleum power, fuels and minerals; take over all airports
and aircraft; take over all railroads, inland waterways and public storage facilities;
take over all farms and food resources; register all persons and force civilians into
work brigades; take over all health, education and welfare functions; and establish
control over the mechanisms of production and distribution of energy sources,
wages, salaries, credit and the flow of money in all U.S. financial institutions.
Executive Order 11921 provides that, once a state of emergency has been declared
by the president, the action cannot be reviewed by Congress for six months.

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CONCENTRATION CAMPS IN AMERICA – WILLIAM JOHN COX

The John W. Warner Defense Authorization Act of 2007 contains a provision enti-
tled “Use of the Armed Forces in Major Public Emergencies.” One effect of the pro-
vision is to expand the president’s limited power to deploy the military within the
United States only “to suppress, in a State, any insurrection, domestic violence,
unlawful combination, or conspiracy” to include “natural disaster, epidemic, or other
serious public health emergency, terrorist attack or incident.”
The Act authorized the president to assume local authority “if domestic violence
has occurred to such an extent that the constituted authorities of the State or pos-
session are incapable of maintaining public order.” The president now has the power,
without any advance notice to Congress, to declare marital law in any city experi-
encing a civil disturbance or riot similar to any of those experienced in the past 40
years and to deploy the military, irrespective of the wishes or consent of local and
state authorities.
On May 9, 2007, President Bush signed a “National Security and Homeland
Security Presidential Directive” defining the “Catastrophic Emergency” leading to
“Continuity of Government coordinated efforts by the Executive Branch to ensure
that National Essential Functions continue to be performed.” Such emergencies
include “any incident, regardless of location, that results in extraordinary levels of
mass casualties, damage, or disruption severely affecting the U.S. population, infra-
structure, environment, economy, or government functions.” Continuity of
Operations includes the continuation of mission-essential functions “during a wide
range of emergencies, including localized acts of nature, accidents, and technological
or attack-related emergencies.”
In its definition of “Enduring Constitutional Government,” the Presidential
Directive envisions a “cooperative effort among the executive, legislative, and judi-
cial branches of the Federal Government;” however, it (the effort) is to be “coordi-
nated by the President, as a matter of comity with respect to the legislative and judi-
cial branches...” Comity is defined by Black’s Law Dictionary as, “Courtesy; complai-
sance; respect; a willingness to grant a privilege, not as a matter of right, but out of
deference and good will.” In other words, the “Enduring Constitutional
Government” will be run by the president and any “cooperative” role played by
Congress and the judiciary will be at his pleasure.
Even though Article I, Section 1 of the Constitution provides that, “All legislative
powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States..., “
President Bush has, pursuant to his own directives, given himself the unrestrained
power to declare whatever he imagines to be an emergency. Once he does so, he
alone controls the entire apparatus of government. He will become responsible for
arranging for the “orderly succession” and the “appropriate transition of leadership”

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CONCENTRATION CAMPS IN AMERICA – WILLIAM JOHN COX

of the other two branches of government, and he will do all of this with the able
assistance of his Vice President, who has the primary job of coordinating things.
Conceivably, at his or her sole discretion, existing and future presidents have the
power to use any provocation, including the election of a successor president hostile
to his or her existing policies, to declare a state of emergency and to seize and oper-
ate the government as a dictatorship for an indefinite period of time.
More realistically, an increase in street and campus protests against the Iraq War,
similar to those of the Sixties, could easily lead to the imposition of martial law in
the United States as an extension of the War on Terrorism. Or, if the current reces-
sion deepens into a depression with wide-spread unemployment, hunger and civil
unrest, martial law could be imposed and military work camps established.
Irrespective of how it plays out, every scenario involves mass preventative deten-
tions, without trial, by the military and requires federal confinement facilities.
Accepting the fact that the president has the power to detain as many American
citizens as he chooses, is the government actually building facilities to concentrate
them?
In January 2006, the Department of Homeland Security awarded a $385 million
contract to former Halliburton subsidiary, Kellogg Brown & Root (KBR), to provide
detention centers in the United States to deal with “an emergency influx of immi-
grants into the US, or to support the rapid deployment of new programs.” Unexplained
were these “new programs” and why they require a major expansion of detention
centers.
A clue to the definition of “new programs” can be found in President Bush’s claim
that “the territory of the United States is part of the battlefield” against terrorism
and that he has the power as Commander-in-chief to detain indefinitely any
American citizen he designates as an enemy combatant. He signed the Military
Commissions Act in October 2006 that suspends habeas corpus rights for everyone
he deems to be an enemy combatant and allows him to confine them indefinitely
without trial or access to counsel. Once detained under the Act, “no court, justice, or
judge shall have jurisdiction to hear or consider any claim or cause for action what-
soever....”
The KBR contract is open-ended and authorizes a payment of up to $385 million
per deployment. It is administered by the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers, which envi-
sions the development of at least four detention centers, each detaining up to 5,000
single males and females, families with children, and the sick and criminal.
Established at “unused military sites or [leased] temporary structures,” each facility
will be able to accommodate the sick and criminals for extended detentions and to

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CONCENTRATION CAMPS IN AMERICA – WILLIAM JOHN COX

arrange for the “rendition” of potential terrorists to sites outside the continental
United States.
Cops have an old saying that you’re not paranoid if someone really is following
you. We cannot forget that our president has already seized extraordinary dictatori-
al powers and that he really is spending millions of dollars for the construction of
detention facilities to support the “rapid development” of his “new programs.” Nor,
can we ignore that, contrary to international law, the United States government is in
fact detaining hundreds of “unlawful combatants” in prison facilities in Guantanamo
Bay and at other secret locations around the world. Finally, we have to accept that
our government is abusing and torturing these detainees to obtain information that
will be used against them should they ever come to trial; that they have no access to
the federal courts to appeal their detentions; that they cannot consult with counsel
without the presence of military monitors, who also read their legal mail; that they
cannot review or challenge the “classified” evidence against them; and that they can-
not confront or cross examine the witnesses against them.
There’s another old saying, “If you snooze, you lose.” We have a very narrow win-
dow of opportunity between the time we recognize a deadly threat and when we do
something about it. Given the highly-advanced technological age we live in and the
ready availability of overwhelming military force, once our freedoms are lost, they
will be gone forever, whether or not every single one of us is “bearing arms.”
In February, Congress took an important first step in restricting the president’s
power by repealing a largely unrecognized section of the 2007 Defense
Appropriations Act that, last year, effectively transferred command of the National
Guards from state governors to the president. With the unanimous support of the
National Governors Association, the National Sheriffs’ Association and other law
enforcement agencies, Congress restricted the power of the president to order the
National Guard of any state to be used within that state or in any other state with-
out the consent of the appropriate state governors.
We must immediately stop the deployment of National Guard troops to fight the
illegal war in Iraq and bring them all home where they belong. Remaining under the
control of state governors and given time to rest and the resources to re-equip, a
well-trained and properly deployed National Guard, acting in support of local law
enforcement, will be able to maintain order in most, if not all, domestic disturbances,
natural disasters and terrorists attacks. If we survived the assassinations and riots of
the Sixties, and 9-11, without martial law, we should be able to get by today without
military intervention or the president’s help.
There is no time to lose! Congress must immediately hold hearings on the power
of the president to declare martial law, to deploy the military within the United

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CONCENTRATION CAMPS IN AMERICA – WILLIAM JOHN COX

States, and to detain American citizens, without trial or benefit of habeas corpus.
Congress must establish the constitutional limits of presidential power by statute,
rather than to allow the president to do so by his own executive orders.
The incursions on civil liberties in the United States in the past 25 years, and par-
ticularly since 9-11, are mind boggling. It matters not whether you are a Democrat or
Republican, rich or poor, conservative or liberal, you have been deprived of substan-
tial freedoms guaranteed by the Bill of Rights, unnecessarily, in the War on Terrorism.
Fear the loss, perceive the danger, and do something about it!
The calendar may say 2008, but, increasingly, we’re living in 1984. America may not
have concentration camps yet, but we’re sure enough working on ‘em.

PAGE 10
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