Interdisciplinary Studies in Musicology 13,2013

© PTPN & Wydawnictwo Naukowe UAM, Poznań 2013

ANNA G. PIOTROWSKA
Institute of Musicology, Jagiellonian University

Liszt and the issue o f so called

Gypsy music

ABSTRACT: The article attempts to shed light on Liszt’s connections with so called Gypsy music, with
particular emphasis on the sources and manifestations of the composer’s interest in the subject. The
paper also shows the effects of Liszt’s thought on his academic successors.
Liszt’s fascination with Gypsy music and culture is discussed by outlining his childhood memories as
well as indicating numerous personal contacts he had with renowned Gypsy musicians. The author of
the paper also links Liszt’s enchantment with Gypsy culture with his readiness to identify his travelling
virtuoso status with that of a Gypsy-wanderer. Special attention in the article is put on Liszt’s book Des
Bohemiens et de leur musique en Hongrie (1859). The author of the article claims that Liszt’s cosmo­
politanism may be a key factor while explaining the composer’s predilection to Gypsy culture and music.
While focusing on the reception of Liszt’s views on so called Gypsy music by the posterity Bartok’s
interpretation of Liszt’s ideas is reminded. Discussed are also their repercussions in the second half of
the twentieth century and early twenty first century.
KEYWORDS: Franz Liszt, Gypsy music, Hungary, Hungarian music, national music, Bela Bartok

The enormous impact that the book by Franz Liszt Des Bohemiens et
de leur musique en Hongrie (1859)1had on the perception of music performed by
Gypsies in the nineteenth century is not only undeniable, but despite passing years
his book is still of interest to musicologists and ethnomusicologists, both in Hun­
gary and - what is perhaps even more important - beyond its borders.2Not only
Liszt’s contribution to the shaping of the romantic, idealized image o f‘Gypsyness’
in music, but also his proposition how to define Gypsy music itself are debated.3
Although historical and linguistic reasons for confusing these notions (i.e. treating

1 Franz Liszt, Des Bohemiens et de leur musique en Hongrie (Paris: Nouvelle, 1859).
2 See Balint Sarosi, “Gypsy Musicians and Hungarian Peasant Music”, Yearbook o f the
International Music Council 2 (1970), 8.
3 The term ‘Gypsy music’ is still ambiguously understood and used even today. It can mean
the music created and cultivated by the Roma, but may relate to the musical repertoire only per­
formed by Gypsies musicians playing for non-Gypsies, especially in so called ‘Zigeunerkapellen’
active, since the end of the eighteenth century, mainly in Austria and Hungary. What’s more,
the term ‘Gypsy music’ is sometimes applied to artistic compositions both for professionals and
amateurs, which merely refer in their titles to the imagined Gypsy world.
the terms ‘Hungarian music’ and ‘Gypsy music’ almost synonymously) had roots
predating the book by Liszt, they became internationally discussed as a result of
the volume’s first edition. Liszt’s reputation as a splendid virtuoso and composer
contributed to the popularity of his book and views contained therein. The impor­
tance of Liszt’s writing lied in bringing to the public attention the music cultivated
by Gypsies notwithstanding the fact that the text was not free from factual errors,
simplifications and sweeping statements. Its far-reaching repercussions can be
still witnessed today, sometimes overshadowing even the results of the work by
Hungarian researchers trying - since the nineteenth century - to grasp holistically
the phenomenon of the music performed by Gypsies in Hungary.
In this article an attempt to shed some light on Liszt’s connections with so
called Gypsy music is undertaken, with particular emphasis on the sources and
manifestations of his interest in the subject. It also aims at showing the effects of
Liszt’s thought on his academic successors.

1. Liszt’s fascination with Gypsy music and

culture: origins and manifestations
a. Childhood memories
Liszt’s fascination with music performed by Gypsies (which he himself
called Gypsy music) can be dated back to his childhood time spent on Hungar­
ian territories. As a young boy he often listened to popular there bands called
‘Zigeunerkapellen’: before leaving to Vienna as a young boy he had the oppor­
tunity to hear one of the most famous Gypsy violin virtuoso of that time, highly
acclaimed Janos Bihari. Several years later Liszt compared his playing to drops of
nectar seeping into the ears of listeners. The long lasting impression the meeting
made on him was described by Liszt in his book Des Bohémiens et leur musique.4

b. Personal contacts with Gypsy musicians

Liszt’s personal encounters with other Gypsy musicians were also quite
numerous. For example, during his stay in Hungaiy in 1839 he participated in
glamorous outdoor balls, usually accompanied by Gypsy bands. While writing -
in a highly emotional manner - about his visit to the place of birth, the composer
mentioned in one of his letters to the Countess Marie d’Agoult the ball during which
he asked musicians (most probably Gypsies) to play waltzes for him.5

4 Liszt, Des Bohémiens, 471: “Nous n’étions déjà plus si enfant quand, en 1822, nous en­
tendîmes ce grand homme entre les virtuoses bohémiens, pour n’avoir pas été frappé et impres­
sionné par lui au point de garder fidèle souvenance de ses inspirations ”.
5 Stanisław Szenic, Franciszek Liszt (Warszawa: Państwowy Instytut Wydawniczy, 1969), 134.
 The composer actively sought Opportunities to meet Gypsy musicians, han­
kering after listening to music performed by them. For example during his stay
in Russia, he went on trips outside Moscow in order to get acquainted with music
by Gypsies staying in camps around the city. According to an anecdote, during
one of these escapades the virtuoso listened so intently to choral songs by Rus­
sian Gypsies that he had lost track of time and was even late for his own concert.
Later that night - still under the spell of the music he had succumbed to - Liszt
improvised on the themes he had heard, what was greeted as a ‘lovely surprise’.6
Furthermore, in order to honor Liszt’s arrival in St. Petersburg a Russian
composer Michail Glinka threw a party in so called Gypsy style. After a private
concert and a sumptuous meal, the guests were asked to move to the living room
which was turned for that occasion into a forest with huge amount of firs, with
a real glowing fire, etc. The scenery was supposed to remind the authentic Gypsy
camp, and in order to make the whole situation even more real a choir of Gypsies
was also invited.
In the next decade, in 1850s, Liszt continued his contacts with Gypsy musicians,
not only writing about these meetings but also expressing his anxiety accompa­
nying him while awaiting them (‘Then quick to the Gypsies, as I did yesterday’7).
Liszt was clearly fascinated with the mastery of Gypsy musicians, especially those
coming from the territories of the Habsburg empire. For example he dearly ad­
mired a dulcimer virtuoso - Pal Pinter8 as well as was stunned by the virtuosity
of Lautaru Barbu - the legendary nineteenth century Romanian Gypsy violinist,
renowned for his incredible ability to play by ear repeating immediately the most
complicated tunes.9

c. Enchantment with Gypsy culture

Succumbing to the charm of Gypsy culture Liszt showed his fascina­
tion with it not only in the realm of his own music, but also in others, ‘down to
the earth’ areas of his life. For example, as a legend has it, the generally admired
luxury travel carriage Liszt owned, which served as a lounge during the day and at
night as a bedroom, was modeled after a glamorous Gypsy wagon.10
Liszt also served as a guardian and patron for a young Gypsy musician Jozsy
(‘Josi’) Sarai. Composer took into custody a twelve-year boy sent to him by Count
Sandor Teleky since the child was displaying considerable musical talent. Despite
financial investments in the education of the youngster, his progress (or rather
6 Ibid. 180.
7 Franz Liszt, Briefe, ed. La Mara, vol. 4 (Leipzig: Breitkopf&Hartel, 1893-1905), 316.
8 Dezso Legany, Ferenc Liszt and His Country 1869-1873 (Budapest: Corvina, 1976), 204.
9 See Constantin Noica, The Cantemir Model in Our Culture, or Memo to the One-Above
Regarding the Situation o f the Spirit in the Three Romanian Provinces (Bucharest: Editura
Athena, 1995), 49-51.
10 Szenic, Franciszek Liszt, 181.
its lack) disappointed Liszt, who left him in care of the boy’s own brother - also
a Gypsy musician.11Eventually Jozsy Sarai established himself in Debrecen, where
he married a local Gypsy girl and settled down taking a job as a musician in a Gypsy
band led by Boka Kâroly.12
Liszt happily referred to his acquaintance with Jozsy as evident in the book
Des Bohémiens et de leur musique en Hongrie. He also proudly informed about
receiving from him - years after they had parted - a letter, which he even published
in Neue Pester Journal dated 21 September 1879.13

d. Identifying with the status of a Gypsy-wanderer

Most likely Liszt was not only charmed with Gypsy culture and music, but
also - and perhaps primarily - he identified himself with the status of Gypsies
as eternal wanderers. In a letter to Caroline von Sayn-Wittgenstein dated August
13,1856, he wrote about the duality of his own nature and confessed that he felt
in one half the Gypsy, and in the other Franciscan (‘Zu einer Halite Zigeuner, zur
andern Franziskaner’14).
Indeed, like Gypsy musicians Liszt transgressed the boundaries between the
performer and composer. His musical works blurred the borders between the
concept of composition (codified on paper) and spontaneous improvisation. In
his works he did not avoid accumulating musical figures typical for improvisa­
tion, including repetitions, digressions, or short phrases. For Liszt the concept of
composition ‘remained tied to the musical event as a performative experience’.15
It can be said that an inspired Gypsy musician, improvising on the spur of the
moment and wandering around in search of an opportunity to play (similarly to
professional instrumentalists of the epoch) became the alter ego of Liszt himself
as a virtuoso also constantly traveling while undertaking numerous tournées.16

11 Ibid., 191-192.
12 Ibid., 192.
13 Michael Short, ed., Liszt’ Letters in the Library o f Congress (Hillsdale, NY: Pendra-
gon Press, 2003), 45, accessed August 28, 2010, http://books.google.pl/books?id=viPBTA
49dUC&pg=PA45&lpg=PA45&dq=sarai+liszt&source=bl&ots=teXspSnhtd&sig=h_-nAr4Mlk
RSXujNqjInlbjut04&hl=pl&ei=ylJ6TLiEOMWjOKybib8G&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result
&resnum=6&ved=0CDgQ6AEwBQ#v=onepage&q=sarai%201iszt&f=false.
14 Liszt, Briefe, 316.
15 Leon Botstein, “A Mirror to the Nineteenth Century: reflections of Franz Liszt”, in: Franz
Liszt and His World, ed. Christopher H. Gibbs et al. (Princeton-Oxford: Princeton University
Press, 2005), 555.
16 See Anna G. Piotrowska, Romantyczna wizja postaci Cygana w twórczości muzycznej
XIX i pierw szej połow y X X wieku [Romantic Vision of the Gypsy in Musical Compositions from
the 19th and first half of the 20th century] (Kraków: Musica Iagellonica, 2012), 110-121.
 2. Liszt’s book Des Bohemiens et de leur musique
en Hongrie
a. Background of the work
When as a well recognized pianist Liszt paid a visit in his native coun­
try he ‘became fascinated by the music of the Gypsies, itself a seminal childhood
experience’.17He sensed that music played by Gypsies could have served as a source
for creating Hungarian national idiom in music and as a consequence Liszt ideal­
ized an image of Hungarian ‘Gypsyness’. However, the composer fell victim to the
misunderstanding spread in the nineteenth century by word of mouth claiming that
Hungarian musical traditions were synonymous with Gypsy ones. Hence in Hungar­
ian Rhapsodies Liszt alluded to tunes which - at least in his opinion - were authentic
Gypsy. According to the contemporary American musicologist Jonathan Bellman,
Hungarian Rhapsodies generally refer to the tradition of imitating (in artistic music)
sounds of Gypsy bands which was quite popular on Hungarian territories at that
time. He suggested to call this style hongrois . 18 Liszt used, among others, dance
tunes coming mainly from verbunkos and csardases, as well as made use of songs
included in various collections of printed music. Thus in his Hungarian Rhapsodies
he referred also to some works by nineteenth-century Hungarian composers.
One of the features of Rhapsodies recognized as representative for style hon­
grois is the use of the scale c d e-flat f-sharp g a-flat b c’ conceptualized by Liszt as
so called Gypsy scale. In addition, Liszt imitated on the piano the sounds of such
instruments as violins and dulcimer traditionally encountered in Gypsy bands
playing on Hungarian territory. Hungarian Rhapsodies also allude to the vir­
tuosity of Gypsy musicians, what is suggested even in commentaries directed to
performers, for example in the form of such specifications as ‘play in Gypsy style’
(e.g. Hungarian Rhapsody No. 7).
At a level of macro-form Hungarian Rhapsodies reproduce a layout of csardas,
based mainly on the contrast between basic musical elements (tempo, rhythmic-
ity) and expression. The composer retained the original names of the dance parts,
internally dividing Hungarian Rhapsodies into lassan and frisska.
Liszt intended to publish his Hungarian Rhapsodies along with a text (intended
as short) explaining their origin. He sought the help to edit it and in 1847 he asked
for assistance his friend and life partner Marie d’Agoult. However, already by 1854
the planned introduction - possibly a postscript - grew to the size of a book that
eventually came out in print for the first time a few years later, i. e. in 1859 as an
already mentioned book Des Bohemiens et de leur musique en Hongrie. It is often

17 Klara Hamburger, “Program and Hungarian Idiom In the Sacred Music of Liszt”, in: New
Light on Liszt and His Music, ed. Michael Saffle et al. (New York: Pendragon Press, 1997), 240.
18 Jonathan Bellman, The Style hongrois in the Music o f Western Europe (Boston: Northe­
astern University Press, 1993), 196.
claimed that Liszt’s then-companion - princess Caroline von Sayn-Wittgenstein
was responsible for the final stylistic shape of the book, although, the views ex­
pressed in the work belonged to the composer himself.19

b. Sources of the so called Liszt’s error

In the book Liszt acknowledged Hungarian Gypsies as taking care of
Hungarian national music and believed Hungarian music was preserved by Hun­
garian Gypsy musicians. Although recognizing the important role of the Hungarian
nobility concerned with propagation of Hungarian ideals, the composer strongly
emphasized the Gypsy contribution. The controversial thesis forwarded in the book
had, however, deep historical roots and the composer reverberated in fact opinions
generally circulating that time. As one of the first collectors of Hungarian songs
and the music scholar Matray Gabor (1795 or 1797-1875) wrote in 1854 Hungarian
people did not cultivate national music and allowed Gypsies to disseminate it.20
It needs to be stressed that Liszt’s book as one of the first in European historiog­
raphy discussed the issue of music performed by Gypsies in such a comprehensive
way. The popularity of the book not only entailed from the fact that Liszt undertook
that cutting-edge topic or from the author’s fame, but was also the result of the
above mentioned controversy and the interest it aroused on Hungarian territories
when it first had appeared.
The immediate point of criticism was the straightforward identification of
Hungarian music with Gypsy music. Already in the year of the publication of the
book in Paris, the Hungarian press was swept by an avalanche of critical reviews.
As one of the first to talk on the issue was Kalman Simonffy - a composer of popu­
lar m agyar nota. In September 1859, having acquainted himself only with extracts
from the book printed in La France Musicale he wrote an open letter to Liszt,
overtly accusing him of misleading the readers.21 In the following public debate,
the book was discussed by luminaries of the cultural life in the mid-nineteenth
century in Hungary, including Gusztav Szenfy and Istvan Fay. To the most heav­
ily attacking belonged August Ritter von Adelburg22 and Samuel Brassai. The
latter’s work from 1860 M agyar vagy cziganyeze? not only pinpointed a lack of

19 Anna G. Piotrowska, Topos muzyki cygańskiej w kulturze europejskiej od końca XVIII

do początku X X wieku [Topos of Gypsy Music in European Culture from the end of 18th to the
beginning of 20th century] (Kraków: Musica Iagellonica, 2011), 83-85.
20 See: Gabor Matray, “A magyar zene es a magyar cigänyok zeneje” [Hungarian music and
the music of Hungarian Gypsies], in: M agyar- es Erdelyorszag kepekben, ed. Ferenc Kubinyi
et al., vol. 4 (Pest: Emich Ny., 1854), 118-125.
21 Alan Walker, Franz Liszt, vol. 2, ‘The Weimar Years 1848-1861’ (New York: Alfred
A. Knopf, 1989), 385.
22 August Ritter von Adelburg, Entgegnung au f die von Dr. Franz Liszt in seinem Werke
Des Bohemiens et de leur musique en Hongrie (Die Zigeuner und ihre Musik in Ungarn) auf­
gestellte Behauptung dass es bloß eine Musik der Zigeuner gibt (Pest: Robert Lampel, 1859).
elementary knowledge displayed in Liszt’s book, but also provided readers with
an outline of history of Gypsies in Hungary based on historical documents dating
from the fifteenth century onwards. The author also analyzed the music played by
Gypsy bands in Hungarian areas.23 Brassai primarily accused Liszt of the lack of
competence and scientific rigor, as well as an inaccessibly ornate style of speech.
He even compared prosody of Liszt’s book to ‘stinky’ Hungarian weeds used by
fishermen to catch fish in order to make them first dizzy.24 In his work Brassai
summed up widely disseminated arguments against Liszt’s work, expressing the
opinion of many Hungarians who could not accept the claim forwarded by their
famous compatriot. However, the situation seemed delicate given the international
status and prestige of Liszt: on the one hand it was clear Hungarians needed him
as an ambassador of their music in Europe, on the other hand, though, they did
not welcome such a promotion of their music as offered by Liszt. Nevertheless,
the impact of Liszt’s book became a fact. In the European literature of the second
half of the nineteenth century any references to music performed by Gypsies were
usually combined with the name of Liszt and mention of his book. But - although
there is no doubt that Liszt was appreciated as a musician and most authors
remained impressed by his accomplishments as a composer and virtuoso, and
even as a music promoter - at the same time they were acutely aware of Liszt’s
controversial views on Gypsy music presented in the book Des Bohémiens et de
leur musique en Hongrie. For example English Carl Engel wrote that ‘the style
of this book is rather bombastic, and the author state but few instructive facts,
although he displays much sentiment respecting the music of the Gypsies’.25

c. Liszt’s cosmopolitanism
The mid-nineteenth century atmosphere saturated with national lib­
eration slogans influenced also the roots of so-called Liszt’s error resulting from
his desire to create a Hungarian national epic. One of composer’s inspirations was
the concept of ossianism. Already in 1846 Liszt described Hungarian tunes as ‘half
Ossian’ and ‘half Gypsy’.26 According to the contemporary German musicologist
Detlef Altenburg while creating the fundaments of the Hungarian national music
Liszt based on the following six principles27:

23 Samuel Brassai, M agyar vagy czigàny zene. Elmefuttatas Liszt Ferencz: Czigànyokról
irt kònyvére [Short essay about Ferenc Liszt’s book “On the Gypsies”] (Kolózsvàr /Cluj/: A z Ev.
Reform. Fótanoda Kònyvnyomdàja, 1860).
24 Ibid., 12.
25 Carl Engel, “The Literature of National Music. Treatises (continued)”, The Musical Times
and Singing Class Circular 20 (1879/432), 72.
26 Emile Haraszti, “Franz Liszt-Author despite Himself: The History of a Mystification”,
The Musical Quarterly 33 (1947), 511.
27 Detlef Altenburg, “Liszts Idee eines ungarischen Nationalepos in Tònen”, Studia Musi­
cologica Academiae Scientarum Hungaricae 28 (1986), 219.
 1. every nation is entitled to create its own ideal of poetry reflecting its unique
history;
2. the music of Hungarian Gypsies offers the potential for Hungarian national
epic;
3. Hungarian Gypsies are Hungarian bards;
4. music played by Gypsies in Hungary equals Hungarian folk music;
5. music performed by Gypsies is characterized by distinctive, unique features;
6. national epic expressed via music strongly affects listeners thus stimulates
the crystallization of national ideals and encourages to undertake certain action.
Under these assumptions Liszt established his positive interpretation of Gypsy
music, i.e. not only did he claim its existence (and this fact was frequently ques­
tioned since Gypsies sometimes were regarded as merely Hungarian musicians),
but he also opted for its authenticity. Above all Liszt attributed it an illustrious
role in the creation of Hungarian national music considering Gypsy music as
a primary source for Hungarian national music. As a composer he followed that
route by incorporating into his works (described as ‘Hungarian’) tunes he believed
to be of Gypsy origin.
Liszt’s interest in creating Hungarian national idiom in music was dictated
not only by his Hungarian sentiments, but also by the situation of the nineteenth-
century musical Europe. By incorporating folk elements in his own compositions
Liszt could count on positive response among visitors of Parisian salons seeking
refreshing musical news, especially from distant European countries. It can be
claimed that before Liszt already his friend Frédéric Chopin realized this need
very well. Apart from the multifaceted causes that made the latter reach for the
treasury of Polish folk music, there is no doubt that musical Polishness in the shape
proposed by Chopin became a sought after quality for western listeners. The myth
of authenticity associated with Chopin’s mazurkas, polonaises, etc., helped to build
up the image of Chopin as a Polish national bard and surrounded his work with
romantic aura.28
As an eulogist of Chopin’s talent, but also his immediate rival Liszt - a gifted
pianist and a composer of numerous piano pieces - also reached out to the source
offered to him by his own homeland. Being a child of his epoch29he fully compre­
hended the expectations bestowed upon him. Musical attractiveness of his own
native country provided Liszt with various ‘ready to use’ musical patterns. Some
modern musicologists (including James Parakilas, Richard Taruskin) regard this

28 See: Anna G. Piotrowska, “Fryderyk Chopin jako kompozytor narodowy - interpretacje

i reinterpretacje” [Frederic Chopin as a national composer - interpretations and re-interpreta­
tions], in: Chopin w polskiej szkole i kulturze, ed. Zofia Budrewicz et al. (Kraków: Wydawnictwo
Naukowe Uniwersytetu Pedagogicznego, 2011), 39.
29 Carl Dahlhaus, Between Romanticism and Modernism. Four Studies in the Music o f the
Later Nineteenth Century (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985), 83.
type of nationalistic sentiments as a specific manifestation of (self-) promotion
and categorize it as a ‘touristic’ type of nationality in music.30
However, Liszt was perceived as a propagator of Hungarianism by his compa­
triots. As an honored and successful artist travelling throughout Europe, he seemed
to be an excellent candidate to serve as an ambassador for Hungarians fight for
the political recognition within Habsburg empire. Before Liszt no other Hungar­
ian composer managed to establish such a high European status or to enjoy such
a reputation and fame. Liszt’s potential to promote Hungarian culture and music
was then soon acknowledged. Numerous gestures towards Liszt testify his unique
role for Hungarians and his recognition by them: in January 1840 in Pest the com­
poser was handed over a national symbol —a sword: apparently he treasured it as
one of his most precious souvenirs which he (with other trinkets of sentimental
value) left to the love of his life, the duchess Caroline von Sayn-Wittgenstein.
The position of Liszt as a national composer needs to be, however, commented
in the light of his unmistakably cosmopolitan carrier as a piano virtuoso. Born in
1811 in Hungarian Doboijan31 already at the age of eleven he left his native country.
However, both in private and public statements Liszt always expressed his at­
tachment to Hungary, writing, among others about ‘the feeling of devotion which
I have particularly nurtured towards my native land’.32 Two years after the visit
to Hungary in 1839, Liszt admitted that ‘only my fatherland has my profoundest
gratitude, not only as an artist [...] but as a man’.33
Furthermore, his attitude to Hungary did not change over the decades to come:
in the early 1870’s the composer reiterated that ‘I remain from birth to death
Hungarian in heart and mind, and accordingly wish to further the development
of Hungarian music’.34 However, it was often reminded that he did not have suf­
ficient command of Hungarian: his desperate attempts to master the language were
always halted by problems with pronouncing certain words (for example ‘Gyongye’
meaning ‘pearl’). Most likely, however, Liszt could understand Hungarian, since
it was the language his servant Miska Sipka used while dealing with other Hun­
garians.35 Nevertheless, the composer stayed truthful to German and French not
only for communication purposes but also reading extensively in these languages.
Liszt’s general education - quite circumstantial and probably rather neglected
- was, in principle, supervised by Marie d’Agoult, who ‘molded, like a sculptress,

30 Richard Taruskin, “Nationalism”, in: The N ew Grove Dictionary o f Music and Musicians,
vol. 17, ed. Stanley Sadie (London: Macmillan, 2001), 699; John Parakilas, Ballada Without
Words: Chopin and the Tradition o f the Instrumental Ballade (Portland: Amadeus Press, 1992).
31 Nowadays Raiding in Oberpullendorf district in Austria.
32 See Alan Walker, Franz Liszt, 386.
33 See Haraszti, “Franz Liszt-Author despite Himself’, 504.
34 See Legäny, Ferenc Liszt and His Country, 164.
35 Ibid., 163-164.
the soul and mind of her young lover’.36The composer’s further intellectual devel­
opment took place under the influence of Caroline von Sayn-Wittgenstein. Liszt’s
lack of understanding of Hungarian culture manifested sometimes also in the
sphere of music: for example once he included in the programme of his concert
improvisation on a Czech tune convinced that it was a Hungarian one.37 Hence
one might ask if Liszt - as a cosmopolitan - had a moral right to create what he
called Hungarian national music and to decide about the definition of Hungarian
and Gypsy music? Barbara Skarga writes that cosmopolitanism and nationalism
do not have to be mutually exclusive, not being an alternative for each other at
the same time.38 It seems to me that especially in Liszt’s case cosmopolitanism
can be characterized as an attitude in which ‘what is strange, other is as much
of interest [...] as something own, simply because the mankind is ranked higher
than the nation’.39

3. Reception of Liszt’s views on so called

Gypsy music
a. Bartok’s interpretation of Liszt’s ideas
Liszt’s controversial thesis presented in his book posed considerable
difficulties for future generations of academics. Especially Hungarian researchers
found themselves in a hard situation since - as József Ujfalussy suggests - at the
beginning of the twentieth century the situation of Hungarian music, despite the
passage of several decades after Liszt’s death, remained de facto unchanged.40 In
these circumstances Bela Bartok tried to challenge the legend of the great Hun­
garian romantic composer. Bartok quickly realized the importance of his prede­
cessor in promoting Hungarian music throughout Europe. He wrote that ‘Liszt
as composer had more international than national character’.41 Above all, Liszt
was the precursor of musicological literature on music making labelled as Gypsy
music and Bartok - as an avid ethnomusicologist - also undertook the study of
this type of music.
Already in 1911 Bartok wrote about the so called Liszt’s error, returning to this
issue several times later in his writings. Bartok’s aim was an ultimate explanation
36 Haraszti, “Franz Liszt-Author despite Himself’, 500.
37 Szenic, Franciszek Liszt, 135.
38 Barbara Skarga, “Czy pozytywizm jest kierunkiem antynarodowym?” [Is Positivism a Na­
tional Current?], in: Swojskość i cudzoziemszczyzna w dziejach kultury polskiej, ed. Zofia Ste-
fanowska (Warszawa: Państwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, 1973), 303.
39 Ibid., 278.
40 József Ujfalussy, Bela Bartok (Budapest: Corvina, 1971), 58.
41 Bela Bartok, “On Modern Music in Hungary” (1921), in: Bela Bartok’s Essays, ed. Benjamin
Suchoff (Lincoln-London: University of Nebraska Press, 1992), 474.
of reasons that triggered off the colossal misunderstanding whose victim Liszt
fell. According to Bartôk his great predecessor was not fully aware of the linguistic
conventionality of assigning Hungarian Gypsies the authorship of the repertoire
performed by them. Bartôk explained that Liszt ‘in his work Des Bohémiens is
perhaps even more extraordinary: he believes that the melodies played by the
Gypsies and used in his compositions are the creations of the Gypsies themselves.
According to Liszt, the melodies of the Hungarian peasants have no musical value
whatsoever. It is absolutely evident that he was not acquainted with any of the or,
at least, with very few, since he never thought to collect them systematically’.42
The so called Liszt’s error became the subject of a talk given by Bartôk in
February 1936 on the occasion of the 50th anniversary of Liszt’s death celebrated
at the Hungarian Academy. There Bartôk focused on four questions, namely:43
1. ‘How much do the present generation understand Liszt’s works?’
2. ‘What influence did Liszt’s music have on the general development of the
art music?’
3. ‘Liszt’s famous book on Gypsy music’
4. ‘With what justification do we regard Liszt as a Hungarian?’
Bartôk had no illusions as to the nature of the error by Liszt and in the 1936
speech he highlighted the causes leading to Liszt’s confusion of notions, believing
that the romantic composer basically duplicated the already popular and vastly
circulating ideas. Bartôk also drew attention to the linguistic trap that - unfamil­
iar with Hungarian language - Liszt fell prey to: the term ‘Gypsy music’ meant
in the nineteenth century Hungary the music performed by Gypsy bands. Thus
the imprecise use of the expression ‘Gypsy music’ could result in terminological
misinterpretation. Bartôk pointed out, however, honorable objectives Liszt was
pursuing. Even the very act of publishing the book Des Bohémiens et de leur mu­
sique en Hongrie Bartôk considered as an act of courage, especially in the light of
Liszt’s - contrary to general beliefs - thesis proposed there.
Despite some critical remarks the 1936 speech bears clear traces of Bartok’s
sympathy to Liszt, and his great admiration for the composer’s personality and
musical talent. In his later H arvard Lectures Bartôk also stated that ‘Liszt ap­
peared, discovered what he called and believed to be Gypsy music, which was
however Hungarian urban music propagated by Gypsy bands’.44
Emile Haraszti - another Hungarian scholar of music working mostly in France
in the first half of the 20th century - also discussed the relationship between Hun­
garian and Gypsy music (e.g. during the first Congress of the International Society
for Musical Research in 1930). Again he emphasized the role of Liszt - much as
controversial as influential.

42 Bela Bartok, “Hungarian Folk Music” (1921), in: Bela Bartok’s Essays, 69.
43 Bela Bartok, “Liszt Problems” (1936) in: Bela Bartok’s Essays, 501-510.
44 Bela Bartok, “Harvard Lectures” (1943), in: Bela Bartdk’s Essays, 361.
 At the beginning of the twentieth century, Liszt’s attitude was criticized not
only by Hungarians. In Poland Karol Szymanowski drew attention in 1925 to the
exotic factor he found in Liszt’s works. He wrote that, ‘Fr. Liszt was in my opining
typical ‘exotic’, who - despite being Hungarian, drew from Hungarian folk music
(or rather Gypsy!) rhythms and melodies to be used in his famous Rhapsodies
with such a same dazzling talent, skills and ... indifference as if he was drawing
from the rich treasury of music from the East, for example, had he known this
music better’.45
Nonetheless, Liszt as an academic authority was called upon in various pub­
lications. For example an American Albert Thomas Sinclair wrote in 1907 an
article about so called Gypsy music where he completely relied on Liszt and even
proclaimed that ‘All Hungarian musicians are Gypsies. All Hungarian music is
simply Gypsy music. Liszt states this, and it is true’.46 Sinclair believed that Liszt
studied, understood and described Gypsy music as only a great musician can.47
Liszt’s views were disseminated due to the translation of his work into foreign
languages. For example already in 1861 Hungarian translation by Jozsef Szekely
appeared, and the same year Liszt’s personal secretary, composer Peter Cornelius
prepared an abridged German edition which was published in Pest and Leipzig48.
In the late nineteenth century another German translation was undertaken by Lina
Ramann49 and in the early twentieth century an English version was issued.50 In
2006 Italian translation was published. Liszt’s book has not as yet been translated
into Polish language, contrary to other work by Liszt, namely that on Chopin, which
appeared in Poland several times.51

b. Repercussions of Liszt’s concept in the second half of the twentieth

century and early twenty first century
A lot of controversies aroused around the so called Liszt’s error also
throughout the twentieth century. Hungarian researchers continued Bartok’s ef­

45 Karol Szymanowski, “Zagadnienie ‘ludowości’ w stosunku do muzyki współczesnej (Na

marginesie artykułu Beli Bartoka u źródeł muzyki ludowej)” [The Issue o f‘Folk’ in the Relation
to Modern Music (On the Margins of Bartok’s article)], Muzyka 10 (1925), 8-13.
46 Albert Thomas Sinclair, “Gypsy and Oriental Music”, The Journal o f American Folklore,
20 (1907/ 76), 16.
47 Ibid., 24.
48 Franz Liszt, Die Zigeuner und ihre Musik in Ungarn, transl. Peter Cornelius (Pesth-
-Leipzig: Heckenast, 1861).
49 Franz Liszt, Die Zigeuner und Ihre Musik in Ungarn, transl. Lina Ramann (Leipzig:
Breitkopf & Härtel, 1883).
50 Franz Liszt, The Gypsy in Music, transl. Edwin Evans (London: William Reeves, 1926).
51 See: Franz Liszt, Fryderyk Szopen, transl. Felicjan Faleński (Warszawa: Gebethner i Wollf,
1873); idem, Chopin, transl. Maria Pomian (Lwów: H. Altenberg, 1924) and idem, Fryderyk
Chopin, transl. Maria Traczewska (Kraków: Polskie Wydawnictwo Muzyczne, 1960 - new edi­
tions in 2010, 2011).
forts aimed at clarifying the state of affairs trying to shed more light on the origins
of the confusing attribution of Hungarian music to Gypsies. At the same time,
however, for other researchers the views expressed by Liszt still provided a start­
ing point for their own observations.
Among numerous Hungarian ethnomusicologists dealing with music by Gyp­
sies (Roma) one of the most influential became Balint Sárosi. He was not only
the author of many books and contributions devoted to the music performed by
Gypsies in Hungary (most notably Cigányzene of 197152translated into English by
Fred MacNicol and published in 197853), but also a reviewer of works on the issue
of so called Gypsy music. Sárosi never avoided confrontation with the concept
by Liszt trying to explain the controversy accumulated around it by recalling the
meanders of identifying Hungarian folk songs, popular song, verbunkos, etc. with
Gypsy repertoire as well as by tracing the fate of Gypsy musicians on Hungarian
territory. The next generation of Hungarian ethnomusicologists (among others
Katalin Kovalcsik and Iren Katalin Kertész Wilkinson) followed in his footsteps
aware of the ambiguity of the semantic notion of ‘Gypsy music’ as popularized in
the nineteenth century.
And yet, Liszt’s ideas on music played by Gypsies in Hungary still can be con­
sidered very much alive. In 1994 in a journal dedicated to studying Roma culture
Etudes Tsiganes Alain Antonietto published an article entitled ‘Histoire de la
musique tsigane instruméntale d’Europe centrale’, in which he approximated the
history of Gypsy music in Hungary.54 In 1996, also in French, Patrick Williams
published Les Tsiganes de Hongrie et leur musique dealing with Hungarian Gypsy
music.55Having spent some time in Hungary, the author, ventured writing a book
modeled on Liszt’s one: this influence is even strikingly visible in the title of Wil­
liams’ book. What’s more, Liszt’s book served as a source of factual knowledge
(confirmed by numerous citations) and, consequently, Williams repeated in his
work the same statements, simplifications or even mistakes as Liszt. Also Hungar­
ian composer’s aesthetic views seem close to Williams. The central point of his book
is the question about the relationship between Hungarian national music and so
called Gypsy music. He wrote, among others, about Gypsy virtuoso as an embodi­
ment of ‘political ideal of Hungaresness’.56 Williams claimed that the Hungarian
Gypsies ‘occupied a special place in Hungary as interpreters of a national music’.57

52 Bâlint Sârosi, Cigânyzene (Budapest: Gondalot, 1971).

53 Bâlint Sârosi, Gypsy Music, transi. Fred Macnicol (Budapest: Corvina, 1978).
54 Alain Antonietto, “Histoire de la musique tsigane instrumentale d’Europe centrale”,
Études tsiganes 3 (1994), 104-133.
55 Patrick Williams, Les Tsiganes de Hongrie et leurs musiques (Paris: Cité de la Musique,
1996).
56 Ibid., 33 (“Le virtuose tsigane incarne l’idéal politique hongrois”).
57 Ibid., 52 (“Rumungre occupèrent en Hongrie la place particulière d’interprètes de la
musique nationale”).
 In his 2011 work Liszt’s Transcultural Modernism and the Hungarian-Gypsy
Tradition Shay Loya proposed a new, completely different and innovative interpre­
tation of Liszt’s views by linking his attitude with a transcultural phenomenon.58
According to the American researcher, Liszt was fascinated with the music played
by Hungarian Gypsies, especially by verbunkos, which itself - according to the mu­
sicologist (he stressed it a few times in his work) is a transcultural phenomenon par
excellence. The term ‘verbunkos’ author defines as ‘a collective generic and stylistic
term’.59Stressing the transcultural nature of verbunkos Loya also interchangeably
used the words Hungarian-Gypsy while talking about Hungarian-Gypsy tradition
and music. Thus, for the researcher, the enthusiasm shown by Liszt to this kind of
music making, as well as his commitment to its promotion (both in his publications
and compositions referring to verbunkos ) betray transcultural character of Liszt’s
actions and attest (at the same time) their universality.
Modern musicologists attempting at reinterpretation of Liszt’s views not only
evaluate them in various ways, but also show their different connotations. For
example, an American musicologist David Malvinini claims that the meaning of
Gypsy music in Liszt’s eyes was not another manifestation of the exoticism - as
popularized in the nineteenth century, but ‘a consciousness of the communicative
essence of music’.60Another American researcher, Jonathan Bellman also believes
that the interest in the exotic was neither the only nor the most important motive
behind Liszt’s opinions and compositions.61
It seems to me that it can be claimed that raising awareness of the phenomenon
of music performed by Gypsies and the more and more widespread access to it
(either in the form of texts dealing with this issue or in the form of compositions
which - as Liszt thought - were based on authentic Gypsy melodies) entailed what
can be called an ‘appropriation’ of the music by Gypsies into European culture on
the basis of taking ‘care’ of it. In Liszt’s book we should, however, pay special at­
tention, above all, to the multidimensionality of the work, in which exotic discourse
was intermingled with national. Thus, in my opinion, Liszt suggested the duality
of interpreting the so called Gypsy music in European culture, at the same time
perceived as familiar, but also as ‘other’.

58 Shay Loya, Liszt’s Transcultural Modernism and the Hungarian-Gypsy Tradition (Ro­
chester: Rochester University Press, 2011).
59 Ibid., 61.
60 David Malvinni, The Gypsy Caravan: From Real Roma to Imaginary Gypsies in Western
Music and Film (NewYork-London: Routledge, 2004), ix.
61 Bellman, The Style hongrois, 130.