Relational Dimensions in Career Development
Relational Dimensions in Career Development
Relational Dimensions in Career Development
Hanoch Flum
Department of Education, Ben-Gurion University
Work and love are hallmarks of mental health in the famous Freudian maxim;
they represent two central modes of human functioning. Most often they have
been regarded and treated as being exclusive rather than mutual elements of an
individual’s functioning. Work and love are treated as a duality, a conceptual
parallel to the agency and communion duality, and are translated in the Western
mind into polarities (cf. Savickas, 1991). In his book “The Duality of Human
Existence,” Bakan (1966) characterized the two modalities as “agency for the
existence of an organism as an individual, and communion for the participation of
the individual in some larger organism of which the individual is part” (pp. 14–15).
Hence, agency refers to the striving to separate, to master the environment, to
assert and expand the self. Communion refers to contact, connection, union, and a
sense of being at one with others. Bakan (1966) indicated that agency has been a
predominant and prevailing feature in Western culture during the past 200 years.
The traditional view of Western culture sees the self as being independent and
separate (Markus & Kitayama, 1991). In effect, the relational aspects of self have
been often marginalized in developmental conceptualizations.
This article concentrates on the relational dimension and emphasizes the con-
nection between agency and communion in an effort to bridge these polarities,
using the psychosocial construct of identity. In doing so, I join previous attempts
with the same emphasis. They include Forrest and Mikolaitis’ (1986) vision of
incorporating the relational component of identity into career development the-
ory, Hall’s organizational psychology perspective on the relationship dimension
Address correspondence and reprint requests to Hanoch Flum, Department of Education, Ben-Gurion
University, Beer Sheva, Israel. E-mail: [email protected].
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0001-8791/01 $35.00
Copyright °C 2001 by Academic Press
Attachment
Because of the relatively sound theoretical and empirical roots of the attachment
concept and by the virtue of the nature of this human experience, attachment is
the core relational mode in the argument presented in this article. Moreover, it is
a central pillar of the bridge between agency and communion. An oversimplified
view of an adult’s need for closeness and security is translated to regressive depen-
dency, but, Bowlby’s (1969, 1973) attachment theory maintains that attachment is
a fundamental need throughout life. In childhood the most likely attachment fig-
ures are parents, while adolescents develop a number of attachment relationships
with other people. At the same time, attachment relationships with parents tend
to persist, albeit with considerable transformation across the life span (Josselson,
1992).
Attachment is an active process of keeping closeness (either actually or sym-
bolically) to another person to reduce loneliness and anxiety (Bowlby, 1969). It is
an emotional bonding, a process that requires both the responsiveness of the other
as well as time to develop. This type of relationship offers individuals a sense of
security in which the availability of an attachment figure is experienced as a se-
cure base. Bowlby (1969) described an attachment relationship as “ a hub around
which the person’s life revolves” (p. 442). When people know that someone is
there for them, the relationship becomes a resource from which they draw strength
and enjoyment. Adults may have a primary attachment figure and a network of
secondary attachment relationships, people with whom individuals maintain af-
fectional bonds and on whom they can rely for responsiveness.
Early experiences in childhood establish individuals’ working models of at-
tachment (Bowlby, 1969). What a person comes to expect from attachment figures
early in life affects expectations of bonding and availability later. Thus, the expe-
rience of availability, responsiveness, and predictability of the attachment figure
shapes the development of working models. A person who is securely attached can
engage in exploratory behavior, while insecure attachment (anxious-ambivalent or
anxious-avoidant) signifies the lack of a secure base from where exploration could
be launched.
Classic adolescent theory (cf. Coleman, 1978) gives primacy to the separation–
individuation concept and associates health with detachment from primary Objects
(e.g., Blos, 1962; Freud, 1958). However, evidence from recent studies has indi-
cated that the healthiest developmental path for adolescents is rooted in secure
attachment with parents, attachment that is maintained, though revised. Adoles-
cents who are securely attached report warmth and enduring affection in their
relationships (Grotevant & Cooper, 1985; Kobak & Sceery, 1988) and tend to
feel confident about venturing into exploration and the formation of their identity
(Flum, 1994; Josselson, 1994). Hence, attachment provides the ground from which
exploratory behavior can proceed and on which identity can be constructed.
This established link between attachment and exploration beyond childhood is
very important when applied to career development. Indeed, findings from various
studies support this contention. Kracke’s (1997) research in Germany indicated that
4 HANOCH FLUM
when the relationship between parent and adolescent resembles secure attachment
it fosters career exploration. Similarly, Ketterson and Blustein (1997) reported
that higher levels of attachment of young adults to parents are associated with
exploratory activity. Elsewhere, Blustein and his colleagues (Blustein, Walbridge,
Friedlander, & Palladino, 1991) found that secure attachment is allied with progress
in career decision making. When considered in conjunction with other reports (e.g.
Kenny, 1990; O’Brien, 1996; Ryan, Solberg, & Brown, 1996) the important role of
attachment in career development is starting to crystallize, though many questions
await further investigation (cf. Blustein, Prezioso, & Schultheiss, 1995).
Prominent among these questions is the one that addresses later adulthood at-
tachment experiences in the work organization. A significant contribution by Hazan
and Shaver (1990), who have conceptualized work as exploration, identified three
distinct patterns of feelings regarding work. These patterns relate to the three types
of attachment. People who are comfortable with closeness to others and securely
attached seem to be most satisfied with their work and most confident about it.
They tend not to use work to meet unsatisfied needs for love or to avoid social
interaction. Anxious/ambivalent people tend to be preoccupied with attachment
issues to the extent that it affects their ability to focus on a task. Avoidant attach-
ment, Hazan and Shaver further reported, is associated with a preference to work
alone and with a compulsive approach to activity that serves as way of avoiding
other people.
The fluidity and change that characterize contemporary life in general, and
the world of work in particular, lead to more questions about the role of attach-
ments. Organizational and occupational structures have been substantially modi-
fied (Reich, 1991) and a “psychological contract” that promises a “job for life” is
becoming rare (Watts, 1996). Multiple transitions seem to characterize an adult’s
life at this point in time. Hence, attachments are threatened more than ever and the
fear of eventual loss may preclude establishing attachment relationships at work.
At the same time, attachments give a sense of continuity and help in counteracting
the anxiety, loneliness, and sense of loss that may occur in difficult transitions. As
much as we can foresee the future, it could be expected that the need to enhance the
sense of security and to have a secure base may become even more pronounced.
Furthermore, the importance of adaptive attachment connections is becoming even
more compelling when engagement in exploration is no longer a phase or stage
in one’s development, but is expected to be repeated periodically throughout life
(Flum & Blustein, 2000). As suggested by both research and theory, attachment to
significant others can facilitate exploration and self-determination (Deci & Ryan,
1991; Ketterson & Blustein, 1997; Kracke, 1997).
In a similar vein, Hall and his associates (1996) discussed a new conceptu-
alization of career and the relational influences on vocational development. In
this volume, Kahn (1996) described the lack of security that people experience
when working under the terms of the new contract. He examined, from the attach-
ment concept perspective, the inherent paradox in the demands for self-reliance as
promoted by work organizations and then suggested the notion of organizational
RELATIONAL DIMENSIONS 5
Eye-to-Eye Validation
The experience of eye-to-eye validation begins when the caregiver’s gaze at the
baby’s eyes is accompanied by a smile of satisfaction; this experience develops into
a recognition through eye-to-eye relating that we exist for the other. Through eye-
to-eye validation, individuals experience themselves as being valued, understood,
and mirrored by the other (cf. Kohut, 1977). In this mirroring process, the other
reflects our self. When individuals see aspects of themselves that are known by the
other, they become real. Receiving empathic responses provides a means to affirm
self and to confirm identity. Developmentally, this experience fosters a sense of self,
one that is separate yet in relation to the other. Empathic responses and adequate
mirroring function to consolidate a sense of who a person is as he or she is known to
self and to others. Indeed, Erikson (1968) stressed the significance of “a process of
simultaneous reflection and observation” (p. 22) in the identity-formation process.
Throughout life when individuals interact with others in different life theaters,
the validation (or lack of it) of their interests and competence by significant others
influences their career development. Vocational and leisure interests are not pro-
duced solely by the individual internally; they are typically produced in the space
between the individual and others, with the process of eye-to-eye validation very
often playing a crucial role (cf. Blustein & Flum, 1999). Similarly, the affirmation
(or lack of it) of an individual’s choices and performance by significant others may
affect the expression of the (true) self in a career context.
Often validation is believed to gain in force when it comes in the context of
relationships between a parent and a child, a teacher and a student, a mentor and
a mentee, or a counselor and a client (Josselson, 1992). However, an empathic
response does not have to occur in the context of hierarchical relationships or to
gain in significance because the other has authority. Mirroring is often effective
between peers and, indeed, eye-to-eye validation often requires being at the same
eye level. “ I could see myself in her eyes,” said Sarah, an interviewee in her
late 20s, while talking about a close friend, “she was interested in what I said
and could relate to it...I felt being understood...She never told me what to do, yet
her responses and the look in her eyes helped me to define what I wanted from
myself.”
Sometimes the other does not have to be especially important to trigger a process
by mirroring, as illustrated by the following anecdote that is adapted from an
interview with Linda, a research participant. Linda just listened to an emphatic
observation made by a total stranger she met on the train and it revived an interest
that she buried long ago. Following this conversation, Linda decided to spend the
next four years at school to turn this interest into a profession. Josselson (1992)
described the story of a 40-year-old, Warren, who recalled his adolescence. He
owed much to Bonnie, a neighbor his parents’ age who, in his words, “introduced
6 HANOCH FLUM
me to myself.” Like all male adolescents in his community he was expected to play
it tough and be good at sports; however, he was interested in existential issues and
wrote poetry. He further recalled:
The conversations I had with Bonnie were the first I ever had with a grown-up person about
serious things, and she helped me see it wasn’t a problem to have these feelings, which I had
thought it was. Anything tender or anything about feelings, you had to hide it or ignore it.
With her I didn’t have to (Josselson, 1992, p.106).
Mutuality
Mutuality is the process of shared experience that leads to the resonance indi-
viduals feel when they act together. In effect, mutuality reflects the emotional
connection that we experience following responsiveness to and with others
(Josselson, 1992). Unlike the previous dimensions where the relational process
is articulated in terms of a target individual, mutuality occurs between selves. The
discourse is a we discourse all around.
Mutuality represents the experience of joining together. It is an interaction in
which mutual empathy, transcending the self and the other, belongs to them jointly.
As Jordan (1991) noted, mutuality paradoxically affirms both the intrapersonal
sense of self and the self as part of a larger relational unit. Hence, mutuality
does not imply a loss of distinctiveness of self. Rather, mutuality is a process of
attunement to the other’s inner experience, on both affective and cognitive levels, “a
process during which one’s self-boundaries undergo momentary alteration, which
in itself allows the possibility for change in the self. Empathy in this sense, then,
always contains the opportunity for mutual growth and impact” (Jordan, 1991,
p. 82). Intersubjectivity facilitates the motivation to understand the other’s meaning
system from this person’s frame of reference and it means taking account of the
other.
On the face of it, this relational dimension applies to social experiences of sharing
and friendship that may develop in the workplace and could become very important
to how people feel at work. Nevertheless, mutuality is somehow perceived as
being divorced from the work itself. However, I argue that mutuality is a source of
RELATIONAL DIMENSIONS 9
empowerment for the individuals in the we (cf. Surrey, 1991). Shared experiences
resonate and create a unit of we with an authentic emotional flow that empowers
the participating individuals. People tend to think about a work team as operating
on cognitive and behavioral levels; in fact, in the empirical literature on teams
in organizations, the array of team functions includes variables such as exchange
of information, team tasks, and team performance (Ilgen, 1999). But relational
affect, the process of mutuality and the resonance that resides in the team, could be
essential for the team’s success. The experience of engaging in a creation together
as a team has the potential of feeling like participating in something larger than
self and thus is very different from an individual effort.
In work teams that are expected to resolve problems, or to design creative
innovations, solutions and ideas are often conceived in the space between rather
than by individuals. In these increasingly common work groups, an experience of
mutuality may be a key to success in attaining performance goals and to ensuring
satisfaction for the team members. Mutuality occurs in a climate of cooperation
and is unlikely to thrive under competition. This is reflected in the words of Guy,
a young man I interviewed as a part of a research project. Guy works for a very
successful high-tech company and describes his work by stating the following:
“We work as a team. We are three in a room and we all know what the others are
doing.” He explained that all three of them, two males and a female, collaborated
on the development of the same software.
At the beginning, the atmosphere was very interest-like...questions and answers, nothing
beyond...We used to spend breaks and meal-time separately, with other acquaintances. Now
it is very different. We are a team; we are very good work mates. We do everything together
at work. During the breaks we share past experiences, we talk about a movie, we go to drink
together, we tell personal stories, we share a lot. There is no competitive atmosphere in our
room whatsoever. We have very good “chemistry”...we understand each other. Sometimes it
is enough to look at each other eyes to know that we think the same. We understand each
other so well that what I think has a clear meaning in the eyes of the other. When one of us
encounters a problem, the others are immediately there to help in the most natural and sincere
way. Our cooperation contributes enormously to the final product.
A person who fails to take part emotionally as well is likely to experience
dissonance and emotional isolation. When mutuality fails, misunderstanding and
disappointment may result. Furthermore, mutuality is essential for psychological
growth (Miller, 1986, 1988). Hence, development can be hampered when mutuality
consistently fails in its various expressions and emotional isolation sets in.
Adolescents’ exploration relies considerably on mutuality and much of ado-
lescence friendship serves this end (Erikson, 1968; cf. Flum & Lavi-Yudelevitch,
submitted). Career exploration in adolescence (Super, Savickas, & Super, 1996) is
no exception. Much of the adolescent self-exploration and self-discovery is done
relationally and the we experience counteracts the danger of loneliness in this pro-
cess. Sharing the path with somebody else who is on the same path allows for
clarification of interests, abilities, and values. Adolescents share secrets, dreams,
and fantasies with their close friends. They often picture possible selves, then pro-
cess and develop them together. Mutuality is a platform from which adolescents
10 HANOCH FLUM
are likely to venture into new career possibilities that go beyond parental expec-
tations. Adolescents’ dreams eventually “crystallize into a publicly recognized
vocational identity with corresponding preferences for a group of occupations”
(Super, Savickas, & Super, 1996, p. 132). At the same time, the danger is that
adolescent exploration may remain in the space between. In such a case, diffusion
rather than crystallization may be engendered. Theoretically, it seems that the like-
lihood of crystallization and the development of commitment (specification and
implementation, in Super’s terms) are enhanced when other relational dimensions
(e.g., eye-to-eye validation) are active along with mutuality.
In the next two dimensions the relational picture is further expanded to include
larger systems or rather to focus on the individual within a larger system.
Embeddedness
A sense of belongingness in a social group reflects connection through embed-
dedness (Josselson, 1992). To be embedded is to be connected with others who
share a set of meanings, to be part of a collective that shares a certain solidarity.
Embeddedness as a concept offers a perspective on social context along with the
individual’s psychological experience of being the same as others from a defined
social group. To avoid social isolation and to have a sense that they have a place,
individuals need to belong, to experience embeddedness. When Erikson (1968)
described identity formation in terms of finding one’s niche, he regarded it as a
process of finding one’s own self within a meaningful web of connections. Being
part of this web, or embedded in it, ensures commonality, sharing characteristics
that become the reason for acceptance and recognition by others and a root for the
individual’s identity.
In Super’s career development theory, the multiple social roles in the individual’s
life space illustrate veins of embeddedness in the community through various
theaters. Among these roles, the salience of (i.e., participation in, commitment to,
and value expectation for) the work role is very important (Super, et al., 1996).
On a more abstract level, it could be argued that work embeds adults in their
culture. Even when work is done in relative isolation, it is an activity that ties the
individual to the larger community. By working, people participate, cooperate, and
contribute to their communities. The work role promotes belongingness by linking
an individual to a certain defined work-related community, a group with which one
shares interests and values.
While individuals yearn to belong to a group, “there is always tension between
inclusion and individuality. We want to be enough a part of the group to take part
but we fear losing our individuality. At the same time, we fear to be so much
an individual that we lose our tie to the group” (Josselson, 1992, p. 181). Many
work-related conflicts (on individual and organizational levels) can be reduced
to this basic tension and then conceptualized through the relational dimension of
embeddedness.
Some important aspects of embeddedness are not usually a matter of choice
(e.g., gender, race, ethnicity, and the culture that one is born to) and may affect
RELATIONAL DIMENSIONS 11
other aspects that are generally regarded as the individual’s choice. The individual’s
perception of occupational space, for instance, is often framed by the individual’s
yearning to be embedded, which then impacts choices.
At the same time, a sense of embeddedness could serve as a springboard for
forming high vocational aspirations. An illustration of the role of embeddedness
in the development of vocational aspiration can be found in my study of young
new immigrants in Israel (Flum, 1998). In this study, young immigrants from rural
Ethiopia to Israel, who are among the first to reach higher education, emphasized
that their embeddedness featured prominently in their career decision making.
These young people perceived themselves as representing their ethnic community.
Their sense of embeddedness drove them to attain higher education and form
high-level career aspirations. Some of these new immigrants specifically sought
an occupation through which they could contribute to the well-being of their own
ethnic community.
One of the characteristics of the late modern open and fluid society is the relative
space that people are given in adult life (e.g., options of occupational mobility) to
choose and change contexts of embeddedness (e.g., by job change). This means
that individuals can leave and join groups, that they can even form a new context
of embeddedness, but at the same time they may lose a significant source of
embeddedness or experience the deprivation of embeddedness more often than in
the past. People may experience the absence of embeddedness by feeling lost or
alienated.
Holding
The next dimension to be discussed here is based on our first relational expe-
rience (Josselson, 1992). Once out of the womb, the infant’s earliest experience
is being held. From these early moments throughout life individuals need to be
held. What starts with arms around early in life becomes social support later.
To prevent people from falling they need somebody to be there for them to hold
them first physically and later symbolically. Individuals need the support of people
to counteract the fear of falling, to feel bounded and grounded. Hence, holding
encompasses social support, but the individual’s experience reaches beyond to a
fundamental experience of being safe.
Winnicott (1965) described the developmental need for an adequate “holding
environment.” In his theorizing, the holding mother (“the good enough mother”)
has the fundamental task of creating the environment in which an infant develops
a self. The infant is allowed a range of experiences while being held and protected
from being too overwhelmed. Later in childhood, the family is the primary holding
environment. The arms become more symbolic. In adolescence, the experience of
being held and supported facilitates personal exploration in general and career
exploration in particular.
Later in life, work organizations may serve as a sort of a holding environment.
We still tend to expect the work organization to promote our sense of boundedness
and groundedness, to respond to our need to be held. We still expect the work
12 HANOCH FLUM
Tending (care)
Tending, or care, is a fundamentally different relational dimension that repre-
sents the experience of connection through emotional offering to the other person.
The perspective of the relationship shifts to a reaching out mode. As such, this
could be experienced by the other person as being held, as being validated, etc.
While people need to feel needed, they need to provide care, need to tend. Tending
can be expressed as a wish to hold or a wish to validate, for instance, and indeed it
may contain these elements. But the overall internal experience stands on its own
as a tending experience of connection, emanating from the need to care.
Developmentally, the need to care for others is often conceptualized as being
related to the interaction with parents early in life. In Roe’s (1956) conceptu-
alization these early experiences may determine later work orientation and vo-
cational direction. While the empirical evidence for Roe’s assertion is equivo-
cal, later research into the development of altruism and prosocial behavior (e.g.,
Eisenberg & Mussen, 1989) sheds some light on the developmental process of
tending.
White (1966) described growth in adulthood as being marked by both the stabi-
lization of ego identity and the expansion of caring. For Erikson (1964), care
is a central quality of adult life and he equates the individual’s identity with
what the individual tends. His notion of generativity that connotes the concern to
nurture future generations encompasses the transcendence of love through work.
RELATIONAL DIMENSIONS 13
Hence, the need to care is not satisfied only by caring for one’s children, but by
tending to others’ needs through one’s work. Tending, therefore, can include a
large variety of work experiences. Some are more direct relational experiences,
while some may be more general or abstract, but nevertheless are experienced as
care.
Tending is, for example, an experience emphasized by a mentor who tries to
promote a mentee’s skills and confidence by guidance. Brenda reports (Josselson,
1996, p. 195) that when she was appointed to a new managerial position she found
herself supervising “two warring factions. I watched them become people who
work together as a real team and I think that I facilitated that. That’s been most
rewarding thing—watching them work together.” Brenda’s sense of competence
as a manager was enhanced through her experience of tending to people who were
fighting and by resolving the conflict through her care. Similarly, a teacher or a
doctor, a bus driver or an investment consultant may explain their job in generative
terms and describe their work experience as caring for others.
As Erikson suggested, empirical evidence shows that midlife men and women
score higher on generativity than younger or older adults (McAdams, de St. Aubin,
& Logan, 1993). Colby and Damon (1992) described individuals with a sense of
destiny about their work. At the center of their life story is a commitment to
doing good for others in their community. In the same vein, in a recent research
report on “the psychosocial construction of generative lives,” McAdams, Diamond,
de St. Aubin, and Mansfield (1997) reported that high generative participants
experience the world as a place where people need to care for others and they tell
a story of commitment that guides their behavior throughout the life span. Care is
central to their identity. Indeed, in reviewing research on generativity McAdams,
Diamond, de St. Aubin, and Mansfield (1997) conclude that generativity has been
positively associated with both agentic and communal motivation. In this sense,
the need to reach out to others and its reflection in the experience of tending
display most clearly the convergence of agency and communion in work and in
the individual’s identity. Young people explore the tending-in-the-self. They try to
clarify to themselves what they care for, how they can translate their care to actual
choices, as a core issue of their identity exploration. For many, this objective of
exploration becomes acute at different times of their life and may have immediate
career implications.
CONCLUSION
By examining from a career development perspective the meaning of different
primary ways of connection, I have described how relational qualities are closely
allied with work experiences and career development. The discussion in the present
article shows how various relational experiences foster exploration (attachment and
holding), frame or circumscribe the limits of exploration and serve as a motivational
spring board (e.g., embeddedness), become an arena for exploration and add the
experience of a we to the process (mutuality), set an objective for exploration or
steer the process toward career choice (e.g., tending), and produce direct building
14 HANOCH FLUM
blocks as part and parcel of this process (idealization and identification, eye-to-eye
validation).
Having delineated each of the relational modes separately, it is now important
to note that some of them have more in common with each other than others.
Holding and attachment, for instance, are related and both function to enhance an
individual’s sense of security. Attachment is a more widely used concept that refers
to an experience of emotional linkage with the attachment figure. It relates to an
attachment system that is developed late in infancy and impacts relationships later
in life. It is a continuous experience rather than situational. Holding is the very
early experience of “arms around,” arms that prevent falling, an experience that
individuals may feel especially in need for again late in life. Through adulthood,
the support can be experienced interpersonally, but the individual can be held by the
work organization as well. A sense of groundedness can be gained by working in an
organization and by work-related interactions. Kahn (1996) advanced the concept
of organizational caregiving to account for the sense of security that is produced
within organization members. His point of departure is attachment theory, but his
description speaks more about holding: “...people may experience themselves as
anchored in organizational contexts and situations that are, like high seas, turbulent
and frightening. Work relationships have the potential to help people feel connected
rather than disconnected, held fast rather than floundering...” (Kahn, 1996, p. 163).
Different threads of connection are often closely interwoven. The deconstruc-
tion of the relational tapestry into distinct threads may facilitate individuals’ability
to identify the specific needs of individuals. Future research may deepen under-
standing of the unique contribution that connection makes to career development
and the vocational experience. This, in turn, could be applied to remedy some of
the troubling aspects of progress that we foresee in the information age and the
21st century, to promote development and mental health in the ever-expanding
linkage between work and relational life.
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