JADE AND CONFLICT:

MYANMAR’S VICIOUS CIRCLE

Executive Summary, Key Findings
and Recommendations

June 2021

Photo credit: © Global Witness / M.O.

 Global Witness first reported on the deep links
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY between the Tatmadaw and the jade industry in
Hpakant, in northern Myanmar’s Kachin State, is two 2015 reports, Jade: Myanmar’s ‘Big State
home to the richest jade mines in the world. Secret’ and Lords of Jade. These reports revealed
These mines, and the billions of dollars of jade how military elites, U.S.-sanctioned drug lords,
that they produce annually, lie at the heart of a armed groups and crony companies that
vicious circle of exploitation and conflict that has benefited from decades of military rule, secretly
wracked northern Myanmar for decades and that controlled Myanmar’s jade industry on the eve of
permeates the political economy of the country. the transition to an NLD-led government. The
Jade money provides vast wealth to armed reports argued that the industry was in serious
groups and their powerful allies, who stand on all need of reform to tackle rampant corruption and
sides of Myanmar’s various conflicts. This vicious armed-group control that had the potential to
circle revolves around the Tatmadaw, as undermine the nation’s progress.
Myanmar’s military is known, and the extensive
interests in the jade industry that it established The NLD made a similar assessment. When it
after taking control of Myanmar’s jade mining assumed power in 2016 it kicked off a wide-
regions in the 1990s, following decades of intense ranging jade reform programme intended to
fighting with the Kachin Independence clean up the industry. This report, Jade and
Organisation/Army (KIO/A). Conflict: Myanmar’s Vicious Circle, analyses the
NLD’s reform efforts and their impacts, beginning
These conflicts, and the lawlessness that they with the NLD’s decision to suspend all new jade
have engendered, have long allowed corruption and gemstone licensing shortly after taking
to flourish, and led to destructive mining power. This report then reveals how the
practices as armed groups and their allies have Tatmadaw maintained its leading role in the
sought to fund their ongoing conflicts and enrich industry, assesses the impacts of the February
themselves. Few of the financial benefits of this coup on Myanmar’s jade trade, and exposes, one
industry have stayed with local populations in by one, the main armed groups that remain
Kachin State. Instead, the Tatmadaw had active in the sector.
assumed a place at the top of a pyramid of
corruption and illicit activity that has reached the Following the suspension, the NLD started a
highest ranks of military command. This thorough review of Myanmar’s regulatory regime
corruption likewise encompasses the family of for jade and gemstones and convened an
Senior General Min Aung Hlaing, with new inclusive multi-stakeholder group to develop a
information in this report implicating his son in National Gemstone Policy. The NLD also ordered
jade-related profiteering following his father’s the development of environmental management
rise to become leader of Myanmar’s armed plans for the main jade and gemstone mining
forces. tracts, drafted a new Gemstone Law (passed in
2019), and initiated important corporate
The 1 February coup d’état, which has seen the governance reforms for the entire extractive
Tatmadaw attempt to take back control of the sector – including creating a public registry of
country after five years of a National League for beneficial ownership to improve transparency.
Democracy (NLD) government, threatens to
further open the floodgates of military corruption Despite the NLD’s efforts, this report reveals how
in the jade industry, once again underlining the armed groups, and in particular the Tatmadaw,
enduring nature of the nexus between jade and were able to further entrench their control of the
conflict. jade industry as the NLD’s reform programme
stalled and conditions in Hpakant deteriorated

GLOBAL WITNESS JUNE 2021 Jade and Conflict: Myanmar’s Vicious Circle 1
for the hundreds of thousands of ordinary people The coup has also thrown wide open the door for
working in and living around the mines. This predation in the jade sector like that of past
report reveals that mining companies and armed military rule. With the Tatmadaw back in full
groups, led by the Tatmadaw, undermined control of the licensing and regulatory
reform on the ground while key industry bureaucracy, the jade industry risks functionally
stakeholders resisted policy changes in Nay Pyi becoming a slush fund and source of patronage
Taw, leaving reform efforts unfinished and for Myanmar’s new military regime. The
ineffective amid a lack of prioritisation by the Tatmadaw can return to its past-practice of
NLD. This entrenched armed group control was handing out licences to its own companies and
made possible by direct cooperation between the political allies in exchange for political support
Tatmadaw, the KIO/A, and the UWSA/P to while revenues from jade sales and taxes go to
facilitate illegal mining, bribery and smuggling help fund the Tatmadaw’s brutal repression of
that would ensure all three groups, and their the people of Myanmar.
allies, would continue to receive their slice of
This report shows that there are no easy answers
Kachin’s jade wealth.
to the jade-conflict nexus, especially with the
While the NLD’s reforms fell short of expectations coup quashing the possibility of any meaningful
during its first term in office, the NLD’s landslide reform at this time. The focus of both the
victory in Myanmar’s 2020 elections provided an domestic and international community must be
opportunity for renewed focus on natural on returning a legitimate government to power
resource governance and the jade sector. and supporting the people of Myanmar as they
Instead, the Tatmadaw’s coup has set the country struggle for their future. In the jade industry, this
back decades with a brutal crack down on means working to prevent jade money from
protestors and civil society in a return to the going to the military through sanctions and
darkest days of junta rule. This includes import bans, where possible.
effectively extinguishing any chance of further
Some progress does remain possible at the
jade-industry reform in the immediate future; one
domestic level, however. The anti-coup National
of the main beneficiaries of the current corrupt
Unity Government (NUG) has an opportunity to
and opaque jade sector is the Tatmadaw, who
finally place natural resource governance front
now has little incentive to carry on with reforms
and centre as it outlines its vision for the future of
that have the potential to reduce its own power
the country as a federal union. Jade may seem
and influence in the industry.
like an unimportant issue best saved for the
The coup has re-focused attention on the role future, given everything happening in Myanmar
that the Tatmadaw’s economic interests have today. However, this would be a mistake. If the
played in bolstering its power and enabling the NUG wants to receive real buy-in and support
worst of its abuses. That includes the jade from long-exploited ethnic minorities, especially
industry, and this report reveals how the coup in Kachin and Shan States, it should focus on
has re-ignited conflict in and around the jade developing a more fair, inclusive and responsible
mines as the KIO/A and the Tatmadaw fight for system for managing Myanmar’s natural
control in Hpakant and around Kachin State. resources – one that places the rights of local and
Renewed armed conflict in Northern Shan State indigenous communities front and centre within
has also disrupted the main trade and smuggling a genuine federal system. It is true that,
route into China, leaving the jade industry in a ultimately, there will be no peace as long as those
state of uncertainty as conflict upsets the delicate with guns control the vast wealth generated by
balance that had been achieved in Hpakant. one of Myanmar’s greatest natural treasures.
Now is the time to plan for a better future.
GLOBAL WITNESS JUNE 2021 Jade and Conflict: Myanmar’s Vicious Circle 2
KEY FINDINGS The 1 February coup has quashed any
possibility for real reform in the near-term at
Jade and the NLD
the same time as setting the industry back a
The jade mining industry in Myanmar is deeply decade to the dark days of junta rule. The NLD
intertwined with the armed hostilities was unable to fulfil its promises of reform during
wracking the country, part of a long history of its first term in power from 2016-2021. However,
illicit economies financing conflict in following its landslide victory in the 2020
Myanmar. As this report shows, money from the elections there was hope the NLD would refocus
jade industry helps finance armed conflict in on natural resource governance reform and
northern Myanmar. And not just on one side – consolidate the gains that had been made. With
jade money makes its way into the coffers of the Tatmadaw attempting to violently re-take
almost every armed actor in Myanmar’s north, control of the country, the NLD’s reform
including the Tatmadaw, Kachin Independence programme is now dead. Moreover, the coup has
Army, the United Wa State Army, the Myanmar triggered an explosion of violence in Myanmar’s
National Democratic Alliance Army, and the jade mining regions as the Tatmadaw and the
Arakan Army, as well as numerous smaller KIO/A engage in heavy fighting around Hpakant
militias and border guard forces. The reliance of and Hkamti. Severe fighting in Northern Shan
all of these groups on money from the jade State has also disrupted the primary jade trade
industry demonstrates the importance of natural and smuggling route into China at the Muse Ruili
resource governance while also increasing the border crossing. The coup has re-affirmed the
complexity of reforming the sector. deeply entrenched nature of the jade-conflict
nexus.
Although the National League for Democracy
took power promising to clean up the jade The Tatmadaw tightens its grip
industry, armed groups, and in particular the
Tatmadaw, were instead able to further Military-owned conglomerates continued to
entrench their control over Myanmar’s jade dominate the jade industry under the NLD,
mines. After taking power in 2016, the NLD receiving hundreds of licences from the
suspended all jade mining licensing and began a outgoing military-linked government in early
reform process intended to regulate the industry 2016. At the time of the licensing suspension,
and address the environmental, social and Myanma Economic Holdings Limited, the
economic harms it was creating. However, the military-owned conglomerate, and its
planned reform process stalled because vested subsidiaries held more jade licences than any
interests within the jade industry opposed other entity in the country. The majority of those
reforms, while a lack of government focus left a licences were granted to MEHL subsidiaries by
national gemstone policy stuck in bureaucratic the outgoing Thein Sein government in the first
review. The result was an industry operating three months of 2016 – following the 2015
within an ill-defined and under-enforced legal election, but prior to the NLD taking official
regime and plagued by misconduct and law- power – a massive financial windfall for the
breaking. Armed groups were able to exploit this Tatmadaw.
ongoing power vacuum to increase their control
of Hpakant and the jade industry. This is
especially true of Myanmar’s military, which
tightened its grip over Myanmar’s jade mines
during five years of NLD control.

GLOBAL WITNESS JUNE 2021 Jade and Conflict: Myanmar’s Vicious Circle 3
Corruption in the jade industry extended to other armed groups, collaborated to extract and
the top of the Tatmadaw chain of command, tax jade. This cooperation was fuelled by
including the family of Senior General Min endemic corruption, especially around mining
Aung Hlaing, at the time of the coup. licences and the collection of both formal and
Corruption was rampant within the Tatmadaw informal taxes. The collaborative rush to extract
even under the NLD. Senior officers paid large jade as quickly as possible before licences
sums of money to secure posts as Head of the expired, often through mining arrangements of
Northern Command and Division 101 dubious legality, led companies to engage in
Commander, in Hpakant – positions from which unsafe mining practices that have had deadly
they could collect massive bribes and dole out consequences.
mining authorisations to companies owned by
Jade money was directly involved in the trade
their allies. This corruption reached the very top,
of weapons fuelling Myanmar’s multiple
with this report presenting credible allegations
conflicts prior to the coup. The UWSA frequently
that bribes paid to the Northern Commander to
fulfilled its jade-related tax obligations to the KIA
allow the import of dynamite, were paid up the
by providing weapons produced in its own
chain to Senior General Min Aung Hlaing’s son,
factories. The KIA then sold these weapons,
Aung Pyae Sone.
sometimes at a discount, to the Arakan Army.
The jade industry risks becoming a Tatmadaw This jade-for-weapons economy has perhaps
slush fund and source of political patronage to been the most visible demonstration of the jade-
prop up the military regime following the conflict nexus and clearly shows the importance
coup. The coup has allowed the Tatmadaw to of linking natural resource governance issues into
take back direct control of the jade industry’s Myanmar’s peace process. With weapons even
regulatory and licensing bureaucracy, including more in demand following the coup, it is likely
the Myanmar Gems Enterprise. While licensing that jade-for-arms deals will continue.
had not been restarted at the time of writing this
Corruption and conflict of interest were a
report, there is a serious risk that the Tatmadaw
problem within the KIO/A. This report reveals
will recommence licensing, selling off permits in a
new evidence of corruption by the KIA’s jade
massive fire sale to help it fund its operations.
valuation committee, which stands accused of
Further, the previous military junta had a long
taking bribes in order to undervalue (and thus
history of exchanging access to natural resources,
under-tax) jade stones, and that the KIO/A gave
and licences for their exploitation, for political
companies permission to mine in exchange for
and military support. As the Tatmadaw attempts
access fees and ‘tax’ revenue. KIO/A officers have
to consolidate control of the country, there is a
sometimes controlled their own jade mining
significant risk it will again attempt to buy
interests, usually unlicensed jade plots or
political support with jade mining licences.
companies that individuals could profit from, to
Ethnic armed groups and jade supplement their income. This includes KIA
Chairman N’Ban La, whose family have owned
The lawless environment around Hpakant has multiple jade-mining interests.
facilitated further corruption, allowing old
foes to cooperate to mine faster and more The jade industry helped support the rise of
dangerously before their licences expire. Even the Arakan Army. The Arakan Army has emerged
as they engaged in active fighting elsewhere in as a significant new player in the jade sector, and
Myanmar, armed groups turned Hpakant into a this investigation has uncovered how it raised
zone of cooperation. This report shows how the money from the jade industry through multiple
Tatmadaw, KIA and UWSA, along with numerous revenue streams. This includes running yemase

GLOBAL WITNESS JUNE 2021 Jade and Conflict: Myanmar’s Vicious Circle 4
mining operations, collecting informal taxes from Dangerous mining practices adopted by
Rakhine miners and companies, and through companies at an increasing rate following the
cooperation with the KIA. It used these revenues licensing suspension led to serious accidents
to support its ambitions against the Tatmadaw in and loss of life among artisanal miners
Rakhine and Chin states – conflict that has working in Hpakant. Prior to COVID-19 and the
displaced over 130,000 people since 2018. The coup, up to 400,000 independent and artisanal
group also recruits from among the vulnerable miners, known locally as yemase, travelled to
yemase miners – people who travel to Hpakant to Hpakant every year to try to eke out a living.
mine jade, but too often ended up impacted by These miners worked in increasingly dangerous
the horrors of landslides, endemic drug use and conditions as the licensing suspension had the
conflict, which have become part of daily life in perverse effect of encouraging companies to cut
the mines. safety corners to extract even more jade before
their licences ran out. Such dangerous practices
The United Wa State Army emerged as a key
led directly to two landslides in April 2019 and
powerbroker in Hpakant. One of the first groups
July 2020, together killing over 200 people.
to receive permission to mine jade from the
military government in the 1990s, the UWSA has
consolidated its leading role in Hpakant over the
past five years. The group operates dozens of
companies in Myanmar’s jade-mining regions and
acts as a key intermediary for mining and tax
arrangements between the KIA and Tatmadaw, a
role that has grown in importance as cooperation
between the groups has increased in the wake of
the licensing suspension.

After the licensing suspension

Smuggling has remained rampant, and the
shocks of the COVID-19 crisis and the coup risk
making it worse. This report reveals that
between 70-90% of all jade mined in Hpakant was
smuggled out of the country and into China prior
to the coup without ever entering the formal
system in Myanmar. This is an increase from the
estimated 50-80% of jade that was smuggled
prior to the licensing suspension. Kachin State’s
resources have thus been plundered, with little of
the benefit going to the Kachin people or the
state, where jade revenues could be used to
support critical needs like health care and
education. The closure of official jade emporiums
due to the COVID-19 crisis only increased the
incentives for smuggling, leaving traders with no
way to legally sell high-grade jade.

GLOBAL WITNESS JUNE 2021 Jade and Conflict: Myanmar’s Vicious Circle 5
RECOMMENDATIONS sectors of the economy harmed democratic
reform and exacerbated conflict. The coup has
The big picture
only re-affirmed how true this was. A durable
The political context in Myanmar has changed peace agreement that successfully integrated
immensely from when Global Witness began the natural resource governance considerations
research for this report. While the NLD’s reform could have allowed ethnic organisations to
programme left much to be desired, there is no demilitarise or integrate their armed wings and
doubt that the industry was taking steps, albeit administrative activities into broader security
slow ones, in the right direction. Global Witness and governance systems, which could have
thus viewed this report as an opportunity to push reduced the rent seeking incentives now present.
the NLD to re-prioritise reform and address the
Finally, constitutional change was needed both
issues that its initial policies had neglected. In
to reduce the power of the Tatmadaw and to
addition to specific policy recommendations,
allow for a decentralised, federal governance
Global Witness identified four broad structural
system within the framework of an inclusive
issues impeding change. Addressing these issues
peace agreement. Revisions to the 2008
was, and remains, key to breaking the jade-
constitution were necessary to allow the country
conflict nexus.
to move forward.
First, reform needed to be a top priority for
All four of these structural barriers remain
Myanmar’s policymakers all the way to the top of
relevant today. Unfortunately, the coup makes it
the government. Without engagement from
highly unlikely that any of these issues will be
Myanmar’s elected leaders, the many
addressed, at least as long as the Tatmadaw
stakeholders who had so much to lose would
maintains its control over Myanmar’s
undermine meaningful reform at every turn – as
government. Still, this should not leave those
indeed they did under the NLD.
working to break the jade-conflict nexus in
Second, natural resource governance and despair. The coup has brought fresh focus to the
management needed to be considered as a economic interests supporting the Tatmadaw
fundamental part of the peace process. Natural and shown the urgency for reform, should the
resources are a key source of grievance for many Tatmadaw lose power. There are numerous
of Myanmar’s ethnic minorities, and while actions stakeholders can take to both oppose the
disputes over ownership and rights to benefit are Tatmadaw in the immediate term and put in
by no means the only cause of Myanmar’s half- place a new vision for the future of the jade
century of civil conflicts, they are at the very least industry.
an important contributing factor. Myanmar’s
peace process needed to stop relegating natural
resources to the secondary status of issues to be
discussed following a ceasefire and place them
front and centre in peace talks.

Third, armed actors needed to exit, or be

removed from, the jade industry and the broader
economy. First and foremost this included the
Tatmadaw, both as an institution and for
individual high-ranking officers and their families
who own jade companies or plots. The
Tatmadaw’s pervasive presence throughout key

GLOBAL WITNESS JUNE 2021 Jade and Conflict: Myanmar’s Vicious Circle 6
For the international community resolution mandating a quick and peaceful
transition back to elected civilian
As long as the Tatmadaw remains in broad government.
control of Myanmar’s government, there is little 4. Increase assistance to address the rising
hope for serious reform in the jade industry, let humanitarian emergency that is developing
alone alleviating the massive human suffering in the wake of the coup and the COVID-19
certain to be caused as the Tatmadaw attempts pandemic, without legitimising the military
to crush anti-coup opposition while protestors junta.
and armed groups increase active resistance. 5. Countries that have not already done so
Thus, the international community’s primary should prohibit companies from providing
focus should be on ushering the Tatmadaw from material support to or engaging in business
power and helping establish a new, legitimate with the military and military-owned
government that is acceptable to the people of
companies through the use of targeted
Myanmar. A key aspect of this strategy should be
economic sanctions that focus on the
adopting policies that limit the Tatmadaw’s
military’s economic lifelines while minimising
ability to profit from the jade industry, natural
impacts on the people of Myanmar,
resources more generally, and other sources of
including:
licit and illicit resources.
6. Military conglomerates Myanmar Economic
The international community should take the Corporation and Myanma Economic Holdings
following additional specific actions: Limited;
7. The Myanmar Gems Enterprise and other
1. Avoid legitimising the military’s illegal coup –
state-owned enterprises that now provide
states, international organizations,
financial support to the military, such as the
multilateral institutions, regional bodies and
Myanma Oil and Gas Enterprise;
others should not recognize the military
8. Financial services that provide the SAC with
State Administration Council (SAC) as the
access to the foreign currency that is
legal or legitimate government of Myanmar,
necessary to sustain its authority and
and should deny them accreditation and
administration, including to purchase the
representation in all instances.
weapons, surveillance technology and other
2. Include the National Unity Government
resources it needs to repress the people of
(NUG) in regional and international forums –
Myanmar; and
while countries may not be prepared to
9. Individual officers and individuals involved in
provide full diplomatic recognition to the
the SAC, as well as their immediate families.
NUG as the legitimate government, they
10. Recognise the pervasive influence of the
should at the very least include
military over Myanmar’s jade and gemstone
representatives from the NUG in any
industries and place bans on the import of all
international and regional forums. This is
jade and gemstones from Myanmar.
especially true for bodies, such as ASEAN,
11. Support the NUG and civil society in
who have taken a direct role in negotiating
developing a vision for the future of the
the future of Myanmar.
industry that is inclusive of ethnic minorities
3. Recognise that the potential for a failed state
and ensures local people have a meaningful
in the heart of Asia would be a disaster for the
role in deciding how these resources are
region and for international peace and
managed.
security by supporting both a United Nations
Security Council arms embargo, and a

GLOBAL WITNESS JUNE 2021 Jade and Conflict: Myanmar’s Vicious Circle 7
For the National Unity Government participate in SAC-run licensing and
sales, such as blacklisting such
1. The NUG should develop a vision for inclusive companies from receiving licences in
natural resource governance within a federal the future.
framework that demonstrates its seriousness 3. Make concrete policy reform proposals to
in addressing the underlying causes of demonstrate how NUG policy would differ
resource-based conflict and reassures ethnic from SAC, and past NLD, policy by:
minorities that their concerns and priorities a. Revising and finalising the
will be incorporated into NUG policy mothballed National Gemstone
priorities. The NUG can do this by: Policy that was put on hold under the
a. Establishing a working group within NLD. The NUG should revisit the
the NUG’s Ministry of Natural policy developed through a strong
Resources and Environmental multi-stakeholder process;
Conservation that can lead the b. Announcing reforms to the licensing
development of NUG policy on jade process to demonstrate how the
and gemstones as well as other NUG intends to inject transparency
natural resources; into the industry and reduce conflicts
b. Ensuring that natural resource of interests within MGE;
governance is included in NUG c. Pledging to prioritise environmental
planning for meaningful federalism protection and the rights of impacted
in the future; and and indigenous communities; and
c. Including jade and gemstone d. Banning all large-scale, mechanised
management in discussions with jade mining.
representatives from Kachin and
Shan stakeholders. For the Kachin Independence
2. Respond to SAC actions in the jade and Organisation / Army
gemstone industry while addressing post-
coup risks that jade will be used to enrich the Should the military coup fail and opportunities
military and help sustain its rule by: for legitimate governance reform arise, or should
a. Announcing that military-linked the KIO/A retake and maintain control of
companies will no longer be eligible Hpakant, it will have the opportunity to
for mining licences and that demonstrate a more responsible approach to
partnerships with military companies jade than that of the military. If these conditions
in the industry are considered illegal; are present, the KIO/A should:
b. Anticipating the risk that the SAC will 1. Work with civil society, local communities
restart licensing to earn quick money
and political parties to develop a blueprint
by declaring that such a re-start for natural resource federalism that benefits
would be illegal and that licences
the people of Kachin State and protects the
given out by the SAC would be environment, as well as a mining policy
invalid;
outlining the group’s vision for sustainable
c. Encouraging domestic companies to resource management under civilian control.
boycott SAC-organised jade and
2. Engage with the NUG to contribute to its
gemstone emporiums; and vision for a more inclusive future around
d. Clarifying the implications for jade
natural resource management, especially
and gemstone companies that do

GLOBAL WITNESS JUNE 2021 Jade and Conflict: Myanmar’s Vicious Circle 8
 resources prevalent in Kachin State such as themselves during the current MEITI
jade and timber. suspension.
3. Establish a credible mechanism to 4. Reject any SAC efforts to earn money from
investigate allegations of corruption the jade industry by refusing to apply for jade
involving KIO/A officials, including senior and gemstone mining licences should the
leaders, and hold perpetrators to account, as SAC re-start licencing, and refusing to
well as those with command responsibility. participate in further jade and gemstone
4. Prepare to publish data on the management emporiums.
of the jade sector in line with the standard 5. Follow NUG guidance and policies related to
established by the EITI, including details of the jade industry.
the KIO/A taxation regime, licensing criteria,
income, expenditures and oversight For foreign companies, investors and
mechanisms. consumers
5. Publicly commit to moving out of the natural
resource sectors, including jade mining, 1. Review the United Nations Independent
should the Tatmadaw be removed from International Fact-Finding Mission on
power. Myanmar’s 2018 report on the economic
interests of the Myanmar military and
For domestic jade mining and trading implement the recommendations
contained within.
companies
2. Conduct heightened due diligence on
1. Immediately review mining activities and halt high-risk supply chains involving
any operations that violate Myanmar law or gemstones sourced or likely to originate
international norms and good practice from Myanmar to ensure that these
standards on governance, environmental, resources have not been produced or
social, human and labour rights. sold by, or financially benefitted, the
2. Immediately review mining practices and halt Tatmadaw or other armed groups,
any that provide financing for the Tatmadaw including subsidiaries or joint ventures,
or other armed groups active in Myanmar’s or individual (serving or retired) senior
jade mines, in line with OECD Due Diligence members of the Tatmadaw, including
Guidance for Responsible Supply Chains of through corruption. Companies should
Minerals from Conflict-Affected and High-Risk refer to the OECD Due Diligence Guidance
Areas. for Responsible Supply Chains of
3. Publish beneficial ownership information, Minerals from Conflict-Affected and High-
tax, payment and production data in line Risk Areas.
with EITI requirements, broken down by 3. Avoid purchasing jade and gemstones
project, as well as jade contracts and licence that benefit Myanmar’s military or other
terms, irrespective of whether the company armed groups and help to perpetuate the
meets Myanmar’s current threshold for jade-conflict nexus. As long as the
disclosures. These disclosures can be made military retains power, companies and
voluntarily and be published by companies consumers should avoid purchasing any
jade and gems sourced from Myanmar.

GLOBAL WITNESS JUNE 2021 Jade and Conflict: Myanmar’s Vicious Circle 9