THE KOL RISING OF CHOTANAGPUR (1831-33)—ITS CAUSES

Author(s): Jagdish Chandra Jha

Source: Proceedings of the Indian History Congress , 1958, Vol. 21 (1958), pp. 440-446
Published by: Indian History Congress

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/44145239

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 THE KOL RISING OF CHOTANAGPUR (1831-33)- ITS CAUSES

Shri Jagdish Chandra Jha

The rising of the Kols in 1831-33 has been described in vari

ways by different writers. O'Malley1 calls it the 4 Kol Rebelli
in which the Mundas and the Oraons 4 rose en masse '2 and were
joined by the Hos, the Cheros and the Kharwars. On the other hand,
Bradley Birt3 refers to it as 4 the Kol Mutiny ' Moreover, Kalipada
Mitra4 has catalogued the events connected with the disturbances of
the Kols from 1819 to 1839 under the title 4 Insurrection of the Coles '
Mr. J. Reid also gives the same title to this explosion5. But in spite of
this variety of titles, there is no grain of doubt that it was a 4 formid-
able rising '6 of the aborigines called ' 4 the Kols ' 4 who became restive
and reverted to their old practices of resistance and pillage '7.

For a proper understanding of the factor which led to this serious

challenge to authority, it is necessary to analyse the nature of the 4 Adi-
vasis ' who took part in this great rising and their reactions to the
establishment of regular authority. According to E. T. Dalton,8
4 more than half of the people of Chotanagpur were known by the name
of 4 Kol ' which included many tribes (e.g. the Mundas, the Oraons,
Hos, Bhumij and others)'. They were simple but inflammable people
and they belonged to a manly race. They were courageous, but intem-
perate and were not used to subordination and alien domination. As
such they violently reacted to the advent of the British rule with the
regulations of Bengal Code which had been unwisely imposed on this
undeveloped and unwieldy tract. Moreover, since the introduction of

1. In the Bengal District Gazetteer ( Singhbhum, Seraikela and KJiarsawan ),

p. 85.
2. L. S. S. O'Malley History , of Bengal , Bihar and Orissa under British rule
(Calcutta, 1925), p. 689.
3. F. B. Bradley Birt, Chotanagpur , a little known province of the Empire
( London, 1903), p. 92.
4. " Insurrection of the Koles in Chotanagpur, " BPP, 1942, p. 72.
5. J. Reid, Final Report on the Survey and settlement operations in the district
of Ranchi, 1902-1910 (Calcutta, 1912), p. 22.
6. P. C. Roy Choudhury, Hazaribagh old Records, 1761-1878 (Patna, 1957).
7. " The 4 Kols ' of Chotanagpur," JASB, vol. XXXV, pt. II, 1865.
8. Ibid., p. 154.

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 MODERN INDIA 441

the police system by the Brit

' Political Agent to Government
districts adjacent to that prov
pouring in Chotanagpur as pol
farmers, who did not have the
customs and the sentiments of
tricks and fraudulent method
Soon the British rule became distasteful to them and the so-called
civilizing influences of the foreigners enraged them. Thus there was
^mouldering discontent among the aborigines in the whole of Chota-
nagpur plateau against the infiltration of the foreigners. The consol-
idation of the British rule in this area ' had resulted not only in the
political dependence and social degradation of a manly race as the
children of the soils of Chotanagpur were, but had actually been threaten-
ing them with total economic ruin.' 9 Therefore the Kols decided to
take revenge upon the foreigners at large and 4 as the insurrection
advanced, the people of the rude tribe of the Coles, who were the natives
of thè country, and formed the great mass of the population, rose up
oh the Hindoos, Mahomedans, and other foreigners, who were settled
in their villages engaged in commercial, or agricultural pursuits, drove
them almost universally from their homes and property, which were
burnt or plundered and sacrificed numbers of those who fell into their
hands, to their excited passions, of revenge and hatred."10 This
movement spread from the present district of Ranchi to Singhbhum,
Manbhum, Hazaribagh and Palamau.

While analysing the causes of this universal rising of the Coles11

Wilkinson and Cuthbert, the Joint Commissioners of 1832, throw a flood
of light on the state of lawlessness in this region. They say that the
early petitions (Urzees) and reports about the disturbances did not
state the reasons. But the following two statements12 are revealing.
The first is of Sooee Munda as narrated by Bahadoor Dubhasea and
runs thus, " I gave a Tola of Gold to Luttie Cole of Roomang of Sone-
pore, in exchange for which he agreed to give me a pair of buffaloes
during three years. I applied to him several times for them in vain,
for which reason I carried off a pair of his buffaloes. For this I was
considered a thief by Mohamad Ally, Naick of Roomang, who took
froņi me the buffaloes, and tied and took me to his house. The next
day he suspended me from a tree by a rope tied to my hair and subse-
quently cut me down, when by the fall one of my toes of my left foot

9. K. K. Datta, Unrest against British rule in Bihar , 1831-1859, p. 12.

10. Vide 4 Sketch of the Rise and Progress of the Anglo-Indian Empire, in
The Bengal and Agra- Annual Guide and Gazetteer of 1841, vol. II, p. 85.
11. The letter of Wilkinson and Cuthbert of the 12 February, 1832.
12. Ibid .

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442 INDIAN HISTORY CONGRESS- 1958

was broken. I was kept in the stocks five days suffering gr

and only obtained my release on giving a bullock and buffa
the Porahat Raja was informed), in place of paying attenti
petition they fined me five Rupees." The second statement
Manki as narrated by the same Dubhasea and is as follows : - 44
a pair of old baffaloes from Birju Bania of the Sonepore p
This man came to my house accompanied by 60 men and to
six cows, and calves and four buffaloes, seized both my brot
and myself and took us to his house. We succeeded in effe
escape, but my cattle were not released. I complained t
Singh, Raja of Bandgaon, of the Bania' s treatment of us.
to me and gave me 35 men for my protection with whom
Surgaon, where not finding the Bania, we seized two men a
bullocks which we took to the Raja. For this an inhabitant
named Singh, preferred a complaint against me at She
brother Singrae and self and Bahadur Cole were seized by t
durpoor Moonshee and Jamadar

the stocks for fifteen days, and suffering gr

our flight was discovered the Moonshee and J
wives. They released the older who was preg
was young was detained, and ravished by the
Mussalman peons ; they also thrust a stick in
Singh of Surgaon has besides taken away tw
who are still in his house

we returned home. We four were subsequently

Dewan, who told us that as we were Coles, we m
but be careful not to involve Rajah Ac het Singh
our conduct. We returned home, invited all the
and castes to assemble at the village Lunkah in
a consultation. The Pathans had taken our hono
sisters and the Kuar, Harnath Sahi, had forci
estate of twelve villages which he had given
statements prove beyond doubt that the change
had taken place were not beneficial to the Kols
by their new masters, oppressed by aliens, and
they formerly possessed of obtaining redress throu
" It often happened that the unfortunate Kol wh
his way to the far-off station of Chatra or Sher
turned on him when he got there. A host of wit
opposite party were already on the spot, prepare
not only no rights in the land but was a turbu

13. Ibid., pp. 103-105.

14. Hunter, Statistical Accounts of Bengal (Lohardag
15. Quoted in T. S. Macpherson and M. G. Hallett, B
Gazetteers , Ranchi (Patna, 1917), p. 32.

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 MODERN INDIA 448

As such the Kols became desper

is clear from the following sta
that we should commence to cu
if any were hanged it would be us
the four. We four should be an
any it would be us, who were r
might be the sentence. It is w
murdering and plundering thos
and homes, conceiving that by c
would come to light and if we h
them and justice rendered."16

This was of course the immed

were many other underlying
dissensions in the family of zem
to disputes regarding success
regarding revenue matters arisi
ant Talookdars and other powe
origin of these disturbances. A
Raja's family and the general
contributions from the Ghatwals

severity with which Madhub Singh appe

claims.'18 Moreover, the De wans and
people. This is clear from this extract f
particular temperament of these tribes
hold their lands are such as not to perm
deprivation of their estates, as far as t
are usually very low, they are ready to
name they may be collected to defra
festivities in the Rajah's family, or for
else which may add to the appearance
Master, but they do not understand wh
successive subsidies should be made and
be followed by sequestration of the
considered their hereditary property;"19

Mr. Dent has also referred to the variou

tation of the backward inhabitants of
the abuse of the monopoly of its sale l
people. There were various forms of

16. Concluding portion of the statement

letter of Cuthbert and Wilkinson of 12th Febru
17. Dent, Report on the disturbances of 1832-3
p. 156.
18. Ibid., 4th September, 1833.
19. Ibid., pp. 182-88, para 56.

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444 INDIAN HISTORY CONGRESS- 1958

affairs of the abkaree (Excise) and the Beer Thakur, while collect
alwwabs, had introduced many types of Salamees and Dusto
(forms of illegal gratification). Naturally the ryots were so
irritated that they took active part in the disturbances. Besides
4 the practice of holding the estates liable to sale for arrears of Re
and also for debts ' was very much disliked.20 The 4 sale of ance
holding for debt was particularly objected to as something entir
opposed to the custom of the aboriginal tenantry. Nor were inde
ness and its consequences confined to the tenantry, but..

Zamindars, the members of their families hol

grants, the Sardar Ghatwals, and the bigger inte
ly were in embarrassed circumstances. Gener
have been the order of the day, and much o
this time passed more or less permanently to
Thus all those who were dissatisfied with th
Ganga Narayan Singh when he revolted to
Barabhum estate. They had no interest in th
narayan, but they certainly hoped that th
would lead to the wiping out of the burdensom

But Barabhum in Manbhum was not the on

and lawlessness. Harnath Sahi, the Kuar o
depriving for some years past all the mankis
ditary estates and they were being given to
corroborated by the statement of Ghossie M
the court of Sherghatty on the 4th of Janua
supported by Shaick Deena, an Intelligence H
Establishment, and Bhyroo Singh (Bhairo S
intelligence Department23. One Byjiwnauth m
magistrate at Sherghatty in the presence of t
thus : 4 The mankis of the villages

mined that as the foreigners had forcibly deprived them

disgraced them by violating the women, they would
to be revenged.'

We have it from the report of the Joint Commi

Dent atid Wilkinson25 that the 4 thiccadars had ren
obnoxious not only to the mankis but to the cultiva
not permit the former to have even the fruit of tree

20. Ibid., p. 185, para 62.

21. H. Coupland, Bengal District Gazetteers , Manbhum (Ca

12th2F¿broary isW6"** °f W' Wilkinson and Cuthbe1*, Jo

23. Ibid.
24. Ibid.
25. Quoted in Reid, op. cit., p. 28.

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 MODERN, INDU ¿45

and: their forefathers had planted, an

in the land, they naturally raised
Therefore the Kols decided to get r
medianes. Moreover, the Joint Commissioners have mentioned thę
following. The Kols throughout Nagpur had within the last few years
had their rents increased by their elaqadars , Zamindars and thiccadars
35 per cent

without payment, as beggaries (forced labo

advanced money and grain managed with
from them 70 percent, and sometimes m
upon liquor, which was fixed at four annas
that amount was levied very generally, besi
every village and a Khasi or goat.'26 Other
and irritation were the cultivation of popp
and the forced payment for Dak establish
had executed Sewakpattas , that is had sold
was discharged, which was in fact bindin
whole earnings to their creditor, receiving f
oř to work for him exclusively, thus becomi
The exactions of the Darogas and other amia
pinching. And all those who perpetrated opp
became the victims of their wrath.

Thus the Kol rising of 1831-33 was the result of a number of factors.
Of course some of the Rajas and scions of big families (e.g. Raja Achet
Singh and his Dewan in Singhbhum, Ganganarain in Barabhum) and
some chiefs (of Palaman) took the lead, but in essence it was an outbreak
of the general masses. It may be said that the explosion of the Kols,
' though no doubt only the bursting forth of a fire that had long been
smouldering '28 had certain unfortunate incidents as its immediate
cause. But there is not even a shadow of doubt that discontent against
the agrarian system, debt laws and the new judicial and revenue regu-
lations (e.g. excise duties, tributary payments) etc., which seemed to be
galling to the Zamindars as well as to the ryots, occasioned this furious
rising of the Kols. However, it must be admitted that the fire was
fanned by ' the influx of hordes of middlemen '29 In fact, the Kols
were disgusted with the evils of civilized life and they wanted to go back
to the State of nature. As Thorton30 points out, 4 the disturbances

26. Ibid.
27. Ibid.

28. Hunter, op. cit., p. 41 .

29. Reid, op. cit., p. 34.
30. Edward Thornton, The History of the British Empire in India
1848), vol. V, p. 202.

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446 INDIAN HISTORY CONGRESS- 1958

themselves would scarcely deserve notice, were it not that

additional evidence of the constant tendency of the wilder port
subjects of the British Government in India to break loose
restraints of law and order, and to return to a state where
every man is against his neighbour.' Anyway, we must
Reid81 that this rising made the Government aware of 4 th
of radical reforms in the administration and after the suppress
revolt the Regulations were withdrawn and every cause of
of the 4 Adivasis ' was sought to be removed by the reform
istrative, judicial, police revenue and debt laws and restric
imposed on transfer or mortgage of landed property to av
by middlemen.

31. Reid, op. cit., p. 22.

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