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Improvisation in Jíbaro Music: A Structural Analysis
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Authors Bofill-Calero, Jaime Oscar
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IMPROVISATION IN JIBARO MUSIC
A STRUCTURAL ANALYSIS
by
Jaime O. Bofill-Calero
_____________________
Copyright © Jaime O. Bofill-Calero 2013
A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the
SCHOOL OF MUSIC
In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements

For the Degree of
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
In the Graduate College
THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA
2013
2
THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA

GRADUATE COLLEGE
As members of the Dissertation Committee, we certify that we have read the dissertation
prepared by Jaime O. Bofill-Calero entitled Improvisation in Jíbaro Music: A Structural
Analysis and recommend that it be accepted as fulfilling the dissertation requirement for
the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
________________________________________________Date: March 27, 2013

Donald Traut
________________________________________________Date: March 27, 2013

Janet Sturman
________________________________________________Date: March 27, 2013

Boyd Pomeroy
Final approval and acceptance of this dissertation is contingent upon the candidate’s
submission of the final copies of the dissertation to the Graduate College.
I hereby certify that I have read this dissertation prepared under my direction and
recommend that it be accepted as fulfilling the dissertation requirement.
________________________________________________ Date: March 27, 2013

Dissertation Director: Donald Traut
________________________________________________ Date: March 27, 2013

Dissertation Director: Janet Sturman
3
STATEMENT BY AUTHOR
This dissertation has been submitted in partial fulfillment of requirements for an

advanced degree at the University of Arizona and is deposited in the University Library
to be made available to borrowers under rules of the Library.
Brief quotations from this dissertation are allowable without special permission, provided
that accurate acknowledgment of source is made. Requests for permission for extended
quotation from or reproduction of this manuscript in whole or in part may be granted by
the copyright holder.
SIGNED: Jaime O. Bofill-Calero

4
DEDICATION
I dedicate my work to all the jibaro’s who perform and improvise our traditional
music of Puerto Rico. To the neo-jibaro’s Marta y Jaime Bofill, to my lovely jibarita
Emily who loves to pick gandules, and to “cosita” who I know will someday sing a “le lo
lai.”
5
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
This dissertation could not have been completed if not for the guidance and
support of family, mentors, organizations, and friends. First and foremost to my mother
and father, Jaime and Marta, who always believed in my talent, and who are on their way
to becoming jíbaro’s, and to my sister Sylvia for being my confidant. To my future wife
Emily, who can play a seis chorreao. I love you all very much.
This project would not have been successful if not for the generosity and support
from the Arizona Scholars Award, Medici Circle, Music Advisory Board, and especially
the 1885 Society Fellowship awarded by the Confluence Center for Creative Inquiry, a
special thanks to their director Javier Durán and program coordinator Maria Telles. I also
would like to thank dean María Teresa Vélez, and Cynthia Bjerk-Plocke in the Graduate
College for their support. Thanks also to Erich Healy and Darryl White, for being there.
I owe a great deal of gratitude to my professors and advisors at the School of
Music who have guided and helped me mold this dissertation as well as my academic
career as ethnomusicologist and theorist. A special thanks goes to the chairs of my
committee: Dr. Don Traut and Dr. Janet Sturman, who were faced with the daunting task
of revising this document. An immense amount of gratitude is reserved for Dr. Janet
Sturman whose advice and commitment have been instrumental in the forging of this
study and to my development as a scholar and pedagogue. Thanks for believing in me.
A special thanks to Beverly Seckinger and Vicky Westover in Media Arts for
your help with my incipient filmmaking career. Thanks also to Yoga Oasis, if it weren’t
for yoga hour I don’t know if I could have coped with the stress.
Last but not least to all the jíbaro musicians in Puerto Rico who still keep this
tradition alive, especially the trovadores of Decimanía, Edwin and Billy Colón, Joaquín
Mouliert, Polo Ocasio, Neftalí Ortiz, Cristian Nieves, and Orlando Santiago for giving
me an insiders point of view. Finally, I would like to thank Juan Sotomayor and William
Cumpiano (The P.R. Cuatro Project) and professors Luis M. Alvarez and Chuco
Quintero, for their invaluable words of wisdom.
6
TABLE OF CONTENTS
LIST OF FIGURES ..................................................................................................7
ABSTRACT ..............................................................................................................13
CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION .............................................................................14
CHAPTER 2. IMPROVISATION IN JIBARO MUSIC ..........................................32
CHAPTER 3. THE SEIS ..........................................................................................47
CHAPTER 4. THE DECIMA ...................................................................................70
CHAPTER 5. THE LANGUAGE OF IMPROVISATION IN JIBARO MUSIC ...89
CHAPTER 6. THEORY OF IMPROVISATION IN JIBARO MUSIC ..................116
CHAPTER 7. A GENEALOGY OF THE SEIS .......................................................137
CHAPTER 8. THE MODERN CONCURSO: A TRADITION REVAMPED ........181
CHAPTER 9. CONCLUSION .................................................................................199
REFERENCES .........................................................................................................203
7
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 2.1 Last two strophes of the Villancico Yaucano by Amaury Veray ............36
Figure 2.2 Décima sung by Ramito on the historical theme of Joan of Ark .............39
Figure 2.3 Signature melody of seis fajardeño .........................................................43
Figure 2.4 Initial décima strophe to Madugrada by Luis Llorens Torres ................45
Figure 3.1 Jíbaro folk and popular music styles .......................................................47
Figure 3.2 Diversity in styles of seis .........................................................................49
Figure 3.3 Different styles of aguinaldo ...................................................................50
Figure 3.4 The 3-2 clave pattern ...............................................................................52
Figure 3.5 Two common spellings of the cinquillo pattern ......................................53
Figure 3.6 Guitar accompaniment using cinquillo rhythm .......................................53
Figure 3.7 Café con pan rhythm ...............................................................................54
Figure 3.8 Güiro patterns ..........................................................................................54
Figure 3.9 Polyrhythm in seis based on the clave .....................................................55
Figure 3.10 Café con pan rhythm with tumbao feel .................................................56
Figure 3.11 Salsa Tumbao rhythm ............................................................................57
Figure 3.12 Older style seis guitar accompaniment ..................................................57
Figure 3.13 Seis con décimas with alternating Andalusian cadence

and i-iv-V harmony ...................................................................................................58
Figure 3.14 Andalusian cadence in seis mapeyé .......................................................59
Figure 3.15 Strophic form of the seis ........................................................................60

8
LIST OF FIGURES ⎯ continued
Figure 3.16 Seis fajardeño signature melody ...........................................................61
Figure 3.17 Seis mapeyé signature melody as ostinato pattern in vocal section .......62
Figure 3.18 Seis de andino, in A major ....................................................................63
Figure 3.19 Seis chorreao in D major .......................................................................63
Figure 3.20 Seis montebello, relative major of the seis mapeyé ...............................64
Figure 3.21 Argentine milonga rhythm ....................................................................65
Figure 3.22 Chromatic melody of the seis milonguero .............................................66
Figure 3.23 Chromatic cadence in seis celinés .........................................................66
Figure 3.24 Cadential formula ending on the dominant chord .................................67
Figure 3.25 Cadential formula with resolution to the tonic ......................................67
Figure 3.26 The Great Family of the seis .................................................................68
Figure 4.1 Décima by Vicente Espinel, Diveras Rimas (1591) ................................71
Figure 4.2 Décima form (quatrain + bridge + quatrain) ...........................................73
Figure. 4.3 Lola Rodriguez de Tió from Mi libro de Cuba (1893) ...........................74
Figure 4.4 Traditional aguinaldo sung in hexasyllable decimilla .............................76
Figure 4.5 Décima cuarenticuatro from John A. Mason collection (1915) ..............77
Figure 4.6 Cantigas de Santa Maria by Alfonso X el sabio (11th century) ................79
Figure 4.7 Popular décima from the town of Coamo ................................................81
Figure 4.8 Décima by Luis Llorens Torres (excerpt from Valle de Collores) ..........82
Figure 4.9 Monologue from La Vida es Sueño, Calderón de la Barca (1635) ..........83
9
Figure 4.10 Popular décima on a philosophical theme .............................................83
Figure 4.11 Improvisatory process of décima............................................................86
Figure 5.1 Décima strophe improvised on pie forzado “recuerdos inolvidables” ....89
Figure 5.2 Seis fajardeño signature melody ..............................................................90
Figure 5.3 Harmonic and rhythmic accompaniment in seis fajardeño .....................90
Figure 5.4 Transcription of trovador (vocal) and cuatro parts in seis fajardeño .....92
Figure 5.5 Distribution of décima in 1-3 exchange ..................................................94
Figure 5.6 1-3 exchange in seis fajardeño (Maso Rivera y su conjunto) .................96
Figure 5.7 List of seis that use 1-3 exchange ............................................................98
Figure 5.8 Creation of expectation in 1-3 exchange .................................................100
Figure 5.9 Melodic contour of décima ......................................................................102
Figure 5.10 Signature melody seis fajardeño ...........................................................106
Figure 5.11 Sequential 16th note motive ...................................................................106
Figure 5.12 Ritmito and dominant pedal motive .......................................................106
Figure 5.13 Motivic analysis of seis fajardeño (performed by Maso Rivera) ..........108
Figure 5.14 Motive R2 in relation to café con pan rhythm .......................................110
Figure 5.15 Camouflaged Drum in seis fajardeño Melody ......................................111
Figure 5.16 Cuatro melody as part of the polyrhythmic fabric ................................112
Figure 6.1 Improvisation generated by associative principle (from Clarke) .............117
Figure 6.2 Associative principle in Maso Rivera’s cuatro improvisation ................118
Figure 6.3 Shape of 16th note sequential motive .......................................................119

10
Figure 6.4 Associative principle in décima improvisation .......................................121
Figure 6.5 Improvisation by repertoire selection ......................................................122
Figure 6.6 Associative and selective generative principles in cuatro improvisation 124
Figure 6.7 Introduction to seis fajardeño ..................................................................125
Figure 6.8 Diagram of hierarchical generative structure ..........................................127
Figure 6.9 Strophic form of seis ...............................................................................128
Figure 6.10 Introduction schema of seis fajardeño played by Maso Rivera ............129
Figure 6.11 Hierarchical structures in jíbaro improvisation .....................................131
Figure 6.12 Andalusian cadence expansion at the end of phrase .............................133
Figure 6.13 Guitar contrapuntal bass line at the end of a phrase ..............................134
Figure 6.14 Cadential formula ..................................................................................134
Figure 6.15 Hierarchical generative structure of seis ...............................................135
Figure 7.1 The Family of Seis ...................................................................................139
Figure 7.2 Great diversity in seis, over 90 styles ......................................................140
Figure 7.3 Gran Cancionero Ternario Caribeño (The Collected Songbook of

Caribbean Songs in Ternary Meter) ..........................................................................143
Figure 7.4 The 3-2 clave ...........................................................................................143
Figure 7.5 6/8 clave ...................................................................................................144
Figure 7.6 6/8 clave in (A.) reduced to 3-2 clave (B.) ............................................145
Figure 7.7 Seis bombeao refrain, “Arepita con bacalao” ..........................................150

11
Figure 7.8 Two measure harmonic cell in seis chorreao ..........................................157
Figure 7.9 Ostinato pattern in Domenico Scarlatti’s Fandango in d minor (mm. 1-10)
....................................................................................................................................157
Figure 7.10 Fandango Luigi Boccherini mm. 35-38 ................................................158
Figure 7.11 Andalusian cadence in seis con décimas ...............................................159
Figure 7.12 Imitation of guitar rasgueado (mm. 59-62) in Fandango by Soler .......160
Figure 7.13 Plucked strings in Soler’s Fandango, mm 11-12 ..................................160
Figure 7.14 Imitation of cante hondo singing in Soler’s Fandango (mm. 222-223) 161
Figure 7.15 Repeated note gesture in Scarlatti’s Fandango mm. 14-15 ...................161
Figure 7.16 Seis fajardeño gestures: repeated notes and sequenced scales ..............162
Figure 7.17 Scarlatti, Fandango in d minor final measures .....................................163
Figure 7.18 Cadential formula ending on the dominant in seis ................................163
Figure 7.19 Binarization of fandango rhythms .........................................................164
Figure 7.20 Chromaticism in seis milonguero...........................................................174
Figure 7.21 Counterpoint and chromaticism in seis celinés .....................................175
Figure 7.22 Syncopated bass line and melody in seis montuno ................................176
Figure 7.23 Chromatic scale in seis chorreao ..........................................................177
Figure 7.24 Baroque style counterpoint in seis chorreao .........................................177
Figure 8.1 Description of jíbaro instruments and trovador (El Jíbaro, Manuel Alonso)
....................................................................................................................................182
12
Figure 8.2 Excerpt of décima dedicated to King Alfonso XII (1858) ......................185
Figure 8.3 Décima by trovador Isidro Fernandez .....................................................188
Figure 8.4 First stanza of La Décima de Espinel by Luis Morales Ramos (Luisito, El
Montañero) ...............................................................................................................189
Figure 8.5 Example of assonance in La hija del viejo Pancho by Luis Llorens Torres
....................................................................................................................................190
Figure 8.6 Example of assonance called “asonante pareado” in décima .................193
Figure 8.7 Popular styles of seis used for improvisation ..........................................194

13
ABSTRACT
Improvisation is regarded as the most sublime element in the jíbaro folk music
tradition of Puerto Rico. This tradition originated by the jíbaro, the simple rural farmer
of Puerto Rico’s heartland, involves the complicated art of improvising in décima, a ten-
line poetic form, as well as improvisation of melodic lines played on the cuatro, a small
guitar-like instrument. Since jíbaro improvisation is an art that is transmitted orally and
involves a seemingly spontaneous act, it might seem odd to talk about a theory of
improvisation within this style of music. My ethnographic research however has revealed
that improvisation in jíbaro music is actually a highly structured performance practice
and involves an informal theory that is based on the knowledge of archetypal patterns that
generate and organize jíbaro improvisations.
Recent theories of music which establish parallels between music, language, and
cognition (Lerdhal and Jackendoff; Clarke; Gjerdingen) have lead me to believe that
improvisation in jíbaro music is generated by the combination of archetypal patterns that
create a musical syntax. These patterns are stored in minds of jíbaro performers as
cognitive schemas. My study is also based on the work of Puerto Rican scholars Luis M.
Alvarez and Angel Quintero who have identified African rhythmic patterns as the
generative musical source in many styles of Puerto Rican folk music. By combining
theories of music and ethnographic methods, this paper will provide a greater
understanding of orally transmitted cultural expressions, which utilize improvisation, as
well as give insight to the cognitive processes that shape this performance practice.
14
CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION
The art of improvisation in jíbaro music is of one of the most sublime dimensions
of this folkloric tradition. Skilled musicians accompany with cuatro (small guitar similar
to the lute), guitar, bongo, and güiro (gourd scraper) the lyrical poetry of trovadores
(troubadours) who improvise in décima (a ten-line strophe). Improvisation in décima, as
well in the music that accompanies it, called seis, follows the aesthetic canons of a
jíbaro musical language which has synthesized African, Spanish, and indigenous
elements as well as those of other Latin American countries. It is through the fluent use
of this language, its rhythmic, harmonic, and melodic patterns as well the musical syntax
that organizes it, that performers create improvisations in this folk tradition. Memory
plays an intrinsic role during jíbaro improvisation, being that this is an orally transmitted
music. Based on musical and linguistic theories (Lerdhal and Jacekndoff; Gjerdingen)
this dissertation focuses on identifying the archetypal patterns that make up the musical
language of the jíbaro, as well the cognitive processes that generate improvisation in this
music.1 Using my own ethnographic research and socio-cultural theories (Quintero;
Álvarez; Lord), this study also demonstrates the essential role that improvisation plays in
jíbaro music culture, as well as in the broader cultural perspective of the Caribbean and
Latin America.2

1
Fred Lerdahl and Ray Jackendoff, A Generative Theory of Tonal Music
(Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1983); Robert Gjerdingen, Music in the Galant Style
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007).
15
Why Study Improvisation in Jíbaro Music?
Often defined as making music “in the course of performance”3, or impromptu
without prior planning, improvisation actually requires a lot of prior knowledge and is
usually not something that performers just jump into or “freely” perform. In many folk
music traditions across the world, improvisation is a skill mastered through many years of
practice, and is dictated by the norms of the musical language of that tradition. In other
words, those who are most fluent in their musical language, and hence have the ability to
create new music based on traditional forms, are considered masters of their trade.
Mastery in western art music today is not synonymous with improvisation,
actually quite the opposite. As Richard Taruskin argues Western Art music is currently a
tradition dominated by the concepts of Werktreue – fidelity to the musical work, and the
“work-concept”, or the glorification of the piece. These ideas have imposed a regimen
which “patrols” and “hardens” the formerly “fluid boundary” between composer and
performer.4 As a practitioner of classical music I was also inculcated to revere pieces of
music notated on a page, to respect the detailed markings of composers who crafted them

2
Angel Quintero Rivera, Salsa, Sabor y Control: Sociología de la Música
Tropical (Mexico: Siglo Veintiuno Editores, 1998); Luis Manuel Alvarez, “La Presencia
Negra en la Música Puertorriqueña,” in La tercera raíz: presencia africana en Puerto
Rico, ed. Lydia Milagros González (San Juan: Instituto de Cultura Puertorriqueña, 1992),
23-43; Albert B. Lord, The Singer of Tales (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press,
1960).
3
Bruno Nettl and Melinda Russell, eds, In the Course of Performance: Studies in
the World of Musical Improvisation (Chicago: Chicago Studies in Ethnomusicology,
1998).
4
Richard Taruskin, Text and Act: Essays on Music and Performance (Oxford:
Oxford University Press, 1995), 10.
16
through many hours of labor, and to strive for an impeccable interpretation of the work.
Although I learned a great deal from my formal classical training, improvisation was not
one them, and through this study I have come to realize why.
Improvisation is not attained from the ability to play scales and arpeggios, or from
having performed many virtuoso pieces, but rather through the internalization of a style
of music that comes from immersion in a culture. Robert Gjerdingen in his book Music
in the Galant Style, goes to great lengths in trying to demonstrate that the 18th century
Galant culture is inseparable from its music: “Galant was a word much used in the
eighteenth century. It referred broadly to a collection of traits, attitudes, and manners
associated with the cultured nobility.”5 As Gjerdingen explains, Galant musicians
composed pieces from a repertory of idiomatic musical phrases, which he calls
“schemata.” These schematas were memorized through the exercises of partimento, bass
lines on which a student was expected to provide the upper voices or chords, thus
completing the schemata and committing “every aspect of the schema to memory.” The
result as Gjerdingen explains was “fluency in the style and the ability to speak this
courtly language.”6 The repertoire of schematas, referred to zibaldone in the Galant style,
allowed musicians to improvise entire pieces. Gjerdingen mentions an example of
violinist Carl Ditters Von Dittersdorf who jointly improvised a sonata with a keyboard
accompanist: “like two actors of the commedia dell’ arte performing their ‘usual scene,’
Dittersdorf and his accompanist must have ably connected a string of well learned

5
Gjerdingen, Music in the Galant Style, 5.
6
Ibid., 25.
17
musical schemata to form a seemingly spontaneous and continuous musical
performance.”7
These improvisatory practices which formed part of the Galant Style (such as the
improvisation of cadenzas in a Mozart concerto), as well the musical culture of the great
classical masters, in which performers and composers rely on memory and the ability of
spontaneous creation, has been lost in the Western classical music tradition today. In
folk music however, they survive and form an integral part of these cultures, making this
music a fertile body of repertoire for the study of improvisation. Albert Lord in his
classic book The Singer of Tales describes how Serbo-Croatian bards spin out lengthy
epic ballads through memorized “formulas” or “a group of words which is regularly
employed under the same metrical conditions to express a given essential idea.”8
Formulas are analogous to schematas, in that both are patterns used for the creation of art,
one for poetry, the other for music. The singer of tales as Lord explains is not just a
performer “who merely reproduces what someone else or himself has composed” but a
composer as well: “Our singer of tales is a composer of tales. Singer, performer,
composer and poet are one under different aspects but at the same time. Singing,
performing, composing are facets of the same act.”9
Improvisation in jíbaro music is not just a form of performance, but as Lord states
the act itself is composition by spontaneous creation. The trovador, a poet-singer, and

7
Ibid., 10.
8
Lord, The Singer of Tales, 30.
9
Ibid., 13.
18
the cuatrista, an instrumentalist, are revered in jíbaro culture as the highest exponents of
this art form, not just in their ability to create spontaneously, but also as creators and re-
creators of tradition. The jíbaro, the name used to describe the rural farmer, preserved in
his music many customs and traditions still practiced today that make up an essential part
of Puerto Rican culture and identity. Jíbaro music, the voice of the folk, still holds this
role in today's modern society, but it has also been elevated as one of the most
“authentic” markers of Puerto Rican culture. In studying the archetypal patterns, or
“schematas” used by jíbaro musicians during the process of improvisation, we are
studying not just a purely musical phenomenon, but actually a cultural one as well.
Jíbaro musicians are not just in dialogue with each other during the act of improvisation
but also with an audience as part of an immediate cultural experience that today includes
Puerto Ricans on the island and in the diaspora. On a metaphysical plane, jíbaro music is
also a performance in dialogue with a historical and literary past that dates back five
centuries, as well as with strong contemporary political ideals. Jíbaro music thus
contributes to a collective sense of national identity defined as “Puertorriqueñidad,” the
essence of what it is to be “Puerto Rican.”
Jíbaro Music, An Art Neglected in Scholarly Literature
Despite its obvious importance in Puerto Rican culture and identity, jíbaro music
has been art form neglected by scholars. The amount of literature written on Puerto
Rican folk music is small compared to that concerning the other islands of the Hispanic
Caribbean. The music of Cuba has received the most attention from scholars, nationally
19
and internationally, and while comparable in some ways to the music of Puerto Rico,
there are significant differences. Some important scholarly works on Puerto Rican music
however have paved the way for research regarding its folklore, but only a few books and
articles have addressed jíbaro music in particular. Books by Maria Luisa Muñoz (1966),
Francisco López Cruz (1967), and Cesareo Rosa Nieves (1967) are probably the most
cited sources with regards to jíbaro music.10 All three music history books treat the
whole spectrum of popular, folk and classical music of Puerto Rico, including chapters
on the jíbaro styles of seis and the aguinaldo, as well as décima. All three are classics,
but are nevertheless dated.
Of these three the most important scholarly contribution pertaining specifically to
jíbaro music is La Música Folklórica de Puerto Rico (1967) by musician and historian
Dr. Francisco López Cruz. Malena Kuss, in her article “Puerto Rico,” describes López
Cruz’s work as “pathbreaking research [that] went on to seize the inextricable bond
between poetic and musical delivery from the perspective of an experienced
performer.”11 Kuss is referring to the bond between the poetic form of the décima, and
music used to accompany décima called the seis and aguinaldo. Unlike the other books
by Muñoz and Nieves which are mostly historical, López Cruz’s approach to studying
jíbaro music offered many transcriptions and notated musical examples, which to date

10
Maria Luisa Muñoz, Música en Puerto Rico: Panorama Histórico-Cultural,
(Sharon, Connecticut: Troutman Press, 1966); Francisco López Cruz, La Música
Folklórica de Puerto Rico (Sharon, Conn.: Troutman Press, 1967); Cesareo Rosa Nieves,
Voz Folklórica de Puerto Rico (Sharon, Connecticut: Troutman Press, 1967).
11
Melana Kuss, “Puerto Rico,” in Music in Latin America and the Caribbean:
Performing the Caribbean Experience, Vol.2, ed. Malena Kuss (Austin: University of
Texas Press, 2007), 154.
20
have provided the richest source of written music on this non-literate tradition. Chapter 1,
titled “The Seis” is a historical gem. In this chapter the author describes 27 varieties of
seis many of which are extinct, such as the seis sonduro, and seis del sombrero, and
others that are still performed today, such as the seis chorreao and seis mapeyé. The
breadth of the analysis on jíbaro music offered by López Cruz in La Música Folklórica
de Puerto Rico is informative and probably the most significant contribution to date, but
by no means rigorous and critical. As Hector Vega comments, “There is no
comprehensive or scholarly publication treating the history of the seis, the most important
creole musical genre.”12 I would agree with Vega and add that there is also no
comprehensive ethnomusicological publication treating the seis, or jíbaro music in
general regarding the socio-cultural role that this music plays in society.
Vega’s article titled “Puerto Rico” (2000) which appears in the Garland
Handbook of Latin American Music along with another article by Hector Campos Parsi
with the same title, represent two of the more recent sources on Puerto Rican music.13
Each dedicates a small section to the seis, aguinaldo and décima and provides good
overviews on the topic of jíbaro music.

12
Hector Vega Drouet, “Puerto Rico,” in The Garland Handbook of Latin
American Music, eds. Dale Olsen and Daniel Sheehy (New York: Garland Publishing,
2000), 140.
13
Héctor Campos Parsi, “Puerto Rico,” in Diccionario de la Música Española e
Hispanoamericana, Vol. 8, ed. Emilio Casares Rodicio, (Madrid: Sociedad General de
Autores y Editores, 2001), 981-93.

21
Two studies that have greatly influenced my work are: “La Presencia Negra en la
Música Puertorriqueña” by Luis Manuel Alvarez and Salsa, Sabor y Control: Sociología
de la música tropical, by Angel G. Quintero. Alvarez’s article examines the African
influences inherent in the folk music of Puerto Rico.14 His discussion includes a section
on jíbaro music, in which he dissects typical jíbaro melodic and rhythmic motifs and
exposes their Afro-Caribbean roots. Following Alvarez’s analytical study Angel
Quintero developed the concept of “tambor camuflado” or the camouflaged drum in
Puerto Rican folk and popular music.15 Quintero argues that the African influence in
Puerto Rican music is many times disguised or “camouflaged” in melodic or
accompanying parts played by instruments of European origin. The author argues that
many melodies and ostinato patterns played on the cuatro are derived from an African
substratum neglected in a jíbaro music tradition dominated by a hispanophilism. On a
broader scale, Cuban scholar Antonio Pérez Fernández reveals the influence of African
rhythms in Latin American folk and popular music in his book La binarización de los
ritmos ternarios africanos en America Latina.16 His concept of “binarization” is
important in tracing the evolution of the jíbaro seis as genre.
“Décima, Seis, and the Art of the Puertorican Trovador within the Modern Social
Context” by Prisco Hernández is an ethnographic study which examines the interaction

14
Alvarez, “La Presencia Negra en la Música Puertorriqueña,” 39-41.
15
Quintero, Salsa, Sabor y Control, 201-252.
16
Rolando Antonio Pérez Fernéndez, La binarización de los ritmos ternarios
africanos en America Latina (Habana, Cuba: Casa Las Americas, 1987).
22
between the trovador singer and audience during live performance.17 This study along
with Alberto Medina’s short article “El trovador, el aguinaldo y el seis puertorriqueño,”
which provides an insightful overview of the jíbaro trovador tradition, are some of the
latest contributions to the very slim and scattered body of scholarly literature on jíbaro
music.18
Historical Sources
Donald Thompson’s Music in Puerto Rico: A Reader’s Anthology, contains most
of the important historical sources related to jíbaro music from the late 18th, 19th and
early 20th centuries.19 These include an excerpt from Manuel Alonso’s often quoted
chapter on jíbaro dance and music titled “Los Bailes de Garabato”, as well as invaluable
sources by Fray Iñigo Abbadd y Lasierra, Francisco del Valle Atiles, Julio Carlos de
Arteaga, and Manuel Fernández Juncos, which all recreate this early period of gestation
during the 18th century, and finally during 19th centuries and early 20th when jíbaro music
defined.

17
The interaction between audience and trovador according to Hernández,
revolves mainly around the pie forzado. For a further discussion, see Prisco Hernández,
“‘Décima, Seis,’ and the Art of the Puertorican ‘Trovador’ within the Modern Social
Context,” Latin American Music Review/ Revista de Musica Latinoamericana 14 (1993):
20-51.
18
Alberto Medina, El trovador, el aguinaldo y el seis puertorriqueno, (San Juan,
P.R.: Instituto de Cultura Puertorriqueña, 1989).

19 Donald Thompson, ed, Music in Puerto Rico: A Reader’s Anthology (Lanham,
Maryland: Scarecrow Press, 2002).

23
The most significant ethnographic study done on the island with regards to folk
music is the John Alden Mason collection recorded between 1914 and 1915.20 Dr.
Mason’s recordings constitute the first field recordings of various styles of folk music
including the jíbaro seis, aguinaldo and décima. An important companion to this
collection is Mason and Aurelio Espinosa’s article titled “Porto Rican folklore: Décimas,
Christmas Carols, nursery rhymes and other songs” from 1918, where the authors
synthesize Mason’s discoveries in Puerto Rican folklore including the decimilla, a
hexasyllable form of décima which is practiced only in Puerto Rico.21 The decimilla, is
one of the poetic mediums used to sing the aguinaldo, traditional music usually sung
during Christmas time in Puerto Rico and often improvised. Another important
contribution to the early field recordings in Puerto Rican folk music is the Richard
Waterman’s Folk Music of Puerto Rico from 1946, which include an interesting rendition
of various styles of seis and décima. One recording titled seis villaran features the
accordion an instrument that is very rare today in jíbaro music dominated by string
instruments. Another titled in Franklin Delano Roosevelt (seis con décima), features a
jíbaro dedicating his verses in the ten-line strophes of décima to the death of president

20
Anthropologist and archeologist, John Alden Mason led pioneer folk studies in
Puerto Rico during 1914-15. Thanks to Dr. Mason’s studies in Puerto Rican folklore we
have hundreds of field recordings from the beggining of the early 20th century that
document the oral traditions of the jíbaro, as well as other popular music. Mason also
led the excavations that uncovered the Caguana taíno archeological site in Utuado during
1915, which constitutes the largest pre-columbian indigenous ceremonial center in the
Caribbean.
21
The décima is the most popular form of poetic form in jibaro music. For a
further discussion see John Alden Mason, “Porto Rican folklore: Décimas, Christmas
Carols, nursery rhymes and other songs,” Journal of American Folklore 31 (1918): 289-
450.
24
Roosevelt, demonstrating the political and social links established between the US and
Puerto Rico as a result of the Spanish American War in 1898.
Also important to my study are the recordings done by jíbaro musicians in New
York during the 1930s and 40s. Some of the recordings compiled by Dick Spottswood in
a disc titled “The Music of Puerto Rico 1929-1947” were the first to include music of
jíbaro in recorded performance.22 They also represent the first recordings of the now
famous artists and composers Rafael Hernandez, Pedro Flores, Davilita, Maestro Ladí,
Chuito El de Bayamón, and “La Calandria”. The commercialization of jíbaro music was
crucial in the creation of a Puerto Rican identity that transformed the idea of the rural
jíbaro into a national icon. Commercial recordings also spurred the development of
jíbaro music styles of playing which became more refined and complex.
One of the most comprehensive historical surveys on jíbaro music exists in the
form of a webpage titled “The Puerto Rican Cuatro Project” (www.cuatro-pr.org), which
includes biographical information on famous jíbaro musicians, discographies, and
historical information on the cuatro, seis and décima.23 “The Puerto Rican Cuatro
Project” was founded by William Cumpiano, a cuatro artisan, and Juan Sotomayor, a
news reporter. The two also created Nuestro Cuatro, a two-volume documentary film
series that narrates the colorful history and evolution of Puerto Rico’s national instrument
the cuatro. Both documentaries include interviews with almost all of the legendary

22
The Music of Puerto Rico:1929-1947, Performed by Los Jardineros, Pedro
Flores, Davilita, et.al, Halerquin HQ CD 22, 1992.
23
Juan Sotomayor and William Cumpiano, The Puerto Rican Cuatro Project,
http://www.cuatro-pr.org.
25
jíbaro cuatristas including: Maso Rivera, Yomo Toro, Roque Navarro (all three recently
passed away) and Nieves Quintero, and includes an interesting segment on the jíbaro
traditions of the Puerto Rican community in Hawaii. It is also worth noting that
ethnomusicologist Ted Solis also wrote an article on the same subject titled “You Shake
Your Hips Too Much: Diasporic Values and Hawai’i Puerto Rican Dance Culture.” This
article, along the article by Prisco Hernandez article mentioned earlier, represent the most
recent scholarly literature written on jíbaro music in the United States.
Memory and the cognitive processes of improvisation
The act of musical improvisation involves a creative process that occurs in the
moment, or to quote the The New Grove Dictionary “creation of a musical work… as it is
being performed.” The idea that this creative process stems completely from a void has
been highly contested by scholars who point out that improvisation is actually a “very
structured thing” (Paul Berliner).24 The word “formula”, used by Lord and Parry, likens
improvisation almost to a mathematical exercise where information can be plugged in
here and there, giving an end result. Others, like R. Anderson Sutton, question the
spontaneous nature of this act and prefer to call it “variation”,25 embellishment,
ornamentation, or recombination, all of which imply an a priori knowledge of ideas, “pre-

24 Paul Berliner, Thinking in Jazz: The Infinite Art of Improvisation, (Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 1994), 63.

25
R. Anderson Sutton, “Do Javanese Gamelan Musicians Really Improvise?,” in
In the Course of Performance: Studies in the World of Musical Improvisation, Bruno
Nettl and Melinda Russell, eds. (Chicago: Chicago Studies in Ethnomusicology, 1998),
69-92.
26
forms” (Titon)26, “schemas” (Rubin)27 and “schematas” (Gjerdingen) which are being
transformed, recombined and so forth. As Nettl argues, a good way to analyze
improvisation is through the identification and behavior of its points of departure: “It may
be stated as an article of faith that improvisers always have a point of departure,
something which they use to improvise on … themes, tunes, and chord sequences to
forms…” 28 To these we could also add “formulas,” “schematas,” "pre-forms" and the
larger syntactical structures that organize them. Points of departure form the basic
building blocks, akin to vocabulary, used in the musical language of improvisation.
Some of the questions relating to the concepts of “building blocks” and “vocabulary”
which treat improvisation as a language are concerned with how it is assembled in the
mind. How is improvisation stored in the mind? What cognitive processes occur in the
process of retrieval? What role does memory play during improvisation? As Nettl
himself states, what “actually happens in the mind of the improviser in the course of

26
According to Jeff Todd Titon “pre-forms,” pre-meditated formulas, make up a
cruicial element of improvisation in blues singing. Jeff Todd Titon, Early Downhome
Blues: A Musical and Cultural Analysis, (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1977).
27
The study of schemas or cognitive schemas, a concept taken from psychology ,
refering to an “active oragnization of past reactions or past to experiences,” in Rubin’s
book Memory in Oral Traditions offers good insight to the mental processes occuring
during the performance of folk music. David C. Rubin, Memory in Oral Traditions: The
Cognitive Psychology of Epic, Ballads, and Counting-out Rhymes. (Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 1995).

28
Bruno Netl, “Introduction: An Art Neglected in Scholarship,” in In the Course
of Performance: Studies in the World of Musical Improvisation, Bruno Nettl and Melinda
Russell, eds. (Chicago: Chicago Studies in Ethnomusicology, 1998), 15.
27
performance… may be the most significant question for scholars investigating the
process.” 29
Anne Dhu McLucas presents some interesting answers to questions regarding
memory and oral transmission in her book The Musical Ear: Oral Tradition in the USA.30
Some of the most significant to my study in jíbaro music are the differences she
establishes the memory used for vocal music versus instrumental music, the first being
mental and the latter involving being kinesthetic. McLucas also presents interesting
relationships between melodic contour and rhythm to musical memory, based on the
“schema” theory of David Rubin, similar to Gjerdingen’s concept of “schemata.”
Contours and rhythm play an important part in creating and organizing the mental
schemas during improvisation. Contours are one of the first things the mind will
recognize, according to McLucas, and thus crucial to in the spontaneous act of
improvisation.
Eric Clarke’s article “Generative principles in music performance” offers
insightful information on the “generative” processes that happen during musical
performance, and ways to represent them schematically.31 Clarke considers his theories
to be generative in the same “descriptive and analytical sense as in Chomsky (1957) and

29
Bruno Nettl, In the Course of Performance,16.
30
Anne Dhu McLucas, The Musical Ear: Oral Tradition in the USA (Burlington,
Vermont: Ashgate, 2010).
31
Eric F. Clarke, “Generative principles in music performance,” in Generative
Processes in Music: The Psychology of Improvisation, Performance and Composition,
ed.John A. Sloboda (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1988),1-26.
28
the more recent music theory of Lerdhal and Jackendoff (1983),” and he further
demonstrates the hierarchical structures, which take place in different types of musical
performance, including improvisation, using tree diagrams. Other works by authors who
deal with psychological and cognitive theories of music will also be discussed in this
study including David Sudnow (1978), Jeff Pressing (1984), and David Huron (2006).32
Theoretical concepts and modes of analysis used primarily in Western classical
music also lie at the core of this study and have been implemented as tools for examining
the structural components of jíbaro music. Studies on rhythmic organization and
generative processes in music by Fred Lerdhal and Ray Jackendoff, and Grovesnor
Cooper and Leonard Meyer that explore music and its relationship to language have been
crucial to my research.33 Their generative theory of music, modeled on the linguistic
studies of Noam Chomsky and the music theories of Heinrich Schenker, explains the
parallels between the processes of perception and acquisition in language and music. My
research has expanded on these theories by utilizing them as models for my own
generative theory of jíbaro improvisation.
Putting Jíbaro Improvisation into a Broader Context

32
David Sudnow, Ways of the Hand: The Organization of Improvised Conduct
(Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1978); Jeff Pressing “Cognitive Processes in
Improvisation,” in Cogntive Processes in the Perception of Art, eds. Ray Crozier and
Anthony J. Chapman (Amsterdam: Elivisier), 345-63; and David Huron, Sweet
Anticipation: Music and the Psychology of Expectation (Cambridge, MA,: The MIT
Press, 2006).

33
For more information on rhythmic organization, see Fred Lerdahl and Ray
Jackendoff, A Generative Theory of Tonal Music (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1983);
and Grosvenor Cooper and Leonard P. Meyer. The Rhythmic Structure of Music
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1960).

29
Although I believe that improvisation is “a structured thing” and involves the use
of premeditated “formulas”, “schemas,” etc., I hope to also show in this study that
improvisation still involves an intangible something which gives this mode of
performance a certain mystique, which can be overlooked by a purely analytical
approach. In order to recognize this intangible something we as listeners have to be able
to distinguish “what is “improvised” and what is not.”34 This task in today's world is
difficult. Thanks to recordings and written sources, improvisation can be simulated, even
in oral tradition. This problem becomes magnified in a globalized world, where folklore
has become a commodity.
No other performance context challenges the modern improviser and highlights
issues of “authenticity” in jíbaro improvisation, more than staged competitions, such as
the concurso and the international trovador festivals. The concurso, which means
competition in Spanish, is currently the premier performance venue for jíbaro musicians.
Celebrated regionally as well on a national level these events recreate the age-old
spectacle of the poetic duel. Jíbaro trovadores who improvise in the ancient poetic form
of décima, accompanied by virtuoso cuatristas, compete for prizes before a jury who
ultimately base their decision what this “tradition” is, or is not, ultimately dictating the
boundaries of tradition. Spectators at these events are a mix of fans and bystanders,
young, and old, Some have lost their ties with this folk tradition and no longer understand
all the complexities of the décima. All however, are entertained by the struggles and

34
Stephen Blum, “Recognizing Improvisation,” in In the Course of Performance:
Studies in the World of Musical Improvisation, Bruno Nettl and Melinda Russell, eds.
(Chicago: Chicago Studies in Ethnomusicology, 1998), 27-45.
30
triumphs of the trovador and are galvanized by the typical utterances of patriotism that
come from his voice: “¡Viva Puerto Rico Libre!”
On a grander scale, international trovador festivals folklorize an entire tradition of
décima practiced in Latin America, Spain, Portugal, and Italy. Colorful delegations of
poet-singers and musicians draped in the national dress of their countries give testimony
to the diversity in styles of improvisation. United by the poetic form of décima, which
originated in Spain during the 16th century, and then travelled to the most remote corners
of the Hispanic world, repentistas from Cuba, cantores de mejorana from Panama,
payadores from Argentina and of course trovadores from Puerto Rico, gather at these
staged spectacles awing all who watch with their poetic wit and humor.
Various books have been written on the décima tradition in Puerto Rico. Some of
the most prominent works include Pedro and Elsa Escabí’s La Décima: Vista Parcial del
Folklore de Puerto Rico, María Cadilla’s La Poesía Popular en Puerto Rico and Yvette
Jiménez de Báez’s La Décima Popular en Puerto Rico.35 This last work is arguably the
best source on this topic and was a pioneer study for the later popular décima studies that
flourished elsewhere. Teoria de la improvisación: Primeras Paginas para el estudio del
Repentismo, by Cuban scholar and improviser Alexis Diaz-Pimienta, is an interesting
study that looks at improvisation from the view of performer and academic.36 This study

35
Pedro Escabí and Elsa Escabí, La Décima: Vista Parcial del Folklore de Puerto
Rico (Puerto Rico: Editorial Universitaria, 1976); María Cadilla de Martinez, La Poesía
Popular en Puerto Rico (Cuenca: Imprenta Moderna, 1933); and Yvette Jiménez de
Báez, La Décima Popular en Puerto Rico (Mexico: Universidad Veracruzana, 1964).
31
along with various books written by one of the most distinguished authorities on décima,
Maximiano Trapero, have been very helpful in providing an ample base for comparison
of jibaro music in a broader Latin American context.37 They have allowed me to gain a
better understanding of the improvisatory techniques employed by jíbaro musicians as
part of the cultural mosaic in the widespread tradition that persists today in the Caribbean
(or as Antonio Garcia de Leon calls the “The Great Caribbean”) and Latin America.38
Being that improvisation is such an important part of jíbaro tradition, this
dissertation has two main objectives: the first to understand the art of improvisation as
performance practice through the analysis of its forms and structures, as well its cognitive
processes, and the second to understand this art within its sociological context.
Objective one could be rephrased as the “How do jíbaro musicians improvise?” and
second as “Why do they improvise?” Chapters 2-5 deal with the “how”, by developing a
theory of improvisation in jíbaro music based on analytical approaches used by music
theorists and ethnomusicologists. Chapters 6-8 deal with the cultural implications and
role that improvisation plays in jíbaro music as a living tradition.

36
Alexis Díaz-Pimienta, Teoría de la Improvisación. Primeras Páginas para el
Estudio del Repentismo (La Habana, Cuba: Unión: 2000).
37
Maximiano Trapero, El libro de la décima. La poesía improvisada en el mundo
hispánico (Las Palmas, Gran Canaria: Universidad de las Palmas de Gran Canaria, 1996).

38
Antonio Garcia de León, El mar de los deseos: El Caribe hispano musical,
Historia y contrapunto (Mexico, Siglo Veintiuno Editores, 2002).
32
CHAPTER 2. IMPROVISATION IN JIBARO MUSIC
In the renewal of the social practices of these countries, improvisation must be

understood today no longer as a circumstantial intellectual product, but as a
weapon of strategic adaptation of Enlightenment Reason to the demands of a
recently formed nation in the Americas. Improvisation is not an exotic adjective,
but rather a tactic of adaptation to the creative velocity and demands of the digital
globe.
— Fred Coelho, Improvisations of Tropical Cartesianism
Improvisation in Everyday Life
As Fred Coehlo mentions in his article “Improvisations of Tropical
Cartesianism,” there were unfortunately many stereotypes and myths constructed about
“tropical” countries of the third world, and the irrational way they carry on things related
to everyday life, music, and culture, that still persist today. From the perspective of
certain European currents of thought, Coehlo mentions as an example Lévi-Strauss’
Triste Tropiques, the inability in tropical countries to create significant works of art
seems due to the complete disregard of “Cartesian reason” in favor of improvisation to
cope with precarious circumstances. Within the Eurocentric discourse of Enlightenment
reason “improvisation — the intellectual product inspired by the occasion itself and
accomplished suddenly, without preparation (as defined by the Aurélio Dictionary) —
was the only possible manner of production in places with a precarious Cartesianism.”39
For many tropical and third world countries however improvisation is not a
product of unresourcefulness, or the lack the of reason, but actually quite the opposite.

39
Fred Coehlo, “Improvisations of a Tropical Improvisations,” Critical Studies in
Improvisation 7, no.1 (2011). http://www.criticalimprov.com/ article/viewArticle/
1359/2035.
33
As Bruno Nettl states, for many non-Western cultures, “the most desirable and acceptable
music is improvised.” In Iran for example, “those lacking metric structure and thus
predictability are the most prestigious.”40 Similarly in Puerto Rican folks styles of music
the most praised performances are those that involve improvisation. Actually, traditional
forms such as bomba and plena would not exist if not for improvisation. Improvisation
plays an indispensable role in these styles of Afro-Caribbean drum-dance music. It is
embodied in the seemingly unpredictable and dynamic lead roles of the repique (solo
drumming), the floreo (body movements of the dancer in response to the drum solo), and
the soneo (improvised lyrics of the lead singer in the call and response section).
From the western lens, it seems that the lack of “structure” and “predictability” in
the everyday life of tropical countries would be conflated with the improvisatory artistic
practices of these cultures. Improvisation, although greatly at odds with the rational
Cartesian mind frame, was nevertheless alluring to westerners who exoticized and
romanticized Caribbean culture with its musicians who could perform amazing feats on
the spur of the moment. This romanticized view of the folk musician as a master
improviser with surprising skills was also perpetuated by prominent figures of the
cultured class in Puerto Rico such as writers Manuel Alonso, Manuel Fernandez Juncos,
Luis Llorens Torres.
The ability to extemporize in daily life is reflected all Puerto Rican folk and
popular music. Improvisation offers a space for the common folk to express a critique of
society, and it is for this reason that the improviser is revered in many styles of Puerto

40
Bruno Nettl, In the Course of Performance, 8.
34
Rican folk and popular styles, not only as a creator who perpetuates tradition, but also as
a prophet who channels the voice of the people. The quintessential figure of a folk music
improviser in Puerto Rico is the jíbaro trovador, a poet-singer. The term jíbaro refers to
the rural farmers of Puerto Rico, “white or mixed-raced peasants who accounted for the
vast majority of the population until the 1930s.”41 Due to the process of industrialization
that occurred on the island throughout the 20th century, the marginalized and dispossessed
jíbaro was forced to migrate to urban centers in Puerto Rico and the United States. Many
however maintained their traditions, which of course involved music.
Improvisation in Jíbaro Culture
Jíbaro music as an oral tradition in Puerto Rico has its roots in the country folk.
This music, which began to take form during the Spanish colonial period (16th century),
was the result of the rural creole culture born from the mixing of European settlers
(predominantly from Spain), with taíno indigenous natives, and people of African origin
who were brought to Puerto Rico as slaves or arrived as Negros libertos (free slaves).
Throughout almost five centuries of Spanish rule and into the U.S. occupation of Puerto
Rico during 20th century, jíbaro music was shaped into the distinctive style it is today
becoming a symbol of a Puerto Rican national identity, albeit often overshadowed and
downplayed by dominant ruling forces and the creole upper class.

41 Peter Manuel, with Keneth Bilby and Michael Largey, Caribbean Currents:
Caribbean Music from Rumba to Reggea (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2006),
68.

35
For the illiterate, hard-working rural jíbaro, improvisation formed an essential
part in the music-making that accompanied religious and agricultural celebrations. One
example is the fiesta del acabe, a grand feast at the end of the harvest season.
Improvisation became an immediate form of composition for a music culture that relied
solely on memory, as opposed to writing. As a spontaneous form of creation it also
renewed long-standing traditions, thus helping to keep them alive.
For the marginalized and impoverished jíbaro population, improvisation was in
many ways part of everyday life. Contraband was a staple of subsistence for an island
located on the periphery of the Spanish empire,42 and the main means of survival for the
rural jíbaro who lived on the periphery of the urban centers of San Juan and Ponce. For
Spaniards, and later the United States, Puerto Rico was a strategic military point used to
fend off pirates and invaders. Geographically it is the closest of the Antilles to Spain and
the Canary islands. Spanish ships would stop to get supplies, food, and water and
continue on the larger centers in the Caribbean, Santo Domingo, Havana, Cuba and
finally to main land ports of Veracruz (Mexico), and Cartagena de Indias (Colombia).
One of the most genuine jíbaro traditions is the aguinaldo, an offering in the form
of music.43 The aguinaldo forms part of a non-material cultural capital, owned by the

42
As historian Salvador Brau states, contraband was the primary means of
survival for the island of Puerto Rio under Spanish Colonial Rule. Salvador Brau,
Historia de Puerto Rico (New York: D. Appleton and Company, 1971).
43
The aguinaldo as musical genre is a Christmas tradition shared across the
Caribbean and Latin America. For further discussion see Antonio Garcia de León, El
mar de los deseos: El Caribe hispano musical, Historia y contrapunto (Mexico, Siglo
Veintiuno Editores, 2002).
36
jíbaro who couldn’t afford to buy gifts but offered his skill as a musician and improviser
of verses at Christmas celebrations hosted by hacendados (landowners) and richer
members of the community.
Puerto Rican composer Amaury Veray beautifully depicts the Christmas
aguinaldo tradition of the jíbaro in an art-song titled the Villancico Yaucano. In the piece
Juan “el verdulero” (Juan the fruit vendor) visits the baby Jesus in his manger surrounded
by many gifts. At the climatic ending of the song the vendor humbly claims since he has
nothing material to offer: “yo como no tengo nada”, he is only able to offer his heart: “le
traigo mi corazón,” or the song coming from his devoted heart (see 2.1).
Yo soy Juan el verdulero

Que vengo de la montaña
Y te traigo viandas buenas
Desde mi humilde cabaña
Al niño recien nacido

Todos le traen un don
Yo como no tengo nada
Le traigo mi corazón
Figure 2.1 Last two strophes of the Villancico Yaucano by Amaury Veray
During Christmas celebrations jíbaros would sing aguinaldos as part of the
parranda or trulla, where groups of people would go from home to home singing and
dancing in exchange for delicious Christmas foods such as majarete (a desert made
coconut milk and corn meal), arroz con gandules (stewed yellow rice and pigeon peas),

37
lechon asao (roasted pork), and pitorro (a liquor made from fermented fruits and sugar
cane rum). The aguinaldo as a form of salutation pays homage to the patron and initiates
the festivity outside the house. Manuel Alonso in his classic book from 1849 titled El
Jíbaro, depicts this custom:
No tardamos en llegar a la primera casa … y nos colocamos reunidos al principio

de la escalera: una musica campestre acompaño a los que entonaban el aguinaldo
nuevo, cuyos versos eran de uno de los cantores, y que se reducian al saludo de
costumbre de los amos de la casa y desearles todas las prosperidades, si nos daban
dulces, manjar blanco, buñuelos y otras mil cosas. Concluido el canto aparecio la
familia a lo mas alto de la escalera, bajola el dueno de la casa y nos invito a subir
para tomar algun refresco.… Despues de tomar con toda franqueza cada uno lo
que quiso, nos pusimos a danzar … .44
The aguinaldo as a form of salutation is still practiced in Puerto Rico today. Many
parrandas will greet their patrons with the aguinaldo isabelino “Saludos Saludos vengo a
saludar, a lo isabelino bonito cantar" (Greetings, Greetings, I come to greet you, in the
traditional way of the isabelino)45.” The patrons would then invite the members of the
parranda inside the house to eat, drink, and dance.
The seis, according to Manuel Fernández Juncos in an article titled “El seis
enojao” (1922), was the favorite dance of the jíbaro.46 A particular style of seis called

44
“We first arrived at the first house, where we began to sing an aguinaldo at the
bottom of the stairs, as a form of salutation for the hosts and wish them prosperity and
abundance if they gave us christamas sweets, custard (manjar blanco), beignets and many
other things. At the end of the song we were invited up to the house, where everyone
drank and ate as much as they pleased, then we began the dance.” Manuel Alonso, El
Jíbaro, (Barcelona: Editorial Vosgos, 1975), 108.
45
Isabelino refers to the coastal town of isabela. The aguinaldo isabelino is from
this town.
38
seis bombeao, a lively dance where couples interrupt the music by shouting “Bomba!!,”
thus forcing one of the dancers to improvise a couplet, is still practiced today, although it
is no longer danced. The improvisation is initiated by the popular chorus: “la bomba ay
que rica es, me sube el ritmo por lo pies, mulato saca a tu trigueña pa que baile bomba,
bomba puertorriqueña, Bomba!!”47 All present then take turns improvising a bomba or
reciting known couplets. Those who fail face the humiliation of a chorus: “no sabe na,
no sabe na, no sabe na de bomba, no sabe na” (You don’t know bomba, you don’t know
anything). The seis eventually lost its popularity as a dance-form in jíbaro culture and
turned into a medium for poetic and instrumental improvisation.
Within the context of this performance setting for the seis emerged the trovador, a
poet-singer who could magically spin out beautiful improvisations in the most popular
medium of oral literature within jíbaro culture: the décima. The décima, a poetic form
inherited from Spain and popularized by great literary figures of the Siglo de Oro such as

46
Manuel Fernández Juncos, “El Seis Enojao,” in Music in Puerto Rico: A
Reader’s Anthology, Donald Thompson, ed. (Lanham, Maryland: Scarecrow Press,
2002), 26-28.
47
The chorus of this modernized folk tradition: “la bomba ay que rica es, me sube
el ritmo por lo pies, mulato saca a tu trigueña pa que baile bomba, bomba puertorriqueña,
Bomba!!” was actually taken from the hit song “Ay que rica es” composed by Lito Peña
and popularized by Ruth Fernandez during the 60s. This new tradition of singing bomba
demonstrates how popular and folk music cross over and reinvigorate cultural practices.
Interestingly, in the song “Ay que rica es” one can hear the drums playing the Afro-
Puerto Rican bomba sica rhythm, along with lyrics inspired by the jibaro tradition of
singing witty couplets. Lito Peña in this sense combined the jíbaro and African
connotations of bomba in one song. For more information on this topic see, Luis Manuel
Alvarez webpage titled “La Pagina de la Música Puertorriqueña,”http://home.coqui.net/
alvarezl.
39
Lope de Vega and Calderón de la Barca, became for the illiterate jíbaro a vast repository
of oral knowledge and a means for creative invention.
The jíbaro trovador would recite from memory the classic works of Spanish
literature, thus perpetuating this literate tradition in oral form. The legends and tales of
heroes and historical figures from the Cantares de Gesta and the romancero such as
Roland, Conde Oliveros, Carlomagno, Doce Pares de Francia, Conde Olinos, and la
Delgadina, would all be told and reinvented by the jíbaro trovador. In the following
décima, the legendary trovador Ramito sings about mythical figure of the French heroine
Joan of Ark (see 2.2).
Una joven campesina

Llamada Juana de Arco
Pincelo todos los marcos
De la mas grande heroina
Y la historia lo compagina
En una lectura amena
Pero que se encuentra llena
De antecedents historicos
Son los hechos mas pletoricos
Alla a la orillas del Sena
Figure 2.2 Décima sung by Ramito on the historical theme of Joan of Ark
The jíbaro trovador would master the décima to a point where he could replicate
the ten-line poetic form instantaneously. A distinction began to arise between those who
sang décima in a premeditated fashion called cantores, to the trovadores who improvised
décima. The trovador would become a legendary for his ability to improvise on a wide
range of topics. The predominant themes tended to be bucolic, religious (especially in

40
relation to Catholicism), patriotic, satirical, lyrical, political and historical.
Of almost equal stature in jíbaro music with regards to improvisation is the cuatro
player. Franscisco del Valle Atiles, a doctor from San Juan, in his essay “El campesino
puertorriqueño” published in 1887 describes how jíbaros with “surprising” skill could
produce “amazing melodies” from the “imperfect” and rustic cuatro :
As imperfect as they [cuatros] are, they can produce agreeable sounds. Skilled
hands draw pleasant melodies from these crude instruments despite the serious
difficulties which they must certainly present. Players exist who with surprising
mastery display their skill producing amazing melodies especially on the cuatro.
Accompanying himself with these crude instruments the jíbaro sings his languid
and erotic ballads, or during Christmas season his animated villancicos.48
Cuatro players today have taken improvisation to new level, demonstrating virtuosity
comparable to the great performers in Western art music.49 They have led jíbaro music
in new directions through the use of chromaticism and jazz harmonies. Despite these
new tendencies, modern cuatristas have managed to maintain their improvisation style
within the parameters of the jíbaro tradition, and together with the trovador, form the
pillars on which this music survives today.
The premier performance venue for jíbaro improvisation today is the concurso, or
competition. More than 90 concursos are held in Puerto Rico every year, contradicting
the popular notion that jíbaro music is a stagnant tradition purely associated with
Christmas. Improvisation in jíbaro music as a living oral tradition should no longer be

48
Franscisco del Valle Atiles, “El campesino puertorriqueño” in Music in Puerto
Rico: A Reader’s Anthology, Donald Thompson, ed. (Lanham, Maryland: Scarecrow
Press, 2002),111-14.
49
Cuatrista Alvin Medina elevated cuatro performance to new heights of
virtuosity by performing Paganini’s Moto Perpetuo with the Philharmonic Orchestra of
Southern New Jersey in 1998.
41
viewed as a response to precarious circumstances or an “exotic adjective” as Fred Coehlo
states in the opening quote, but rather should be recognized as a creative process and
mode of making music comparable, and in many ways superior, to the dominant practice
of written composition in the West.50 David Rubin comments on the power of the mind
in oral traditions: “The transmission of oral traditions is remarkable to the modern
literate observer. Songs, stories, and poems are kept in stable form in memory for
centuries without the use of writing, whereas the literate observer has trouble
remembering what happened yesterday without notes.” 51 Memory and necessity work
together to create the right climate for a culture of improvisation to develop.
Contemporary jíbaro musicians perform every weekend demonstrating the great demand
for this music. A similar demand for spontaneous production was discussed in the
previous chapter with the example of the Galant musicians and baroque Kapellmeisters
who through necessity needed to produce copious music for courtly and ecclesiastical
functions, having little or no time to notate their compositions.
The Concurso: A Modern Recreation of a Jíbaro Tradition
It is amazing that improvisers of jíbaro music can create such beautiful songs
under the pressure of time and the demanding expectations of the audience,

50
Fred Coehlo, “Improvisations of a Tropical Improvisations.” Many people in
Puerto Rico, however, view the figure of the jíbaro and the trovador as someone quite
“exotic.” The jíbaro trovador was definitely romanticized by poets such as Llorens
Torres as the singer of a time, life and place, which was lost. An example being the
decimas of Llorens very popular “Valle de Collores.” This poem, written in decima,
narrates the poet’s departure of the rural life to the city and his longing to one day return.
51
David C. Rubin, Memory in Oral Traditions, 3.
42
accompanying musicians, and a jury. One would never believe that in such conditions
art could flourish, at least not the true and refined art, which comes from many hours of
labor. Disregarding time constraints and prior preparation, improvisers of jíbaro music
enter competitive arenas, called concursos. Most do not think twice about whether or not
they will emerge triumphant. It is through these staged competitions that musicians
recreate the music of the jíbaro.
In contrast with music performances where the interaction between performer and
audience is quite passive —i.e., I play, you listen — the concurso resembles a sporting
event where the thrill of a challenge keeps audiences actively engaged. The focal point
of the concurso is the trovador, the poet-singer who improvises the ten-line stanzas
fundamental to the décima. Much like any game or sport, there are rules that a trovador
must follow in order to succeed in the improvisation of décima. One of the most
important is responding to the pie forzado, a theme selected by the jury and announced
publicly to the audience during a performance. The trovador, right then and there, must
shape his décimas according to the pie forzado, either when improvising solo or in a duel
against another trovador called a controversia (controversy). The controversia is
commonly called pico a pico (beak to beak), which alludes to cock fighting, one of the
favorite pastimes of the jíbaro. In the controversia, victory is usually achieved through
outsmarting the opponent in a clever and witty fashion, some duels however utilize plain
and vulgar exchanges which end in tasteless humiliation, which many times pleases a
bloodthirsty crowd.52

52
As Henry Louis Gates shows “playing the dozens” a game of put-downs
43
In a very important supporting role to the trovador is the cuatrista (a musician
who plays the cuatro a five string, double course, lute-like instrument), who must be a
skillful improviser in many styles of seis. In Puerto Rico the décima is accompanied by
the music of the seis. Each style of seis has a signature stock melody, which
differentiates it from other styles. The seis fajardeño is the one of the most popular styles
chosen by trovadores to accompany décima. It begins with the following melody (see
2.3).
Figure 2.3. Signature melody of seis fajardeño
These stock melodies, played by the cuatro in the introduction, later serve as models for
improvisation during interludes between the sung poetry and solo sections. It is the high-
level of virtuosity on the cuatro, coupled with the wit of the trovador that makes jíbaro
improvisation such an entertaining form of performance.
My analysis of jíbaro improvisations demonstrates that the relationship between
trovador and cuatro is symbiotic. It is the dialogue between trovador and cuatro that
serves as frame for improvisation through an exchange of ideas requiring performers to

involving the rapid exchange of insults, is a similar type of contest within African-
American street culture. For a further discussion on this topic see, Henry Louis Gates,
The Sygnifying Monkey: A Theory of African American Literary Criticism (USA: Oxford
44
act and react to the present circumstances. Thus, in order to improvise, performers of
jíbaro music must be fluent in the musical language they perform and aware of certain
cues. For a trovador, fluency in jíbaro improvisation is synonymous with complete
mastery of the complicated poetic form of the décima. For the cuatrista, fluency is the
ability to create variations on stock melodic patterns and demonstrate creative prowess
during solo sections.
Form in Jíbaro Improvisation: Fixed vs. Dynamic parts
As in many oral folk traditions, improvisation in jíbaro music is constrained by
aesthetic and formal parameters that define this style of music, making it a more
predictable and structured activity than one might think. Before even attempting to
improvise his poetry, a trovador, already has a very clear idea of the formal features of
the décima: its rhyme scheme, the octosyllable meter, and how it relates to the pie
forzado (main theme). He must also be aware of how his poetry relates to the music,
thus implying a basic knowledge of the form of the seis, its cyclical harmonic pattern, the
rhythm, as well as the melodic interludes played by the cuatrista and how he engages
with them in a dialogue. These structural features in jíbaro improvisation are fixed, but
provide a certain flexibility and room for play. Most of the fixed parts over which a
trovador and a cuatrista will improvise are provided by the accompanying ensemble
made up of guitar, guiro, and bongos. Both cuatrista and trovador during improvisation
are architects with the task of creating something new, that resembles the past. In
45
essence every jíbaro improvisation, if stripped to its bare bones, is made up of the same
ingredients or archetypal patterns.
A Jíbaro in Arizona
As I write the first chapter of this doctoral thesis at the University of Arizona,
which I have titled Improvisation in Jíbaro Music: a Structural Analysis, I find it ironic
that I finally gained a profound appreciation for my country's folk music while living
3,000 miles from home. During my fieldwork realized in Puerto Rico over the past five
years, I discovered essential elements of jíbaro music language. Before my research I
had learned how to play jíbaro music only by learning complete pieces, treating them as
separate entities, much like I did with my classical guitar pieces. One example was the
décimas to a famous poem by Puerto Rican poet Luis Llorens Torres titled Madrugada,
which I would accompany in the seis mapeyé style in A minor (see 2.4). The seis
mapeyé is based on the Andalusian cadence (i-VII-VI-V) giving it a strong Spanish
flavor.
Ya esta lucero del alba

Encimita del palmar
Como orquidea de cristal
En el moño de una palma
Hacia ya vuela mi alma (Bis)
Buscandote en el vacio
Si tambien de tu bohio
Lo estuvieras tu mirando
Ahora se estarian pensando
Tu pensamiento y el mio
Figure 2.4 Initial décima strophe to Madugrada by Luis Llorens Torres

46
One day, I remember hearing this same décima by Llorens Torres sung in a different style
of seis called seis fajardeño. It was very rare to hear this décima sung in a major key and
I remember not liking it, but nevertheless I realized a basic piece of information with
regards to jíbaro music that I had not understood until then: the décima and the seis are
separate but interchangeable forms within this music style. Jíbaro performers
understand this and can sing a décima such as Madrugada in any style of seis.
The many varieties of seis allow jíbaro trovadores to give their décima a different
mood and appearance, thus allowing their poetry to convey a spectrum of emotions,
ideas, and images. The bond between décima and seis in jíbaro music is so intrinsic that
there is common saying: “sin décima no hay seis.” The opposite could also be said “sin
seis no hay décima” since really the décima in Puerto Rico is most popularly sung as part
of the creole musical-poetic genre of the seis. As we will see, the development of the
seis as musical genre was crucial in the preservation of the decima tradition in Puerto
Rico, which we may examine in terms of collective culture as well as in individual
cognitive processes. Music and memory have a special bond. It is the seis that most
defines and distinguishes the décima as part of a Puerto Rican creole tradition from the
rest of Latin America which also sing décima. The seis as a family is bound by rhythmic,
melodic and harmonic relationships, we will explore these relationships, along with their
formal characteristics, in the following chapter.

47
CHAPTER 3. THE SEIS
The Seis: The Backbone of Jíbaro music
Even though jíbaro music today is a term that encompasses many genres such as:
danza, pasodoble, mazurka, vals, guaracha, and even jazz, the most traditional genres are
the seis and the aguinaldo (see 3.1).
Figure 3.1 Jíbaro folk and popular music styles
Of these two, the seis, described by Francisco López Cruz as “la espina dorsal de la
música jíbara” (the backbone of jíbaro music) constitutes largest corpus of creole
music.53 This statement attests to the diversity and popularity of this traditional music
genre in Puerto Rico. By word of mouth among jíbaro musicians it is vox populi that
over 100 different styles of seis have existed in Puerto Rico over the course of the three

53
López Cruz, La Música Folklórica de Puerto Rico, 3.
48
centuries of this genres existence, a myth which could well be true of this oral tradition.
From my ethnographic field research, and in conjunction with the scholarly literature
written on jíbaro music, as well as other sources I have compiled a list of over 80 styles
of seis (see 3.2). Interestingly the list keeps growing as I have come across older styles
of seis and lesser known styles in my ethnographic research around the island.
List A includes the seis most popular and commonly used today while list B
mentions styles that are no longer in use or rarely used.54 Most of the extinct styles of
seis in list B, such as seis del pañuelo, seis matatoros and seis guaraguao, were gathered
from Francisco López Cruz book La música folklórica de Puerto Rico from 1967, as well
as Yvette Jimenez Baez brief account on music in La Décima Popular en Puerto Rico.
Many of the extinct styles in list B reflect an earlier time period in the history of the seis
that will be discussed more in detail in Chapter 6, where we will trace the geneaology of
this genre.

54
Francisco López Cruz, La música folkólorica de Puerto Rico, 3-43; Yvette
Jimenez de Baez, La Décima Popular en Puerto Rico, 102-07; and http://www.cuatro-
pr.org
49
Figure 3.2 Diversity in styles of seis
The great variety in styles of seis is significantly larger than its cousin the
aguinaldo (see 2.2). Actually the seis is one of the most prolific genres in all Latin
America. Used both within secular and religious contexts such as weddings, patron saint
feast days, baptisms, the seis enjoyed more popularity than the aguinaldo which was
typically only performed during the Christmas season, and other religious contexts. It is
also important to note that in terms of vocal improvisation in décima, the seis is the
preferred medium in jíbaro music. As mentioned in the previous chapter the seis has an
inextricable bond with the décima, and more specifically with its ocotosylabic form
50
called décima epinela pervasive throughout the Hispanic world. The aguinaldo on the
other hand is sung in the more rare hexasyllable decimilla, a form of décima only found
in Puerto Rico, and mostly associated with religious events more communal in nature and
less used for improvisation. 55
1. Aguinaldo Yumac (Camuy)

2. Aguinaldo Cagueño
3. Aguinaldo Orocoveño
4. Aguinaldo Jíbaro
5. Quinto al Aire
6. Aguinaldo Isabelino
7. Aguinaldo Aguas Buenas
8. Aguinaldo Nuevo
9. Aguinaldo Costanero
10.Aguinaldo Matrulla
11.Aguinaldo de Baquiné
12.Aguinaldo Antiguo
13. Aguinaldo Comerío
14. Aguinaldo Mayaguezano
15. Aguinaldo de Patrullero
16. Aguinaldo de la sierra
17. Aguinaldo de trulla
18. Aguinaldo de San Germán
Figure 3.3 Different styles of aguinaldo
The seis can be named after the town or place of origin (seis de comerío, seis
fajardeño), a person who made the style popular (seis de andino, seis de portalatín), a

55
The aguinaldo is music used for religious events such as the rosario cantao
(sung rosary), burials, the baquiné (wakes) and the promesa de reyes (epiphany
celebrations). For more information see, Luis M. Alvarez, “El Aguinaldo
Puertorriqueño,” El Atril 12 (2000-2001), 14-17; and Francisco López Cruz, El
Aguinaldo en Puerto Rico: Su Evolución, (San Juan: Instituto de Cultura Puertorriqueña,
1972).
51
choreography (seis chorreao, seis zapateado) or even the idea it represents such as a
poetic duel (seis de controversia). Either as a reference to one of its countless regional
varieties, a dance, or a form of rhetoric, the many connotations associated with seis make
this genre difficult to define.
According to Hector Vega “in broad terms there are two types of seis… one for
dancing” which is fast and lively, and another which is for “singing and generally
slower.” 56 This distinction between dancing and singing in styles of seis , highlights this
musics origins as a creole genre with roots in various styles of 18th century Spanish
dances such as the fandango, known for its that zapateado dances (foot stomping) and
Andalusian character. It is also worth noting that the etymology of the seis comes from
the seises tradition, an ancient Christian ritual performed by six pairs boys who danced
and sung before the altar during Corpus Christi and other religious events. Various
scholars believe that the origin of the name seis (which translates as "six") comes from
the seises tradition from Seville which dates back to the early 16th century.57
From the “slower” styles of seis used for “singing” certain styles would emerge as
the favorite and most used for improvisation. These styles of seis are the seis fajardeño,
seis con décimas, seis mapeyé, seis bayaney, seis montebello, seis celinés, seis
milonguero, and seis de andino (numbers 1-9 in figure 3.2). Although the form for all

56
Hector Vega Drouet, “Puerto Rico,” 140.
57
The seises were a group of boys trained and employed by the catholic Church
to perform dances and sing during celebrations of the Corpus Christi, La Imaculada,
Christmas, and Carnival. The tradition is said to have originated in Seville back in the
renaissance and was then transplanted to the Americas. For a further discussion see Lynn
Matluck Brooks, “Los Seises in the Golden Age of Seville,” Dance Chronicle 5, no. 2
(1982): 121-155.
52
styles of seis is basically the same, I will use these styles as examples in the following
formal analysis, since the topic of this study is improvisation.
The Seis: Rhythm, Harmony, and Form
Rhythm
The historical lineage of the seis as a dance genre deeply rooted in Spanish
traditions that mixed with Puerto Rico’s indigenous and African cultures gives rise to
common threads which unite all the styles of this eclectic genre. The first and most
important of the similarities is the Afro-Caribbean rhythmic base used in all styles of seis
which stems from the two-measure clave pattern. The clave in duple meter is played in
the 3-2 pattern shown below (see 3.4) by the palitos, a pair of wooden sticks also referred
to as clave.
Figure 3.4 The 3-2 clave pattern
This two-measure rhythmic cell forms the foundation for the harmonic and percussive
accompaniment in jíbaro music played by the bongo, guitar and the güiro. All of the
accompaniment parts line up with the clave forming a fixed polyrhythmic and harmonic
layer of music over which the trovador and cuatro will improvise.
53
The rhythmic pattern played by the guitar is based on the cinquillo, a five-note
pattern also pervasive to Afro-Caribbean music. I have included two of the most
common ways to notate this rhythm (see 3.5).
Figure 3.5 Two common spellings of the cinquillo pattern
In a seis fajardeño the guitar plays the cinquillo pattern while arpeggiating a I-IV-V
harmony. Figure 3.6 shows the repetitive two-measure accompaniment played by the
guitar. In many styles of seis, the guitar will play this two-measure cell repeatedly
throughout an entire song. As we will discuss later, more experienced guitarists often
stray from this accompaniment pattern and elaborate interesting contrapuntal base lines.58
Figure 3.6 Guitar accompaniment using cinquillo rhythm

58
Billy Colón Zayas, guitarist and brother of famous cuatrista Edwin Colón
Zayas recording Guitarra Campesina, demonstrates the artistry in accompanying jíbaro
music as a combination of contrapuntal bass lines and rhythmic groove.
54
While cinquillo is heard in the guitar, the bongo articulates the café con pan rhythm in
figure 3.7. Many bongo players will create interesting variations on the café con pan
rhythm, while accompanying a seis, usually during cadences.59
Figure 3.7 Café con pan rhythm
The güiro primarily plays the chá chiqui chá rhythm, but can also alternate with other
rhythms such as the cinquillo (see 3.8).
Figure 3.8 Güiro patterns
As mentioned earlier, the rhythmic groove played by all the accompaniment parts
is anchored by the two-measure clave pattern. A good groove is called by jíbaro
musicians the afinque, a term also used in salsa music and other Afro-Caribbean dance
styles. In order for a jíbaro seis to groove or be afincao all the parts must interlock in

59
Jimmy Colón, explains the art of bongo playing in his disseration
Características actuales del Aguinaldo y el Seis: implicaciones en la educación musical,
(Conservatorio de Música de Puerto Rico, 2006).
55
relation to the clave. Figure 3.9 demonstrates how all the accompaniment parts (clave,
guitar, bongo, and güiro) stacked together form the polyrhythmic texture that
characterizes the danceable rhythm of the seis. The cuatro has also been included since
Figure 3.9 Polyrhythm in seis based on the clave
in many styles of seis the instrumental melody also adds to the polyrhythmic texture.
The hidden influence of Afro-Caribbean rhythms in cuatro melody is a topic that has
been explored by scholars Luis M. Alvarez and Angel Quintero. Both scholars agree that
African rhythms are “camouflaged” in cuatro melodies. Alvarez and Quintero’s

56
research changed the traditional line of scholarship on jíbaro music, which considered the
cuatro exclusively Iberian.60
Styles of seis known as seis tumbao, display a stronger Afro-Caribbean influence
resulting in a more accentuated and syncopated rhythmic groove. Various styles of seis
tumbao such as the seis cante jondo de vieques, seis villarán, seis montuno and the seis
mariandá utilize a the syncopated café con pan rhythm but with a heavy emphasis on the
last eighth note giving them a swing feel characteristic to dance genres such as the Cuban
son, and the guaracha (see 3.10). The arrows illustrate the accents on the second eighth
note or the word CON in the café-CON-pan.
Figure 3.10 Café con pan rhythm with tumbao feel
Today these styles of seis are also played with the salsa tumbao usually played on the
guitar or a bass which gives it accentuates even more this swing feel. The swing feel in
the salsa tumbao is created by tying all the notes in the café con pan rhythm (see 3.11).

60
Luis M. Alvarez, “La Presencia Negra en la Música Puertorriqueña,” 23-35;
and Angel Quintero, Salsa, Sabor y Control, 201.
57
Figure 3.11 Salsa Tumbao rhythm
Both these tumbao feels in the seis is very different to the older less syncopated styles of
accompaniment, and demonstrates the influence that commercial dance genres such as
the guaracha, son, plena, and salsa had on jíbaro music throughout the 20th century.
Figure 3.12 shows a guitar accompaniment pattern still common today, with less
syncopation giving a “square” sound. The accent however still falls on the last eighth
note of the figure, this way retaining the bouncy and danceable quality characteristic of
the seis.
Figure 3.12 Older style seis guitar accompaniment
Harmony
The second characteristic shared by many styles of seis is the repetitive and short
harmonic language. Two of the most utilized progressions are the tonic, subdominant,
dominant sequence (I-IV-V), and the Andalusian cadence i-VII-VI-V. The I-IV-V
progression forms a two-measure cell repeated continuously throughout the entire song.
58
This progression is characteristic of seis in major keys, but is also used in styles played in
minor keys. Various styles use both the I-IV-V harmony and the Andalusian cadence,
one of the most popular is the seis con décimas shown in figure 3.13.
Figure 3.13 Seis con décimas in d minor with alternating Andalusian cadence and i-iv-V
harmony
The Andalusian cadence shown above in mm.3-4 of figure 3.13 , (i-VII-VI-V), is
typical of seis in the minor keys as well as those in the Phrygian mode. This progression,
also commonly called tónica Andaluza,61 is demonstrated below in the seis mapeyé,
which can be analyzed as Phrygian or minor. The following transcription has the seis
mapeyé in a minor (i-VII-VI-V), which in the Phrygian mode would be iv-bIII-bII- I (see
3.14).

61
López Cruz, La Música Folklórica, 9.
59
Figure 3.14 Andalusian cadence in seis mapeyé
The four-measure phrase of the Andalusian cadence mm.1-4 shown above (see 3.14)
remains constant throughout all of the song. The cyclical and repetitive nature of the
harmonic language in the seis is a key element for improvisation in this style of music
since it provides a simple and predictable musical structure that allows many entry points
for the trovador to begin spinning out his verses. Interestingly each style of seis is
typically played in certain keys. The seis fajardeño for example is usually played in D
major, while the seis con décimas in A minor or D minor as shown earlier in figure 3.13.
Form
The third element common to most styles of seis is its strophic form or simple
verse form (A, A’, A’’, A’’’). These sections are modeled on an initial A section
60
consisting of two basic parts: 1.) an instrumental introduction section, and 2.) a vocal
section, which contains one décima stanza.62 The ensuing sections: A’ A” A”’… etc.
follow this model with one exception the instrumental introduction is substituted by an
instrumental interlude. The instrumental interludes, depending on the style of seis, will
be a literal reiteration of the introduction or a variation on material taken from the
introduction. Figure 3.15 shows the basic outline of this form.
Figure 3.15 Strophic form of the seis
The form of the seis is of indeterminate length, depending on the performance context.
In a concurso, a competition, a trovador will only get a chance to improvise two to three
décima stanzas, due to the many participants in these events. In a non-competitive
scenario, a seis is finished only when a trovador has exhausted all his possibilities. If two
trovadores are dueling in controversia (controversy) for example, a seis can last for hours
and is finished when one of the two singers backs down.

62
See John Covach for further discussion on forms in popular music. John
Covach, “Form in Rock Music: A Primer” in Engaging Music: Essays in music analysis
ed. Deborah Stein (New York: Oxford University Press, 2005), 65-76.
61
Melody
The fourth element characteristic to all styles of seis is the precomposed melody
played by the cuatrista during the instrumental introduction. These signature melodies
identify each style of seis and define its character. Seis signature melodies are usually 2-
4 measures long. During a competiton, the cuatrsista will repeat the signature melody, or
improvise variations on this melody until the trovador is ready to sing his décima. The
signature melody for the seis fajardeño, one of the most popular styles is shown in fig.
3.16.
Figure 3.16 Seis fajardeño signature melody
The seis signature melodies can also be utilized during the instrumental interludes
as well. In other instances it can be used as an ostinato over which the trovador will sing
his décima. Figure 3.17 demonstrates how the signature melody of the seis mapeyé
functions to create this contrapuntal ostinato accompaniment for the trovador in the vocal
sections.
62
Figure 3.17 Seis mapeyé signature melody as ostinato pattern in vocal section
Other styles of instrumental melodies, like that of the seis fajardeño, may also be used as
accompanying ostinato patterns during vocal sections.
By comparing the signature melodies in the seis and their harmony certain
relationships become evident in this genre and one can begin to comprehend how jíbaro
musicians are able to master so many styles. The seis de andino for example uses a
variation of the seis con décimas signature melody (see 3.13), but in the major mode. It
is also related to the seis fajardeño since it uses the I-IV-V harmony, but in the key of A
major (see 3.18).

63
Figure 3.18 Seis de andino, in A major
Also related to the seis de andino, is the seis chorreao. As shown in figure 3.18 the
same melody as the seis de andino but transposed up a fourth to D major. The seis
chorreao usually played in D major is the fastest of all seis and is mostly used to
showcase the virtuosity of the cuatro player and his improvisatory skills. It is also
similar to the seis fajardeño since it uses a I-IV-V harmony. One of the various melodies
that identify this seis is shown in figure 3.19.
Figure 3.19 Seis chorreao in D major

64
The seis chorreao is one of the oldest styles of seis and the first to be published back in
1910 by composer Julian de Andino.63 Many times a seis will have a relative in another
mode or scale. The seis del dorado is the basically the seis chorreao played in minor the
mode. These two styles of seis are characterized mainly by the fast and danceable tempo
at which they are played. While the seis chorreao is typically played in D major it minor
counterpart the seis del dorado is usually played in A minor.
Analogous to the above example, the seis montebello is the modulation of the seis
mapeyé from the minor to the major mode. Peculiar to this modulation, is transformation
of the Andalusian cadence (i-VII-VI-V), which is characteristic to the seis mapeyé. In the
seis montebello now in the major mode the arpegiatted chords of the Andalusian cadence
translate to I-V6/3- IV6/3-V (see 3.20).
Figure 3.20 Seis montebello, relative major of the seis mapeyé

63
For further discussion on the historical publication of seis chorreao by Julian
de Andino1910, see Maria Muñoz, Música en Puerto Rico, 47. This topic will also be
discussed in Chapter 8 A Genealogy of the Seis.
65
The seis as genre during the 20th century, thanks to international trovador
festivals, began to incorporate styles from other countries. One of the folk music styles
that has greatly influenced the Puerto Rican seis is the milonga used by Argentine
troubadors called payadores. The seis milonguero and the seis celinés capture the flavor
of the argentine payada (country song) in the nostalgic melodies that characterize these
two styles. Although both these styles are Puerto Rican inventions, they are based on the
characteristic habanera rhythm, reminiscent of the argentine milonga (see 3.21). It’s no
wonder that the Puerto Rican jíbaro would fall in love with the argentine style since
rhythmically the milonga and the seis share the same African root. The milonga rhythm
is a basically a variation of the café con pan pattern. Both the seis milonguero and the
seis celinés are accompanied on the guitar with this rhythmic pattern, at moderate to slow
tempos.
Figure 3.21 Argentine milonga rhythm
The highly chromatic melody of the seis milonguero is one of the most beautiful
of all seis. Figure 3.22 shows one of the most popular variants of the seis milonguero
melody in e minor.
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Figure 3.22 Chromatic melody of the seis milonguero
Another favorite of the trovador is the seis celinés. Like the seis milonguero, the seis
celinés uses a i-VI-V harmony. Although its melody is not chromatic the descending
harmony used to cadence its melodic phrase (mm.5-7) is highly chromatic (see 3.23).
Figure 3.23 Chromatic cadence in seis celinés
Cadences
A seis will always begin with its signature melody and end with certain cadential
formulas, which also form part of the jíbaro musician's stock phrases. One of the most
characteristic cadential formulas is a one-measure phrase that goes as follows (see 3.24).
67
Figure 3.24 Cadential formula ending on the dominant chord
This formula interestingly ends on the dominant chord (V) and has a particular melodic
and rhythmic contour. For seis in the in minor mode, the formula simply alters scale
degree 3.
This cadential formula brings up interesting questions about tonality in jíbaro
music: is the music tonal or modal? Another version of this cadential formula, which is
also widely used by performers of jíbaro music further complicates this question. In this
version of the cadential formula, a four-note tag resolving to the tonic at the end of the
phrase is added (see 3.25).
Figure 3.25 Cadential formula with resolution to the tonic

68
Conclusions
The great diversity in styles of seis provides jíbaro musicians a colorful spectrum
of music to accompany décima. Certain musical traits such as strophic form, and a
repetitive accompaniment based on the Afro-Caribbean rhythms is common of the seis in
general. As demonstrated through this analysis certain styles are interrelated through
shared musical characteristics such as precomposed melodic ideas, harmonic
progressions, tempo, and rhythmic gestures. These relationships are represented in the
following chart, which categorizes the seis according to meter: duple or triple and then
subdivides these categories based on harmonic progressions or other similarities (see
3.26)
Figure 3.26 The Great Family of the seis

69
The formal analysis of the seis put forth in this chapter raises interesting questions. How
did Spanish and African elements in this music blend to create the creole form known as
the seis? In what ways is the seis similar to other Caribbean folk and popular styles also
based on repetitive progressions (I-IV-V) that rest on polyrhythmic base? Some like the
guaracha and the Cuban son, also have cadential formulas ending on the dominant in the
mixolydian mode. The familiar song "Guantanamera" a Cuban son provides a classic
example.64 Why is the seis predominantly in duple meter, when most other traditions that
improvise décima across Latin America use triple meter? All of these questions will be
discussed further in Chapter 6 where the seis is inserted in the broader context of the
Caribbean and Latin America.

64
This youtube link offers a traditional version of the classic song Guantanamera
(1929) http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bfNj-oBOyRY
70
CHAPTER 4. THE DECIMA
Form
The inextricable relationship between poetry and music embodies the very
essence of jíbaro folk song. This bond is expressed in the popular saying “sin décima no
hay seis” (without décima there is no seis). It is in the continued practice of the folk song
genre of the seis, and its improvisation, that the décima as poetic form in Puerto Rico has
found its longevity. Currently in Puerto Rico there is renewed interest in this poetic form
as strictly an improvised genre which is best appreciated in the numerous trovador
competitions celebrated annually around the island. As we will discuss shortly the
improvised décima within this competitive arena adheres strictly to the traditional form of
this poetic genre, which dates back to the 16th century.
Décima as an improvised genre is synonymous with décima espinela.
Sometimes simply reffered as espinela, this type of poetry gets its name from the Spanish
poet Vicente Espinel (1550-1624). The examples from Espinel’s Diversas Rimas (1591)
would serve as the prototypes of a décima form that would later be exploited and
popularized by writers of the Siglo de Oro (Spanish Golden Age 15th -17th Centuries).65
All the great figures of this period: Lope de Vega, Gongorra, Cervantes,Tirso de Molina
and Calderón de la Barca would utilize the décima espinela not only in poetry but also in

65
According to Maximiano Trapero and “la Décima de Espinel se convirtio
rapidamente en la forma octosilabica mas praticada en el siglo de oro por sus
proporciones simetricas” (the decima espinela quickly became the most practiced
octosayllable form of poetry during the Siglo de Oro because of its symmetric
proportions). For further discussion, see Maximiano Trapero and Jesús Ruiz Orta,
“Origen de la Décima,” in La Decima: Su historia, Su geografía, sus manifestaciones, ed.
Maximiano Trapero (Gran Canaria: Centro de la Cultura Popular Canaria, 2001), 15-39.
71
theatre. The classic form of ten-lines in octosylabic meter with a consonant rhyme
scheme of abbaaccddc is the definitive form of the décima espinela. The following
stanza from Espinel’s Diversas Rimas elegantly demonstrates this poetic structure (see
4.1).
1 A Si se puede haber males justos,

2 B estos, Gonzalo, son tales,
3 B pues de tus trágicos males
4 A sacas generales gustos.
5 A sepan los pechos robustos
6 C si en desdchadas te embarazas,
7 C que con celetiales trazas,
8 D entre agravios y querellas,
9 D las desdichadas atropellas
10 C y las virtudes abrazas.
Figure 4.1 Décima by Vicente Espinel, Diveras Rimas (1591)
The period after the fourth line is another formal element of the décima espinela
and speaks to the symmetry inherent in this poetic form. According to Virgilio Lopez
Lemus, the décima has the ability to take on many forms: 4+6 (a quatrain and a sextet
ABBA-ACCDDC), which is the classic literary form with a period after the fourth line,
as well as 5+5 (two identical quintets ABBAA-CCDDC; this form is palindromic), and
4+2+4 (ABBA-AC-CDDC two quatrains joined by bridge).66 The many possibilities that
the décima offers in form, coupled with its rhyme scheme and octosyllable meter give

66
Virgilio Lopez Lemus, “La Décima Culta,” in La Decima: Su historia, Su
geografía, sus manifestaciones, ed. Maximiano Trapero (Gran Canaria: Centro de la
Cultura Popular Canaria, 2001), 45.

72
this type of poem, a rhythm and grace that is particularly suited for singing and
improvising.
In Puerto Rico today after more than four centuries of this forms inception into
jíbaro culture, the décima espinela is still utilized and adhered to quite strictly within
trovador competitions. In Puerto Rico the espinela is typically constructed on a given
theme named pie forzado or forced foot. Within the performance context of trovador
competitions improvisation in décima occurs almost exclusively on a pie forzado, which
will be given to trovador singer on the spot.
There are many ways to structurally visualize the décima. One of the most
common ways that trovadores refer to its form is as a four-line stanza or quatrain (abba),
bridged by two verses (ac) to another quatrain (cddc) (4+2+4 ABBA-AC-CDDC).
Figure 4.2 is a décima written by trovador Polito Rios, which he has based on the pie
forzado: “una viagra que camine” (a viagra that walks).67

67
This décima is published in a book by Polito Ríos titled Mi Legado (2010) and
also appears in Music in the Hispanic Caribbean by Robin Moore. For a more
information see Robin Moore, Music in the Hispanic Caribbean (Oxford and New York:
Oxford University Press, 2010), 40-1.
73
1 Un nuevo medicamento A
2 Conocido por el Viagra B (Quatrain)
3 En el mundo se consagra B
4 Como el gran descubrimiento. A
5 Ese formidable invento A (Bridge)

6 No hay duda que me fascine C
7 Mas si me dejas que opine C

8 Voy a decir en voz alta D (Quatrain)
9 A mi solo me hace falta D
10 Una viagra que camine C pie forzado
Figure 4.2 Décima form (quatrain + bridge + quatrain)
Notice the rhyme in the above example is perfect and consonant. In lines 1,4 and 5 the
last syllable in the words: me-di-ca-men-to, des-cu-bri-mien-to, in-ven-to is the same.
Similarly lines 2 and 3 ending in –agra, 6, 7 and 10 ending in –ine and 8 and 9 ending in
–alta all display consonant rhyme. Consonant rhyme in trovador competitions in Puerto
Rico is strictly regulated, to a point where the rhyme is only considered consonant if it
sounds and is written the same way. For example the word caballo can only be rhymed
with words that end in –allo, like for example hallo from the verb hallar, and not with
cayo a noun that means “cay." Although hallo and cayo phonetically sound the same
they are written differently. This rule is only particular to the Puerto Rican tradition of
improvised décima and no where else in Latin America. We will compare the Puerto
Rican décima tradition with its Latin American counterparts in Chapter 8.
Décima can refer to one stanza or a group of stanzas. Although the décima was
practiced as a literate tradition in Puerto Rico, it is in the oral tradition of the jíbaro where
74
it is most prolific and where it is has been maintained as part of a living culture. As we
will discuss in the following section, in Puerto Rico the décima popular (popular décima)
practiced by the jíbaro and the décima culta (or the literary décima) practiced by writers
such as Luis Llorens Torres and Rodriguez de Tió are very much interrelated.
The Décima “Culta y Popular” in Puerto Rico
Décima which literally means “ten”, was transplanted to Puerto Rico as a result
of the Spanish colonization during the late 15th and 16th centuries, and survived mainly as
popular tradition practiced by the jíbaro. In the 19th century this poetic form became a
trend among the high-class and with many of Puerto Rico’s most famous writers. Some
of the islands most cherished works, such as “Valle de Collores” by Luís Llorens Torres
and “Cuba y Puerto Rico son de un pajaro las dos alas” by Lola Rodriguez de Tió is
written in this ten-line form (see 4.3).
1 A Cuba y Puerto Rico son

2 B De un pájaro las dos alas,
3 B Reciben flores y balas
4 A Sobre el mismo corazón.
5 A ¡Qué mucho si en la ilusión
6 C Qué mil tintes arrebola,
7 C Sueña la musa de Lola
8 D Con ferviente fantasía,
9 D ¡De esta tierra y la mía,
10 C Hacer una patria sola!
Fig. 4.3 Lola Rodriguez de Tió from Mi libro de Cuba (1893)

75
If we analyze the form of the above stanza by Rodriguez de Tió, we see all ten
lines follow an octosyllable meter as well as a consonant rhyme scheme of abbaaccddc,
in the classic espinela form.
Anthropologist and linguist John Alden Mason in 1915 visited Puerto Rico and
recorded over 200 examples of popular décima from the rural zones of the island. From
his field recordings he categorized five different types of décima, the most pervasive
being the espinela with its characteristic octosyllable meter and abbaaccddc rhyme
scheme. It is also worth noting that Alden Mason found a significant number of
hexasyllable décima, known as decimilla or décima de aguinaldo which as he notes are
“all so abundant in the popular tradition of Porto Rico” but not in the rest of Hispanic
America.68 The hexasyllable decimilla is a form used to sing the traditional Christmas
aguinaldo. As shown is figure 4.2 the decimilla shares the same form as the décima ten
lines with a consonant rhyme scheme abbaaccddc with the sole difference of
hexasyllable meter. This particular decimilla taken from Yvette Jimenez Baez study La
Décima Popular en Puerto Rico, was used during a Christmas parranda as a form of
salutation and offering, hence the title “Vengo a saludar (I have to greet you)” in the last
verse or pie forzado (see 4.4).69

68
Mason, “Porto Rican folklore,” 290.
69
Jiménez Baez, La Décima Popular en Puerto Rico, 73-74.
76
1 2 3 4 5 6
1 A Es-po-sa-y es-po-so
2 B Y familia entera
3 B A esta escalera
4 A Yo vengo con gozo
5 A Con mucho reposo
6 C Con le voy a explicar
7 C Para regalar
8 D Yo traigo un ramo
9 D Como borincano
10 C Vengo a saludar (pie forzado)
Figure 4.4 Traditional aguinaldo sung in hexasyllable decimilla
One of the most characteristic styles of popular décima practiced by the Puerto
Rican jíbaro is the decima cuarenticuatro which literally means décima forty-four or
décima of forty-four lines. The following décima taken from the ethnographic field
recordings of rural Puerto Rico done by John Alden Mason in 1915 follows the décima
cuarenticuatro format. The first four lines or quatrain (ABBA) serve as the themes for
the ensuing four décima stanzas, functioning like a group of pie forzado. The décima
cuarenticuatro format is demonstrated in figure 4.5. Notice how the first four lines of the
introductory quatrain or redondilla (written in italics) make up the last line of each of the
four ten-line stanzas. The décima cuarenticuatro categorized, as type A in the Alden
Mason Collection is the most numerous of all types that follow the espinela form.
Aurelio Espinosa comments in reference to Mason’s collection “The most prefect type of
conventional décima, seems to be the cuarteta or redondilla, plus four décima strophes or
77
type A of our Porto Rican [sic] Collection.”70 The many exemplars of popular décima in
the Mason Collection attest to the ability of oral traditions to preserve artistic forms of
song and poetry in tact in the great repository of the collective memory.
Figure 4.5 Décima cuarenticuatro from John A. Mason collection (1915)

70
Mason, “Porto Rican folklore,” 302.
78
The characteristic development of four themes taken from the initial quatrain in
the décima cuarenticuatro is part of larger genre in Spanish literature known as glosa.
Glosa is just another way to refer to the initial quatrain in forms such as the décima
cuarenticuatro. Décimas that follow this format, also called décima en glosa, gave rise
to the custom of décima improvisation based on a pie forzado or forced foot in the jíbaro
tradition.
In trovador competitions however the contemporary convention is to improvise
various strophes of décima on a single pie forzado, rather than using the group of pie
forzado or a glosa. There are examples that demonstrate the practice of décima based on
only one pie forzado in the John Alden Mason collection as well, but not as prevalent as
the décima cuartenticautro. The décima cuarenticautro and other types of décima en
glosa is a custom that is almost extinct today in Puerto Rico, however it forms part of the
long history of the décima that dates back to Medieval Iberia.
The origins of the décima en glosa, according to scholar Ramón Menéndez Pidal,
date as far back as 11th century Spain.71 The following example of a ten-line poem with
estribillo or refrain is taken from the Cantigas de Santa Maria by Alfonso X el Sabio.

71
See citation of Ramón Menéndez Pidal in Yevette Jiménez Baez, La Décima
Popular en Puerto Rico, 14.
79
De vergonna nos guardar

Punna todavía (four-line estribillo or refrain)
Et de falir et d’errar
A Virgen María
E guarda-nos de falir
Et ar quer nos encobrir
Quando en erro cameos
Des I faz-nos repentir
Et a enmenda vijr
Dos pecados que fazemos
D’est’ un miragre mostrar
En un abadía
Quis reyna sen par
Santa que nos guia
Figure 4.6 Cantigas de Santa Maria by Alfonso X el sabio (11th century)
The pervasive use of estribillo in the Cantigas de Santa Maria as a repeating refrain
between stanzas is believed to have evolved from the Arab-Andalusian zejel, a form also
composed of an introductory estribillo, a middle stanza (called mudanza), and a vuelta a
final line which would rhyme with the initial estribillo.
According to Yvette Jimenez de Baez, certain popular poetic forms from 15th
century Spain, such as the villancico and romance also used the estribillo refrain and
existed in glosa forms. Both of these forms made their way to Puerto Rico and various
scholars theorize that the villancico is the predecessor to the aguinaldo.72 This largely
due to both the affiliation of the villancico and aguinaldo with Christmas celebrations.
Scholar Luis Manuel Alvarez has traced the lineage of the Puerto Rican aguinaldo all the

72
For further information on the relationship between the Puerto Rican aguinaldo
and the villancico, see Francisco López Cruz, El Aguinaldo y el Villancico en el Folklore
Puertorriqueño (San Juan: Instituto de Cultura Puertorriqueña, 1956); and Luis Manuel
Alvarez, “El Aguinaldo Puertorriqueño,” El Atril 12 (2000-2001): 14-17.
80
way back to the Arab-Andalusian zejel, which dates back to 9th century. The Arab zejel,
what Alvarez calls an old form of villancico, was probably one of the first forms used by
medieval troubadours and musicians to improvise. Alvarez also attributes the zejel as the
source of origin for various forms of glosa which serve as the foundation for décima: “El
zejel o villancico antiguo es ademas el precursor de las glosas en formas de cuartetas,
distico o de pie forzado que sirve de base a la décima.” 73
Themes in Décima
In terms of themes, there are two broad categories used for popular décima “a lo
humano,” themes regarding the mundane, and “a lo divino,” themes treating the divine.
The jíbaro would often utilize both in décimas, combining both the profane and religious
in single composition. The popular décima in Puerto Rico was usually sung as part of
various celebrations and rituals: weddings, baptisms, baquines (wake for child), and most
of all during Christmas season trullas, parrandas and promesa de reyes (epiphany
celebrations), which combined both the religious and mundane. The promesa de reyes,
an offering made to the three magi involves the solemn prayer of the rosary and the
festive singing of aguinaldo.
Other events such as weddings and burials décima was sung, dancing would
ensue to a seis chorreao, and trovadores would sing on a wide range of given themes:
biblical (Genesis, birth of jesus, Apocalypse), erotic love, maternal love, the countryside,

73
Luis Manuel Alvarez, “La Musica Navideña: Testimonio de Nuestro Pasado y
Presente,” Revista Musical Puertorriqueña 3 (1985): 1-24.

81
birds, women, music, horses, and dance. The famous painting El Velorio by Francisco de
Oller, depicts a scene from a baquiné, the wake for an infant. In the painting Oller
masterfully contrasts both the profane and religious worlds that coexist in the folk-
catholic ritual of the baquiné: an old man grieving, the priest giving last rites, children
playing, dogs, roosters, and musicians playing cuatro for those singing, drinking, and
dancing.
The rural life of the jíbaro became a theme for famous artists such as Francisco de
Oller as well for the common jíbaro himself. In the following décima, recorded by
Jimenez de Baez in the rural zone of Coamo, a jíbaro autoreflects on his daily life, horses
(jacas), his fascination with gallos (cock fighting), ayacas (typical foods) and dancing the
seis choreao (see 4.7)
Le gusta montar su jaca

Tener su gallo de cría
Para la siesta del día
De maguey una hamaca
Es loco comiendo ayacas
Con café negro colao
Nunca falta el enyaguao
Al jibaro borinqueño
Lo despierta de su sueño
Un caliente seis chorreao
Figure 4.7 Popular décima from the town of Coamo
The popular décima in Puerto Rico as an oral tradition would outlive the literate
décima culta practiced in Spain, which lost popularity after the Siglo de Oro in the 16th
and 17th C. Many scholars have noted that even many of the educated literary figures
82
would base their décima on jíbaro life style often romanticizing the jíbaro to point of
mimicking his speech in their writing style. The jíbaro would become the source of
inspiration for many of Puerto Rico’s greatest writers and poets. The following is an
excerpt from Luis Llorens Torres “Valle de Collores,” which deals with the nostalgia of a
jíbaro lifestyle and countryside that he would leave behind (see 4.8). Many jibaro’s also
experienced this loss during the great shift of Puerto Rico during the 20th century to
industrialization.
Cuando salí de Collores

Fue en una jaquita baya
Entre senderos y mayas
Arropas de cundiamores
Adios, malezas, y flores
De la barranca del río
Y mis noches de bohío
Y aquella apacible calma
Y los viejos de mi alma
Y los hermanitos míos
Figure 4.8 Décima by Luis Llorens Torres (excerpt from Valle de Collores)
Many examples of décima from great Literary figures such as Lope de Vega and
Calderon de la Barca of the Spanish Siglo de Oro would make its way into Puerto Rican
popular tradition. Luis Manuel Alvarez in his fieldwork in the rural parts of Trujillo Alto
during the 1980’s came across various jíbaro trovadores who knew from memory
sections of classic works such as Segismundo’s famous philosophical monologue from
La Vida es Sueño, which was written by Calderón de la Barca in décima (see 4.9):
83
Yo sueño que estoy aquí I dream that I am here

de estas prisiones cargado, of these imprisonments charged,
y soñé que en otro estado and I dreamed that in another state
más lisonjero me vi. happier I saw myself.
¿Qué es la vida? Un frenesí. What is life? A frenzy.
¿Qué es la vida? Una ilusión, What is life? An illusion,
una sombra, una ficción, A shadow, a fiction,
y el mayor bien es pequeño: And the greatest profit is small;
que toda la vida es sueño, For all of life is a dream,
y los sueños, sueños son. And dreams, are nothing but dreams
Figure 4.9 Monologue from La Vida es Sueño, Calderón de la Barca (1635)
Philosophical and existentialist themes would also form part of the oral décima tradition
of the jíbaro who in the following example questions the meaning of life (see 4.10).74
Pedí a sabios y entendidos

Lo que anhelaba saber,
Pero no fui complacido
Sobre mi razon de ser
Nadie pudo responder
Y atonito quedé
El sabio que intorrogué
Me vino con la evasive
De que el tambien en la vida
Vivia sin saber porqué
Figure 4.10 Popular décima on a philosophical theme

74
Jiménez Baez, La Décima Popular en Puerto Rico, 245.
84
Improvising in Décima
Improvising décima in the jíbaro tradition today as we have mentioned follows
strict adherence to the décima epinela form, its rhyme and octosyllable meter as well as
the development of a theme contained in the pie forzado. In terms of rhyme and meter
the repetitive use of certain melodic formulas allow trovadores to deal with these issues,
which many consider to be secondary. The crux of the matter for improvisers seems to
lie in the pie forzado, which constitutes the last line of the décima and determines the
main idea around which their song will revolve, as well as the end rhyme for lines 6 and
7. In interviews and workshops on improvisation given by trovadores Roberto Silva,
Arturo Santiago (hijo), Ricky Villanueva, Omar Santiago, Jovino Gonzalez, Casiano
Betancourt and Eduardo Villanueva many mentioned how they conceive improvisation in
a bottom up fashion. In other words many of these trovadores will begin by thinking first
of how to connect the pie forzado in line 10 with line 9 which they call the bajante (the
one that leads down or goes down). The connection between the bajante (line 9) and pie
forzado (line 10) gives the trovador a more complete idea of how to develop his décima.
According to scholar Felix Cordova it also takes care the most challenging part of
décima improvisation which he calls “el apeo de la decima” (getting down to the bottom
of the decima), or the resolution to the pie forzado. As Cordova states “the pie forzado as
the initial idea” obligates the trovador to go down or “bajar” to the base or “foot of the
decima.” The pie forzado is thus present in the process of constructing the whole décima.
It is an “external voice” which must become “internalized” in the process of
improvisation. The transition from the bajante line 9 to the pie forzado according to the
85
author constitutes the most difficult moment for the improviser as he finally internalizes
the pie forzado:
Y este punto de mayor dificultad es el nudo que amarra el noveno verso con el
decimo, pero que tambien amarra, con otros requisitos el noveno con el octavo.
Mouliert ha localizado el lugar de mayor tension creative el momento de la
soldadurra sintactico-semantica que transforma en voz propia, integrada, la voz
referida al trovador en forma de pie forzado.75
Cordova states that a good bajante (line 9) creates a smooth transition down to the pie
forzado in line 10 but actually gazes upwards since it shares the same rhyme with line 8,
reminding the trovador of the urgency to create the rest of the décima. Figure 4.11
recreates schematically the steps of the improvisatory process, described above.

75
Felix Cordova Iturregui, “Los trovadores puertorrqueños: algunas
consideraciones sobre el arte de la improvisación,” in La Décima Popular en la Tradición
Hispanica, ed. Maximiano Trapero (Las Palmas de Gran Canaria : Universidad de las
Palmas de Gran Canaria : Cabildo Insular de Gran Canaria, 1994), 82.
86
Figure 4.11 Improvisatory process of décima
Step 1 in shows the pie forzado, “cultura puertorriqueña” the basic guiding theme
of the décima. In Step 2, the pie forzado projects itself both upwards since it the guiding
theme for the rest of the 9 verses and downwards since it is the final destination. Also
notice the rhymes of lines 6 and 7 are given since they must match the final syllable of
the pie forzado –eña. Step 3 is the crucial point described by Cordova above as the
“amarre” which means the tying of the décima. In this case the pie forzado “cultura
puertorriqueña” is being tied to the bajante line 9 “esos fueron sus origenes” (those
where the origins). Both these lines contain the crux of the trovadors argument. The
dotted lines around the last five lines of the décima in step 3 represents that as this point
the trovador already has the last portion potentially structured in terms of rhyme since
87
these lines have to rhyme with the –nes ending in the bajante and –eña ending in the pie
forzado.
By step 4 the trovador can now potentially create lines 8,7,6 shadowed in grey
and begin to think of the introductory quatrain and bridge, which he has initiated with
“tradicion inigualable” in line 1. The inception of the first line involves the end rhyme
for lines 4 and 5 –able. This part of the process is being driven by opposing forces, a
downward motion pulling the first line, and the rest of the initial quintet down to the pie
forzado and an upward motion felt from the already created lower quintet, creating
cohesion between upper and lower portions of the décima. The first five lines, shown in
grey, are then completed in step 5, resulting in the final product represented in step 6.
This process outlines the creation of the décima and its most important moment
the formulation of the bajante and pie forzado as the guiding idea or hilo conductor as it
is called by trovadores. The relationship between bajante and pie forzado as constituting
the pivotal point in an improvisation and the main idea of the poem, is also supported by
the consistent practice by trovadores in repeating these last two lines, as an emphatic
conclusion to their final idea.
As well as the common practice of repeating the last two lines of the décima, it is
also common for trovadores to repeat the first two lines or just the first line of the
strophe. This is a technique related to temporal limitations imposed on them. A trovador
must find ways to buy himself as much time as possible to think, during the process of
improvisation. Once the music has started, there is no turning back. As demonstrated in
88
the next chapter music actually aids creativity in the improvisation of décima by
stimulating cognitive processes that allow trovadores to make quicker associations.
Conclusions
Due to four centuries of depuration and thanks to the current boom in trovador
concurso the improvised décima today adheres to a very defined form, rhetorical grace,
and inventive creativity that would make even the great literary figures of Spanish Siglo
de Oro envious. More than any other tradition in Hispanic world the improvised décima
in Puerto Rico adheres to a strict form based on both classical form of the espinela and
restrictions only common to Puerto Rico. The strict adherence of improvised décima to
written language have earned it praise from scholar Maximiano Trapero as the only
tradition in Latin America to preserve such a close bond with its language of origin.76
Using the fixed poetic parameter of the décima espinela the trovador spins out his
sung poetry. The way in which trovadores set the poetic text of the décima to music, is
actually very different from the way it is laid out on the page since it involves a creative
process that combines both poetry and music. Ultimately the musical syntax of the seis
will serve as the framework used by the trovador to deliver his sung poetry. The seis sets
up a dialogue between the cuatro and the trovador, thus dividing the ten verses of the
décima in a specific pattern, which I call the 1-3 exchange. The 1-3 exchange creates a
symbiotic relationship between trovador and cuatrista that is one of the essential building
blocks in the musical language jíbaro improvisation.

76
This statement was made by Maximiano Trapero in during a recorded personal
interview with this author (2012).
89
CHAPTER 5. THE LANGUAGE OF IMPROVISATION IN JIBARO MUSIC
Introduction
This chapter is framed as case study on a specific style of seis called the seis
fajardeño. The seis fajardeño is one of the styles most often used for improvisation in
décima. As one of the most popular styles, the seis fajardeño employs several of the
most pervasive archetypal patterns, which define the genre of the seis as a whole. In the
following analysis we will focus on the 1-3 exchange and certain melodic stock patterns
using an example of a seis fajardeño played by Maso Rivera and his conjunto
(ensemble). The poetic text of the décima from this example is based of the pie forzado
"recuerdos involvidables." Three trovadores in Maso Rivera’s conjunto take turns
improvising a total of four décima stanzas, while Maso accompanies them beautifully on
the cuatro. The first décima strophe based on the theme "recuerdos involvidables" is
shown below (see 5.1).
Juventud que te has marchado

de mi para no volver
dejando en mi pobre ser
los recuerdos de un pasado.
Tiempo que ha sido marcado
Como surcos imborables
Y aquellos tiempos amables
que de mi se han desprendido
cual ave que deja al nido
recuerdos inolvidables (pie forzado)
Figure 5.1 Décima strophe improvised on pie forzado “recuerdos inolvidables”

90
In this example the décima is set in the seis fajardeño style, which always begins
with the signature melody played on the cuatro shown below in figure 5.2.
Figure 5.2 Seis fajardeño signature melody
The accompaniment on the guitar is providing the repetitive I-IV-V harmony in D major
anchored by the rhythmic groove of the café con pan on the bongos, the chá chi chiqui
chá on the güiro and 3-2 clave (see 5.3).
Figure 5.3 Harmonic and rhythmic accompaniment in seis fajardeño

91
This repetitive framework will be played continuously throughout the song
serving as foundation for the trovador and the cuatrista to improvise. As we will see
Maso Rivera’s improvisations are based on the initial theme shown in figure 5.2.
Maso Rivera known as the "rey del cuatro" (the king of the cuatro) was one of the
foremost figures in jíbaro music during his day. Some of the melodic riffs played by
Maso Rivera in this seis fajardeño are still used by cuatristas today. His signature style
of simple yet elegant improvisation inspires many to this day. Although archetypal
patterns such as the 1-3 exchange are theories that I use to explain the improvisatory
process in jíbaro music as a dialogue between cuatro and trovador, Maso Rivera
intuitively understood this principle very well, perhaps better than any other cuatrista.
The following transcription illustrates how the first décima strophe shown above
in figure 5.1 in the vocal part along with the instrumental part played by Maso Rivera on
the cuatro (see 5.4).

92
Figure 5.4 Transcription of trovador (vocal) and cuatro parts in seis fajardeño
93
The 1-3 Exchange: Structure
One of the most pervasive patterns in the jíbaro seis is the 1-3 exchange. I have
identified the use of this pattern in many styles of seis and more importantly in many of
the preferred styles used for improvisation such as the seis fajardeño, seis con décimas,
seis mapeyé, and seis de andino and all their related styles. As we will we see the 1-3
exchange establishes a pre-determined syntax that serves as a guide for the trovador in
the process of décima improvisation.
In the 1-3 exchange the trovador breaks up the ten-lines of décima into groups of
one and three. A trovador will sing the first line (1) of the strophe followed by an
instrumental interlude played on the cuatro, then sing the next three lines (3), followed
again by an instrumental interlude, and so forth, resulting in the following series: 1-3-1-1-
1-3. The following figure illustrates how the trovador alternates in the 1-3 dialogue with
Maso Rivera on the cuatro (see 5.1). As mentioned earlier the décima shown here is
based on the pie forzado “recuerdos inolvidables” (unforgettable memories).

94
Figure 5.5 Distribution of décima in 1-3 exchange
The interludes played by the cuatro in between the lines of the stanza give the trovador
time to think about the poetic text. As already discussed, the text must adhere strictly to
the consonant rhyme scheme, octosyllable meter of the décima epinela, and follow a
thematic unity (hilo conductor) determined by the pie forzado. The trovador in the above
example has replicated the décima espinela form to perfection as well as achieved
semantic coherence (see 5.5)
Once given the pie forzado the trovador usually takes some time to elaborate this
idea before singing. At this time the music of the seis has already begun and expectation
begins to build. Once the trovador begins to sing he cannot turn back. At this point he
95
will engage in a dialogue with the cuatrista following the 1-3 exchange pattern. The
cuatrista must be very aware of what the trovador is singing so that he can respond
accordingly with his instrumental passages.
The 1-3 exchange, as part of an informal of theory of improvisation known jíbaro
musicians, is crucial since it serves to frame the dialogue between the cuatrista and
trovador. This framework or syntax, obviously assimilated by jíbaro performers before
the act of performance, allows performers to anticipate each other’s responses, this way
freeing creativity within the collaborative process of improvisation. As seen in the
analysis of the seis fajardeño played by Maso Rivera, the dialogue that occurs between
cuatrista and trovador within the repetitive 1-3 framework is not only predictable but
also symbiotic (see 5.6). The trovador will always end his melodic line on the scale
degree 5 or 2 of the dominant chord and while cuatrista resolves his melodic line to the
tonic. Through this exchange the lyrical idea initiated by the trovador is only completed
by through the cuatristas instrumental line thus fusing the poetic and musical aspects of
jíbaro improvisation.
In figure 5.2, the arrows pointing from the vocal lines in orange to the
instrumental lines played on the cuatro, marked in blue, illustrate the symbiotic musical
relationship of the 1-3 exchange.

96
Figure 5.6 1-3 exchange in seis fajardeño (performed by Maso Rivera y su conjunto)
97
Observe how the vocal line in measures 10 -11 (juventud que te has marchado) ends on
e, scale degree 2 in m.11, and then resolves in measure 12 to d, scale degree 1 in the
cuatro line.
The 1-3 exchange is a syntactical structure that organizes the dialogue between
trovador and cuatrista within the harmonic framework of the seis. If we look again at the
transcription in figure 5.6 we will see that the groupings of 1 and 3 not only follow a
melodic motion which is initiated by the trovador and finished by the cuatrista, but also
that these groups are in alignment with the cyclical I-IV-V harmony of the seis fajardeño.
Once the 1-3 exchange is initiated it provides a sequential and spatial awareness for the
trovador who musically asking question, the cuatrista who is responding with
instrumental interludes, and for the rest of the ensemble providing the I-IV-V
accompaniment. The 1-3 exchange is cuing device within the cyclical I-IV-V framework
of the seis fajardeño, telling performers when to do what. Memory connections for the
trovador, cuatrista and ensemble are triggered during a creative process of improvisation
occuring within this premeditated framework of question and answer.
It is the predictability of the 1-3 exchange as a musical syntax in groups of 1 and
3, that allow for the smooth translation of poetic text into song through a collaborative
effort. The 1-3 exchange is thus a scheme that binds the music of the seis with the poetic
form of the décima into an indivisible unit.
In her book the Musical Ear, Anne Dhu McLucas talks about how the
“conventions and constraints of folk music aid the memory of singers and
instrumentalists.” The 1-3 exchange as cueing device is both convention and a

98
constraint within the style of the seis fajardeño. The 1-3 exchange triggers what
McLucas labels "the implicit memory," the memory that involves "automatic recognition
of places, people, and musical passages.” This is the same kind of memory, according to
McLucas that recognizes a "system of rules such as grammar or tonality.”77 The 1-3
exchange is one of the essential syntactical structures in the jíbaro language of
improvisation. We will further discuss the importance of the 1-3 exchange with regards
to memory in the next chapter.
The flexibility and poise that the 1-3 exchange offers the trovador and cuatrista in
the course of improvising décima, make the seis fajardeño one of most popular styles of
seis. The 1-3 exchange is a musical-poetic syntax structure that is also present in various
other forms of seis shown in the following list (see 5.7).
seis fajardeño
seis de andino
seis bayamonés
seis mapeyé
seis con decímas
seis enramada
seis montebello
seis de bayaney
seis del dorado
seis de comerío
seis cieba
seis de oriente
seis de la cerranía
seis pepe orné
seis de portalatín
seis chorreao
Figure 5.7 List of seis that use 1-3 exchange

77
McLucas, The Musical Ear: Oral Tradition in the USA, 41.
99
The 1-3 Exchange as a Rhetorical Device
Musically, the 1-3 exchange is a pattern that accentuates the poetic structure of
the décima espinela making it also a rhetorical device that trovadores utilize to punctuate
their main idea. The division of the 1-3 exchange into groups of 1 and 3 interrupted by
instrumental interludes resulting in 1-3-1-1-1-3, allows the poetic text to be digested in
parts by the listener rather than as a lump whole of ten lines thus making the overall idea
of the poetic text harder to grasp.
The 1-3 delivery also creates expectations for listeners allowing them time to
think as to how the trovador will finally resolve the task of completing a décima on the
pie forzado they already know. This poetic expectation is also created musically through
the dilated expectation in the return of the initial 1+3 group. In the 1-3 exchange the
initial iteration of the musical group structure is 1+3 or (short+long), is repeated not by
another 1+3 group but by the longer reiteration of this grouping structure in 1+1+ 1+3
(short +short+short+long), thus dilating the expectation building up to the grand finale
(see 5.8).
100
Figure 5.8 Creation of expectation in 1-3 exchange
As Leonard Meyer argues in his book Emotion and Meaning in Music, the principal
emotional content in music arises as composers choreograph the expectation of
listeners.78
The expectation, as we discussed in the previous chapter, is actually created from
the very first moment the trovador is given the pie forzado. The 1-3 exchange delays this
expectation by giving the listener the whole décima in parts, first in the 1+3 exposition
and then in the reiteration of this grouping structure in the 1+1+1+3 conclusion. We
must keep in mind that the climatic moment of the performance occurs in the last group

78
See Leonard Meyer, Emotion and Meaning in Music (Chicago,University Of
Chicago Press, 1961). David Huron also discusses expectation and the element of
surprise in music in his book Sweet Anticipation: Music and the Psychology of
Expectation, (Cambridge, MA,: The MIT Press, 2006).
101
of 3 lines of the décima, which we identified in the previous chapter as the apeo de la
décima (the definition of the décima). This last group of three lines contains the main
idea of the poem in the bajante line 9 and the pie forzado line 10. It is in this last
segment that the ties are made with the earlier exposition section and the trovador
delivers the punch line. A pie forzado by itself can take on many meanings and go in
many directions; it is in this crucial moment of getting down to lines 8, 9 and 10 where
the décima is defined semantically. The 1-3 exchange is thus a grouping pattern that
binds together the musical, poetic and semantic elements of the décima, as it cues
musicians in the dialogic and collaborative process of improvisation that bind the poetic
and the musical plane. As demonstrated above it is in the artistry of uniting the musical
and the poetic that the rhetorical elegance of the décima is achieved.
Melodic Contour of Décima
The ideas dialogue in the 1-3 exchange can be visualized in musical forms of
contours and shapes. If we look back at the transcription in figure 5.6, the melodic
phrasing used by the toreador in singing all the lines of the decimal is quite invariable in
its form. The contour, length, rhythm and register of the vocal lines follow a repetitive
pattern. As illustrated in first example of figure 5.9 labeled A, the qualities of the
decimal are actually inherent in this repetitive melodic shape: the eight-note length of the
phrase contains the octosyllable meter, and the rhythmic units and melodic contour
accommodate the stress patterns of the words. The word "ju-ven-TUD," with accent on
the last syllable is a high point of the melody, as well as "mar-CHA-do," where the accent
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falls on the penultimate syllable, which also rises to g (see 5.9). Figure 5.9 also shows
an illustration of the typical melodic contour used by trovadores labeled B. It is a custom
for many trovadores to use the same shape or slight variations of this shape throughout a
décima improvisation.
Figure 5.9 Melodic contour of décima
Albert Lord’s concept of “formula,” which he defines in the Singer of Tales as “a
group of words regularly employed under the same metrical conditions to express a given
essential idea,” is similar to the concept of melodic contour I have just described used by
jíbaro trovadores. It is helpful in understanding and defining the formulaic dimension of
jíbaro singing.79 Lord emphasizes how the Serbo-Croatian bards repeat key phrases and
concepts. Although the jíbaro singer is not repeating groups of words, the acoustic,

79
Lord, The Singer of Tales, 30.
103
metrical and musical component of the formula is analogous in both styles of singing.
The same melodic shape, illustrated in figure 5.9, is the foundation for each of the
individual units of the larger 1-3 exchange pattern. As a knowledge structure or formula,
the melodic contour resolves problems of octosyllable meter in décima improvisation.
Lord points out that his epic singer “never counts out ten syllables” but rather obtains a
sense of the ten syllables from his experience with song.80 What Lord is saying is that the
meter of the poetry is implied in the song, as well as the pauses and the distribution of
accented and unaccented syllables. This implied meter and rhythmic sense in poetry is
found in the archetypal melodic contour used by jíbaro trovadores, and is something that
is not taught but rather acquired through years of enculturation in this tradition.
The melodic contour, shown in figure 5.9, not only solves problems regarding
octosyllable meter, but also aids in creating the necessary associations for rhyme
patterning in décima. This happens at the local level of the individual line and within the
grander context of the décima as a group of lines. If we examine the melodic contour
shown in figure 5.9 it contains certain stress pattern "ju-ven-TUD- que-TEHAS- mar-
CHA-do." This stress pattern will serve as model replicated in the rest of the décima.
This stress pattern is ultimately dictated by the rhythmic pattern of the café con pan and
3-2 clave played by the accompaniment section which give the trovador a sense of how
the individual lines fit with regards to the bigger picture. David Rubin shows that in the
process of translation from poetic text to song, musical attributes, such as rhythm, relate
to rhyme providing "constraints, cuing, and limiting the choice of words.” Rhythm

80
Ibid., 32
104
informs the singer where emphasis lies within poetic lines, letting him feel where new
words might fit, and thus delineates an "organized hierarchy of lines, and stanzas, which
often coincide with units of meaning.”81 Rubin also states that rhyme itself also limits the
choice of words thus cuing the memory very rapidly during the process of
improvisation.82
Developing Variation83 in Cuatro Melody
In the 1-3 exchange, the cuatristas role is to develop a contrapuntal line that
accompanies the vocal lines of the trovador. The contrapuntal lines of the cuatrista are
usually variations on motives taken from the introduction section, or sometimes just the
motives from the introduction with little or no variation. During a performance, the
cuatrista uses only a select few motives from a large repository of stock phrases that he
has memorized and had readily available to manipulate during an improvisation. I would
like to connect what Robert Gjerdingen calls “schematas” with the way cuatristas
improvise on stock phrases in jíbaro music. In his study of 18th Century music,
Gjerdingen identifies the repetitive use of certain musical patterns, or “schematas,” as one
of the most definitive compositional techniques of the Galant style. Composers gave
schematas characteristic names such as Romanesca or Prinner. The Romanesca and the
Prinner were used at certain points of the compositional process, appearing as

81
Rubin, Memory in Oral Traditions, 85.
82
Ibid., 73.
83
The concept of “developing variation” as compositional technique was coined
by Arnold Schoenberg, further developed in the studies of Brahms by Walter Frisch.
105
introductory phrases, development material, or as cadential formulas. Schematas were
improvisatory by nature since the composer would notate them as partimento, or figured
bass, providing only “ bare notation of the sequence,” this way leaving “graces,
ornaments and elegant variation up to the skilled performer.” For Gjerdingen, composing
in the Galant style drew upon the literal meaning of compose: to “put together”
(com+posare), in contrast to the modern meaning of “inventing” music. Composition in
the Galant style was based on variation, ornamentation, combination and recombination
of schematas:
Though the skill and invention of those composers remains impressive however
one might try to explain their abilities, there are obvious advantages that a
stockpile of interchangeable parts would give to the rapid, secure crafting of
complex compositions. Anyone who knew the above tradition of a Romanesca
leading to a Prinner could draw upon a number of stock melodies, basses, and
harmonizations- everything would fit together.84
Cuatristas in jíbaro music, much like Galant composers, piece together melodic
improvisations from a stock of standard motives. Therefore, the way a cuatrista develops
his melodic improvisation is similar to a theme with variations (thinking here in the
classical sense) or as Gjerdingen mentions putting together a piece from a given stock
rather than inventing a piece.
Four of the most common stock melodies used during the introduction section of
a seis fajardeño are its signature melody (see 5.10), the descending sequential 16th note
motive (see 5.11), a variation of the signature melody I have named the ritmito motive
(see 5.12), and the dominant pedal motive (see 5.12) .

84
Robert Gjerdigen, Music in the Galant Style, 51.
106
Figure 5.10 Signature melody seis fajardeño
Figure 5.11 Sequential 16th note motive
Figure 5.12 Ritmito and dominant pedal motive
As we will see in the analysis in figure of the seis fajardeño, cuatrista Maso
Rivera has these stock melody phrases in mind as he develops his melodic improvisation
on three motives I have labeled motive x, y and z (see 5.13). Both motive x and y in
figure 5.13 are recompositions of the signature melody (see 5.10) and the ritmito motive
(see 5.12). Motive z is also variation on the melodic figure of the ritmito.
Traditionally every seis fajardeño always starts with its signature melody. Motive
x (mm.1-4) in figure 5.13, offers a slight variation of the seis fajardeño signature melody
(see 5.10). Maso Rivera begins motive x with a four note pick up (a, b, c#, d) in m.1 and
107
embellishes the melody in beats 3 and 4 of m.2 by ascending to b and a. In m.3 Rivera
again ornaments the signature melody in beats 3 and 4, by ascending to an a and
repeating this note twice before descending to the tonic d, this way slightly varying the
signature melody’s (see 5.10) contour without taking away from its integrity.
Motive y (mm. 4-6) basically replicates the ritmito motive, but alters rhythmically
the first ascending arpeggiation of the tonic with a less syncopated straight 16th-note
gesture in beat 2 of m.4. The second half of motive y (m.5) is exactly the same as that of
the ritmito motive. Motive z is an ascending and descending 16th note scalar passage
(mm. 6-8) that ends with a five note descent from a to the tonic d in a higher register.
108
Figure 5.13 Motivic analysis of seis fajardeño (performed by Maso Rivera)
This five-note descent to the tonic, or some variant of it, is crucial to the 1-3 exchange
since it resolves the vocal lines of the trovador which end on the dominant chord.
Maso Rivera then develops motives x, y and z through successive variations by
either extending parts of these motives, embellishing, or recombining segments of
motives. The first variation motive z’ replicates motive z an octave above with the initial
ascending scalar passage beginning on d, but then deviates by descending in thirds

109
instead of seconds in m. 8 (see 5.13). The five note descent from a to d is also played
down an octave. The second variation in mm. 12-14, labeled motive y’ extends the
length of motive y from 2 measures to 4 measures. Maso Rivera achieves this by
extending and accommodating the melody in the second part of motive y over the sub-
dominant chord in m. 12.
Variation three, labeled motive y’’ replicates the first sub-phrase of motive y
verbatim but changes the second sub-phrase by ending the descending phrase to a in a
lower register on beat 1 of m. 15, and then embellishing it an octave higher with a playful
double grace note gesture on g, a, then g again, before resolving to the tonic d. Rivera
has thus changed the straight downward contour of the descending five note a to d
resolution to a zig-zag shape.
Variation four, motive y-z hybrid, is a combination of the first sub-phrase of
motive y and the embellished second sub-phrase of motive z. The first part of the motive
y-z hybrid is an arpeggiation of the tonic chord taken from motive y (m.15), with a slight
variation on beat 3 with a three-grace-note gesture. Rivera then takes the two-grace-note
gesture from motive z’’ to expand the scalar descent from a to d.
In the final variation, labeled motive y-r2 hybrid, Maso Rivera again utilizes
recombination as a compositional tool. Motive y-r2 hybrid is a combination of melodic
cells from motive y and the extremely rhythmic motive r2. Motive r2, is not taken from
the motives x,y and z but rather a motive inspired from the café con pan or habanera
rhythm being played by the bongo drum. This becomes evident if we look at the
repetitive notes played in the dotted-eighth note, eighth note and four sixteenth note
110
gesture in mm. 20-24, which is basically an elaboration of the café con pan pattern (see
5.14). Motive r2, is a prime example of what Angel Quintero call the camouflaged
drum.85
Figure 5.14 Motive R2 in relation to café con pan rhythm
The Camouflaged Drum in Cuatro Melody
The presence of African rhythm in jíbaro music although ubiquitous is hard to
identify. As Luis Manuel Alvarez explains in his article “La presencia negra en la música
de Puerto Rico”, this is due to the belief that African rhythm in jíbaro music is something
only present in the percussion or “drum parts.” Although is true that the most overt
expression of African rhythm can be heard in the drum parts playing the 3-2 clave and the
café con pan pattern, these rhythms are also “camouflaged” in the cuatro parts.86 As an
example of an African rhythmic pattern played on the cuatro, Alvarez points to the
signature melody of the seis fajardeño, which mimics the Afro-Puerto Rican bomba
rhythm and chant “bambulae sea ya” (see 5.15). In the first measure of figure 5.15 the
cuatro is rhythmically arpeggiating the tonic and sub-dominant harmony of the

85
For a further discussion of the concept of “camoflaged drum,” see Quintero
Rivera, Salsa, Sabor y Control, 201-52.
86
Alvarez, “La presencia negra en la música de Puerto Rico,” 4.
111
“bambulaé sea ya” chant. Interestingly the accent on the last syllable é of the word bam-
bu-la-é, coincides with the high point of the cuatro melody in the third beat on note g.
The “bambulae sea ya” rhythm forms the basic drum pattern in the bomba sicá and is also
present in other bomba styles.87
Figure 5.15 Camouflaged Drum in seis fajardeño Melody
The cuatro in jíbaro music functions much like the lead drum, called the buleador. In
traditional bomba the buleador will improvise rhythms that interlock with the lower drum

87
Bomba sicá is one of the regional styles of bomba from Puerto Rico. For a
further discussion on sicá and other regional styles of bomba from Puerto Rico, see
Emanuel Dufrasne, “Aspects of Homogeneity and Diversity in Puerto Rican Music: A
Comparative Study of the Musical Folklore of Two Municipalities: Guayama and Loiza,”
(MA thesis, University of California at Los Angeles, 1982); and Emanuel Dufrasne,
Puerto Rico tiene … tambo!: Recopilacion de articulos sobre la plena y la bomba (Rio
Grande, Puerto Rico: Paracumbé, 1994).

112
parts thus forming a polyrhythmic texture.
Figure 5.16 Cuatro melody as part of the polyrhythmic fabric
As shown in figure 5.15 the cuatro as “camouflaged drum” also interlocks with the rest
of the jíbaro ensemble in a polyrhythmic fashion, and is responding to the 3-2 clave as
rhythmic base in his improvisation.

113
Conclusions
In terms of our structural analysis, the presence of the camouflaged drum
foregrounds the importance of rhythm in cuatro improvisation. Many stock melodies
used by cuatristas such as seis fajardeno melody, and the ritmito motive, have a strong
African rhythmic component. From the perspective of the African musical aesthetic,
cuatro melodies can be seen as an important contribution to the polyrhythmic texture that
arise during jíbaro performance. The African aesthetic helps explain some of the
decisions jíbaro musicians make during improvisation. A prime example can be found in
motive r2 in figure 5.14, where Maso Rivera plays the cuatro melody as an interlocking
part of the percussion section in a polyrhythmic sense, rather than as a melodic
instrument supported by an accompaniment in the homophonic sense.
The term “camouflaged drum,” coined by Angel Quintero in his book Salsa,
Sabor, y Control, only gains its full significance within a sociological and cultural
analysis. Jíbaros hardly ever mention the African contribution to their music. Quintero
argues that the ignorance of African presence in jíbaro music reflects the polarized ethnic
and racial views regarding the foundations of Puerto Rican society. Jíbaro music and the
iconic cuatro represent a white Spanish heritage, mythically associated with the residents
who lived in the mountains far away and segregated from the coastal area where black
slaves would play the Afro-Puerto Rican bomba and barriles (drums).88 The importance
of the camouflaged drum and its connection to the "invisible" African heritage will be
explained in later chapters.

88
Quintero Rivera, Salsa, Sabor y Control, 201-52.
114
As we will see in the next chapter many of the stock melodies used in the seis
fajardeño are also used in other styles of jíbaro seis, especially those that also utilize the
1-3 exchange. The 1-3 exchange functions to establish a genealogy between the
different styles in the seis complex. These familial ties between the types of seis give
insight as to how jíbaro musicians are able to perform and improvise in so many styles,
sometimes without ever having rehearsed. It is important to note that the 1-3 exchange is
not the only syntactical pattern used by trovadores to sing décima. I have also identified
a variant of the 1-3 exchange, which I call the 1-5 variation. There are also many styles
of seis, particularly the more modern ones, that do not utilize the 1-3 exchange at all.
These will be discussed in later chapters.
The 1-3 exchange however is the most popular way of singing décima, and
actually according to my research one of the most traditional. Numerous recordings of
seis from the 1930s by trovadores such as Ramito and Chuito , as the well as the seis that
appear in field recordings of John Alden Mason (1915) and Richard Waterman (1946)89
support the argument that the 1-3 exchange is the most traditional form of singing décima
in Puerto Rico. In the 1-3 exchange the ten lines of décima are expanded by an ebb and a
flow which thwarts the temporal limitations that have been imposed on the trovador,
hence allowing him more time to process and connect patterns stored in long term
memory with a theme given to him as a pie forzado. In his long-term memory the
trovador singer stores past décima improvisations, families of rhymes, formulaic phrases,

89
Richard Waterman recorded many folk traditions including jíbaro music in
during his field studies in Puerto Rico in 1946. See Richard Waterman, Folk Music of
Puerto Rico. Sound recording. Archive of Folk Song, U.S. Library of Congress, 1970.
115
analogous themes to the pie forzado, historical facts, etc. These recollections all
materialize in the now, by connecting the long-term memory with a pie forzado stored in
the short-term memory. It is through the structures discussed in this chapter such as the1-
3 exchange, vocal contours, and stock melodies that this basic idea is fleshed out into
sung poetry.
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CHAPTER 6. THEORY OF IMPROVISATION IN JIBARO MUSIC
Introduction
So far we have looked at archetypal patterns that jíbaro musicians use to
improvise in different styles of seis. As we have seen many of these patterns although
definitive of a particular style in essence stem from series of a basic shapes that can be
manifested in different ways. Every style of seis has a signature melody, and a set of
motives that serve as a working base for the cuatrista to improvise on. Stock melodic
patterns such as descending sequential 16th note passages and the ritmito motive are
pervasive in most, if not all, styles of seis. Larger scale patterns such as the 1-3 exchange
function as syntactical structures, which organize vocal sections and dictate interactions
between performers. On an even grander scale, cyclical rhythmic and harmonic patterns
such as the café con pan, Andalusian cadence, and I-IV-V progression, establish a
repetitive framework for almost all styles of seis.
Based on this information a logical questions for developing a theory of
improvisation in jíbaro music are: How do performers of jíbaro music connect all this
knowledge during live performance? What generative processes allow these connections
to take place during jíbaro improvisation?
Using the theories of improvisation in the works of scholars Eric Clarke, David
Sudnow, and Robert Gjerdingen, as well studies on the relationship between memory and
music by Anne Dhu McLucas I have developed a theory of improvisation in jíbaro music
that aims to answer the basic questions formulated above.

117
Generative Processes in Jíbaro Improvisation
In his essay “Generative principles in music performance,” Eric Clarke identifies
three types of generative structures that organize improvisation, 1) the hierarchical, 2)
associative, and 3) selective.90 As we will see, jíbaro musicians utilize a combination of
these three generative principles in the course of performance.
Clarke defines the associative structure as a chain of events, in which each new
event is “derived from the previous sequence by the forward transfer of information”
(See 6.1). 91
Figure 6.1 Improvisation generated by associative principle (from Clarke)
We already came across an example of how an improvisation can be generated
associatively last chapter in the analysis of the developing variations performed by
cuatrista Maso Rivera. In that case, Rivera’s melodic improvisations were based on
three initial motives x, y, and z which successively underwent a series of transformations
in an associative fashion through the “forward transfer of information” (See 6.2).

90
Eric Clarke, “Generative principles in music performance,” in Generative
Processes in Music: the psychology of performance, improvisation, and composition,
ed. John A. Sloboda (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1988), 1-26.
91
Clarke, “Generative principles in music performance,” 8.
118
Figure 6.2 Associative principle in example of Maso Rivera’s cuatro improvisation
Much of what cuatristas do as instrumentalists during improvisation requires a
kinesthetic memory, differing from the mental memory used by vocalists. As Anne Dhu
McLucas states:
The externalization possible with the presence of an instrument brings a

kinesthetic and visual awareness that is not so present in vocal music. Besides
relying on the ear and the memory, hand and finger movements on a fiddle, flute
or other instrument may be important ways to remembering certain tunes.92
Interestingly, the example Clarke cites as an associative process, is the well
known study of jazz- piano improvisation by David Sudnow. Sudnow describes the
creative act of improvisation on the piano, as one dictated by the “logic and necessity of
movements” of an “improvisatory hand,” rather than by abstract musical thought.93 A
manual dexterity determined by motor memory or a memory of the hands is necessary in
the associative processes that occur during instrumental improvisation for jazz pianists.
In jíbaro improvisation cuatristas also rely on this motor memory during the spontaneous
creation of passages. Most of improvisations are derived from melodic gestures and

92
Mc Lucas, The Musical Ear: Oral Tradition in the USA, 7.
93
David Sudnow, Ways of the Hand: The Organization of Improvised Conduct
(Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1978).
119
sequences like the ritmito and 16th note-descending motive. These motives are so cliché
that any experienced cuatrista plays these motives and their variations almost
automatically.
All of these motives are played with a specific fingering that take on a shape
recorded in the motor memory. These shapes can then easily be transposed into different
registers and keys by moving up and down on the neck of the cuatro. The following
tablature of the 16th note sequence played on a cuatro during a seis chorreao, can help
understand how the fingers learn how to walk and up the fretboard by following similar
shapes (see 6.3). Part A of figure 6.3 shows the common way cuatristas will play the
16th note motive labeled phrase 1 and then repeat the same motive transposed up a fourth
labeled phrase 2. Part B illustrates how the finger patterns look in tablature and part C
shows the resulting shape.
Figure 6.3 Shape of 16th note sequential motive - A. Staff notation, B. position of fingers
on the cuatro strings (tablature), C. resultant pattern
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The equidistant tuning of the cuatro’s five strings in perfect fourths G-D-A-E-B also
helps cuatristas in transposing these melodic shapes with great regularity in different
registers and keys.
Being that melodic shape seems to be one of the most basic and primitive forms
of memory, it is also one of the most easily accessible for performers during
improvisation. Contour retention, according to McLucas, has been studied as an innate
ability that human beings have since birth “as infants are able to imitate the contours of
spoken and sung utterances of their parents.”94 The “ability to discern general direction
and approximate pitch is seemingly inborn” states McLucas.95 The connection between
the innate tendency to recognize contour and a motor memory in the fingers are
collaborative processes that allow creativity to flourish during cuatro improvisation.
For Clarke however the associative motor processes described by Sudnow’s
improvisatory hand that occur at the event-to-event level do not sufficiently provide the
agility needed for improvisation. He thus argues that jazz pianists actually use a
combination of both associative and hierarchical processes during improvisation in order
to achieve fluency and accuracy.
As far as motor control is concerned, typing is very similar to playing music, and
it demonstrates that a literal interpretation of Sudnow’s claims is untenable. An
improviser must construct a representation for at least a short sequence of events
in advance, and cannot operate at speed or with any fluency on an event to event
level. Sudnow may have become unaware of these hierarchical structures, and the
structures themselves may be no more elaborate than an eight-character preview
of Shaffer’s typist, but they undoubtedly exist.96

94
Mc Lucas, The Musical Ear: Oral Tradition in the USA, 37.
95
Ibid., 37.
121
The same happens with cuatristas, who use both the associative and hierarchical
processes during improvisation. This will be fully explained later in the discussion, when
we talk about the hierarchical principles in music improvisation.
The associative principle is also used in décima improvisation. In this case the
first event being the pie forzado unleashes a backwards transfer of information used to
generate the other lines of the strophe, thus creating an associative chain of events. The
lines of the décima as we discussed in chapter 5 are organized by the 1-3 exchange.
Figure 6.4 illustrates the associative principle in décima improvisation.
Figure 6.4 Associative principle in décima improvisation
As noted in chapter 5, the contour and rhythm of the vocal line are musical attributes that
aid in this associative generation of the poetic text, by facilitating the end-rhyme and
octosyllable meter of the décima.
The third type of generative principle, known as the selective, is best exemplified
in the formulaic construction of décima and in the way cuatristas often improvise by
pasting together a series of known and pre-rehearsed melodic phrases. Clarke defines
this type of improvisation as follows: “the first event may be selected from a number of

96
Ibid., 7.
122
events contained within the performer’s repertoire, the rest of the improvisation
consisting of further selections from this same repertoire, with a varying degree of
relatedness between selections.” Figure 6.5 illustrates this principle.
Figure 6.5 Improvisation by repertoire selection
Can improvisation by repertoire selection really be called improvisation? It seems
that the act of improvising in this process comes down to the science of knowing what to
put when and where. It would be naïve to conceive décima improvisation as a pure and
spontaneous creative activity. The mere fact that many trovadores have repeatedly
created ten-line stanzas in the form of décima espinela over a span of many years or
sometimes lifetimes, endows these bards with knowledge of a formulaic language, which
they can often reconfigure, and disguise as new material. The common saying in jíbaro
improvisation of “cuartetas preparas” (stanzas already prepared) is despised and looked
down upon, but is inevitably used by all trovadores to a certain degree. Although they
might not “prepare” the whole décima stanza, parts of a stanza are of course formualaic.
123
In an interview with trovador Joaquín Mouliert, he mentioned in the exposition section of
the décima a singer can get away with the formulaic singing of prepared cuartetas. In the
looser exposition, a singer can import a variety of ideas and rhyme schemes. In contrast,
the stricter concluding section in which the rhyme and main idea is determined by a pie
forzado given on the spot, does not allow for the use of prepared stanzas.97 Décima
created with prepared cuartetas are easily detected by trovadores because of the
inconsistent semantic coherence in the poetry. Audience members are often fooled by the
sonority of rhymed verses that break with semantic logic.
Cuatristas are allowed more freedom in their performance, in terms of recycling
pre-rehearsed material. A seis has moments various musical ideas that define its style
and therefore must be present during every performance such as the introductory
signature melody, 16th note sequence, the ritmito motive, and the ending cadential
formulas. A cuatrista could probably fill in the rest of a performance by selecting
motives from his repertoire, performing each time slight variations on these motives,
much like the Galant musicians cited by Gjerdingen who “compose” or "put together"
schematas in classical pieces.
As mentioned before, the associative and selective principles work together in the
creative process of “composing” for a cuatrista. A common series of motives used by
many cuatristas in seis con décimas is shown below (see 6.6). The arrows pointing from

97
Felix Cordova, “Los trovadores puertorrqueños: algunas consideraciones sobre
el arte de la improvisación,” 82.

124
motive illustrate the associative principle of one motive leading to the next, while the box
labeled cuatristas stock repertoire demonstrate the selective principle in cuatro
improvisation.
Figure 6.6 Associative and selective generative principles in cuatro improvisation
As seen in figure 6.6, the seis con décimas, like many seis, usually begins with its
signature melody and then followed by a common stock phrases such as the arpeggiated
Andalusian cadence, the dominant pedal, and the ritmito motive. If we look at the
similarities between the series of motives in the seis con décimas and the seis fajardeño
shown below, we can see how this information is interrelated and sometimes literally
transferred in performing related styles such as these and others in the great family of the
seis (see 6.7).

125
Figure 6.7 Introduction to seis fajardeño
As seen in figures 6.6 and 6.7 both the seis con decimas and seis fajardeño use almost the
same sequence of “schematas” during the introduction: a signature melody, the dominant
pedal and the ritmito motive. As the cuatrista is playing he is involved in a selective
process that adheres to the conventions of the jíbaro language. He will thus in later
sections play variations on these stock patterns, or select other motives from his stock to
improvise on. In this way cuatro improvisation is based both on the selective principle of
choosing predetermined stock patterns that associatively generate a string of events.
The Hierarchichal Generative Principle
The selective and associative principle in cuatro playing and improvisation is
often coupled with the hierarchichal principle. Many times the hands retain a routine
series of motives as a unit rather than as individual motives. A good example of this
occurs when the memorization of a whole piece or large section passes into the motor
126
memory. Experienced musicians know that once a piece is memorized it can be very
hard to play certain passages individually if they are not connected to prior or subsequent
music.
If we view the whole introductory sections of the seis as a larger scale schemata
or cognitive schema as Gjerdingen defines these interrelated terms: “Schema is thus
shorthand for a packet of knowledge, be it an abstracted prototype, a well-learned
exemplar, a theory intuited about the nature of things and their meanings, or just the
attunement of a cluster of cortical neurons to regularity in the environment.” 98 Fluency
is not only achieved by putting together a string of events but also by having a clear
picture of how these events fit in with the overall structure of the piece. Implying that
many cuatristas probably improvise by utilizing larger scale or hierarchical knowledge
together with lower level or event-to-event associative and selective knowledge. This
relates back to Clarkes argument that kinesthetic associative memory of the
improvisatory hand must work in conjunction with a hierarchical memory in order to
achieve the fluency and speed necessary for improvisation.
The hierarchical generative principle can be envisioned as a series of events
where the first event is “to some extent worked out in advance” while the others are to
some extent constructed in the course of the improvisation as part of a hierarchical
structure (See 6.8).99

98
Gjerdingen, Music in the Galant Style, 11.
99
127
Figure 6.8 Diagram of hierarchical generative structure
It wouldn’t be hard to imagine that a jíbaro performer after many years of playing a genre
like the seis has quite a complete idea in his mind of what a piece will sound like before a
performance. This would mean a complete knowledge of the generative structure of the
seis, in other words how the whole piece as a unity breaks down into sub-sections, then
subsequently how this branch out into phrases, and finally the subdivision of these all the
way down to individual motives. Simple strophic forms such as the jíbaro seis built on a
cyclical harmonic and rhythmic framework produce hierarchical structures that are not
too complex, and hence very predictable and easy to remember. The form of the seis
breaks down into two basic parts an introductory instrumental section played on the
cuatro and vocal sections in which the stanzas of the décima are sung (see 6.9).
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Figure 6.9 Strophic form of seis
How then do hierarchical structures generate improvisation in the two main sections of
the seis?
Lets take for example the set of motives from the seis fajardeño introduction in
figure 6.7 constructed on the following series: the signature melody, the 16th note
sequence, the ritmito and pedal motives. Many performers actually play this introductory
section exactly or very similar to the series shown in figure 6.7. Taking this into account
it wouldn’t be hard to imagine that cuatristas conceive this introductory section as a
whole unit, rather than a series of individually selected stock melodies that happen to be
related. In other words, the introductory schema of : signature melody + 16th note
sequence + ritmito + dominant pedal forms a larger architectonic structure that cuatristas
have archived in their memory. If we revisit the introductory section from the Maso
Rivera example analyzed in the last chapter, we can see how this larger introduction
schema is present in his mind during this performance. Notice below in figure 6.9 how
cuatrista Maso Rivera has used almost the same syntax, and essentially the same set of
motives seen in figure 6.7, to produce a different rendition of essentially the same seis
fajardeño introduction (see 6.10). Much like Gjerdigen’s Galant musicians who piece
129
together schematas in the act of composition to create whole sections, Rivera knows the
larger scale schema of this introductory section and how to put together and reformulate
the contours and shapes of the melodic ideas, to create a different but essentially the same
musical idea. Figure 6.10 illustrates how the shape of the introductory schema exists in
the cuatristas mind as prototype that he will use in the act of performance.
Figure 6.10 Introduction schema of seis fajardeño played by Maso Rivera
One would have to ask: How is this improvisation? Where is the creative aspect in
this type of performance?

130
The introductory schema as a prototype allows for variation and different
outcomes resulting from the combination of selected motives from a cuatristas stock, the
variation of these motives, and recombination in the syntax. Rivera’s introduction
slightly changes the syntax. He has: signature melody + ritmito motive+ dominant pedal
+ 16th note motive versus signature melody + 16th note sequence + ritmito + dominant
pedal sequence. Also notice in figure 6.10, the variations Rivera performs on the
signature melody (m.2) and the ritmito motive (m .4), which is still an arpeggiation of the
tonic and sub-dominant harmony but with a straight 16th note rhythm instead of the
typical syncopated pattern. The motive that differs the most in Rivera’s introduction is
the 16th note scale in m. 6, which can be analyzed as a variation on the motive labeled
16th note sequence in figure 6.7. Although both these motives share similarities in their
resolution to the tonic d, the straight contour of the scalar passage played by Rivera
differs greatly from the four 16thnote descending sequence in figure 6.7, in which each
16th note group leaps up by a third and then descends by seconds, thus completely
changing its character.
The introduction schema shown in figure 6.10 demonstrates that jíbaro musicians
organize their musical knowledge in large units that can make up entire sections of
music. This organization functions at higher structural level. The introduction schema is
thus comparable to other higher-level structures we have already discussed such as the 1-
3 exchange which organizes the vocal sections in many styles of seis. These two
structures are examples of how jíbaro improvisation is generated by hierarchical

131
structures. Figure 6.11 shows how the 1-3 exchange and the introductory schema form a
hierarchical structure.
Figure 6.11 Hierarchical structures in jíbaro improvisation
The figure shown above also illustrates how associative principles, shown by the arrows,
function at lower levels of the hierarchical structure. In the case of the 1-3 exchange
there are arrows going both ways showing the associative nature of the décima created in
retrospect on the final theme of a pie forzado.

132
Understanding the Hierarchical Nature of Jíbaro Improvisation
It is easier to grasp in how the associative and selective structures are utilized
during improvisation jíbaro improvisation. On the other hand with hierarchical structures
being more abstract it is harder to visualize and understand exactly how knowledge of
these structures during an improvisation aids performers, especially at deeper levels.
According to Clarke, it is at the point of phrase boundaries, when connections between
musical ideas are established, that a performer draws upon the higher levels of generative
structures. At these moments it is important for the performer to know how phrases relate
to each other and to the overall structure of the piece. Clarke states that at these moments
in phrase boundaries the certain parts of the hierarchical structure are “activated” giving
the performer a greater awareness of the piece. On the other hand, at the middle of a
phrase probably only lower level generative principles are active. The author concludes
that in the course of performance a player's “structural awareness constantly shifts
between regions of activated structure that vary in durational extent and generative
length. As a general rule, the depth to which generative structure is activated is directly
related to the structural significance of the phrase boundaries lying close to or at the
players current musical location.”100
As we have already seen, interaction between performers during phrase
boundaries or significant cadential moments correlates with a “tighter” and more
synchronized musical texture, which implies a greater or “activated” awareness. Take for
example the cadential expansion of the seis con décimas. During this cadential moment

100
133
the cyclical Andalusian harmonic progression (i-VII-VI-V) is lengthened creating a
longer phrase. This lengthened Andalusian cadence (i-VII-VI-V-iv-III-ii (dim)-i) is
important since it cues the vocal entrance for the trovador or marks the end of his décima
stanza and the beginning of the ensuing instrumental interlude (see 6.12).
Figure 6.12 Andalusian cadence expansion at the end of phrase
Ends of phrases also provide spaces where secondary instruments such as the guitar can
relinquish role of chordal accompaniment and provide a contrapuntal bass line, this way
adding to the polyphonic interaction that often occurs between trovador and cuatrista
(see 6.13).
134
Figure 6.13 Guitar contrapuntal bass line at the end of a phrase
Also typical of cadences is the cadential formula used to cue in performers at the end of
the piece. This cadential formula is usually played by the cuatro in unison with the guitar
in a lower register and the percussion section accentuating the last four notes (see 6.14).
Figure 6.14 Cadential formula

135
Conclusions
Maybe a good way to envision the generative structure of a jíbaro improvisation
is as an incomplete tree structure where some of the events have already been worked out
in advance, while others are waiting to unfold (see 6.15). Higher level archetypal
patterns, such as the 1-3 exchange and introductory schemas organize lower level events
occurring during the process of improvisation. Schemas such as the signature melody,
ritmito motive, and cadential formulas are archetypal patterns taken from a stock
repertoire of phrases that mark structurally significant points, and help to cue performers.
Figure 6.15 Hierarchical generative structure of seis
The diagram in figure 6.15 illustrates a hierarchical structure, as demonstrated in this
chapter jíbaro performers combine hierarchical with associative and selective generative
136
processes during the improvisation of a seis. This diagram is representative of all the
styles of seis related to the seis fajardeño, which use the 1-3 exchange and similar
introduction schemas. It could also very well be representative of the seis as a genre,
since all styles use many of the structures demonstrated in this chapter.

137
CHAPTER 7. A GENEALOGY OF THE SEIS
Introduction
When we examine the great diversity in styles of seis we realize the richness and
eclectic nature of this folk genre. Virtually every in Puerto Rico has a regional variant,
the seis fajardeño from the town of Fajardo, seis bayamonés from Bayamón and so forth,
or claims to be the place of origin like for example the seis mapeyé from Gurabo. Other
styles of seis refer to country dances such as the seis chorreao and the seis zapateado, or
to the people who invented them, seis de andino and the seis de portalatín. The seis
would eventually transcend its grassroots and geography of the island incorporating
styles with influences from other countries in Latin America and the Caribbean such as:
the punto cubano, seis joropo, seis milonguero, and seis chacarera. Varieties such as the
seis tango, seis guaracha, seis bolero, and seis montuno speak to the genres incorporation
of urban popular musics.
“With so many ways to accompany the décima,” scholar Maximiano Trapero has
hailed the Puerto Rican seis as the “perfect combination of music and poetry in
contemporary Hispanic America.”101 Trapero’s laudatory comments not only allude to
the diversity of the seis, but also to the artistic beauty and exquisiteness, which the
contemporary seis embodies. Characterized by melodic chromaticism, smooth voice
leading, polyphonic counterpoint, and of course infectious rhythms, the jíbaro seis is

101
Trapero, Maximiano. 2012. Interview by author. San Juan, P.R. November 7.
138
today dominated by virtuoso cuatristas and musicians who accompany the lyrical
improvisations of the trovador.
The diversity in styles of Puerto Rican seis, which is quite astounding for such a
limited geographical space, and the development in its musical language are significant,
especially if compared to other traditions that improvise in décima across the Caribbean
and Latin America, and attests to the distinct development of this genre. Why did the
seis enjoy such a development and proliferation? How has the development and
proliferation in the seis affected they way jíbaro musicians improvise? This chapter
proposes a genealogy of the seis by tracing its origins back to the 18th C. Spanish dances,
the ensuing process of creolization and “binarization” during the 19th C., and finally the
proliferation of this genre thanks to its commercialization in the early 20th C. I will argue
that the engagement of jíbaro musicians with popular styles such as the danza, guaracha,
bolero, plena, and salsa, thanks in great part to the U.S. recording industry, greatly
influenced the proliferation in styles of seis, and also introduced new musical practices
that enriched and shaped the genre into what it is today.
Mapping out the Seis and Binarization
Earlier in Chapter 3 we defined the characteristics of the seis, its Afro-Caribbean
rhythmic base, short harmonic progressions (I-IV-V and the Andalusian cadence), the
signature melodies, and the inextricable bond that the seis shares with the décima. These
common musical traits, offer a starting point in mapping an initial genealogy of the seis.
In the following chart, the genre of seis is divided in two large categories: duple and
139
triple meter (see 7.1). These then are subdivided into subcategories based on harmonic
progressions such as: I-IV-V, Andalusian cadence, i-VI-V, I-V/IV-IV-V-I, and rhythmic
traits such as the tumbao.
In the triple category, the division in based on seis in compound 6/8 time with a
three against two feel versus those in simple triple meter. It is important to note
Figure 7.1 The Family of Seis
that the number of seis in duple meter dramatically outnumber those in triple meter.
From the documented styles of seis in this study more than 60 styles (from list A and B)
are in duple time compared to a mere 10 styles in triple time numbers 35-45 (see 7.2).
140
The predominantly binary character of the seis distinguishes jíbaro music from its
Caribbean and Latin American counterparts like the punto cubano, son jarocho,
Figure 7.2 Great diversity in seis, over 90 styles
mejorana panameña and the joropo venezolano, which are mostly in triple time. As
Antonio Garcia León so elegantly elucidates in his book El mar de los deseos: El Caribe
hispano musical historia y contrapunto, Caribbean folksong shares a common musical
language or “lenguaje compartido” that dates back to pre-Columbian times and takes
141
definite form during 18th and 19th centuries where creole genres such as the jíbaro seis,
punto cubano and other musics begin to flourish.102 García de León groups the rural
folksong of the Caribbean into the “cancionero ternario caribeño” (the Caribbean ternary
songbook) which extends as far north as Louisiana and includes the mainland ports of
Veracruz (Mexico), Portobelo (Panama), Cartagena de Indias (Colombia) and various
cities in Venezuela including Isla Margarita. This is region which he calls “El Gran
Caribe” (The Great Caribbean), connected by Spanish colonial trade routes103, shared
traditions common to Puerto Rico such as improvisation in décima, the song forms of
aguinaldo and seis, which have counterparts in Venezuela104 and Colombia, and the
parranda which is celebrated in Venezuela, Veracruz and even in the English speaking
island of Trinidad.105

102
Antonio García de León, El mar de los deseos: El Caribe hispano musical,
Historia y contrapunto (Mexico, Siglo Veintiuno Editores, 2002).
103
Spanish trade routes such as el situado mexicano, and the Gran Carrera de las
Indias connected Mexico, Venezuela, with Puerto Rico during the colonial period. For a
further discussion, see Garcia de León, El mar de los deseos, 19-45.
104
In Venezuela the are various types of seis, one of the most popular being the
seis por derecho. The Venezuelan seis forms part of a folk music called llanera also
played with by string ensemble of harp, maracas and venezuealan cuatro. There are also
various styles of aguinaldo, like for example the aguinaldo de cumaná and the aguinaldo
larenese. Similar to the Puerto Rican aguinaldo in Venezuela this genre is also deals with
religious themes (“a lo divino”) related with the celebration of Christmas. For a further
discussion on this topic, see Antonio Garcia de León, “El aguinaldo como genero
compartido,” in El mar de los deseos, 184-190.

105
In Trinidad the parranda, is called parang, which is Anglicization of this
Spanish word and custom in the Caribbean, see García de León, El mar de los deseos, 19.
142
Although the jibaro seis is predominantly in duple time, Garcia de Leon places it
within the “cancionero ternario caribeño” (the collection of Caribbean songs in ternary
meter) and suggests that the seis evolved from triple (or what he calls ternary) to duple
(or what he calls binary) meter through the process of “binarization,” referring in this
context to rhythm and time in music. 106 According to García de León, the process of
“binarization” in the Great Caribbean was accentuated more strongly in the islands of the
Caribbean as compared to the mainland ports of Mexico, Colombia and Venezuela, due
the larger population of African slaves imported to islands such as Puerto Rico, Cuba and
the Dominican Republic. The author also notes the continuation of slavery in the insular
Caribbean, which ended during latter half of the 19th century, in comparison to Mexico,
where the slave trade ended in 1737. In conclusion, Garcia de León clearly establishes a
line of evolution between Spanish ternary forms popularized throughout the Great
Caribbean during the 18th and early19th centuries such as the seguidillas manchegas and
the fandango, and the creole forms which emerged from them such as the punto cubano,
joropo, canto de mejorana, son jarocho and jíbaro seis during the 19th C and early
twentieth century. As seen in figure 7.3, which shows the genealogy of the cancionero
ternario caribeño, the jíbaro seis would differentiate itself from the rest of the creole
ternary forms listed above because of its binary meter, although they both share a
common ancestor the fandango.

106
The term “binarization,” as used by Rolando Pérez Fernández and García de
León refers to rhythm. Unlike English where ternary and binary refer to form (i.e
sonata), in Spanish binary and ternary are terms that can be used to refer to time and
rhythm, and within our discussion these terms will be used to refer strictly to these.
143
Figure 7.3 Gran Cancionero Ternario Caribeño (The Collected Songbook of Caribbean
Songs in Ternary Meter)
The process of “binarization” in creole forms then according to García de León, is
linked to the strong African influence in the Caribbean. This makes sense, since in terms
of rhythm, a common denominator to many Caribbean music styles such as the bolero,
Cuban son, the Dominican merengue, as well a as the jíbaro seis, is the two measure
rhythmic cell of the 3-2 clave (see 7.4), which is a binary construct.
Figure 7.4 The 3-2 clave

144
Creole triple time forms like the punto cubano, joropo, mejorana and son jarocho are not
as strongly influenced by the 3-2 clave since they are in 6/8 meter.
The term “binarization” was actually coined by Cuban anthropologist Rolando
Perez Fernandez.107 His book La binarización de lo ritmos ternarios Africanos en
America Latina theorizes on how many binary rhythms found in Latin American
folk and popular music originated from ternary African rhythms. Perez Fernandez also
proposes that the process of “binarization” resulted from the influence of ternary African
rhythms based on what is today called the 6/8 clave, which contains both binary and
ternary rhythm, what he calls the African sesquialtera (see 7.5).
Figure 7.5 6/8 clave
The African 6/8 clave, also commonly called the 6/8 clave, contains the binary 3-2 clave.
If we take the 6/8 clave and reduce it to its simplest form we get a 3-2 clave in 6/8 time.
Notice in figure 6.6 the similarity between the 6/8 clave with bracketed notes (A) and the
3-2 clave (B).

107
Rolando Antonio Pérez Fernández, La binarización de los ritmos ternarios
africanos en America Latina (Habana, Cuba: Casa Las Americas, 1987).
145
A.
B.
Figure 7.6 6/8 clave in (A.) reduced to 3-2 clave (B.)
The coexistence of binary and ternary meter in African music is what accounts for the
beauty and complexity in many of its polyrhythms. Musicians performing Afro-Cuban
and Caribbean styles of rumba, batá, son, and salsa, will play around constantly
alternating the binary and ternary feel of the clave, which is dazzling to the ear.108
In the Caribbean and Latin America, the African sesquialtera cross-pollinated
during the 18th century with dances based on the Spanish sesquialtera, evident in forms
such as the fandango. The Spanish sesquialtera, unlike its African counterpart was more
limited in its metrical combinations, but was completely compatible in its form.
A esto se suma una estructura de frase comun, en lo esencial, a ambos sistemas, lo

que les confiere una efectiva compatibildad. Aquí el factor hispanico, donde esta
ausente la propension a binarizar lor ritmos ternarios, inhibe el desarrollo de la
tendencia binarizadora de que es portador el africano. En estas circunstancias
ocurren veces binarizaciones parciales y, con mas frecuencia, aparecen formas
solo incipientes y restrigindas de binarizacion. Por consiguiente, hay una gran

108
For mores information on polyrhythm in Afro-Cuban rumba and batá, see
Robin Moore, “An Afro-cuban Batá Piece for Obatalá, King of the White Cloth,” in
Analytical Studies in World Music, ed. Michael Tenzer (New York: Oxford University
Press, 2006), 120-160.
146
tendencia a la retencion de los patrones ritmicos y de los esquemas metricos

ternarios que el africano aporto a este proceso transcultural.109
Historical sources confirm that the process of transculturalization between African and
Spanish styles that led to the jíbaro seis in Puerto Rico could have begun as early as the
18th century.110
The Fandango, precursor to the Seis
One of the first historical sources to mention the seis is Manuel Alonso’s book El
Gíbaro written in 1849. Alonso colorfully depicts jíbaro music and dance in the chapter
he calls los bailes de garabato, which translates to “the dances of garabato.” The word
garabato is country slang that refers to hook or a tool used by the rural farmer of Puerto
Rico. It also refers to scribbled or not well-defined creations, which could be the author’s
way of portraying these dances as rustic or primitive. According to Alonso, one of
Puerto Rico’s most celebrated writers of the costumbrista movement, in the 19th century
“two kinds of dances” were known in Puerto Rico: 1) “bailes de sociedad” which
belonged to the upper class and echoed European dances such as the contradanza and

109
Pérez Fernández, La binarización de los ritmos ternarios africanos en America
Latina, 17.
110
Transculturation is used in this context in the same way Fernando Ortiz defines
the term, referring to the encounter between or among cultures in which each one
acquires or adapts elements of the other or in which new cultural elements are created.
See Fernando Ortiz, Cuban Counterpoint: Tobacco and Sugar (Durham, NC: Duke
147
the vals, and 2) the bailes de garabato, creolized dances that were distinctive to Puerto
Rico.
Two kinds of dances are known in Puerto Rico. One kind belongs to society, and
these simply echo the European social dances. The others called bailes de
garabato, are distinctive to Puerto Rico although they appear to me to be derived
from Spanish dances intermixed with those of the islands primitive inhabitants.111
The most popular “bailes de garabato” according to Alonso were the sonduro, a dance
which involved a foot stomping or zapateado, as well as the caballo, cadenas and the
seis. The cadenas and the seis were the favorite of the jíbaro for they were “neither
deafening like the sonduro nor dull like the fandanguillo and caballo.” All of these
bailes de garabato evolved from the Spanish fandango and seguidilla according to
Alonso or to be more precise represented “degenerations” of these dances. The most
vivid description of these dances or bailes de garabato by Alonso however is presented
in the poetic form of romances, which the author wrote in the colloquial language used by
the jíbaro. In the dialect of the jíbaro, cadenas is pronounced caenas, and tocar (which
means to play) becomes tocay. The following is an example of a romance describing the
jíbaro dances:
Rompió ey baile primo Sico

Con su comae Treniá,
Con un sonduro que daba
Imbidia veyo bailal.
Requintaba la bigüela,
Ey güiro diba a jablay,
Y los tiples y maracas
No les diban muy atras.
Los garrones e mi primo

111
Manuel Alonso, El Jíbaro (Barcelona: Editorial Vosgos, 1975), 49.
148
Repicaban sin paral,

Y atajaba la pareja
Tan a tiempo y acompás,
Que hubo biejo que la baba
Le bino ay suelo a paray.
Bailóse espués un cabayo,
Unas caenas etrás,
Un fandanguiyo bombeao,
Y un seis se diba a tocay
("El baile de garabato", El Gíbaro, Manuel Alonso, 1849)112
In this description we can see the coexistence of these dance forms within jíbaro social
life. Interestingly the author mentions the “fandanguiyo bombeao”, a form fandango
with the aggregated bombeao suffix. This genre could have been the predecessor to the
seis bombeao. As described by Francisco López Cruz during a seis bombeao, men and
women would interrupt their dancing by exclaiming “bomba” and exchanging couplets.
According to Garcia de León the fandanguillo bombeao is also known in
Veracruz as fandanguillo con bombas. Some variant of this form is also practiced in
Venezuela, Panama and Santo Domingo.113 As author explains at a certain moment in
the dance someone will shout: “!Bomba para la mujeres! (bomba for the women)”, thus
halting the music and allowing for a woman participant to recite her couplet to her male
partner. This would then be followed by more dancing and another interruption “!Bomba
para los hombres! (bomba for the men)” where the man would respond to the woman’s
couplet, thus creating a comical porfia (also called controversia) or challenge where
usually the men chase the women who resist their flirtatious comments. These couplets

112
Alonso, El Jíbaro, 59-60.

113
García de León, El mar de los deseos, 178.
149
in Veracruz, says Garcia de Leon, are called coplas de enojo, enojo meaning anger or
rage but in this context more in the sense of outrageous. The coplas de enojo, resemble
in name a similar seis in Puerto Rico, which Manuel Fernández Juncos calls the “seis
enojao.” In his article from 1922, Fernandez Juncos, describes the seis enojao as one of
the most “expressive” and delightful dances of “our colonial times” where a “young man
directs a courtly poem, called a bomba, to his partner and is roundly applauded by all.”114
From these historical sources we can begin to trace the origins of the jíbaro seis
back to the fandanguillo bombeao, a creolized form of the Spanish fandango, which was
common not only to Puerto Rico but to other places in the “Great Caribbean.” Historical
evidence seems to indicate that the fandanguillo bombeao was the predecessor of the seis
bombeao or seis enojao. During an interview with Joaquin Mouliert, also known as the
“pitirre de Fajardo” (the pitirre is a local bird), I asked this legendary trovador if he
agreed that the seis chorreao was one of the oldest styles, since it was the first to be
mentioned in the literature concerning jíbaro music. To my surprise he said that one of
the characteristic melodies associated with the seis chorreao was derived from an
estribillo (refrain) characteristic of the seis bombeao, which goes as follows: “Arepita
con bacalao/ pa Don Pancho/ que esta esmayao,”(An arepa for Don Pancho who is very
hungry). This refrain would be sung in between the couplets or bombas, during a seis
bombeao according to Mouliert. The melody of this refrain is one of the most popular
melodies associated with a seis chorreao and goes is transcribed below (see 7.7). Notice

114
Manuel Fernández Juncos, “El Seis Enojao” in Music in Puerto Rico: A
Reader’s Anthology, ed. by Donald Thompson (Lanham, Maryland: Scarecrow Press,
2002), 26-28.

150
the main rhythmic gesture of the refrain is the cinquillo pattern pervasive in Afro-
Caribbean music.
Figure 7.7 Seis bombeao refrain, “Arepita con bacalao”
Regardless of which type of seis came first the bombeao, enojao or chorreao, we can
already see that the seis began to diversify itself by acquiring different adjectives that
described and differentiated it from other styles of seis. Such is the case of the seis
chorreao by composer Julian Andino, which was the first seis to be published in 1910,
and one of the only styles of seis ever to be published since this is primarily an oral folk
tradition.115 The seis chorreao is also the first style to appear in a historical record from
1858, which describes a spectacle celebrated in Puerto Rico called the “Gran Alborada
jibara” in honor of the Spanish king Alfonso XII. During this celebration jibaro
musicians sang decimas composed by Eusebio Nuñez to the accompaniment of a seis
chorreao. This source mentioned by Yvette Jimenez de Baez in her book La décima

115
María Luisa Muñoz, La Música de Puerto Rico, 47-48.
151
popular en Puerto Rico, is worth noting since it is one of the first descriptions where the
seis is associated with the singing and improvisation of décima.116
Various historical sources also offer a detailed description of the musical
characteristics of the jibaro seis and of its instrumentation, which give us a sense of how
this music could have sounded. The first article from 1887 titled “El campesino
puertorriqueño …” by Francisco del Valle Atiles mention the “rustic instruments” that
make up the jíbaro orquesta típica (jíbaro ensemble); the guiro, maraca, which the author
mentions as coming from Antillean Indian origin, and the string instruments of the tiple,
cuatro (which is still mentioned as having four double course strings), bordonua (a six
string instrument used for playing base notes, a technique called bordonear hence its
name), and the vihuela (which according to Juan Sotomayor provided the mid-range
harmony).117 Del Valle Atiles is amazed by how these rustic instruments can produce
“agreeable sounds” and at the skill demonstrated by jíbaro musicians who play them:
Skilled hands draw pleasant melodies from these crude instruments despite the
serious difficulties which they certainly must present. Players exist who with
surprising mastery display their skills in producing amazing melodies, especially
on the cuatro. 118

116
Yvette Jimenez de Baez, La Décima Popular en Puerto Rico, 78.
117
Juan Sotomayor and William Cumpiano. The Puerto Rican Cuatro Project.
http://www.cuatro-pr.org (accessed February 12, 2013).
118
Francisco del Valle Atiles, “El campesino puertorriqueño” in Music in Puerto
Rico: A Reader’s Anthology, ed. Donald Thompson (Lanham, Maryland: Scarecrow
Press, 2002), 22.
152
The best account on jíbaro music is offered by Julio Carlos de Arteaga in his article
“Breve memoria sobre los cantos populares de Puerto Rico” published in 1893. The
author describes the Iberian character of Puerto Rican jíbaro folksong, which he
identifies in the use of “European harmony” and the style of singing which is based on
Andalusian minor with the leading tone, commonly known today as the harmonic minor.
Although the singing is less melismatic and “economical” than the Andalusican cante
hondo according to the author, Arteaga is impressed with the level of improvised
ornamentation in the accompaniment of the cuatro which he says “provide a musical
dialogue” with the singer:
Worthy of attention are the improvisations which the gíbaro produces on the
accompanying instrument known as the cuatro. These improvisations provide a
kind of musical dialogue, alternating with the sung couplets. These strokes of
inventiveness might be called Puerto Rican counterpoint, if such a term were not
to presumptuous, because the gibaro displays so much skill at this intuitive
musical game that if he were to receive instruction he might devote himself to the
study of the difficult science of academic counterpoint. More than once (and this
is no exaggeration) I have been reminded of the variations composed by French
and German harpsichordists of the sixteenth century, on hearing the
improvisations of the gíbaro, solemnly hunched over his inseparable cuatro. 119
De Arteaga, later describes the seis itself, as dance of “excessive in length (it seems
interminable)” and with the zapateo “as an important part” of the choreography.
Musically the author enumerates four aspects: 1) “the constant use of duple meter” 2) the
frequent use of triplets and 3) final cadences which frequently end on the dominant in

119
Julio Carlos de Arteaga, “Breve memoria sobre los cantos populares de Puerto
Rico,” in Music in Puerto Rico: A Reader’s Anthology, ed. Donald Thompson (Lanham,
Maryland: Scarecrow Press, 2002), 24.

153
root position or in second inversion, with the supertonic in the bass. 4) Also worthy of
note is the constant alternation of duple and triple meter ...”120
From the accounts of these writers, during the 19th century the seis had already
taken on many of the characteristics which identify it today: binary meter, cadences that
end on the dominant, the use of European harmony, instrumental passages that alternate
with sung couplets forming a dialogue between cuatro and singer (1-3 exchange), and a
high propensity for instrumental improvisation. These historical sources also mention the
zapateado (foot stomping) as an important part of the seis and its excessive length, which
further confirm the lineage between the fandango and the seis. The seis would
eventually lose the loud and boisterous zapateado choreography, and replace it with
smoother dance steps such as the chorreao which Francisco Lopez Cruz describes as:
El movimiento de los bailadores nos da la impression de pies que se deslizan, sin

golpes en el piso. Ruedan como si fuesen patines muy bien lubricados que
resbalasen. Si lo observamos de cerca dan la impression de pies que se van
chorreando.121

120
Ibid., 25.
121
López Cruz, La Música Folklórica de Puerto Rico, 16.
154
Comparative Analysis of the Fandango and the Seis
The Spanish fandango, a popular folk dance characterized by its Andalusian
flavor, was cultivated on both sides of the Atlantic during the 18th century.122 The word
fandango, which refers not only to a dance and music, but also to an actual fiesta, or
gathering of people where a zapateado dance and music would take place. This legacy is
still visible in many regional styles of Mexican son from Veracruz and the Huastecan
region, which according to Garcia de Leon “preserve the tradition of the fandangos
zapateados danced on a wooden stage.”123 The son arribeño (also known as huapango
arribeño) from the highlands of the Quetraro and Guanajuto, still practiced by trovadores
such as Guillermo Velazquez, is a tradition that combines zapateado dancing with
decima improvisation, a practice also found in the son jarocho from Veracruz. Similar
practices are found in Venezuela, Colombia, Panama and other countries Latin America,
where the fandango also became popular, and where the word fandango has similar
connotations relating to dance, music, and fiesta.
Historical sources indicate that in Puerto Rico the word fandango also referred to
a fiesta with zapateado dancing and music. One of the earliest sources to describe jíbaro
dance, from 1788, comes from the Spanish chronicler Fray Iñigo Abbad y Lassierra. In
a section of his book Historia geografica , civil y politica de la isla de San Juan Bautista
de Puerto Rico (1788) titled “Usos y costumbres de esta isla” Abbad y Lassierra
describes a couple dance where the man performs a loud foot stamping “with great speed

122
García de León, El mar de los deseos, 56.
123
Ibid., 64. Actually in Mexico many regional folk musics still preserve the
name fandango or a derivative such as fandanguito and fandanguillo.
155
and force,” to music and singing while he maintains his “hat on the side of his head and
his machete held in both hands across his shoulders.” The Spanish chronicler mentions
how these social dances, which he calls fandango, could go on for as long as week:
…these dances could last a whole week. When a quadrille retires, another would
come, this way alternating day and night, making trips from far away, with the
sole objective of partaking in the fandango, a music, singing and foot stamping
that would leave the most robust of heads spinning.124
In this document, the friar is clearly depicting, the Puerto Rican Christmas tradition of the
parranda or trulla, where guests sing aguinaldos outside “at the front of the stairway” to
greet their hosts as “a stylized kind of praise” before entering the house for the dance or
fandango:
To begin the dance some guests station themselves at the front of the stairway
with maracas, guiro, tambourine and a guitar or two; accompanied by these
instruments they sing in honor of the host and his family, in a stylized kind of
praise. 125
According to ethnomusicologist Luis Manuel Alvarez in a traditional jíbaro parranda
“the aguinaldo, was traditionally sung outside, and the seis inside” meaning the
aguinaldo outside the house as a form of salutation, and later the seis as a means of
recreation which traditionally involved dancing.126 In the rural zones of Trujillo Alto and

124
Fray Iñigo Abbad y Lassierra, “Usos y costumbres de esta isla” in Music in
Puerto Rico: A Reader’s Anthology, ed. Donald Thompson (Lanham, Maryland:
Scarecrow Press, 2002), 12.

125
Fray Iñigo Abbad y Lassierra, “Usos y costumbres de esta isla,” 12.

156
Gurabo, as Alvarez describes, the aguinaldo and seis, along with the caballo and cadenas
form what is called “la música completa” (the complete music) within Christmas
celebrations such as the parranda.
In Europe many classical composers during the 18th century used the fandango as
a source of inspiration. The most noted are the fandangos composed by Domenico
Scarlatti, Luigi Bocherinni, and Padre Antonio Soler, all of which lived in Spain during
the 18th century. The fandango would also a feature in classical venues elsewhere in
Europe, examples being Mozart’s opera Le Nozze di Figaro (1786) that includes a
fandango in the third act, and Gluck’s ballet Don Juan (1761) where it is included in the
second act finale.
So what musical similarities do the Spanish fandango and the jíbaro seis share?
The first and most important is a repetitive two-measure harmonic cell. In the seis as we
have seen, this two-measure cell is based on harmonic progression of I-IV-V or its minor
counterpart i-iv-V. Many styles of seis, including many of the older styles such as the
seis chorreao utilize this two measure harmonic cell (see 7.8).

126
Luis Manuel Alvarez, Cristobal Diaz Ayala, Jose Mandry and Edgardo Soto,
¡Acangana!: 100 Años de música puertorriqueña, (San Jaun: Fundacíon Banco Popular,
2000), 10-11. The tradition parranda today still exists in Puerto Rico where groups of
people will sing aguianaldos and seis. The traditional protocol of the parranda, where
you sing the aguinaldo outside and the seis inside has been mostly lost, and in urban
areas of San Juan, almost completely forgotten.
157
Figure 7.8 Two measure harmonic cell in seis chorreao
In the fandango the two-measure cell is characterized by an ostinato pattern in the bass
arpeggiation of the tonic and dominant chords. The following example is taken from
Domenico Scarlatti’s Fandango in d minor (1756) from (see 7.9).
Figure 7.9 Ostinato pattern in Domenico Scarlatti’s Fandango in d minor (mm. 1-10)
158
The Andalusian cadence (i-VII-VI-V) is also frequently used in the fandango, as we can
see from this excerpt taken from Luigi Bocherini’s fandango (see 7.10). Bocherinni’s
fandango composed originally for string quintet in 1788 Op.40 no. 2, was subsequently
arranged by the composer for guitar and string quartet.
Figure 7.10 Fandango Luigi Boccherini mm. 35 -38
We already know from our initial chart (see 7.1) that there are many styles of seis that
also utilize the Andalusian cadence including the seis con decimas (see 7.11).
159
Figure 6.11 Andalusian cadence in seis con décimas
The complexity of the fandango is not in the harmonic structure, but rather in its lavish
melodic ornamentation, virtuoso passages, and fast tempo. Although the baroque
fandango’s of Scarlatti, Soler and Boccherrini were composed as concert pieces for the
harpsichord and string quartets, it is evident as scholar Maria Teresa Linares points out,
that stylistically they were trying to imitate the guitar techniques of “rasgueado”
(strumming), “notas repetidas” (repeated notes) and “punteado” (plucked strings), as
well as the melismatic articulation of the singing in coplas with trills and
appoggiaturas.127 This way trying to capture all the Spanish Andalusian flare
characteristic to the folk fandango. No other baroque fandango captured the Spanish
flavor better than Padre Antonio Soler’s Fandango (k.146), who was a disciple of
Scarlatti. Soler originally composed this piece for the harpsichord. The following

127
Maria Teresa Linares, “El Punto Cubano,”Archipielago: Revista Cultural de
Nuestra América 11, no.42 (1999): 46-51.

160
excerpt shows an arpeggiation of chords that at a very fast tempo of the piece simulates
the guitar rasgueado or strumming characteristic of the fandango (see 7.12).
Figure 7.12 Imitation of guitar rasgueado (mm. 59-62) in Fandango by Soler
Soler would also beautifully imitate the articulation of the guitar, by imitating the
appoggiaturas and plucked strings. In mm. 11-12, Soler achieves with a characteristic
appoggiatura on the first note A, repeated staccato notes which imitate the plucked strings
or punteado of the guitar (see 7.13).
Figure 7.13 Plucked strings in Soler’s Fandango, mm 11-12

161
The cante hondo singing style is often alluded to in the fandango of all three composers.
In this example again from Soler’s fandango (m.222), the composer creates the
Andalusian singing style through a trill on the note b flat, which creates a Phrygian
motion by alternating b flat and a, typical to the fandango (see 7.14).
Figure 7.14 Imitation of Cante hondo singing in Soler’s Fandango (mm. 222-223).
The cante hondo technique was adopted by the jíbaro, which begins many styles of seis
with the vocables “Ay, le lo lai, le lo lai” in a high nasal-voice.
Also typical to the many styles of seis and the fandango as well is the use of the
repeated notes gesture, which is idiomatic to Andalusian guitar style. Scarlatti in mm14-
15 of his Fandango in d minor gives us an example of a repeated note gesture in the top
voice (see 7.15).
Figure 7.15 Repeated note gesture in Scarlatti’s Fandango mm 14-15.

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The folk language of the fandango along with its Baroque traits of sequenced
scales and counterpoint, made its way into the jíbaro seis. The following example from a
seis fajardeño uses repeated note gestures, and sequenced scales (see 7.16).
Figure 7.16 Seis fajardeño gestures: repeated notes and sequenced scales
Lastly, another common musical trait between the seis and the fandango are the cadences
ending on the dominant. Take for example the ending of Scarlatti’s fandango in d minor
ending on the dominant A major chord.
Figure 7.17 Scarlatti, Fandango d minor final measures.

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Likewise many jibaro seis utilize a cadential formula that rests on the dominant chord
(see 7.18).
Figure 7.18 Cadential formula ending on the dominant in seis.
The fandango’s repetitive harmonic and rhythmic two-measure cell was a
structure very was compatible with African music styles also based on the two-measure
clave. In Puerto Rico the binary 3-2 clave would become more pervasive in jíbaro music
than its 6-8 variant. The 3-2 clave in creole forms like the jíbaro seis would become the
underlying timeline that held all other parts in place. Ostinato patterns common to the
ternary fandango such as the ones below in figure 7. 19 could have become binarized in
such a manner.
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Ternary rhytmic cells in Fandango 1. 2.
>
Reduction of ternary rhytmic cells
Binarization
Binarized rhythmic cells 1a. 1b. 2a.
(tresillo elastico)
2b.
2c. 2d.
2e. (cinquillo)
Seis bombeao
Figure 7.19 Binarization of fandango rhythms
The resulting binarized patterns 1a, 2c, and 2d shown in figure 7.19 are common rhythms
found in the jíbaro music. Rhythm 2d for example is the pervasive cinquillo pattern,
discussed earlier as the “arepita con bacalao” refrain common to the seis chorreao and
many other styles of seis. Rhythms 1a and 2c are used as the basic guitar patterns in the
accompaniment of almost all styles of seis in duple meter.

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The patterns shown above are actually pervasive in many popular Caribbean
styles. Patterns 1a and 2c form the rhythmic base for the danza, and examples 2a and 2b
are the most characteristic rhythms of the bolero.
In jíbaro music the binarized rhythms shown in figure 7.19 are also used in the
melodic parts of the cuatro, creating the polyrhythmic interaction between melody and
percussion sections characteristic to the jíbaro seis. Alvarez and Quintero’s concept of
camouflaged drum illustrates the creolization process of European melody and harmony
into its Afro-Caribbean form.128 The authors argue that instruments of European origin
such as the cuatro became host to hidden African influences, many times
unacknowledged or unconscious in jíbaro culture. Music in this sense served to buffer a
social and racial tension that existed in the Puerto Rican countryside. The jíbaro
although primarily of mixed ancestry has always considered himself phenotypically
“white,” although his music and culture demonstrate the contrary, causing in this sense a
bit of confusion in terms of identity.
Ethnomusicologist Ted Solis, in his studies on Puerto Rican jíbaro music in
Hawaii experienced the racial and ethnic stereotypes associated with jíbaro music and
dance. Solis was criticized by the Hawaii Puerto Rican’s for “shaking his hips too
much,” something more characteristic of Afro-Caribbean music and dance.129 Although
the music is definitely Afro-influenced but as mentioned before “camouflaged,” the

128
Alvarez, “La Presencia Negra en la Música Puertorriqueña,” 23- 41; and
Quintero Rivera, Salsa, Sabor y Control, 201-250.
129
Ted Solís, “You Shake Your Hips Too Much: Diasporic Values and Hawai’i
Puerto Rican Dance Culture,” Ethnomusicology 49 (2005): 75-119.
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jíbaro in his dance maintains a vertically and rigidity more aligned with a European and
Andalusian dance aesthetic.130 An example being the Andalusian zapateado, which
shows a restrained movement in the torso while the legs and feet articulate different
rhythmic patterns, sometimes violently.
The binarization of the jíbaro seis, would lead ultimately to its proliferation and
musical development during the 20th century. The seis as a way to accompany décima
would retain vestiges of its Spanish origins and therefore also to the wide array of ternary
forms of the Cancionero ternario caribeño such as the punto, mejorana, llanera which
also use the décima, and were music styles originating from the rural countryside.
Musically, however it became more aligned with other binary popular urban music styles
that were navigating around the Caribbean during the late 19th century and early 20th
century. This was due in great part to the commercialization of the seis and other binary
tropical styles such as the danza, danzón, guaracha, bolero, plena and merengue.

130
Angel Quintero Rivera, and Michael Ventura, argue that the verticality and
rigidness in various styles of occidental dance forms is due to the concept of the
European mind-body split. For a further discussion on the relationship between dance,
music, and the body, see Angel Quintero Rivera, Cuerpo y cultura: Las músicas
“mulatas” y la subversión del baile. Vervuert: Iberoamericana, 2009; and Michael
Ventura. Shadow Dancing in the USA. Los Angeles: Jeremy Tarcher, Inc., 1985.

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Commercialization of the Seis
The danza in Puerto Rico began to decline in popularity during the early XX
century due to the advent of other styles such as the merengue and the guaracha, jíbaro
music. Thanks to jíbaro music this form was rescued from oblivion. One of the great
masters of the cuatro, Stanislao Martinez also known as Maestro Ladí, became a pioneer
in incorporating the danza in to the jibaro repertoire. Ladí was also one of the driving
forces behind the introduction of other 19th century salon and art music styles such as the
mazurka, pasillo, and vals, into the jíbaro repertoire. He composed over 1000 pieces,
including danzas, guarachas, mazurcas, pasodobles, boleros and even styles from other
Latin American such as bossa novas (Brazil) and joropos (Venezuela), for the jíbaro
ensemble which he standardized into two cuatros (lead and second cuatro), guitar, guiro,
and bongo. Maestro Ladí a virtuouso cuatrista would set the standard for many
successive generations of cuatristas and jíbaro musicians, which began to play his
compositions as well as the styles which he incorporated into the jíbaro repertoire. The
romantic language of the danza and other art music, rich in chromatic melody and
contrapuntal harmony, would leave its mark on following generations of cuatro players,
and thus influence traditional styles of jíbaro music such as the seis which began to break
out of its primarily diatonic and homophonic language.
Ladí and other performers of jíbaro music made their first recordings during the
1920s and 30s in New York and other cities of the US. The recording industry and the
radio had a huge impact on the commercialization of jíbaro music. Dick Spottswood
actually traces the first Puerto Rican recordings to the first decade of the 20th century
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when Victor made on site recordings in 1910 of valses, danzas, and mazurkas played by
the orchestra of Manuel Tizol.131 Victor visited the island in 1917, 1921 and 1928 thus
establishing a connection between Puerto Rico and the U.S. recording industry that would
be continued during the ensuing decades.
Many of Puerto Rico’s leading artists during the 1920s, 30s and 40s including
Rafael Hernandez, Pedro Flores, Pedro Davila (Davilita) and Manuel Jimenez (El
Canario) recorded in the US with the Columbia, Okeh and Brunswick labels. The cuatro
is a featured instrument in many of these early recordings, and not only in traditional
jíbaro styles of the seis and aguinaldo, but also in the more musically sophisticated and
African influenced styles of the bolero, danza, guaracha, and plena. One example is the
1930 Victor recording of Rafael Hernandez’s bolero “Despiertese Manolao” performed
by Canario y su grupo, which included cuatro as lead melody instrument and featured the
voice of lead singer Pedro Ortiz Davila “Davilita.”
Many groups during this period with names evocative to jíbaro rural culture and
Puerto Rico became popular. Some examples being Los Jardineros (the gardeners), Los
Jíbaros, Los Borinqueños, Trio Boricua, and Conjunto Industrias Nativas (referring to
native music industry of Puerto Rico). Los Jardineros would record examples of a seis
titled “como se monda la caña” which appeared as a décima de una y una on a Okeh 78
record from 1930. This recording of a Decima de una y una, synonymous with the style
seis de una y una in this case referring to the two singers Gilito and Angelito which

131
For more information, see Dick Spottswood, Ethnic Music on Records: A
Discography of Ethnic Recordings Produced in the United States, 1893 to 1942. Vol. 4
(Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1990).
169
alternate in singing decima stanzas, also featured virtuoso cuatrista Heriberto Torres
which recorded many songs with Los Jardineros during this period.132
According to Spottswood many groups during this period would later adopt more
generic names such as Sexteto Flores, directed by composer Pedro Flores, and Sexteto
Okeh. The latter group originally “Los jardineros,” dropped this name after 1930
“because the name was too countrified for New York record buyers.”133 Sexteto was a
popular name among Cuban groups according to Spottswood who assumes that the Okeh
record label was looking for a broader audience. The Sexteto Okeh would still record
songs in the traditional jíbaro style such as “Endemoniao” in 1931 (Okeh) in the up-
tempo seis chorreao style and “Estrella de Oriente” a very traditional aguinaldo based on
a popular theme related to nativity of Christ and the visit of the three Kings. The music is
also based on one of the most popular tunes associated with the aguinaldo, according to
Maria Luisa Munoz who has a transcription of the melody used in "Estrella de Oriente"
in her classic book La música de Puerto Rico (1966).134 As Spottswood points out some
of the verses in this recording are taken from an old Spanish villancico.135

132
See website http://www.cuatro-pr.org for more information on pioneer
cuatristas of the early 20th century such as Heriberto Torres.
133
Dick Spottswood, in accompanying booklet, The Music of Puerto Rico:1929-
1947, Halerquin HQ CD 22, 1992.
134
María Luisa Muñoz, La Música de Puerto Rico, 42.
135
The villancico according to Francisco López Cruz is very closely related to the
aguinaldo, for a further discussion see Francisco López Cruz, El Aguinaldo y el
Villancico en el Folklore Puertorriqueño, (San Juan: Instituto de Cultura Puertorriqueña,
1956).
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Conjunto Típico Ladí, led by Maestro Ladí, would make a historic recording in
New York in 1947 titled “Un jíbaro en Nueva York.” This seis de controversia would be
one of the first recordings made by two of jíbaro musics greatest artists, singers Jesus
Sanchez Erazo known as “Chuito el de Bayamon” and Ernestina Reyes “La Calandria.”
Years before, “Chuito el de Bayamon (Chuito from Bayamon)”, was one of the first
artists (some say the first) to sing jíbaro music on the airwaves of Puerto Rico’s first
radio station WKAQ founded in San Juan in 1922. In Puerto Rico radio shows during
the 1920s and especially those in 1930s such as “Los Jibaros de la radio” and “Industrias
Nativas” helped the bring jíbaro music to larger audience than the record industry.136
Ladís' Grupo Aurora which included legends Don Felo (Felipe Goyco), Claudio Ferrer,
and master guiro player Toribio played the opening and closing themes for these
programs. The group over the years would change its line up and its name to Conjunto
Industrias Nativas and finally to Grupo Tipico Ladí in the late thirties and forties. Some
of the greatest cuatristas including Serrail Archilla and Pascual Melendez would record
and play with Maestro Ladís groups.
Other radio stations such as WNEL (San Juan 1934), WPRP (Ponce 1936),
WPRA (Mayaguez 1937) and WPAB (Ponce 1940) that sprang up during the thirties and
forties also helped launched the careers of many of jíbaro music greatest artists during
this time including the legendary singer and trovador Ramito. It was during the popular
radio program Tribuna del Arte transmitted on WNEL, that Flor Morales Ramos was

136
See Juan Sotomayor’s article on Maestro Ladí and his group Industrias Nativas
in the website, “The Puerto Rican Cuatro Project,” http://www.cuatro-pr.org.
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baptized “Ramito, el cantor de la montaña” by the shows host Rafeal Quinones Vidal.
This was first step in this superstars rise to international fame. Probably more than any
other musician Ramito became an icon of música jíbara. His first recordings were done
in 1939 for the Victor Label with Ladi’s Conjunto Industrias Nativas included the famous
song “Los Pueblos de Borinquen” in the seis chorreao style. In contrast to the sleek and
urban appearance projected by Ladí who dressed in suits, slicked hair and reading glasses
(library nerdy ones), Ramito always dressed in flamboyantly colorful shirts, the iconic the
straw hat of the jíbaro called pava and held a machete firmly in his hand. Ramito
embraced and exploited the image of the jibaro, and the people loved him for it.
During the fifties, which is considered the “Golden Age” of jíbaro music, led by
Ramito and onslaught of many jíbaro musicians including his two brothers Moralito and
Luisito, others singers Odilio Gonzalez “el jibarito de Lares”, German Rosario “el jibaro
de yumac”, Baltazar Carrero “el jíbaro de Rincon” and Luz Celenia Tirado “la jibara de
las lomas” as well the great cuatristas Maso Rivera and Nieves Quintero, jibaro music
would enjoy it heyday. Many record labels based out of the US such as Ansonia, Neliz,
Cetimar and Verne would sign these artists to various record contracts. Ramito himself
recorded over 15 LP’s with Ansonia alone. It is during this time that a dramatic
proliferation in styles of seis occurred. Earlier recordings of songs during the 20s, 30s
and 40s in the jíbaro style would often appear with the title of just seis or sometimes seis
chorreao, or mentioned as décima as we saw with the examples of “Endemoniao”
(décima una y una) and “Un jibaro en nueva york” (décima). This reflects an ambiguity
and lack of definition of the seis as a genre during this early period.
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By the fifties and sixties titles of jíbaro songs such as “La mujer de Nueva York”
would appear with the subtitle of seis guaracha describing the style of seis. An
examination of the discographies of prominent jíbaro artists indicates that many of the
styles of seis still popular today would emerge during this time. Some like the seis de
andino, seis milonga, seis mapeyé, seis del dorado, seis montuno, seis tumbao, seis
llanera (often appearing just as llanera) and seis de la enramada that began to be listed
on jíbaro records during this time frame still enjoy popularity in jíbaro circles to this day
and have become part of the standard folk repertoire. Others like seis pachanga, seis
montaña adentro, and seis guaraguao created as commercial creations later faded into
oblivion, and did not crossover into the folk realm.
Virtuoso cuatristas Maso Rivera, Nieves Quintero and Yomo Toro would elevate
the style of playing the instrument. Nieves Quintero is considered probably as the most
progressive cuatrista during the 50’s and 60’s would incorporate elements of his new
approach included elements of jazz, blues, swing and modern latin American styles boss
nova, samba into his solos, which would become a standard part in playing the seis. In
many cases the figure of the cuatrista would eclipse the trovador, as audiences were
amazed at their instrumental virtuosity and the new directions which jíbaro music was
taking.
Yomo Toro’s recordings with salsa legends Willie Colon and Hector Lavoe
illustrate the experimental trend. Two of these recordings titled Asalto Navideño, vols. 1
and 2, blended jíbaro music styles with salsa, and feature Yomo Toro on cuatro. Two of
the songs on volume 1 titled “Canto a borinquen” a theme originally composed by

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Ramito in the aguinaldo cagueño style, and “Aires de Navidad” basically a medley of
different styles of seis and aguinaldo, have become classics. Probably the most famous
song on the recording is La Murga, a salsa song that featured a brilliant solo by Yomo
Toro on the cuatro displaying chromaticism, dissonant harmonies, rhythmic strumming,
and virtuosic passages.
The flashy cuatro playing of Toro, Nieves Quintero, and Maso Rivera would
inspire later cuatro prodigies such as Edwin Colón Zayas, Prodigio Claudio, Modesto
Nieves, Neftalí Ortiz, and Pedrito Guzmán. The latter would create the concept of
“Jibaro Jazz” and a recording with the same name in 1988, which strayed far from the
traditional jíbaro canons but nonetheless influenced the contemporary jíbaro music
scene. Today in Puerto Rico and the U.S., jíbaro music is characterized by combination
of the trovador, a master of décima, with virtuoso cuatristas that improvise in great
diversity of seis styles.

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Diversity of Seis
Great artistry in the jíbaro seis has always been achieved and today more than
ever through the contrapuntal and polyrhythmic interaction between trovador singer,
cuatro, percussion, and guitar. Two of the most popular styles of seis today, that
demonstrate the new directions the jíbaro music has taken are the seis milonguero and the
seis celinés which exhibit a great deal of chromaticism and counterpoint. The seis
milonguero, a style influenced by the argentine milonga, has a melody which goes as
follows:
Figure 7.20 Chromaticism in seis milonguero
This style a favorite of the trovador for its slow tempo, beautiful yet nostalgic character is
similar to the seis celinés which many times can be accompanied by guitar lines which
create exquisite counterpoint (see 7.21).

175
Figure 7.21 Counterpoint and chromaticism in seis celinés
These styles of seis, demonstrate a new sensibility in jíbaro music influenced by the
chromatic and romantic language of popular musics like the tango, bolero and the danza.
The seis tumbao and its related styles seis cante hondo de vieques, seis villarán,
seis mariandá, seis guanguancó and the seis montuno also reflect a stronger presence in
the Afro-Caribbean elements that are today more present in the seis. The seis montuno
for example, characterized by a syncopated opening melody reminiscent of the son
cubano and so many other Afro-Caribbean styles is one of the most exciting styles of seis
(see 7.22).
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Figure 7.22 Syncopated bass line and melody in seis montuno
Many groups today play many styles of seis with the tumbao feel, in the base line and
include a bigger percussion section including congas, timbales and base, that many times
will perform synchronized breaks characteristic to salsa big bands and large drum
ensembles. This trend is related to the great popularity enjoyed by Afro-Caribbean styles
like salsa, plena, and bomba and the interaction and cross-pollination of these styles with
jíbaro music throughout the 20th century.
Older styles of seis such as the seis chorreao have also been influenced by
modern trends of a stronger syncopated rhythmicity and the chromaticism more
charateristic to these newer styles. This chromatic run in the seis chorreao has become a
stock pattern among cuatristas (see 7.23).

177
Figure 7.23 Chromatic scale in seis chorreao
In a recording based on theme of a seis chorreao titled “Sobredescarga Boricua” from
the album (Mas alla de lo imaginable) virtuoso Edwin Colon Zayas and his group
synthesize many of the new elements the seis has incorporated, virtuosity in the cuatro,
as well as in other instruments guitar, bongo and guiro which in this song all take solos,
chromaticism and the presence of a strong African rhythm. Near the end of the song the
group breaks into an Afro Cuban rumba guaguancó section featuring bongos and congas,
this percussive descarga is then interrupted by the opening melody, which is done in a
contrapuntal baroque style. The melody is a descending sequence accompanied by
contrapuntal line in the guitar, reminiscent of the baroque fandango (see 7.24).
Figure 7.24 Baroque style counterpoint in seis chorreao

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It is almost as if Colón Zayas and his group are pushing the boundaries of the seis in new
directions, with the rumba sections, percussion solos, and the amazing virtuosity
displayed in the cuatro, but also looking back way back to the origins of the seis as style
of music that developed from virtuoso baroque pieces such as the Spanish fandango. The
amazing thing is that this mosaic of new and old, Spanish and African work beautifully
within the parameters of traditional jíbaro music.

179
Conclusions
The seis belongs to the complex of creole music forms that developed in the 19th
century from 18th century Spanish dance forms such as the fandango. These creole
forms, which García de León calls the “Cancionero Ternario Caribeño,” since they all
retained the ternary meter of their common ancestor the fandango, were rural musical
formats for accompanying lyrics sung in décima and other poetic forms such at the copla
and the romance from Spain. These creole forms were dance styles as well as mediums
used for the improvisation of song. In Mexico, the word fandango is still used and
involves all three elements of performance: dancing in the zapateado style, performing
music and singing décima improvisation.
In Puerto Rico the jíbaro seis took a different turn during the 19th century from its
Caribbean counterparts as it shifted from triple to duple meter. Further engagement with
popular music styles in binary meter such as the danza, plena, guaracha, bolero, and
salsa during the 20th century caused the seis to develop a modern Caribbean harmonic
language typical of romantic music (chromaticism, counterpoint) and rhythmically based
on the 3-2 clave. Many musicians from Puerto Rico during the early 20th c. would move
to New York and record with US labels. The seis would become a signifier of a
traditional and authentic rural identity for Puerto Ricans on the island and the diaspora.
Many seis composed in the traditional décima form glorify the islands' lush tropical
landscape, and express nostalgia for returning to the old ways of jíbaro life and customs.
Musically later versions of the seis, incorporated the urban sounds of jazz, blues, and
bossa nova, the as well the Afro-Caribbean rhythms. Jíbaro musicians would develop
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new styles of seis descriptive of the new influences they were encountering: seis
guaracha, seis bolero, seis tango as well as new ideas of recreated jíbaro rural life: seis
de la eramada (referring to an ornamentation of flowers and twigs), seis montaña adentro
(seis in a rootsy countrystyle of the mountains), seis canto serrano (seis in the country
singing style). The smooth, chromatic sounds of the nostalgic seis milonguero to the up-
tempo and highly syncopated Afro-carribean sies montuno are examples of the urban
popular aesthetic that also made its way into this genre. These new influences would
influence older styles such as the seis chorreao, seis fajardeño and seis mapeyé, which
today are played with chromaticism, countrapuntal bass lines, rhythmic strumming, jazz
and blues licks, and a new level of virtuosity. The new influences brought by the
commercialization and popularization of the seis has greatly impacted the folk tradition
of live performance at trovador competitions. This topic will be addressed more fully in
the next chapter.

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CHAPTER 8. THE MODERN CONCURSO: A TRADITION REVAMPED
The Concurso: A Historical Background
As discussed in the previous chapter, the jíbaro seis had its origins as a dance
form that developed from the 18th century Spanish fandango. The first styles of seis,
such as the seis chorreao, the fastest and most frenetic of all seis, and the seis bombeao
also a dance form in which couples exchange coplas (couplets) would engender the great
diversity of styles that flourished in the 20th century. Both of these styles contain in
embryonic form the musical traits that bind all seis: a repetitive binary rhythmic cell
based on the African clave and a short harmonic progression based on tonic,
subdominant, dominant chords, and the Andalusian cadence. They were also motivated
by the element of controversia or challenge, either as poetic duel in coplas as in the seis
bombeao; or as an instrumental or a choreographed zapateado duel in the seis chorreao.
At some point the seis would also become the medium for poetic duels or challenges by
trovadores in the more complicated form of the décima. In conclusion, the repetitive
rhythmic and harmonic cells of the seis not only made good dance music, but also
provided a solid foundation for poetic improvisation.
An early source, which briefly mentions the figure of the trovador, appears in
Manuel Alonso’s El Gíbaro (1849). The following excerpt from the romance which
appears in scene XV of the book depicts the memoirs of country life, foods such as
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“majerete, toitiyas, jayacas, lichon asao, y otras mil burundangas”137, the great desire to
dance a zapateado or “baylal un sapateao” and of course the delight in hearing the poetic
verses or “trobos” accompanied by the bordonúa and the güiro (see 8.1).
Pues, ¿aqueya boldonúa

De Gaytan el afamao,
Los trobos dey caraqueño
Y ey guido del Colorao?
Figure 8.1 Description of jíbaro instruments and trovador (El Jíbaro, Manuel Alonso)
The word trobo in the verse above is a colloquial way of referring to poetry that comes
from the word trobar or trovar (in latin, tropus) meaning “to seek.” Popularly it came to
refer to those who sought after poetry and song, the trovadores or troubadours, or to
trovar, the act of performing poetry.
Interestingly the trovador mentioned by Alonso is referred to as “caraqueño”
probably meaning Caracas, Venezuela, which could denote that at this period there could
have been influences from South America in the jíbaro oral tradition of poetry. This
historical finding further confirms Antonio Garcia de Leon’s concepts of the “Great
Caribbean”, and the “Cancionero Ternario Caribeño,” based on a shared cultural
language between the islands of the Caribbean and the surrounding mainland ports in
Mexico, Panama, the United States (New Orleans), and Venezuela.

137
As Puerto Rico’s premier costumbrista writer Manuel Alonso often copied the
jíbaro’s country dialect in depicting eveverydaylife. “Majerete, toitiyas, jayacas, lichon
asao, y otras mil burundangas,” literally translates to corn meal with coconut, tortillas,
roast pork and a thousand other things, see Manuel Alonso, El Jíbaro, 127-28.
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Another source which clearly states the early presence of décima improvisation in
the jíbaro tradition is the reference to “concursos de trovadores y tocadores”
(competitions of trovadores and musicians) during the 19th century by Yvette Jiménez de
Báez in her book La décima popular en Puerto Rico. Jiménez de Báez mentions various
sources that allude to such competitions taking place within the context of fiestas
patronales (patron saint feast days), fiestas de reyes (epiphany celebrations) and
alboradas (morning celebrations) where trovadores would improvise décimas to
commemorate the event. One of these events that date back to 1875 was a trovador
competition, which took place in the city of Ponce in honor of the Virgin de Guadalupe.
Four trovadores participated, accompanied by a vihuela, in what is referred to a “pugilato
de garganta” (a fight of the voice or verse) that ranged from religious themes (a lo
divino), to those of the mundane world (a lo humano), as well as the philosophical kind
(de argumento).
Cuatro fueron los presentados… pronto quedaron dos fuera de combate…

Despues de mas de una hora de lucha, ya a lo divino ya a lo humano ya a lo de
argumento como ellos llaman su trovar… el Jurado propuso una redondilla para
que la glosaran…Pidioseles nada menos que un in promptu contando, por
supuesto contando con la imaginación versatil de los contrincantes…
(Four presented… soon two were ousted from the combat…
After one hour of dueling, on divine themes, human themes and the argumentative
kind, as called by trovadores… the jury proposed some themes on which to
improvise on… this was done impromptu since of course these men are gifted
with versatile talents of imagination…)138

138
Jiménez de Baez, La décima popular en Puerto Rico, 79.
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Ultimately the jury called the competition a draw based on the equal skill demonstrated
by each of the remaining trovadores demonstrated in improvising on the themes given to
them in promptu (sic).
Another event mentioned by Jiménez de Báez is the “Gran Alborada Gibaresca”
celebrated in the capital city of San Juan to honor the birth of King Alfonso XII of Spain
in 1858. This spectacle would be feature a seventy-nine person comparsa (parade)
representing the customs and traditions of the different towns of Puerto Rico. Music and
dance would of course be “indispensable” as stated in the original source.139 During the
parade, popular music such as the “cabayo”, “seguiriyas,” and of course décimas sung to
music of a “seis chorreao” would be heard from a group of “well-rehearsed musicians.”
The composer of the décimas was the military scribe of the Capitania General, Eusebio
Nuñez, who wanted to give an example, according to Jimenez de Baez, of “the ways that
the jíbaro sang and improvised décima in the countryside.”140 This historical source
presents interesting issues of ethnic and social representation, since the jíbaro becomes
the performer of his own rural culture through a scripted event authored by the upper and
middle urban classes of San Juan. The décimas written by Eusebio Nuñez would imitate
the jíbaro language as seen in the following verses which were made in honor of the
king, who is colloquially referred to as “mi principe adorao” (my beloved prince) in the
country dialect of the jíbaro (see 8.2).

139
This source is originally from the article written by Ramon Marín, “Las Fiestas
Populares de Ponce,” El Vapor, (1858): 51-54. See Jiménez de Baez, La Décima
Popular en Puerto Rico, 75-76.
140
Jiménez de Báez, La Décima Popular en Puerto Rico, 77.
185
Poi mi prinicipe adoraó

Ei dia que se ufreciera,
cincuenta viages muriera
a fé de Peiro Tirao
Figure 8.2 Excerpt of décima dedicated to King Alfonso XII (1858)
Both of the celebrations mentioned by Jiménez de Báez indicate that in the 19th century
the décima had already become synonymous with the seis, and that this style of music
could have been used for both dance and décima improvisation simultaneously, like
many traditions still do today across Latin America.141 At some point in the evolution of
the seis certain styles would distance itself from its roots as a dance genre and develop
solely into mediums for the poetic creation of themes a lo divino (religious themes) and
de argumento (philosophical content) which require more time to create a profound idea.
This could have accounted for slower and more contemplative styles such as the seis
fajardeño, seis mapeyé and of course the seis con decimas, which literally means a seis
with décimas, or a seis for singing decimas.
The popular décima in Cuba, which is renowned and admired for the richness in
the use poetic and rhetorical devices, is part of the punto guajiro tradition. In the punto
tradition the music that accompanies the décima, as Alexis Díaz Pimienta states, is
secondary and subsidiary to the poetry, to the extent that the trovador, or repentista as
they are called in Cuba, can interrupt the music at will during the act of singing décima.

141
In the sierra maestra of Guanajuato the huapango or son arrribeño is
performed with zapateado dancing, instrumental duels and décima improvisation. The
famous trovador Guillermo Velazquez and his group “Los Leones de Xichú” are living
example of this tradition.
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This style of punto is called punto libre (free punto), and represents the evolution of the
punto tradition into a poetic genre that originated as dance form. So much so that this
tradition distinguishes between punto libre and punto fijo or fixed punto, where the
trovador is obligated to follow the tempo and rhythm of the music when singing décima.
In Puerto Rico the seis is similar to the punto fijo in that the music marks the
commencement of an improvisatory process which cannot be halted. The origin of the
seis as a dance form implies the need to maintain a steady rhythm, and remains a
characteristic element in all styles of seis. Even styles with slow tempos such as the seis
con decimas retain a syncopated danceable quality due to the paused articulation of the
café con pan rhythm.
In Puerto Rico there was however a movement towards the privileging of poetic
verse over music by a group of trovadores from the Eastern part of the island called the
mesa redonda (round table). The mesa redonda was made up of learned trovadores,
which would gather to perfect the poetic form, the décima, through the art of
improvisation on a given theme or pie forzado. As trovador Joaquin Mouliert stated
during an interview with this author: “they would improvise on themes related to the
bible, historical figures such as Joan of Arc, classics of Spanish literature such as Don
Quijote and El Mio Cid and even novels that had been translated into Spanish like Ben
Hur, Moby Dick, and the Count of Monte Cristo.” During the mesa redonda the poetic
verse was accompanied with just a guitar that would play in style they called the seis
cruzao. The seis cruzao, which means “crossed” or “out of sync,” was a simplified
version of the seis fajardeño with just a tonic and dominant harmony that would repeat
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continuously. As Mouliert says, “even if the trovador began the décima out of sync or on
the wrong chord it would still sound okay,” thus the name “cruzao.” Interestingly, many
trovadores who participated in the mesa redonda were illiterate or had very little
schooling. Some trovadores, as Mouliert mentions, would either have others read them
the books that would be discussed before the gathering, while others could get through
their improvisation by getting the context from those who already presented.
Nevertheless the mesa redonda, similar to the Floretine Camerata and Masonic Groups,
represented a select society of poets and musicians that kept alive as an oral tradition the
highly esteemed works of literature of the cultured class. 142
Joaquin Mouliert, was one of the trovadores present at the last mesa redonda that
took place in 1962. He would however continue to foster the ideals of the mesa redonda
in creating along with the Instituto de Cultura Puertorriqueña (ICPR), one of the premier
forums for décima improvisation the Concurso Nacional de Trovadores, (national
trovador competition). This competition that began in 1968 has set many of the
standards used today in the more than 100 regional concursos and folkloric events
celebrated annually in Puerto Rico.

142
For more information on the mesa redonda, see the website “The Puerto Rican
Cuatro Project,” http://www.cuatro-pr.org.
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The Modern Concurso
The concurso has changed the way trovadores improvise décima today in Puerto
Rico. Trovadores today face many challenges imposed by a set of rules that have
become standard in the competitive arena of the concurso. The décima in Puerto Rico, or
to be more precise the décima espinela, follows the poetic structure formalized by the
Spanish poet and musician Vicente Espinel back in the 16th century. The espinela, as it
is often called, is a ten-line stanza with octosyllable meter and consonant rhyme scheme
of abbaaccddc. Trovadores in Puerto Rico today consider themselves descendants of the
lineage of great Spanish poets and writers, among them Lope de Vega and Calderón de la
Barca who popularized and elevated the decima espinela to new heights during the
Golden Age. We can see the strict adherence to the espinela form in the décima stanza
below, as performed by the trovador Isidro Fernandez known as “El Colorao de Aguas
Buenas,” in which he acknowledges Vicente Espinel as the father of this poetic form (see
8.3).
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8
A Es / la / poe-/sí-/a e-/le-/gan-/te
B que llamo Lope de Vega
B espinela que hoy nos llega
A con nuestro ritmo vibrante.
A Le canta a la madre amante
C a la novia y a la flor
C al divino resplandor
D de la luz del sol naciente
D la estrofa de don Vicente
C en la voz del trovador
Figure 8.3 Décima by trovador Isidro Fernandez

189
The concurso is a true test of wit and skill that can only be judged by those who know
the “décima espinela to perfection”, as trovador Luis Morales Ramos (Ramito’s brother)
states in the following décima stanza. The contest has become the premier performance
venue to uphold the tradition the decima espinela, as stated in the pie forzado (see 8.4).
El proposito señores
De celebrar un concurso
Es para ver el recurso
Que tienen los trovadores
Para premiar sus valores
Debe escogerse un panel
De un jurado justo y fiel
Con buena preparación
Que sepa a su perfección
La décima de Espinel
Figure 8.4 First stanza of La Décima de Espinel by Luis Morales Ramos (Luisito, el
motañero)
Trovadores today both write and sing décima. This new written tradition has changed
how the oral tradition is evaluated. Many trovadores today consider themselves purists
and believe that the décima in Puerto Rico must be purged of the contaminants it picked
up over the centuries as a folk tradition; namely the assonance and the imperfect meter
that was typical of the illiterate jíbaro who preserved this tradition orally. As scholar
Felix Cordova states, trovadores “progressively abandoned the assonant décima”
practiced by the rural jíbaro and “privilege the décima espinela” in its purest form. The
figure of the jíbaro is nonetheless revered by trovadores in their décima strophes, as well
as by of the great poets of the past, who regard the rural farmer as keeper of folk wisdom
and traditions. The following décima by the famous poet Luis Llorens Torres titled “La
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hija del viejo Pancho” (1916), depicts and glorifies the idyllic life of the jíbaro. Notice
the assonance in lines six and seven with the words corral and berrear. According to the
espinela rhyme scheme of abbaaccddc, verses six and seven (underlined abbaaccddc)
must end consonantly, meaning the final syllable must be exactly the same.
1 A Cuando canta en la enramada

2 B Mi buen gallo canaguey
3 B Y se cuela en el batey
4 A El frio de la madrugada
5 A Cuando la mansa bueyada
6 C Se despierta en el corral
7 C Y los becerros berrear
8 D se oyen debajo del rancho
9 D y la hija del viejo Pancho
10 C va la vacas a ordeñar
Figure 8.5 Example of assonance in La hija del viejo Pancho by Luis Llorens Torres
This poem is obviously not intended to be sung in a trovador competition, nevertheless it
demonstrates the license that even great poets such as Luis Llorens Torres could take in
the composition of décima. Such license has been abandoned today for the sake of
“purging” the décima of its assonant impurities.
Although improvisation in décima is common to many countries in the Caribbean
and Latin America, which also jealously preserve the traditional espinela form, the Puerto
Rican décima tradition has certain characteristic traits, which differentiate it from its
counterparts. The first being the prominence of the pie forzado, which forces the
trovador to improvise on a theme chosen by the jury in competitive scenarios or by an
audience member in less formal settings. The pie forzado also forms part of other décima
traditions but not to the extent as it does in Puerto Rico where it has become deeply
191
engrained, almost to the point where it is rare for a trovador to improvise without a pie
forzado. The second characteristic found only in Puerto Rico is that the consonant rhyme
must be perfect in how the words sound and also in how they are written. For example
the word caballo rhymes phonetically with hayo but it is not written the same way,
therefore a trovador must find a word that ends with –allo, such as gallo or vasallo, thus
making the perfect rhyme with caballo.
The influence of the concurso has made décima improvisation in Puerto Rico an
exact science based strictly on the espinela form. The strict rules applied to the décima
within this performance venue have also become part of less formal or non-competitive
settings where décima was traditionally performed, such as fiestas, parrandas (Christmas
caroling), and promesas (in Puerto Rico most often associated with epiphany rituals). As
scholar Myriam Fuentes states, assonance is an “extinct” part of the jíbaro décima
tradition and the espinela today is the only legitimate “formula”:143
Recent conditions have played in favor of the décima trova but have also turned
into a more exacting endeavor. Espinelas are nowadays considered the valid
formula for décimas. The abundance and diversity of strophes written according
to the rigorous espinela rhyme (abbaaccddc) bears proof to it. Also, the use of
assonance may well be declared extinct. Trova must be consonant.144
Various schools of trovadores have also been key in indoctrinating the pure
espinela form among the youth. These schools in Puerto Rico demonstrate the interest

143
Assonance in the jíbaro tradition refers to a non-perfect rhyme of words that
sound the same but are not written the same, examples being corral and besar. Both
words rhyme since they share a similar ending –al and –ar , but are not written the same.
144
Myriam Fuentes, in accompanying booklet, La Décima de Espinel: La Trova
de Puerto Rico, Proyecto del Cuatro Puertorriqueño, CD 2007.
192
both by master trovadores who wish to preserve this tradition and by the young
generations who now seek to become apprentices of this millenary art. I myself
participated in trova workshop offered by the trovadores of Decimania, Omar Santiago
and Roberto Silva, that brought together 25 of the best young trovadores most of these
were under 21 years of age. During the workshop master trovadores not only taught the
young ones the formal structure of the espinela, but also the rhetorical devices used by
trovadores in the creation of a décima. The trovador Omar Santiago first lectured his
students on the rhyme scheme and the meter, and then went on to discuss more
complicated problems, which trovadores face such as hidden assonance within the
décima. He categorizes assonance as four types: 1) asonante pareado, 2) asonante lejano
3) asonante semi-descendido, and 4) asonante mixto. Basically in the décima espinela
the trovador must strive to create four different sounds with rhymes a, b, c and d. If
rhyme a is similar to b in consecutive verses like in the example shown below where the
words sol and calor ending in - ol and - or repeat the sound of the vowel o, this creates
an asonante pareado which is most “bothersome to ear” according to Santiago, since it
saturates the décima stanza with the same sound.145
1 A Me puse a mirar el sol

2 B Y me queme del calor
3 B Que el sol a mi alrededor
4 A Me tiraba sin control

145
For more information on the rules of décima improvisation, and assonance, see
Alexis Díaz Pimienta, Teoría de la Improvisación. Primeras Páginas para el Estudio del
Repentismo, (La Habana, Cuba: Unión: 2000).
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5 A Aunque el assume su rol
Figure 8.6 Example of assonance called “asonante pareado” in décima
This type of assonance as well as the others listed above are not permitted at concursos.
Despite all the rules and technicalities, none of the young trovadores seemed to mind and
finished the workshop with a lot of enthusiasm, improvising at the culminating event in
front of their mentors. Some of the more experienced in this group are now participating
in competitions around Puerto Rico. Even the younger less experienced are usually given
space to demonstrate their talents during concursos, between the competitive rounds of
the event. This seems to be a global trend in Puerto Rico as many young trovadores
participate in more than 100 concursos around the island offering cash prizes to the
winners. Many of these concursos occur within bigger events such as cultural festivals,
which honor the local products like the Festival del Platano of Corozal or the Festival de
las Flores in Aibonito.
An issue that is worrisome, especially to an ethnomusicologist, is the lack of
musicality that juries require of trovadores during a festival, which I believe should also
be one of the determining factors. I have witnessed many trovadores who unfortunately
cannot sing in tune, others who lack projection in their voice, and those who don’t come
in on time or are out of sync rhythmically with the music of the seis. After all the décima
in Puerto Rico is sung, and this is part of our tradition.
As discussed in the previous chapter thanks to the diversity in styles of seis,
jíbaro musicians today enjoy a variety of ways in which they accompany décima.
194
Although I have documented over 90 styles of seis, trovadores typically favor certain
styles with a slower tempo such as the seis fajardeño, seis con décimas, seis mapeyé, and
seis celinés, for the improvisation of décima at a concurso. I have made a list of these
styles, subdivided into two categories those, which use the 1-3 exchange, and those that
don’t (see 8.7). The styles with an asterisk beside them are the most frequently used
currently in the concurso scene.
Figure 8.7 Popular styles of seis used for improvisation
The list above shows that only a fraction of the styles of seis are commonly used by
trovadores today, and that of these, approximately seven styles are the most frequently
performed. Notice that no seis from the tumbao category is used and hardly ever will a
trovador improvise in a style with 6/8 meter such as the llanera or the seis chacarera
(refer to chapter 7, figure 7.1). These observations, which demonstrate a certain degree
of stagnation, should worry the current jíbaro music scene, especially since improvisation
in décima within the concurso setting is the source of inspiration for the younger
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generations and a repetitive use of the same styles of seis for singing décima could mean
less diversity and extinction of certain styles of seis.
Nevertheless the concurso has definitely revitalized jíbaro music in Puerto Rico
and saved it from becoming just “Christmas music.” Many of the traditional styles of the
seis and aguinaldo which were being lost, in favor of popular Christmas parranda music,
have also resurfaced and even new styles have been created.
Reconnecting a fragmented tradition: The International Décima Festivals
Another event that has also inspired new and old generations of decimistas in
Puerto Rico is the Semana del Trovador. This international festival organized by
Decimania, has brought together trovadores and musicians from different parts of the
world for last four years giving Puerto Rico an important place within this Ibero-
American tradition. The festival also hosts a number of conferences and wokshops in
which scholars and experts on the topic of the décima tradition participate. Last year,
scholar Maximiano Trapero from the Canary Islands, gave a lecture titled “Encuentros
Internacionales, su importancia e impacto en las tradiciones” (international festivals the
importance and impact on tradition), which culminated in an open discussion with some
of the participating trovadores from around the world. One of the recurring themes in the
discussion was the idea that for many years before these festivals were held, many of
these performers thought that they were alone and were ignorant to the fact that the
décima tradition across the Hispanic world and in Latin America was so colorful and
diverse.
196
The performances during the week of the festival by repentistas from Cuba and
the Canary Islands, cantores de mejorana from Panama, payadores from Chile, Uruguay,
and Argentina, trovadores from Mexico, and Puerto Rico, further confirmed this idea.
The collective experience at the Semana del Trovador brought a new line of thought into
my research, and made me realize that only through a clear picture of the mosaic that is
the decima in Latin America can we truly understand each individual tradition, including
my own jíbaro tradition from Puerto Rico. A zapateado dance by the Leones de Xichu
of Guillermo Velazquez, gave me glimpse of how the seis might have originally been
danced in the 19th century, the art of the saloma in the mejorana of Panama hinted as to
how indigenous singing traits fused with Spanish cante hondo, the infectious tropical
rhythm of the Cuban punto with its sesquialtera clave (6/8 clave), could well be the
missing link in explaining the process of binarization in the jíbaro seis. All of these
insights which brought about more unanswered questions than the ones they answered,
lead me to conclude that a musical comparative analysis of the décima tradition is needed
in order to understand the true nature of this performance practice which combines dance,
music, poetry, and improvisation. A work like this could complement the
comprehensive works such as Teoría de la improvisación by Alexis Díaz Pimienta and
La décima popular en el mundo hispánico by Maximiano Trapero, which primarily deal
with décima improvisation from a literary and poetic point of view.
As for the jibaro tradition in Puerto Rico, there is no doubt that the interaction
with musicians, poet-singers and scholars from different parts of the world during the
Semana del Trovador, elevated the standards and brought new directions for the
197
performers of this folklore. The artistry in which Cuban repentistas develop argumento
themes, the mental excerise involved in performing décima de calcetin (décima insideout
where the trovador has to improvise a décima and then repeat it backwards), the agility in
which Panamanian cantores improvise in an up-tempo style such as the gallino picao, the
Andalusian rasgueado of the Canarian timple in the folia, as well as the ingenuity of all
the musicians and trovadores who set foot on stage, left their Puerto Rican hosts thinking
of new possibilities in which they can also exploit, and use to revamp their tradition. It
also touched the hearts of the Puerto Rican audiences who witnessed this spectacle and
reaffirmed their Hispanic and Latina American identity, something that is often
overlooked today as a result of the strong influence on our culture from the United States.
The fragmentation of the folk traditions that made up the “Gran Caribe” caused an
“ensimismamiento” and isolation, according to Antonio Garcia de León. Thanks to
staged events such as the concurso and international festivals such as the “Semana del
Trovador”, this process is being reversed thanks to a folklorization and globalization or a
“globalized folklorization.”
Nevertheless, since the Ibero-American décima tradition is strongly rooted in
improvisation, the negative qualities associated with folklorization such as
homogenization, atomization, and standardization, which take away the naturalness and
“authenticity” these performances are trying to embody, is lessened. Improvisation is a
performance practice that resists in many ways folklorization. It is not scripted and relies
on the ingenuity of the performers in the course of performance. This creates a stronger
connection with the audience since the end product is always “fresh.” In Puerto Rico
198
thanks to concursos, evnthough commercialized events, the improvised décima and the
seis live on as folk traditions intended to be performed in the moment for an audience that
enjoys them as they slip into the past, resisting captivity.

199
CHAPTER 9. CONCLUSION
Two of the initial questions I set out to answer in this study on improvisation in
jíbaro music were: How does jíbaro improvisation happen? and Why is improvisation
important in jíbaro culture?
We have discussed how improvisation works in this oral traditions by looking at
the ways jíbaro musicians piece together archetypal patterns, (which I have called
schematas, schemas, melodic contours, shapes, 1-3 exchange, and formulas), to create
whole works of music, as well as the cognitive processes that generate this creative
process. Improvisation in jíbaro music combines the poetic and the musical into a
collaborative task of composition. As shown, the interaction between the trovador,
cuatrista and the rest of the jíbaro ensemble occurs through a dialogue set up by a
musical syntax already known by the performers. This exchange of ideas is what
ultimately binds the seis and décima, allowing for the poetic text to fit beautifully over
the contrapuntal melodic lines played on the cuatro and guitar. Keeping everything in
place is the African rhythmic cell of the 3-2 clave, which dictates the overall musical
syntax of the seis, and thus act of improvisation in jíbaro music. This analysis shows that
jíbaro improvisation is in fact the act of oral and musical composition combined. In
order to understand the subtleties and nuances in this technique of composition one must
however be able to distinguish what is improvised and what is not. This entails a study of
the language of jíbaro music and its constituent parts (i.e., the seis, ritmito motive,
signature melody, the café con pan, the décima, its contour, etc.) as semantic elements of
200
music with meanings that can only be understood within the cultural context to which
they belong.
The matter of context leads us to the second important question of this study.146
Why do jíbaros improvise? As an oral culture, the rural jíbaro relied heavily on music to
transmit his traditions in rituals pertaining to the mundane and the divine. Musicians
with cuatros and trovadores improvising décimas many times initiated or formed
essential parts of wedding celebrations, Christmas parrandas, burials, and agricultural
feasts (fiesta del acabe). Improvisation was an important part of these traditions since it
allowed for the jíbaros to continue old practices as well create new music that suited the
occasion. The trovador, a poet-singer, and the cuatrista, in this oral tradition were thus
revered for their ability to create and perpetuate jíbaro traditions.
The traditional music forms of the jíbaro seis and aguinaldo still form an
essential part of these customs in modern Puerto Rican culture. Following in the
footsteps of great masters of old, the art of improvisation continues to keep the traditional
forms of seis, aguinaldo, and décima alive and vibrant within Puerto Rican culture today.
Among these forms the seis stands out as the preferred medium for improvisation. The
evolution and development of this genre has dramatically shaped the jíbaro musical
language by incorporating the use of chromaticism and rhythmic elements of popular
Caribbean music, thus changing the way jíbaro musicians improvise today.

146
Richard Widdess argues “that music embodies in its structure and in its
performance a wide range of cultural schema that make it a privileged window onto what
cognitive anthropologists hypothesize to be at the core of cultural knowledge and skill –
foundational cultural schemas.” For more information, see Jerome Lewis, “Response to
Richard Widdess: Music, Meaning and Culture,” Empirical Musicology Review 7 (2012):
98.
201
The more than 90 styles of seis documented in this study attest to the infinite
creative power of jíbaro music as oral tradition, and constitute only fragment of the
different forms this folk genre has taken on throughout the course of its history. The seis
as an oral tradition, is in essence the recreation of a perennial form that through repetitive
acts of performance (improvisation, oral composition) has become fixed into distinct
varieties.
During improvisation listeners receive a snapshot of the essence of this jibaro art
form, its ephemeral and spontaneous nature. These songs bind audience and performer in
a way that no other performance can. The improvised seis is a song that is relevant to the
present circumstances and situation. It is a song that belongs to the folk in the now, while
also belonging to the past as part of the collective imaginary of a Puerto Rican people.
Francisco Lopez Cruz describes the seis as a genre "with no titles."147 When a trovador
improvises a seis he does not assign the song a specific title in relation to its content, his
song simply remains yet another rendition of this folk genre. Neither does he claim
authorship or copyrights to the work he has just created, rather it remains property of the
folk as part of a collective memory.
Memory plays an important role, not only in the creation of each individual
performance, but also in the way that it links individual memory to collective memory. It
is through the audience's understanding of the jíbaro music language and its archetypal
patterns, that improvisation becomes a rich cultural experience. The shared memories of

147
López Cruz, La música folklórica de Puerto Rico, 15.
202
jíbaro people and the traditions that support Puerto Rican culture and identity sustain the
ongoing practice of this music. The great composer Igor Stravinsky once wrote:
A real tradition is not the relic of a past irretrievably gone; it’s a living force that
animates and informs the present … Far from implying the repetition of what has
been, tradition presupposes the reality of what endures. It appears as an heirloom,
a heritage that one receives on condition of making it bear fruit before passing it
on to ones descendants.148
Improvisation in jíbaro music sustains tradition, as a dialogue among musicians, between
musicians and audiences, between a people and its identity, linking memories of a distant
past to the present.

148
Igor Stravinsky, Poetics of Music: In Six Formal Lessons (Boston: Harvard
Univesity Press, 1970), 74.
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Improvisation in Jíbaro Music: A Structural Analysis

Item type text; Electronic Dissertation

Authors Bofill-Calero, Jaime Oscar

Publisher The University of Arizona.

Rights Copyright © is held by the author. Digital access to this

Downloaded 5-Jul-2016 23:32:54

Link to item http://hdl.handle.net/10150/293561

Copyright © Jaime O. Bofill-Calero 2013

A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the

In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements

In the Graduate College

THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA

THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA

________________________________________________Date: March 27, 2013

________________________________________________Date: March 27, 2013

________________________________________________Date: March 27, 2013

________________________________________________ Date: March 27, 2013

________________________________________________ Date: March 27, 2013

This dissertation has been submitted in partial fulfillment of requirements for an

SIGNED: Jaime O. Bofill-Calero

LIST OF FIGURES ..................................................................................................7

CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION .............................................................................14

CHAPTER 2. IMPROVISATION IN JIBARO MUSIC ..........................................32

CHAPTER 3. THE SEIS ..........................................................................................47

CHAPTER 4. THE DECIMA ...................................................................................70

CHAPTER 5. THE LANGUAGE OF IMPROVISATION IN JIBARO MUSIC ...89

CHAPTER 6. THEORY OF IMPROVISATION IN JIBARO MUSIC ..................116

CHAPTER 7. A GENEALOGY OF THE SEIS .......................................................137

CHAPTER 8. THE MODERN CONCURSO: A TRADITION REVAMPED ........181

CHAPTER 9. CONCLUSION .................................................................................199

Figure 2.3 Signature melody of seis fajardeño .........................................................43

Figure 3.1 Jíbaro folk and popular music styles .......................................................47

Figure 3.2 Diversity in styles of seis .........................................................................49

Figure 3.3 Different styles of aguinaldo ...................................................................50

Figure 3.4 The 3-2 clave pattern ...............................................................................52

Figure 3.5 Two common spellings of the cinquillo pattern ......................................53

Figure 3.6 Guitar accompaniment using cinquillo rhythm .......................................53

Figure 3.7 Café con pan rhythm ...............................................................................54

Figure 3.8 Güiro patterns ..........................................................................................54

Figure 3.9 Polyrhythm in seis based on the clave .....................................................55

Figure 3.11 Salsa Tumbao rhythm ............................................................................57

Figure 3.12 Older style seis guitar accompaniment ..................................................57

Figure 3.13 Seis con décimas with alternating Andalusian cadence

Figure 3.14 Andalusian cadence in seis mapeyé .......................................................59

Figure 3.15 Strophic form of the seis ........................................................................60

LIST OF FIGURES ⎯ continued

Figure 3.16 Seis fajardeño signature melody ...........................................................61

Figure 3.18 Seis de andino, in A major ....................................................................63

Figure 3.19 Seis chorreao in D major .......................................................................63

Figure 3.21 Argentine milonga rhythm ....................................................................65

Figure 3.22 Chromatic melody of the seis milonguero .............................................66

Figure 3.23 Chromatic cadence in seis celinés .........................................................66

Figure 3.24 Cadential formula ending on the dominant chord .................................67

Figure 3.25 Cadential formula with resolution to the tonic ......................................67

Figure 3.26 The Great Family of the seis .................................................................68

Figure 4.1 Décima by Vicente Espinel, Diveras Rimas (1591) ................................71

Figure 4.2 Décima form (quatrain + bridge + quatrain) ...........................................73

Figure 4.4 Traditional aguinaldo sung in hexasyllable decimilla .............................76

Figure 4.7 Popular décima from the town of Coamo ................................................81