Gadaa Journal/ Barruulee Gadaa: Editorial Team

GADAA JOURNAL/ BARRUULEE GADAA
Editorial Team
Editor- in -Chief
 Ashenafi Belay Adugna (PhD, Associate Prof.)
Managing Editor
 Alemayehu Fekede (PhD, Assist. Prof)
Editors Assistant Editors

 Abera Degefa (PhD, Assist Prof)  Adula Bekele (PhD, Associate Prof)
 Berhanu Negussie (PhD, Associate Prof)  Dereje Fufa (PhD, Assist Prof)
 Debela Hunde (PhD, Professor)  Dereje Denu (PhD, Assist Prof)
 Dejene Gemechu (PhD, Associate Prof)  Fekadu Fufa (PhD, Associate Prof)
 Jemal Abafita (PhD, Assist Prof)  Gemechis File (PhD, Associate Prof)
 Ketebo Abdiyyo (PhD, Associate Prof)  Gemeda Abebe (PhD, Associate Prof)
 Melkamu Dumessa (PhD c, Assist Prof)  Getachew Abeshu (PhD, Associate Prof)
 Sultan Suleiman (PhD, Associate Prof)  Getahun Alemayehu (PhD c,)
 Tadese Jaleta (PhD, Associate Prof)  Kitessa Hundera (PhD, Associate Prof)
 Tolu Biressa (PhD c, Assist Prof)  Teshome Egere (PhD, Assist Prof)
 Worku Jima (PhD c Assist Prof)  Tsige Ketema (PhD, Associate Prof)
Language Editors Publication Secretary

 Jira Mekonnen (PhD, Assist Prof)  Alemitu Oli (PhD, Assist Prof)
 Eba Teresa (PhDc, Associate Prof)  Chala Diriba (Assist Prof)
Editorial Advisory Board Members
 Mario I Aguilar (PhD, Professor) University of St Andrews, UK

 Marco Bassi (PhD, Professor) University of Trento, Italy
 Bjorn Gambäck (PhD, Professor) NTNU, Norway
 Aneesa Kassam (PhD) Durham University, UK
 Thomas Zitelmann (PhD, Professor) Freie Universtet Berlin, Germany
 Bula Sirika (PhD, Assistant Prof State University of New York, USA
 Bekele Gutema (PhD, Professor) Addis Ababa University, Ethiopia
 Boku Tache Dida (PhD, Assistant Prof) Independent, Ethiopia
 Chemeda Fininsa (PhD, Professor) Haromaya University, Ethiopia
 Eba Mijena (PhD, Associate Prof) Wollega University, Ethiopia
 Feda Negesse (PhD, Assistant Prof) Addis Ababa University, Ethiopia
 Fikre Lemessa (PhD, Professor) Jimma University, Ethiopia
 Ketema Bacha (PhD, Professor) Jimma University, Ethiopia
 Milkessa Midega (PhD, Assistant Prof) Dire Dawa University, Ethiopia
 Sileshi Berhanu (PhD, Assistant Prof) Arsi University, Ethiopia
 Tadesse Bariso (PhD, Associate Prof) Addis Ababa University, Ethiopia
 Taye Tolemariam (PhD, Professor) Jimma University, Ethiopia
 Tefera Belachew (PhD, Professor) Jimma University, Ethiopia
 Tessema Ta’a (PhD, Professor) Addis Ababa University, Ethiopia
Jimma University, P. O. Box: 378, Oromia, Ethiopia

Website- https://www.ju.edu.et/gj
GADAA JOURNAL/BARRUULEE GADAA
VOLUME 1, ISSUE 1, JANUARY 2018
ISSN: PRINT (2616-3977)
ONLINE (2616-3985)
JIMMA UNIVERSITY
THE INSTITUTE OF OROMOO STUDIES (IOS)
I
Table of Contents
1. The Oromoo Gadaa System: Why Considered Democratic? 01-08

2. A Future Gaze: Gadaa Oriented Constitutional Structure for Oromia 09-25
3. Astronomical Calendar of the Oromoo- Living Style in Space and Time:
Facts and Historical Issues 26-36
4. The Harmful Effects of the Suppression of Oromoo Indigenous Knowledge
System on Oromoo Identity: The Role of Oromoo Intellectuals 37-47
5. The Politics of Representation: Anoolee and Menelik II Statues in Focus 48-60
6. Some Accounts of Arsii Customary Law (Seera Ambaa): Reflections
Based on Historical Approach 61-77
7. Akkaataa Himiinsa Durdurii OromooTuulamaa 78- 92
8. Inter-performer Communication Cues in Folksongs Performance: the Foollee
Songs of Tuulamaa Oromoo in Focus 93-105
9. Dress as a form of Nonverbal Communication in the context of Arsii Oromoo 106-120
II
THE INAUGURAL ISSUE OF GADAA JOURNAL
Dear readers,
Welcome to the first issue of Gadaa Journal, a peer reviewed, bilingual and multidisciplinary
journal of the Institute of Oromoo Studies (IOS).
The journal is named after the cherished and all-encompassing system of the Oromoo called
Gadaa, which UNESCO inscribed in 2016 as one of the Intangible Cultural Heritages of
Humanity. Like the indigenous Gadaa system which governs the totality of Oromoo life, the
scope of Gadaa Journal covers all issues pertinent to Oromoo life and work.
Gadaa Journal aspires to promote multidisciplinary scholarships on Oromoo studies through

creating a platform for publication. Hence, the research community is encouraged to share their
research findings, insights and scientific views on diversified aspects of Oromoo life and work.
Through disseminating the scientific studies, the journal aims to provide inputs for policy makers
and end users. The Journal publishes original research, review articles, book reviews, and short
communications on Oromoo life and work from all disciplines.
The first issue of Gadaa Journal has appeared with nine articles from various disciplines
exploring topics ranging from values of Gadaa system, Oromoo Calendar, Identity, Discourses of
Representation, Customary Law, Oral Literature to Communication in Folk performances and
through material culture. The articles explore intact phenomena; present critical contemporary
issues, embolden sound arguments, signpost future research areas and endorse viable solutions in
their respective areas.
We hope readers would find the articles in the first issue informative and worth reading. It is the
trust of the journal that publication of manuscript should be based on critical, rigorous and
objective review process. To this end, the journal follows a double-blind peer review making
decisions based on the articles’ validity and importance to the scientific readers. We encourage
our readers to give us their critical comments and support this emerging journal fulfill its
aspiration moving on the right scientific track.
Enjoy your reading!
Ashenafi Belay Adugna,

The Editor-in-chief
III
MAXXANSA JALQABAA BARRUULEE GADAA
Jaallatamoo Dubbistootaa, Anaadhufu!
Gara dubbisa maxxansa jalqabaa Barruulee Gadaatti baga nagaan dhuftan. Barruuleen Gadaa,
maxxansa qorannoo gulaala irratti hundaa’u, afaan-lamee fi gosa beekumsa danuu kan
Dhaabbata Qorannoo Oromoon maxxanfamu dha.
Moggaasni maqaa barruulee qorannoo kanaa sirna jaallatamaafi hunda galeessa Oromoo, kan
UNESCOn akka hambaa kiliyaa ilma namaatti bara 2016 galmeesse, sirna Gadaa irraa madda.
Akkuma sirni Oromoo ganamaa kuni jiruufi jireenya Oromoo hunda maandheffatu, Barruuleen
Gadaa waraqaalee qorannoo guutummaa jiruufi jireenya Oromoo bu’uureffatani gosa beekumsaa
hedduu irraa tahan maxxansa.
Barruuleen Gadaa qorannoo Oromoo gosa beekumsa hedduun gaggeeffaman maxxansuun

ogummaa (beekumsa) Oromoo addunyaatti beeksisuuf akeeka. Kanaafuu, beektonni
(qorattoonni) hundi bu’aa qorannoo isaanii, beekumsaa fi ilaalcha saayinsawaa kallattii hedduun
jiruufi jireenya Oromoo irratti qaban akka gumaachan jajjabeeffamu. Barruuleen Gadaa
qrannoolee sayinsawaa tahan kana maxxansuun, qaamolee imaammata baasani akkasumas
hojiitti hiikaniif kan galtee tahu dhiyeessa. Gosti maxxansa barruulee kanaas bu’aalee qorannoo,
sakatta’a qorannoolee, cuunfaa kitaabileefi ergaawwan qorannoo gaggabaaboo guutummaa
jiruufi jireenya Oromoo ilaallatan irratti xiyyeeffata.
Maxxansi jalqabaa kuni barruuwwan qorannoo sagal gosa beekumsa gara garaa dhimmoota adda
addaa: duudhaalee Sirna Gadaa, Dhaha Oromoo, Eenyummaafi beekumsa Oromoo ganamaa,
mallattoolee bakka bu’iinsaa, seera ambaa, akkaataa ogafaan Oromoo, mul’istoota waliigaltee
hurruubbii foollee fi uffata aadaa Oromoo irratti xiyyeeffatu. Barruuwwan kunis, beekumsa
Oromoo habbuuru; yaadota jajjaboo haala yeroo dhiheessu; falmiiwwan jajjaboo kaasu; kallattii
qorannoo gara fuulduraa agarsiisu; akkasumas furtuuwwan ijoo irratti hojjetamuu malan lafa
kaa’u.
Qorannoolee maxxansa jalqabaa kana dubbistanii akka irraa fayyadamtan hawwii keenya.
Barruuleen Gadaa, maxxansi kamuu adeemsa gulaalaa jabaa, sirna qabuufi looga irraa bilisa tahe
keessa darbuu qaba jedhee amana. Kanaafuu, adeemsi gulaala barruulee kanaa gulaala dura
eenymmaa barreessaafi gulaalaa dhoksaan kan qabatu yoo ta’u murtoon maxxansuufi dhiisuu
qulqullinaafi sadarkaa gahumsa waraqaa qorannoo sanaarratti hundaa’a. Gama kanaan,
dubbistoonni yaadota fooyya’insaa teessoo keenyaan nuuf eeruun, barruulee olguddachuuf
dhama’u kana haalaafi adeemsa saayinsawaa hordofuun waan akeeke bira akka ga’u akka
taasiftan amaanaa jenna.
Dubbisa gaarii!
Ashenafi Belay Adugna,

Gulaalaa Ol’aanaa BG
IV
Gadaa Journal/ Barruulee Gadaa
e-ISSN: 2616-3985
Vol.1 No.1 January 2018 p-ISSN: 2616-3977
https:www.ju.edu.et/gj
A Bilingual Journal of Institute of Oromoo Studies (IOS)
Jimma University
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
The Oromoo Gadaa System: Why Considered Democratic?

Taddesse Berisso* (PhD)
Institute of Ethiopian Studies, Addis Ababa University
[email protected]
Abstract
Gadaa is an indigenous and democratic system of governance which has been used by the
Oromoo people, developed from knowledge gained by community experience over centuries. It
regulates political, economic, social and religious activities of the community and serves as a
mechanism for enforcing moral conduct, building social cohesion and expressing forms of
community culture. Gadaa has been considered as a democratic and just system than other forms
of governance in the region. This paper attempts to explain why gadaa is considered a
democratic and just system based on review of literature and my own experiences as participant
of the system. The democratic elements of the Oromoo gadaa system are clearly reflected in the
periodical elections that are held every eight years with a clear term limit; peaceful transfer of
political power; equitable distribution of power across generations and down to the community;
rule of law and accountability; separation of politics from religion; social integration and peace
building roles; a period of testing and the presence of check and balance system.
Keywords - Gadaa Democracy; Gadaa Governance; Gadaa System; Indigenous Knowledge; Oromoo
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Axereeraa
Gadaan sirna bulchiinsa dimokraatawaa Oromoo ganamaa kan uummatichi muuxannoo
hawaasummaa jaarraa hedduu irratti hundaa’uun kalaqedha. Sirni kuni sochiilee siyaasa,
diinagdee, hawaasummaa fi amantaa uummatichaa kan to’atu yoo ta’u, safuu kabachiisuuf,
tokkummaa hawaasaa ijaaruuf akkasumas aadaalee hawaasaa mul’isuuf gargaara. Gadaan
sirnoota bulchiinsa biroo naannoo jiran caalaa dimokraatawaafi haqa qabeessa tahuun
beekama. Kaayyoon waraqaan kanaa sakatta’a barruuwwaniifi muuxanno hirmaannaa
sirnichaarratti ani qabu irratti hundaa’uun, maaliif sirni gadaa dimocraatawaafi haqa irratti
kan hundaa’e akka jedhamu ibsuudha. Sirni gadaa Oromoo dimokraatawaa ta’uu ifatti kan
mul’isan keessaa: filannoo ganna saddetiin gaggeeffamuufi yeroo aangoo murtaa’e qabaachuu;
aangoo nagaafi fedhiin walharkaa fuudhuu; qoqqoodinsa aangoo madaalawaa umriifi
sadarkaalee hunda hirmaachisufi hawaasatti gadi bu’u qabaachuu; olaantummaa seeraafi
ittigaafatamummaa qabaachuu; siyaasaafi amantaa waliin makuu dhabuu; tokkummaa
hawaasummaa ijaaruufi nagaa kabachiisuurratti gahee inni qabu; yeroo qophiifi sirna to’annaa
aangoo qabaachuu isaati.
Jechoota Ijoo: Dimokraasii Gadaa; Bulchiinsa Gadaa; Sirna Gadaa; Beekumsa Ganamaa; Oromoo
1
------------------------------------------------------------------------
* Corresponding author.
Gadaa Journa/ Barruulee Gadaa Volume 1, No. 1 pp 01-08 January 2018
1. Introduction
Gadaa system is essentially a home-grown (indigenous) democratic socio-political

organization of the Oromoo people, the largest identity group among the Cushitic-speaking
peoples who have inhabited Northeastern Africa in general and modern Ethiopia and Kenya
in particular as long as recorded history indicates. Historically, gadaa has been considered as
a democratic and just system than other forms of governance in the region. A number of
scholars who have studied Oromoo gadaa system positioned gadaa as an African democracy
that could inform constitutional thinkers. Asmarom (2000:262), one of the scholars who have
meticulously studied the gadaa system, described this uniquely democratic system of the
Oromoo people as:
One of those remarkable creations of the human mind that evolved into a full-
fledged system of government. It contains genuinely African solution for some of
the problems that democracies everywhere have had to face.
The Nineteenth Century British diplomat, (Plowden, 1868:64), observed that “of all the
republican systems, the gadaa system is the most advanced.” American sociologist, social
theorist, historian, educator and writer Levine (1974:131-2) stated that “Gadaa system
represents one of the most complex systems of social organization ever devised by the human
imagination.” Professor of geography and anthropology Carter (1967: 158-9), had the
opinion that gadaa is “an extra ordinary system of government.” For Asafa (2012: 1), gadaa
represents “the totality of Oromoo civilization.” These are just some of the impressions
and/or opinions of different scholars on the democratic nature of the Oromoo gadaa system.
The critical question that should follow is then, why gadaa is considered a democratic
governance system? This short paper is an attempt to answer this question based on review of
literature and my own experiences as participant of the system. Since the gadaa system is a
very complex and brood subject to comprehend fully, the paper is limited to only addressing
the stated question. However, to properly address this question, it is important to understand
how the traditional Oromoo society has been organized.
The Oromoo polity has been organized as three principal institutions: a) generational
organization (gadaa), b) the religious institution (qallu), which is tied to dual organization, or
the moiety and c) the general assembly (gumi), the highest law making body Asmarom
(2000: 97). A full understanding of the gadaa system requires the comprehension of these
interrelated and interacting institutions. Picking one aspect of the system for separate
treatment may lead to erroneous conclusion. Gadaa system as an institution stands for
systematically interrelated ideas that refer to various concepts ranging from ritual
performances, law-making and adjudication, conflict resolution to political leadership.
2. Gadaa (Generational Organization)
Gadaa is a traditional system of governance used by the Oromoo people for many centuries a.
It includes various distinguishing features that make it a democratic institution.
a
There is no clear information on how old the gadaa system is. Some put it to over 3000 years, while others
argue that it is at least more than 500 years old.
Taddesse, The Oromoo Gadaa System… 2

a) An Egalitarian System with Peaceful Transfer of Political Power
Asmarom (1973: 8) defined gadaa system as “a system of generation classes (luba) that
succeed each other every eight years in assuming political, military, economic, legislative
and ritual responsibilities.” Gadaa is quite an egalitarian (qixxee/equal) system and leaders
are elected democratically. It is just one aspect of the age old egalitarian complex system that
was created by the Oromoo to manage their day-to-day life. In the gadaa system there is no
hierarchy or monarchy; all humans deserve to be treated with almost equal respect without
regard to human differences. Political power is shared equitably among the parties and across
generations, (see below).
In gadaa system the male members of the society would join five gadaa parties
(miseensa/gogeessa) and pass through a number of age-grades (about 7 – 13) in different
Oromoo groups. In age-grade/generational-set recruitment into the system is based not on
biological age as in the case of age-set system but on the maintenance of socially-defined
generation between parents and children. Parents and children are five grades or 40 years
apart from each other. Each age-grade lasts for a period of eight years (Hinnant, 1977;
Asmarom, 1973). People move from one age-grade to the next as they advance in age. The
first five age-grades with a total period of 40 years, mainly serve as schools for the young
Oromoo people. It is the time when they obtain different trainings which qualify them for
hunting, military obligation as well as community leadership. The sixth age–grade (41 – 48
years)b is called gadaa. This is the stage of political, social, military and ritual leadership.
The head of gadaa would be elected democratically form among the gadaa age-grade. He has
title of abbaa gadaa. For eight years he would serve as a leader and spokesman of the
assembly. There are other gadaa officials: the Abba Dula is the commander of the army. The
Abba Sera is in charge of the traditional Oromoo lawsc . These and other officials work
closely together for one gadaa period (8 years) and when their term of office ends, they will
hand over the power to next gadaa grade and party, which will elect new officials for the next
eight years. So, in the gadaa system political power is held by elected officials, and there is
peaceful transfer of power from one gadaa-grade to other every eight years. Such power
transfer is conducted in a volitional manner, with full passion and without friction. Those
who left the office would serve as advisors to the new gadaa grade (Hinnant, 1977;
Asmarom1973, 2000; Bassi, 2005).
b) Gadaa is Participatory Democracy with Distribution of Power across Generation and
down to Community
The gadaa system divides the stage of life, from childhood to old age into series of formal
steps. There are 7 to 13, such steps among different Oromoo groups. Transition ceremonies
mark the passage from one stage to the next. Within each stage activities and social roles
(rights and responsibilities) are formally defined, both in terms of what is permitted and what
is forbidden. The activities vary depending on the age and gadaa status of individuals or
groups, ranging from livestock herding, participation in organized war parties, to
administration of the country and to counseling. Regarding the way power is distributed in
the gadaa system, Asmarom (2000:24) commented that:
One major contribution of Oromo democracy is the way power is shared by the
generations…. Far from being a government of the elders, the system (gada) ensures
that rights are distributed fairly among fathers, sons and grandsons: no generation
b
This is true for those who are born right on appropriate time.
c
The names Abbaa Duulaa and Abbaa Seera positions vary from one Oromoo group to another.

that is mature enough to be able to bear the rights and duties of citizenship is
prevented from taking part in political life.
Besides this, leadership is equally divided among the five gadaa parties and the successive
gadaa age-grades. There is no inter-party (horizontal) and/or intergenerational (vertical)
competition over power. Exposing the deficiency of Western liberal democracies in
distribution of power across generations, Asmarom (2000: 24) stated that, “Western liberal
democracies failed quite miserably to achieve any semblance of inter-generational equity.
The youth movements and the movements of the elderly that swept across the United States
and Europe in the 1960s and 1970s were attempts to correct the generational injustices that
were, and still are, present in Western political systems.”
c) Peace Building and Social Cohesion/Integration
Gadaa incorporated pivotal institutions that created a strong link between successive
generations and gives to the members of the community a sense of identity and continuity;
functions as a mechanism of conflict resolution, as reparation and protection of women’s
rights, as a system of social cohesion and integration, for peaceful co-existence with other
identity groups and it embraced nagaa (peace), which is central in Oromoo gadaa system
(Shongolo and Schlee, 1955; Kuwee, 1997)
The Oromoo are well known for their military tradition, but that does not spill over the
peaceful way of life. Random violence is not common with the Oromoo. It takes the gadaa
system longer time to calculate before it goes to war. War was considered as a last resort
behind which a question of substance and self-defense exists (Israel, 2009: 21). As a result,
internal peace and stability among the Oromoo as well as with other has been a hallmark of
the gadaa system. It has institutional mechanisms to integrate the non-Oromoo into the
system. Those who integrate are guaranteed equal rights regardless of their ethnic and
religious background.
The humanitarian institutions of the gadaa system include guddifachaad (adoption) and
moggaasae (naturalization). These are wonderful integrative mechanisms that the Oromoo
practice to accommodate other non-Oromoo peoples. The gadaa system is thus an all-
inclusive, accommodating system that constantly and unfailingly attempts to ensure inclusion
and integration. In addition, the practitioners of the gadaa system ensure that the differences
and disagreements which arise among the Oromoo people as well as with others, particularly
neighboring peoples, are resolved pursuant to the negotiation rules of the gadaa system. In
this regard, araaraf (conflict reconciliation) and gumaag (reparation) are important gadaa
institutions. Moreover, the gadaa system has parallel (to gadaa) siiqe/siinqeh and ateetei
d
Guddifachaa is the practice of adopting Oromoo or non-Oromoo male or female individuals, usually at a
younger age, by a family. In this case the adopted sons and daughters would have equal rights and privileges
with the biological sons and daughters.
e
Moggaasa is the adoption of relatively large group of people usually by an Oromoo lineage or clan to be
integrated to their community. Here also the adopted group will have equal rights and privileges with adoptive
Oromoo lineage or clan.
f
Araaara is reconciliation that involves various traditional institutions like council of elders (Jaarsaa Biyia and
Hayyu) and gadaa officials.
g
Gumaa is blood price, ritual of reparation and purification after homicide.
h
Siiqqee/Siinqee is literary a symbolic ritual stick used by married women. It promotes gender equality and
protects women from discrimination and violence. The gadaa system also allows women (through their siiqe) to
play a decisive role in conflict resolution and restoring peace. Siiqqee is a vehicle for addressing gender
inequality and advance the empowerment of women.

institutions through which the rights of Oromoo woman are respected by checks-and-balance
system (Mohammed, 1994; Asmarom, 1973, 2000; Kuwee, 1997).
d) A Period of Testing
This is one of the most important features of the gadaa system from which the Western
liberal democracies could draw a lesson, according to Asmerom (2000: 248). Testing time in
Oromoo democracy is an extended period of time (usually for three gadaa-grade period)j
during which the would be gadaa leaders and councilors must pass through a rigorous
training about the laws and the customs and the wisdom of leading a society before they take
the position of authority in gadaa, (particularly the Abba gadaa position). A period of testing
is a requirement in Oromoo gadaa system while it may not be so in Western democracies.
Asmarom (2000:248) has the following to say about this issue:
Perhaps one of the most interesting ideas in Oromo democracy is the notion of the
period of testing. It is true that in the West the elected leader does often hold a variety
of elective or appointive offices before he or she makes it to the top as president or
prime minister, and that his or her track record is reviewed by academics, the press, and
parliament when elections are in progress. In parliamentary democracies, the prime
ministers are also members of parliament and, as such they may have had ample
legislative experience…. However, none of these experiences are required as a
precondition for the top positions of elective leadership. It is therefore, quite possible for
an inexperienced and untested individual may hold the top position.
The Oromoo gadaa system made a testing period a requirement to avoid the dangers of
having inexperienced and untested individuals, who may cause damages to the society and to
the system, to hold the top position.
3. Qaalluu and Moiety Institutions as Check and Balance Organs
Qaalluu is the other institution that manifests the religious/ritual aspects of the gadaa system.
The word refers to the ritual leader as well as the religious institution. Qaalluu, as a head of
Oromoo religion (waqqeffannaa), performs all electoral and ritual ceremonies. He
legitimized Abba gadaas with oath taking and blessing ceremony; supports the legitimate
base of gadaa system and the transfer of power; and resolves conflicts between Abba gadaas,
if any (Hinnant, 1978: 234). However, the qaalluu and qaalluu institution do not interfere in
the activities of gadaa. Religion and gadaa administration are separate, indicating the secular
nature of the gadaa democracy. In addition to this, the two qaallus of Booranaa as religious
heads of each moiety (Sabbo and Gonna), serve to maintain a check and balance role
between them. It is the prototypical basis for balanced opposition and power-sharing
(Asmarom, 2000: 136). The original qaalluu is believed to be sent down from heaven and
served as medium between man and God (Waaqa). The institution of qaalluu is inherited and
held for life as opposed to that of the political office.
Moiety is a kinship structure that divides the different Oromoo groups into two halves (e.g.
Sabboo and Goonaa in Booranaa; Kontomaa and Daarimuu in Gujii; Sikkoo and Mandoo, in
i
Ateetee is a ritual ceremony exclusively practiced by women in the belief that it makes them fertile. It is also a
cultural representation among the Oromoo women to counter male dominations and to enforce religious
sanctions against related abuses.
j
This period of three gadaa grades (i.e., Kussa, Rabba and Dorri) is a continual period of public scrutiny. At any
time during this period the council or a member could be dismissed if he fails to measure up to the
responsibility that the office requires.

Arsii, and etc). The moieties structure cut across the different clans and lineages of each
group. Under the kinship structure, gadaa system is organized into five miseensa/gogeessa
(parties) with one of these functioning as the ruling party, consisting of Abba gadaa, officials
and assembly. Each party assumes power, one after the other, every eight years, taking 40
years to complete the cycle. The names of these parties differ from one Oromoo group to
another. In Gujii Oromoo, for example, the five parties are: Halchiisa, Dhalana, Harmuufa,
Roobale and Muudana/Burmajii; in Booranaa Oromoo they are: Moggisa, Sabaaqa, Libaasa,
Mardiida and Fullaasa. Every Oromoo is born into one of these predetermined parties, whose
father is already a member. One of the main functions of these parties is to maintain the
check and balance system between and among the parties. As a rule alternate parties are
qadadduu (allies) to each other, while adjacent parties are walaannaa (oppositions) to each
other. The check and balance system is important to facilitate the smooth transfer of power
from one party to another and to insure equitable division of power across the generational
lines (Asmarom, 1973, 2000; Hinnant, 1977; Jemjem and Dhadacha, 2011).
4. The National Assembly (Gumii)
The gadaa system has a legislative body/branch, often called general assembly (gumii) or
assembly of the multitude. It is a combination of all the local assemblies and councils of the
given Oromoo groupk that meet once every eight years, and mostly for a week or two. In
principle, every person can attend the gadaa general assembly. Differences in terms of age,
gender, status or political affiliation may not bar a person from taking part in the assembly.
It is mandatory for all living Abba gadaas (ex-presidents who have served for eight-years),
incumbent gadaa council and clan elders to convene to the assembly. The assembly reviews
its laws and if necessary amends them. Those rules and customs deemed unfit in light of the
social, political economic, environmental and spiritual realities of the people would be
amended and new laws are issued and promulgated. The system is self-adjusting and
upgrading (recreating) itself with social changes. The law made by the general assembly is
the supreme law and would be implemented by executive and judicial branches.
The general assembly has also the duty to evaluate the men in power (in their fourth year
term of office) and to resolve conflicts that could not be resolved at lower levels of the
judicial organization. It has the power to depose elected leaders, even the abbaa gadaa from
his office, if accused and proven of violating rules and regulations. Any elected
representative is accountable for any failure in the official duties. No one is above the law.
All persons are equal before the law and are entitled without any discrimination to equal
protection of the law. Thus, under the gadaa system the power of administering the affairs of
the nation and the power of enacting laws belong to the people. Every male member of the
society who is of age and of gadaa-grade has full right to elect and to be elected. All people
have the right to air their views in any public gathering without any fear (Gadaa Melba,
1988:11). The general assembly is therefore the supreme institution that manifests the
principle of popular sovereignty in traditional Oromoo polity. It is a good example that
shows power is in the hands of the multitude. The direct participation of the people in the
assembly’s proceedings in unfettered manner shows clearly that the people directly involved
in their governance and this could be the best example of direct democracy under gadaa
governance.
k
It is known that the Oromoo used to have a common gadaa assembly ground (Wolaabu) before they were
differentiated into various groups and localities.

5. Conclusion
The place of Africa in the history of democracy is often overlooked. The conceptualization of
the postcolonial state in Africa is highly influenced by the present predicaments (i.e., civil
wars, famine, corruption and others) of the continent (Zelalem, 2017). Hence, regard for its
indigenous egalitarian institutions and its continuous development has little or no space in
academic discussion. However, Benjamin Isakhan (n.d.:5) warns that considering the
Western democracy as the only way for the rest of the world misses the broader human story
of the struggle for and achievement of democracy. In line with this, recently some scholars
underline that the gadaa system of governance is genuinely African and provides a potential
solution for some of political challenges African states faces today (See for example,
Asmarom, 1973; 2000; Asefa, 2012; Holecomb, 1997).
The democratic features of the Oromoo gadaa system are clearly reflected in the periodical
elections that are held every eight years with a clear term limit; peaceful transfer of political
power; equitable distribution of power across generations and down to the community; rule
of law and accountability; separation of politics from religion/secularism; social integration
and peace building roles; a period of testing and presence of check and balance systems. The
gadaa system has functioned as an effective method of participatory democracy for at least
the past five centuries in Ethiopia. Therefore, The Oromoo gadaa system could certainly be
considered a democracy, if “democracy” is strictly taken in its classical meaning of
“government of the people, by people, for the people” in A. Lincoln’s terms. Even though the
Oromoo gadaa system had such wonderful features that could be used among them and
across the country, the Ethiopian governments have no vision to accommodate it or even to
learn from gadaa participatory democracy while mired in tyranny and corruption.
Nonetheless, UNESCO has recently recognized gadaa system as intangible world cultural
heritage.
As I have tried to show in this short paper, gadaa obviously stands as a potential source of
democratic governance. This is not to say that gadaa will serve as a literal blueprint. Of
course, gada developed under a completely different circumstance and therefore cannot be
transplanted wholesale into a modern social organization (Gemetchu, 2005). However, the
basic philosophy underlying the system and the democratic elements of gadaa, mentioned in
this paper, can be adapted to advance democracy in Oromia in particular and Ethiopia in
general. These elements if properly institutionalized have the capacity to ensure popular
participation. Nonetheless, how these democratic elements of gadaa could be adopted or
integrated into the modern political system requires further studies.
References
Abdullahi Shongolo and G. Schlee. 1995. “Local War and its Impact on Ethnic and Religious
Identification in Southern Ethiopia” GeoJournal, 36 (1), 7-17.
Asefa Jalata. 2012. Gadaa (Oromo Democracy): An Example of Classical African Civilization.
Journal of Pan-African Studies. Vol. 5 No.1
Asmarom Legesse. 1973. Gada: Three Approaches to the Study of African Society. New York: Free
Press, Macmillan.
______. 2000. Oromo Democracy: An Indigenous African Political System. The Red Sea Press, Inc
Bassi, Marco. Decisions in the Shade: Political and Juridical Processes among the Oromo-Borana.
Translated by Cynthia Salvadori. The Red Sea Press Inc.
Benjamin Isakhan (n.d.) “Democracy: Critiquing a Eurocentric History” Available at
http://dro.deakin.edu.au/eserv/DU:30079037/isakhan- democracycriquing-p… (Accessed
May 1, 2017)

Carter G.F., 1967. Man and the Land: A Cultural Geography. Johns Hopkins University. USA.
Gadaa Melbaa. 1988. Oromia: An Introduction. Khartoum, Sudan.
Gemetchu Megerssa. 2005. Is Gadaa Relevant to Conditions of Present Day Development?
Unpublished Paper.
Hinnant T. J. 1977. “The Gada System of the Guji of Southern Ethiopia.” PhD Dissertation,
University of Chicago.
_____. 1978. “The Gada as a Ritual System” In Uri Almagor and P. T. W. Baxter (eds.) Age,
Generation and Time: Some Features of East African Age Organizations, London: C. Hurst
and Company.
Holcomb, Bonnie K. 1997. The Tale of Two Democracies: The Encounter between US-Sponsored
Democracy and Indigenous Oromo Democratic Forms,” The Journal of Oromo Studies, Vol.
4, Nos. 1 and 2, pp. 47- 82.
Israel Itana. 2009. “Gada System’s Conflict Resolution Mechanisms and the Quest for Survival.”
MA Thesis, Institute for Peace and Security Studies, Addis Ababa University.
Jemjem Udessa and Dhadacha Gololcha. 2011. The Gadaa Democratic Pluralism: With a Particular
Reference to the Guji Socio-Cultural and Politico-Legal Systems. RELA Printing Press.
Kuwee Kumsa. 1997. “The Siiqqee Institution of Oromo Women” in The Journal of Oromo Studies,
vol. 4, Nos.1and 2, pp.115-152.
Levine, D. N., 1974. Greater Ethiopia: The Evolution of a Multiethnic Society. Chicago and London,
University of Chicago Press.
Mohammed Hassen. 1994. The Oromo of Ethiopia: A History 1570 – 1860. The Red Sea Press.
Plowden, W.C., 1868. Travels in Abyssinia and the Galla Country. London.
Zelalm Tesfaye. 2017. Six Hundred Years of Participatory Democracy: The Case of the Oromo
Gadaa Political System in Ethiopia.
Gada National Assembly at Me’ee Bokko, Guji- Zone, February, 2016. (Picture by the author)
Law making at Me’ee Bokko, Guji-Zone, February, 2016 (Picture by the author)

e-ISSN: 2616-3985
Jimma University
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
A Future Gaze: Gadaa Oriented Constitutional Structure for Oromia
Zelalem T. Sirna
―Africa doesn't need strongmen, it needs strong institutions.‖

~ Barack H. Obama 2009, US President
Abstract
The Gadaa System has been studied by several scholars, both by domestic and expatriates. This is
undeniably a great opportunity. However, up until today, there is not a great deal of studies
conducted from the perspective of how the Gadaa system could be used across Oromia´s modern
political order. Thus, the general objective of this paper, considering the socio-political order
Oromia is in, critically analyses how the Gadaa oriented constitutional structure can be adopted in
Oromia. The scope of the analysis is limited to the Gadaa structures such as: the five Gadaa parties
(Gogeessa), the Gadaa council (Adula), the Gadaa grades (gulantaa Gadaa), the Gadaa assemblies,
and the Gadaa confederacies. Therefore, the mission of this article is to pave the way and kindle
discussion on how Gadaa could be implemented across Oromia future. This paper approaches this
issue from the concept of neo-Gadaa. By neo-Gadaa, the author mean the revitalization of secular
Gadaa values, principles and structures applicable across Oromia irrespective difference in socio-
economic practices, religion kinship and clan ties. Furthermore, the concept neo-Gadaa is
analogous to the concept of “living law”– which promotes the reinvention of indigenous institutions
to solve pressing social, political and economic problems. The author has conducted a field work
among the Boorana and the Gujii people; in June, 2016 and February, 2016 respectively. Finally,
this article found out that Gadaa oriented constitutional democracy sets a lifelong social and
political responsibility than simply a “ballot box” gratification; and above all “neo-Gadaa”
reinvigorates the necessity of renaissance of the indigenous Gadaa for the emancipation of
politically and economically marginalized Oromoo people.
Keywords - Gadaa system, Neo-Gadaa, Social Capital, the State of Oromia

------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Axereeraa
Sirni Gadaa hayyoota garaa garaan, kan biyya keessaa fi alaa taánin sirna quátamee fi qoratame
dha. Kun carraa guddaadha. Haa taú iyyuu malee, hanga ammaatti, akkaataa kamiin sirni Gadaa
sadarkaa hará Oromiyaan irra jirtutti hojii irra ooluu dandaá qixa jedhuun qorannoo fi quannoon
geggeefame baayée xiqqaadha. Kaayyoon gooroo barruu kanaas haala qabatamaa hará
Oromiyaan irra jirtu ilaalcha keessa galchuun, akkaataa itti Gadaan guutummaa Oromiyaa
keessatti hojii irra ooluu akka dandaú kan xiinxaluu fi fala dhahu taá. Qabiyyeen barruu kanaa,
caasaa sirna Gadaa keessa caasaalee murteessoo taán kan akka: Gogeessa (gadaa classes);
Adulaa (Gadaa council); gulantaa Gadaa (Gadaa grades); fi bulchiinsa konfederalaawaa (Gadaa

Zelalem T. Sirna earned his LL.B. degree in Law from Haramaya University, and Mhil in Indigenous Studies
from University of Tromso, Norway. Currently, he is PhD Student in Democracy in XXI at Coimbra
University, Portugal. He can be reached at: [email protected]
9
confederacies) daangaáa dha. Kanaaf, ergamni inni guddaan barruu kanaa akkaataa itti caasaan
Gadaa (Gadaa structure) gara duraatti Oromiyaa guutuu keessatti hojii irra ooluu dandaú irratti
daanddii saaquu fi yaada marii kakaasuudha. Barruun kun dhimma kana gama haaroms-Gadaa –
(neo-Gadaa) ilaala. Kana jechuunis, garaagarummaa saalaa, hariiroo hawaasummaa, hariiroo
dinagdee, amantii, gosaa fi firoomaa osoo hin ilaalin; duudhaa, hundee fi caasaa Gadaa
guutummaa Oromiyaa keessatti hojii irra akkaataa itti oolu xiinxaluu jechuudha. Dabalataanis,
yaad-rimeen haroms-Gadaa yaada-rimee “seer-jiraataa” (living law) jedhuun kan wal unatuu fi
rakkoo hawaasummaa, siyaasaa fi dinagdee furuuf dhaabota buleeyyii (indigenous institutions) lam-
dhalachiisuu kan deeggaru dha. Barreessaan kun hojii qorannoo sirna Gadaa uummata Booranaa fi
Gujii Jiá Waxabajjii bara 2016 fi Jiá Guraandhalaa bara 2016, tartiibaan, kan raawwatamedha.
Argannoon barruu kanaas, heera Gadaa irratti hundaaé siyaasa filannoo geggeessuu bira darbee;
itti gaafatamummaa hawaasummaa fi siyaasaa dhalootaa hanga duáatti kan diriirsuu dha. Hundaa
ol ammoo, haaroms-Gadaa uummata Oromoo gama siyaasaa fi dinagdeen yarate (marginalized)
birmaduu baasuu kan dandaú dha.
Jechoota Ijoo – Dimokraasii, Haaroms-Gadaa; Kaapitaala- hawaasummaa, Oromiyaa
1. Introduction
The conceptualization of the postcolonial African state in general and that of Ethiopia in
particular is highly influenced by the present predicaments such as: civil wars, famine,
corruption and others. Several literatures describe the sub-Saharan African states as neo-
patrimonial state, criminal state, collapsed state, and warlord state (Mederd 1982; Bayart et.
al. 1999; Zartman 1995; Reno 1995, 1998 respectively). The prescribed pill to address these
African problems is the adoption of liberal democracy and the western constitutions. The
Occident/the west narrates the standard history of democracy as modernist and
universalistic; and thus the rest had to be eliminated.
However, to narrate the Western democracy as the only model makes it a yardstick of
success and failure stories of other countries´ political systems. This is ―a profound
misreading of world history‖ (Amartya Sen 1999 cited in Benjamin and Stephen 2011: 9). It
also served as ―an ideology that legitimizes subordination to Western imperialism‖
(Boaventura 2005: xvii). Benjamin and Stephen urge that ―it is time for the democratic
impetus to be understood in the broader context of human history‖ (Benjamin and Stephen
2011: 4). Benjamin further notes in this regard that, considering the Western democracy as
the only way for the rest of the world will ―miss the broader human story of the struggle for
and achievement of democracy‖ (Benjamin n.d.: 5). Citing Roxanne (1997) Melissa and
Warren also suggest that, it is vital for political theorists to ―problematize the dominance of
Western intellectual traditions, conceptual frameworks, and institutional forms and devote
our energies to fostering a ‗trans-cultural conversation‘ or ‗dialogue among civilizations‖
(2014: 30).
Ironically, Ethiopia – non-colonized country´s past three regimes (Menelik II, Haile Selassie
I and the Dergue regime) as well as the incumbent EPRDF regimes emulated the western
legal and political systems to sculpture state institutions. Thus, Ethiopian regimes had
neither looked in to its social capitals nor into its indigenous governance institutions such as
the Gadaa system to build legal and political institutions. Asefa Jaleta notes in this regard
that the successive Ethiopian colonial states have prevented the Oromoo society from having
their autonomous national institutions and organizations through violence and other policies
(Jalata 2007). The Ethiopian regimes were clearly paternalistic in a sense that, transplanting
Zelalem, A Future Gaze … 10

the developed nations‘ institutions could transform the country to ―modernity‖ and
ultimately it would create ―civilised‖ citizens. However, for an institution to be sustainable it
has to be pragmatic and shall match ´the spirit of the people´; it shall reflect the socio-
economic development of the country. Thus, in the process of sculpturing constitutional
document, an indigenous political structures and culturally embedded legal institutions of
the people should not be stifled (Brietzke 1982),
Embracing the Western epistemological orthodoxy, African elites and leaders, undermined
African indigenous egalitarian institutions (Mazrui 2002). An African anthropologist
Asmarom Legesse also remarks that ―we have no difficulty in identifying those ideas in the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights that drive from Magna Carta, the America and
French Revolutions and the constitutions modern liberal democracies. Does anything in that
document drive from Africa? If not, why should Africans see it as their charter and not as an
alien system of ideas that is, once again, imposed upon them from without?‖ (Asmarom
1980: 123-124). Legesse notes further that ―… from the African perspective the individual
who is fighting private wars against his society is no hero.‖ (ibid: 124).
As part and parcel of unveiling constitutional democracy other than the Western type as well
as tackling the limitation of liberal democracy, this paper reintroduces and analyzes Gadaa
structure. The adoption of the Gadaa system in twenty-first century Oromia is vital for the
emancipation of politically, and economically marginalized Oromoo nation. It is important
to note also that, an attempt to integrate indigenous governance in modern political structure
needs caution (See: traditional leaders becoming ―vote-brokers‖).a Accommodating
indigenous institutions should first begin with the epistemological excavation and
revitalization of fundamental Gadaa structures, values, and institutions.
This article is presented in six sections. The first section provides the context, and the
methodological approach this paper is grounded on. The second section theorizes Gadaa as
an institution and as a social capital. Third, the government possible strategies toward Gadaa
based constitutional order is discussed. The forth section identifies viable Gadaa structures
for further analysis. Envisioning Gadaa in twenty-first century Oromia, an analysis section,
took place in fifth section. The final part provides concluding remarks.
1.1. Setting the Context
Geographically, Oromia is located in a central area and borders all of the regional
states except Tigray regional state. Oromia covers an estimated area of 359.619 square
kilometers that is about one-third of Ethiopia‘s total land area (Berhanu Gutema 2007: 225).
Currently, it is estimated that the State of Oromia comprises of approximately 40% of the
country‘s total population, and the Oromoo language covers approximately 35 % of total
language coverage and followed by Amharic language which is 29.3% (CIA, the World
Factbook).
Since 1991, a de facto and since 1995 a de jure, multi-cultural and multi-ethnic federal
system was constitutionally declared. The formation of the Oromia National Regional
State (the State of Oromia, here in after) is the result of the 1992 Charter of the Transitional
Government of Ethiopia. The 1995 FDRE constitution, under article 47 (1) (4), recognize
a
In some African countries, there are issues of co-opting chiefs to act as ―vote-brokers‖ in rural areas and
exercise significant informal control over the state intervention in local affairs (Lawson 2002; van Kessel, and
et. al., 1997). As vote-brokers, they align themselves with the powers that offer the best chances for
safeguarding their positions and advancing their interests.

the State of Oromia as one of the nine regional states. Article 52(2) (b) of FDRE constitution
recognises that national regional states can enact their own constitutions. Accordingly, the
State of Oromia adopted its first constitution in 2001 and revised twice (in 2005 and 2006).
In principle, regional constitutions are meant to be the reflection their respective social,
economic, political, and cultural orders, which is replica of self-rule inherent in a federal
system. However, contrary to this, in its entirety the State of Oromia´s constitution
mimicked the FDRE constitution. Nowhere in the Constitution of the State of Oromia are
Gadaa principles emulated. Perhaps, the drafters have had no intention and readiness to do
so.
The Constitution of Oromia provides the vertical distribution of powers among the four
administrative levels, viz.; regional administration, zonal administration, district
administration and kebele administration (Berhanu Gutema 2007). Analogous to all these
administrative levels, judicial institutions are established; being a supreme legislative power
vested in the ONRS Council, the Caffee. The Caffee has 537 seats and its members are
directly elected by the people for a five years‘ term of office. The Caffee members are
accountable collectively to the people of the region (Article 46(1), 48 (1), 48(6), 51(1) of the
Constitution of the State of Oromia). It would be unwise to suggest that all these
constitutional structures set in the Constitution of Oromia to be replaced by Gadaa
structures. Instead, it seeks to identify Gadaa structures and suggest its adoption where
legitimate and applicable. Moreover, this paper does not seek to address the four layers of
administrative structures (i.e. regional, zonal, district and kebele); rather the analysis is
limited to the regional and zonal administration level.
1.2. Methodological Approach
In order to make use of Gadaa in contemporary Oromia, we need to adopt a neo-Gadaa path.
The concept ―neo-Gadaa‖, first, indicates the necessity of renaissance of the indigenous
Gadaa system to make it conversant with the 21st century political and social dynamics.
Second, kinship, clan system and generation based Gadaa class may not be feasible in
contemporary Oromia. Hence, by neo-Gadaa I mean Gadaa values, principles and structures
applicable across Oromia irrespective of ―blood and flesh‖ test. Furthermore, the concept
neo-Gadaa should not be thought of something suddenly suggested by this author. Instead, it
has already been proposed and tested in some African countries and elsewhere. It is
analogous to the concept of ―living law‖– which promotes the reinvention of indigenous
institutions to solve pressing social, political and economic problems (Kyed and Buur 2006;
Sklar 1999b; Van Kessel and et.al. 1997). For example, Rwanda reinvented Gacaca, a
traditional justice system, and settled the 1994 genocide far better than the modern justice
system could. Therefore, I strongly believe that Gadaa possesses fundamental constitutional
tenets and structures that can address the democratic challenges Ethiopia is in. In other
words, this paper suggests constitutional entrepreneurship; innovatively sculpturing and
pragmatically sorting relevant Gadaa structures which can contribute to social emancipation.
For this paper, primary data collected through interview with knowledgeable Gadaa leaders,
and councilors was used. The author has conducted a field work among the Borana and the
Guji people; in June, 2016 and February, 2016 respectively. Moreover, primary data such as
the legal documents, that is, the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia (FDRE)
constitution and the Constitution of the State of Oromia are used. In addition to these
primary sources, the author has reviewed relevant literatures.

2. Theoretical Approach: Gadaa as an Institution and as a Social Capital
The concept of social capital is used by different authors measuring multiple layers (e.g.
micro, meso or macro level) of social relations. However, for this paper, I am referring to it
as the social ties among diverse social groups at macro level. Moreover, this paper utilizes
the concept of social capital interchangeably with the concept of institution for both
concepts are inextricably linked. Thus, first, I discuss the concept of institution and then I
will introduce the concept of social capital.
It could be argued that no societies exist without institutions. Institutions are the synergy of
social norms, legal rules, beliefs and actors. North (1995: 15) notes that institutions are ―the
rules of the game‖. The rules of the game may be official and unofficial; domestic and
international. The formal legal domains may include: constitutional laws, proclamations,
regulations and directives. Institutions, despite their nature and scope, possess the capacity
to produce and preserve norms. In turn, norms shape the behaviors of the society and thus
award the adherents and punish the deviants (Coleman 1990: 37). Once institutions are
instituted they have the capacity to change the world (Soltan 1998: 49). It has to be noted
that the development of institutions is driven by individuals‘ and groups‘ conscious or
spontaneous performances. Thus, this paper upholds the new institutionalism theory which
suggests that ―institutions must be grounded in the social fabric and thus that rational choice
by individuals must be combined with historical and cultural variables‖ (Soltan, Uslaner and
Haufler 1998: 3).
Coming back to the concept of social capital, Robert Putnam has defined it as: ―features of
social organization, such as trust, norms, and networks that can improve the efficiency of
society by facilitating coordinated actions.‖ (Putnam 1993a: 169 quoted in John Field 2003:
13). The central idea of social capital is that social networks are a valuable asset (Field 2003:
21). Fukuyama also defined social capital from the perspective of trust as a basic feature of
social capital: ‗Social capital is a capability that arises from the prevalence of trust in a
society or in certain parts of it‘ (Fukuyama 1995:26). Thus, social capital is an indispensable
asset for the democratization process in any polity (Putnam 2000; Coleman 1988).
Furthermore, as Coleman (1988) rightly recognizes, social capital is productive for
marginalized groups, since vertical associations are characterized by hierarchical
relationships and an unequal power distribution among members. The underlying logic for
the importance of social capital in democracy is, therefore, that it ―teach tolerance, promote
compromise, stimulate political participation, and train leaders-all of which contribute to a
healthy democracy‖ (Pamela Paxton 2002: 257). Coleman (1988) also recognizes the fact
that social capital is productive even for marginalized groups, since vertical associations are
characterized by hierarchical relationships and an unequal power distribution among
members.
However, where social values are transgressed or untapped, then the political institutions
will inevitably depart from this collective spirit. Because, in contrast to truth driven
indigenous political discourses, most of the political discourses are not to find the truth but
―to speak about the ideology of the party‖ (Habermas 2007: 294). Therefore, to expect
democratic institution devoid of social capital such as cooperation, trust, and reciprocity, no
matter how the theory of democracy is profoundly interesting, the outcome would be zero-
sum game. Especially, a capitalistic version of democracy, an aggregation of private
interests, negates the social capital. Inevitably, such system will be dominated by the haves
often driven by ―profit maximization‖ – detached from the non-commurcium social values.

When social capital is not utilized, it leads to ideal culture. By ideal culture I mean, the fact
that there is a belief, for example, in democracy, rule of law, or equal opportunity for all, but
it does not exist in practice.b Another explanation for the crisis could be the underpinning
concept of ―elitism.‖ Since elitism asserts itself to ―gentle men´s club‖ than ―cultural‖ fabric
– and creates an ivory tower. Democracy is unsustainable and even dangerous where the
liberty and equality of the people is in the hands of a few.
Considering Gadaa as a social capital, one can observe that among the Oromoo there are
values such as: blessing (eebba), tolerance (wal-dhageetti), respect (ulfina), order (sirna),
and mutual understanding (elaa fi elamee). For instance, the practice of blessing (eebba) of
the session precedes a deliberation and discussion. Elders bless the assembly before any
planned session formally initiated. Blessing has special significance in cooling the emotions
of the convened, increase respect, and open space for dialogue. Now, how Gadaa could be
constituted in contemporary Oromia? To constitute Gadaa, there is no other best way than
developing a constitutional law embracing Gadaa structures and principles. A constitution is
an essential document that lays a foundation for the formation of a state and its organs. For
instance, in the Plato´s five regimes we have: aristocracy, oligarchy, theocracy, democracy
and tyranny.c Hence, a constitution can be understood as ―a founding act, creating a new
identity, a new state, a new political order against the political, ethnic or racial reality that it
faces‖ (Ninet 2013: 116). Therefore, a constitution is a wisdom constituting a state.
Nevertheless, the adoption of Gadaa oriented constitutional order in Ethiopia would not be
an easy task. Thus, it is reasonable to foresee and analyse the government strategies toward
the Gadaa oriented constitutionalism.
3. Gadaa vis-à-vis Government Possible Strategies
Government policies affect social capital either in positive way or negatively. Where it is
negative, it may damage the social capital and where it is positive it fosters it. John Field
(2003: 144) notes that the government action can, then, inadvertently end up by destroying
social capital, and reducing people‘s capacity for cooperation to tackle problems. Thus, it
would be risky for any policy-maker to ignore social capital altogether. However, in
multicultural societies like Ethiopia where tensions arise between competing social orders
that create uneasy coexistence, a state is expected to provide way outs. Brian Tamanaha
(2007) observed four possible strategies: accommodation, integration, neutral and
elimination. Accommodation strategy works in liberal states since it allows a certain degree
of autonomy to each and attempt to please competing legal orders. Integration strategy
―absorbs the competing system as a way to control or neutralize or influence its activities —
by paying the participants, providing them incentives to conform, or by situating
the absorbed institution in a hierarchy that accords the official legal system final say‖
(Tamanaha 2007: 375). Neutral strategy explicitly permits its promotion or prohibit a
competing/conflicting unofficial institution, but take no action to promote or repress it
(Ibid). Finally, elimination strategy refers to the state political and legal system aggressively
suppresses competing informal institutions — working towards its elimination (Ibid)
b
For instance, a person may learn that Americans cherish the value of equal opportunity, yet in observing
Americans, the person might encounter many cases in which people from different economic, class, racial,
ethnic, and religious back ground are treated in a highly unequal manner.
c
Besides, Cicero also affirms that ―when supreme authority is in the hands of one man, we call him king, and
the form of state is a kingship (regnum); when selected, citizens hold this power we say that the state is ruled
by an aristocracy (civitas optimatium). But a popular government (civitas popularis) (for so it is called) exists
when all the power is in the hands of the people‖ (Cicero 1961 quoted in Ninet 2013: 31).

Historically, the Ethiopian imperial regimes as well as that of the Dergue regime adopted
official ―elimination‖ strategy towards Oromoo identity and the Gadaa system. Ethiopia
People‘s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) seems to have revisited the challenge of
advancing elimination strategy, and thus adopted multi-cultural and multi-ethnic groups
federation. Thus, at least in formality, if not in practice, it has acknowledged the cultural
―suppression‖ and the longstanding claims of the ―oppressed nationalities‖ claims (Serra-
Horguelin 1999: 1). The position of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia (FDRE) in
this regard appears neutral – in a sense that the legal principles provide right ―to develop and
promote its culture, help it grow and flourish‖ (Article 39 (2) of FDRE constitution); while
in fact they are dead letters (see also: Pausewang 2004). Nevertheless, the accommodation of
indigenous institutions of governance into constitutional system is next to none.
In principle, federalism is about self-rule and accommodation of the constitutional plurality;
that is, ―diversity‖ in systems of governance and plurality in laws and the adoption of
distinct administrative structures in a federation (Fiseha 2006, 2007). However, federalism
in contemporary Ethiopian constitutional system is highly qualified to the extent that
political power centralization is ―constitutionally‖ established. Keller puts this fact as
follows: [...] with the exception of linguistic and cultural autonomy, so far the constituent
members of the ethnic federation cannot exercise administrative and political autonomy [...]
an asymmetrical form of federalism that was overly centralized and operated almost like a
unitary centralized state‖ (Keller 2004: 38). A clear indication of this reality is the absence
of state constitutionalism.
I argue that the plurality of state constitutions is essential for the enrichment of the
fundamental principles of the federal constitution itself. Because, it helps the constituents of
the federation to exercise their power and eventually it necessitates an environment of
effective self-governing regional states. In dealing with the Gadaa system in Oromia, the
strategy needs to be adopted is integration; while seen from a national federal structure the
sustainable approach is accommodation. Therefore, given the historical and political
significance of Gadaa for the Oromoo, this paper proposes its renaissance – a call for re-
engineering of socio-political structure across Oromia drawing lessons from the Gadaa
system.
4. Identifying Gadaa Structures Viable in Oromia
The Gadaa system possesses quintessential political structure viable in twenty-first century
Oromia. Here below, only Gadaa structures relevant in contemporary Oromia is identified
and analyzed. The identification process did not take place recklessly; rather it is based on
three guiding principles. First, their capacity to be implemented across Oromia; second,
exhibit constitutional features and third, their potential to bring Gadaa renaissance in twenty-
first century Oromia. Some of the notable and relevant Gadaa structures are: Gadaa class,
Gadaa grades, Gadaa assemblies, Gadaa council, and Gadaa confederacies. These structures
are discussed further below.
Gadaa classes: Gadaa classes are one of the fundamental pillars of Gadaa structure. The
Gadaa classes are five in number. These five Gadaa classes commonly known among
Borana as Gogeessa (Gogeessa 1ffaa; Gogeessa 2ffaa; Gogeessa 3ffaa; Gogeessa 4ffaa; and
Gogeessa 5ffaa). Whereas, among the central Oromoo it is called as Lubaa and among the
Gujii they are known as: Mudana, Halchisa, Dhalana, Harmufa and Robale. All the five
Gadaa classes assume the political authority for eight years and once in every forty years.
Among the Gujii as well as the Booranaa, Gadaa classes refer to a segment of genealogical

generations constituted by two cross-cutting elements: gada-grades (age-sets) and moieties.

Among the Gujii there are two moieties: Daarimu and Kontomaa and among the Booranaa
the two moieties are: Sabboo and Gonaa.
Moreover, the five Gadaa classes are related to the five ―natural‖ governments. According to
the Oromoo worldview all natural governments are established by divine will. In particular,
the Oromoo oral tradition holds that the five cyclic Gadaa classes are derived from the five
natural governments: that of men or of reason; that of running water or progress; that of
sheep or tranquility; that of lion which represents strength and domination; that of vulture
which presides over the spoil and quest. The Oromoo also believe that each Gadaa class in
ascending to political power brings into all affairs the inclination which is appropriate to it,
that is, each Gadaa class leads the people according to its natural tendency. Although the
five Gadaa classes are based on generational relationships, they can be equated to the
contemporary political parties established on political ―programmes.‖
Gadaa Grades: age is one of the building blocks of the Gadaa system´s socio-political
organization. Among the Gujii-Oromoo there are fourteen age setsd and among the Booranaa
they are eleven: five active, five passive and one liminal (full retirement) stage. Each one of
the eleven Gadaa grades equally bear eight year periods (Leus 2006). They are: Dabballe
(the first Gadaa grade) from age 0 to 8; Gaammee xixiqqaa (junior gaammee) from age 8 to
16; Gaammee gurguddaa (senior gaammee) from age 16 to 24; Kuusaa (the fourth Gadaa
grade) from age 24-32; Raba (the fifth Gadaa grade) from age 32 to 40; Gadaa (the sixth
Gadaa grade) from age 40 to 48; Yuuba (the semi-retired assemblymen) from age 48 to 80;
and Gadamojjii (liminal or full retirement stage) (Asmarom 2006; Nicolas 2011; Zelalem
2012). However, Gadaa grades and Gadaa classes are two distinct institutions. The Gadaa
grades are the phases of development through which the members pass. Gadaa class refers to
the group of people who share the same status and who perform their rites of passage
together (Nicolas 2010, Asmarom 1973). Thus, where the latter is horizontal and refers to
the collective, the former is vertical and defines individual responsibilities assumed
successively throughout their careers.
Gadaa Council: It is an executive entity where members have official capacity and
collectively represent their people. It is a separate body of the Gadaa government. Among
the Booranaa, it consists six members.e It has a President, two vice-presidents and three
senior councilors – and they form the ―Gadaa triumvirate‖ (Asmarom 1973: 63). Moreover,
the Gadaa council has auxiliary (helping) members. The auxiliary members of the Gadaa
council may be regarded as executive officers. They are mainly selected based on their
commitments to serve the Gadaa council. Their number may range from six to nine. In most
cases, they are appointed based on the recommendation of Abba Gadaas, respective clans
and willingness of the appointed member. The executive officers have their own groups,
d
Dabale (0-8); Qare dura (9-16); Qare Duba (17-24); Kusa (25-28); Raba (29-36); Dori (37-40); Gadaa (41-
48); Batu (49-56); Yuba Didiqa (57-64); Yuba Guguda (65-72); Jarsa Guduru (73-80); Jarsa Qulullu (81-88);
Jarsa Rageya (89-96); Jarsa Gigna (above 97).
e
Among the Guji there are three clans: Hoku, Mati and Uraga. The senior clan is that of Uraga. All these three
clans do have their own Abba Gadaas. However, since the senior clan is Uraga, always the president at apex
will be from Uraga clan. Abba Gadaas from Mati and Hoku will serve as vice-presidents. Besides, it embraces
three junior councilors (i.e. retired ex-presidents known as Batu).

names and functions. Among the Gujii they are: Jalkeya (spokesman);f Faga (spritual
advisor);gHayu (senior councillors);h Jaldhaba (security men);i Torbi (law enforcers).j
Gadaa Confederacies: Confederacy is an integral part of Oromoo political structure. For
example, the Oromoo people‘s pattern of settlement the Borana confederacy constitutes, but
not limited to: the Macha – Tuulamaa, the Darimuu – Kontomaa (the Gujii); and the
Sabboo-Gonaa (the Booranaa). Secondly, the Bareentuu confederacy comprises clans such
as: Arsii: Sekoo-Mandoo, Karrayyuu: Baaso-Dullachaa; Humbannaa: Anniyaa-Qalloo and
Ittuu: Marawa-Rayyaa (Alemayehu et al. 2006: 102).
Gadaa Assemblies: The Gadaa system has a general assembly which is open to the public.
Across Oromia, there are a number of Gadaa general assemblies which takes place once
every eight years. Among other, the Gumii-gaayooo of the Booranaa and the Meeée
Bokkuu of the Gujii are the notable ones. The Gadaa general assembly is the supreme
legislative authority (Asmarom 1973; Haberland 1963). It can be regarded as ―the assembly
of deliberation‖. It is where new seera (laws) are enacted or amended. Wako also describes
the Gumii-gaayoo (Gadaa General Assembly among the Booranaa) as the assembly of
multitudes Gumii-gaayoo is vested with the powers of legislature, undertakes law reforms,
reiterates old laws and enacts new ones. He further reiterates that ―persistent disputes, which
were unsettled for their gravity or complexity, are brought before an open air court for the
community to contribute their wisdom towards its solution‖ (Wako 1997:647 - 648).
f
It is an executive officer responsible to look after the activities of gadaa Council in general and that of Abba
Gadaa in particular. He is expected to make all necessary effort to make smooth and effective the job of Gadaa
council. He may also serve as spokesperson for the Abba Gadaa (the president) (Interview with Haji Mona,
February, 2016).
g
The Faga are two in number. Often, they are selected from the Galalchaa clan of the Gujii people. One of the
function of these advisors is to foresee and plan the activities of Abba Gadaa and advise accordingly. Besides,
in the blessing ceremony of Abbaa Gadaa by the religious leader known as Kallu, they are the one who selects
100 (hundred) cattle and give to the Kaallu and receive kumbii. Moreover, they advise the Abba Gada where
his abode should be. Above all, they are the one who takes the ―balli‖ (an ostrich feather – an insignia of
power) from the outgoing Abbaa Gadaa and inserts in the incoming Abbaa Gadaa‘s headdress. Hence, by
doing so, they make the power transfer so smooth.
h
The total number of senior councilors is seven. The senior councilors are selected from the seven Gujii clans.
Senior advisors are the ex-Abba Gadaas and they have accumulated knowledge and experience to serve their
government. The senior advisors term of office, in most cases, is for life. The senior councilors have the power
and function to: set new laws for deliberation once every eight years; advises all the five Gadaa classes; and
dispose politico-judicial concerns. In order to become senior councilors, they have to undergo the eating kumbi
ceremony. After that, they will be named after the place where they ate kumbi. For example, if the ceremony
took place called as Adoola or Ganalee, he will be named as Abbaa Adoola or Abbaa Ganale until his death.
i
Like the senior councilors, the security men are selected from the seven tribes of Gujii. The security men are
mainly responsible for ensuring the peace and security of the members of Gadaa council. Their power and
function is similar with the work of contemporary police officers. Specially, when the Gadaa general assembly
takes place, the security men may not sit, instead, they should stand firm and ensure the order of deliberation.
Wherever the Abbaa Gadaas travel, the security will also travel with them.
j
Like the security men, the law and order enforcers are conscripted from the seven Gujii tribes. They enforce
cases adjudicated by the Gadaa council. Besides, they enforce the order the security men passes. However,
where the jaldhaaba position is honorary and voluntary service, the torbi position is ordinary and compulsory.
Moreover, where the former serve for eight years, the later serves only for a limited period of time (Asmarom
2006).

5. Analysis: Envisioning Gadaa Constitution in 21st Century Oromia
The development of the Gadaa system has never been a spontaneous event. Instead, it took
the present shape by adapting itself to the socio-political developments in Ethiopia and
beyond. For example, in the 13th Century, Odaa Bultumk was the settlement area and
politico-religious centre for the Oromoo people (Alemayehu et. el 2006). Oromoo oral
tradition about Odaa Bultum holds that it was the place where Gadaa renaissance and
enactment of new laws took place. It is also believed that a person known as Awusaid took
part in the process of the renaissance of the Gadaa System and proclamation of new rules at
Odaa Bultum. In the course of Oromoo people‘s socio-political history, a ―renaissance‖
(haaromsa) had also happened in the 16th century. At that time, the Oromoo clans were
organized under two Oromoo confederacies namely: the Booranaa and Barentuma
confederacies.l
The socio-political dynamics in Ethiopia and beyond demands transcending the
―Awusaidian‖ and the ―confederate‖ legacies. For example, the depletion of Gadaa system
in the last century, the recent political crisis in Ethiopia, the resurgence of the Qubee
generation across Oromia, and the recent reintroduction of Foollee institution and others
makes the renaissance of the Gadaa constitution pertinent and timely.
Considering the socio-political and religious diversity of the Oromoo people, one could be
cynical of such radical proposal. Although I do, partly, share such worries, here is my stand:
if one looks at the secular Gadaa principles and structures; it would be difficult to find an
egalitarian system like Gadaa anywhere in the world. A legitimate question is, should we
leave our system at bay and worship the dysfunctional western constitutional values? My
answer is negative.
Here below are analytically forwarded enabling principles and structures which I am
convinced that they can contribute to the renaissance of Gadaa in contemporary Oromia.
1. To emulate Gadaa system in contemporary Oromia´s administrative structure system,
the two confederacies (the Borana and Barentu) shall be reinvigorated and maintained.
One could question, why we need to reinsert Gadaa confederacy in contemporary
Oromia. First, the term ―confederacy‖ should not be misinterpreted as something
contrary to federal system. It shall simply mean autonomous local administrations
answerable to regional (i.e. the State of Oromia) government. Sculpturing Oromia´s
constitutional structure based on Gadaa confederacies has paramount importance for
decentralization of political authority which in turn contribute to balance of power
between the two confederacies. Besides, as discussed above, confederacy is one of the
k
Odaa Bultum currently found in Galamso, in Eastern Oromia Region of Ethiopia, inhabited by the Ittuu
Oromoo. Odaa (oak tree) is a big tree under which people use to conduct meetings, pass laws and settle
disputes. Among the Oromoo people Odaa has special place. For instance, Oromoo customary law does not
allow anyone to cut the Odaa tree.
l
However, there is misunderstanding between the Oromoo elders and native scholars as to the source and
meaning of the terms: ―Borana" and ―Barentu‖; whether it refers to the names of individuals or the direction of
the Oromoo people‘s units. Some argue as these terms represent names of individuals. In this regard, they state
that Booranaa was senior (angafa) and Barentu junior (qutisu). However, others do assert that where the term
―Borana‖ is the combination of two native terms: Boroo and aana that literally means ―distant from sun rise‖ or
simply the ‗West‘ (west of Ganale river); ―Barentu‖ is again the combination of two native terms: Barii and
Aantuu literally which means ―next to sun rise‖ or simply the East (east of Ganale river) (Bokku Dirribi 2011;
Alemayehu et el. 2006: 100).

time-tested wisdom of Oromoo political system which allows us to draw a great lesson
from/for the social, cultural and economic development of the two confederacies.
2. Each confederacy can be subdivided into five each sub-confederate (shanan Booranaa
fi shanan Bareentuu); based on their geographical proximity, politico-economic
interests, cultural affinity and consent of the local people. For example, under the State
of Oromia, the Booranaa and Bareentuu confederacy can be established. Under
Booranaa confederacy, the following areas can be classed as the five Booranaas: the
West Wollega and Kellem Wollega (1); East Wollega and Horroo Guduru (2); Ilubabor
and Jimma (3); North Showa and West Showa (4); and East Showa and South-East
Showa (5). Under Bareentuu confederacy: Arsii and West Arsii (i); East Hararghe (ii);
West Hararghe (iii); Bale (iv); and Booranaa and Gujii (v). However, this is a
suggestive example than fixed proposal. This is a mere proposal and I think a better
structural adjustment can be sought in the future.
3. Gadaa classes shall be reengineered as Gadaa political parties/organizations, unlike the
case of Gadaa classes which follows genealogical generations, – with distnict political
programmes. As political organizations, they shall be registered and possess legal
personality. It is important to note also that; these five political parties shall have equal
opportunity promote their programmes across Oromia. Moreover, any member of the
society can embrace any of the political organization of his or her choice irrespective of
their difference in their geographical locations, socio-economic livelihoods and
religious practices. For example, cattle herding Gaammee-didiqqaa in Borana and 5th
grader in Finfinnee may belong to Gadaa political party ―M‖.
4. It is necessary to reiterate that the five Gadaa parties shall follow the five world views
of the Oromo people. That is the five natural governments: that of running water – ―W‖
(progress/liberal); lion – ―L‖ (power/patriotic); men – ―M‖ (reason); sheep –
―S‖ (tranquility/peace); and vulture – ―V‖ (resourcefulness/developmental) (De Salviac
1901 (2008): 222). Here, one may relate and positively interpret the Plato´s five
regimes.
5. One may wonder how the five Gadaa parties could orderly come to power. Suppose that
the Gadaa party ―W‖ assumes power in 2020. Since the term of office is limited to eight
years, it will only serve from 2020-2028. In the same fashion, the other Gadaa parties
―L‖ ―M‖, ―S‖ and ―V‖ shall consecutively come to power once every forty years.
Hence, there would not be direct competition among the five Gadaa parties, rather the
competition would be among individuals within a party.
6. In principle, every person, irrespective of difference in gender, religious, or socio-
economic practices, shall join any party of his or her choice (W-L-M-S-V). Where the
subjects are minors, every family owes the right to raise their children according to the
party they belong to. However, upon attaining emancipatory stage (18 years of age),
they can shift to a Gadaa party of their choice. For example, suppose that parents of Jiru
from Borana confederacy and parents of Jiregna from Barentu confederacy belong to
Gadaa party ―L‖. Suppose that, both Jiru and Jirenga grewup as members of Gadaa
party ―L‖. When they attain the majority age, they can switch their party to ―M‖ or ―S‖.
7. Nevertheless, the Gadaa parties cannot function without embracing Gadaa grades. In
our example, Jiru and Jiregna, as members of party ―L‖ they shall pass through all
Gadaa grades. However, given the diverse socio-economic practices of the Oromo

people and given the fact that Gadaa institutions are almost extinct in most parts of
Oromia, the revitalization of Gadaa grades could be challenging. Hence, it is important
to re-think and re-invent Gadaa grades. First, the social, cultural and economic traits
attached to all the Gadaa grades need not necessarily be uniform across the Oromia. For
example, a person at age 32, perhaps married and manager of a community school in
Finfinnee, shall have the Raba status with a person at similar age in Arero, perhaps
married and manager of Eela as Abba Herrega. Second, as part and parcel of promotion
of the cultural rights, it is nothing unconstitutional to recognize all the Gadaa grades
across Oromia. Above all, one could imagine the significance of legally recognizing
Daballee or Kuusaa or Rabaa etcetera – in terms of their economic, social, political and
cultural contributions.
8. The election of future leaders, to the office of Gadaa council shall take place at the level
of Kusa Gadaa grade (between 24 to 32); likewise, the future presidents of Oromia shall
be elected at the level of Kusa Gadaa grade and shall be made ready to assume the
highest political responsibility at the level of Gadaa (40 to 48). Following their
candidacy, de facto leaders, they shall continue to serve as any public posts entrusted to
them and thus could boost their experience. That is, on one hand it eases for the people
to test them before they take power and on the other hand, it helps them exhibit their
allegiance to their people.
9. Although every Gadaa party shall serve a single term of office of eight years, there shall
be examination of the leaders or a sort of ―confidence vote‖ shall be carried out in the
middle of the term of office. Provided the performance of the ruling Gadaa council was
positive in the first half, the Gadaa general assembly shall vote in favor of the ruling
council to finish the second half of the term of office.
10. After completing a term of office, members of Gadaa council shall not be abandoned. In
Gadaa system they are required to render counseling services to the general assembly
(Gumii or Caffee). Moreover, they may be required to be assistants to the Gadaa
Council in power. That is, as long as they (ex-Gadaa councilors) are not declared
individually incapable due to factors such as: incapacity (biologically or legally) they
have duty to serve as councilors to the Gadaa council in power as well as to the general
assembly.
11. In Gadaa System the highest executive office is entrusted to the Gadaa Council. As you
might remember, the Gadaa Council among the Borana consists of six leaders: one
Abba Gadaa, two vice Abba Gadaas and three senior Gadaa councilors. Likewise, the
constitution of the State of Oromia could be sculptured constitutive of one president at
apex, two vice-presidents and three senior councilors. This would lead to a government
by council. However, it is noteworthy to stress here the relationship among the
members of the Gadaa Council is not hierarchical. Rather, members of the Gadaa
Council exercise powers jointly and severally. In other words, the position of the
president may be regarded as the first among equals (Legesse 2006: 215, 217). Thus,
the President shall summon and chair the executive council.
12. However, unlike the case of Borana or Guji, the total number of the Gadaa council of
Oromia may not be limited to six. Considering the two confederacies and the five each
confederate, the total number of the council may reach ten in number. That is, three will
serve as presidents: one Abba Gadaa at apex (e.g. from Borentu confederacy) and two

vice presidents (e.g. from Booranaa confederacy); and seven senior councilors (e.g.
from Booranaa as well as Bareentuu confederacies).
13. In addition to the Gadaa council, there are auxiliary executive officers or junior
councilors. Among the Booranaa, an outgoing Abbaa Gadaa has the mandate to appoint
additional junior councilors (garba) from among all the five Gadaa parties to thereby
ensure balanced opposition among all Gadaa parties. This wisdom is also relevant for
Oromia. Thus, it is appropriate that an outgoing president of Oromia should nominate
junior councilors from among the five Gadaa parties. Thus, the criteria of nomination
should not be based on kinship and clanship but should be based on a party‘s
recommendation. The nature of junior councilors resembles to the ―council of
ministers‖. In that sense, the number of the junior councilors should not be fixed based
on reasonable tasks and missions and therefore, it should not be limited to three. For
instance, the junior councilors may be distributed over the following administrative
posts: the speaker of the Gadaa legislative assembly (Caffee); minister of justice (Abbaa
haqaa); prosecution office (Abbaa Alangaa); minister of defense (Abbaa duulaa);
minister of economy (Abbaa dinagdee); and so on.
14. The Gadaa general assemblies are relevant in contemporary Oromia. There are
numerous Gadaa assemblies across Oromia. Although the political liberalists advocates
for majoritarianism, the attainment of the will of the people through representatives
(See: Dahl 1996; Habermas 1996; Rawls 1999 Drzek 2000; Benhabib 1996; Mouffe
1996); in state-society´s asymmetrical power relations, the agent-principal relation type
of explanation does not work always. Because, the transformation of the will of the
people into public policy is harder than simple casting of a vote. Especially, where the
larger segments of the populations left unrepresented in the first-past-the-post electoral
systems being practiced in Ethiopia, one can see the liberal democracy is clearly a zero-
sum game where the winner takes all. Therefore, it is commendable to reserve public
sphere where Gadaa assemblies deliberate and recommend.
15. In Gadaa general assemblies, ―seats‖ are reserved for the semi-retired Gadaa leaders
and the future Gadaa leaders. Moreover, in the mid-term of the president‘s term office
Gadaa General Assembly reviews the performance of the Gadaa Council in power.
Likewise, the Caffee shall reserve seats for the ex-presidents and vice-presidents of
Oromia so that they can serve as legal advisors after retiring from the office. However,
their membership shall be transitory; their position shall change once every eight years
like the Gadaa system.
16. Another essential feature of the Gadaa general assembly is that it is ―open to everyone"
who has vested interest in an issue the assembly is expected deliberate over and anyone
who has the knowledge of Gadaa System. However, an open general assembly may not
be feasible and thus the Gadaa legislative assembly can be established at two levels: at
regional (as house of unity where representatives are directly elected by the people) and
at local level (house of deliberations where any interested party can take part in).
Hence, Caffee shall be maintained as house of unity – where regional laws are enacted
and amended. Whereas, the local level Gadaa general assemblies shall be established at

zonal levels. Currently, there are twenty-twom zonal administrations in Oromia. If we

take this a point of departure, then there will be twenty-two Gadaa general assemblies.
17. Finally, as the Gadaa general assemblies in Booranaa and Gujii are named after the
place where the assembly takes place, so does the rest should be named accordingly.
However, it should be noted that the missions of the Gadaa general assemblies is
limited to deliberating over regional policies/laws and enacting regulations that are
specific to their zonal administrations.
6. Concluding Remarks
Throughout this paper, I have attempted to answer how the Gadaa system could be adopted
in contemporary Oromia. It is indicated also that Gadaa is a living example of the fact that
democracy is not all about election – of ―winner-loser‖ dichotomy of the Western liberal
democracy. Rather, it is an egalitarian system encompassing age-based social stratification
from early ages up to death. Thus, it is vital to envision constitutional democracy as a
lifelong responsibility than simply a ―ballot box‖ gratification (Bruce and Fishkin 2006: 8).
Approaching the Gadaa system as a social capital and as an institution has made it possible
to discern relevant Gadaa principles and structures.
Among others, the orderly succession of the Gadaa grades, the five Gadaa parties, the Gadaa
assemblies, the Gadaa council, the junior Gadaa councilors, and the Gadaa confederacies are
essential and significant structures. The paper finds that Gadaa age grade system necessitates
the organization of social groups and allows the members to exercise leadership skills from
early ages. The adoption of the five Gadaa parties‘ system avoids the pre-election and post-
election uncertainties, political crisis, and time and financial costs related to election
campaigns.
In nutshell envisioning Gadaa oriented constitutional order in Oromia is not without
legitimate ground. Although it is good news that such an egalitarian system has been
recognized by UNESCO, since the end of twentieth century, the Gadaa system is depleting.
Moreover, it has to be recalled that the Ethiopian constitutional power arrangement since
1995 (federalism) allows the plurality of state constitutions. One viable and significant
example should be Gadaa oriented constitution. Finally, the paper argues that the resurgence
of the Qubee generation across Oromia, and the recent reintroduction of Foollee institution
in Oromia and others makes the renaissance of the Gadaa constitution pertinent and timely.
References
Ackerman, Bruce and Fishkin, James S. (2006) ―Deliberation Day.‖ In: Debating Deliberative
Democracy (James S. Fishkin and Peter Laslett, eds.) Blackwell Publishing Ltd. P. 7-30.
Alemayehu Haile et. el, (2006) ―History of the Oromo to the sixteenth Century," Oromia
Culture and Tourism, Finfinne, Ethiopia.
Asefa Jalata (2012) Gadaa (Oromo Democracy): ―An Example of Classical African Civilization.‖
Available at: http://works.bepress.com/asafa_jalata/40 (Accessed September 25, 2016).
Jalata, Asafa and Harwood Schaffer. (2010) ―The Amhara-Tigray State and Oppressor
Nationalism External Legitimacy and State Terrorism.‖ Pp. 45-73. Asafa Jalata,
m
Arsi, Bale, Bedele, Borana, East hararghe, East Shoa, East Welega, Guji, West Guji, Horo Guduru, Illubabor,
Jimma, Jimma special zone, Kelem, North Shoa, South West Shoa, West Arsi, West Hararghe, West Shoa,
West Welega, Adama, and special zone surrounding Finfinnee.

Contending Nationalisms of Oromia and Ethiopia. Binghamton: Global

Academic Publishing, Binghamton University.
Bassi, Marco, (2005) ―Decisions in the Shade: Political and Juridical Processes Among the Oromo-
Borana", Red Sea Press.
Baxter, P.T.W., (1978) ―Boran Age-Sets and Generation-Sets: Gada, a puzzle or a Maze?" in: P.T.W.
Baxter and Uri Almagor (eds.), Age, Generation and Time. Some Features of East African
Age Organisations. New York: St. Martin's Press. pp. 151-182.
Bayart, Jean-Francois (2009) ―The State in Africa. The Politics of the Belly‖ (2nd ed). Cambridge:
Polity Press.
Bayart, Jean-Francois, Stephen Ellis and Beatrice Hibou (1999) ―The Criminalization of the State in
Africa.‖ Oxford: James Currey.
Benhabib, Seyla (1996) ―Toward a Deliberative Model of Democratic Legitimacy.‖ In: Democracy
and Difference. Contesting the boundaries of the Political. Prince University Press. New
Jersey.
Benjamin Isakhan (n.d.) ―Democracy: Critiquing a Eurocentric History‖ Available at:
www.apsa2015.org/uploads/.../isakhan_-_apsa_2015_draft_3.pdf (Accessed on December
24, 2016)
Benjamin, Isakhan and Stockwell, Stephen (2011) ―The Secret history of Democracy.‖ Palgrave
Macmillan, New York.
Coleman, J. S. (1988) ―Social Capital in the Creation of Human Capital.‖ American Journal of
Sociology, 94, 95-120.
_________(1990) Equality and Achievement in Education, Westview Press, Boulder
Dahl, Robert A. (1996) ―Democratic Theory and Democratic Experience.‖ In: Democracy and
Difference. Contesting the boundaries of the Political. Prince University Press. New Jersey.
De Salviac, P. Martial (2008) [1901]: ―An Ancient People, Great African nation: The
Oromo‖, trans. by Ayalew Kenno, Finfinne, Ethiopia.
Demissie, Dirribi (2011) ―Oromo Wisdom in Black Civilization‖, Finfinne, Ethiopia.
Drzek, John S. (2000) ―Deliberative Democracy and Beyond. Liberals, Critics, Contestations.‖
Oxford University Press.
Fiseha, Assefa, (2006) ―Theory versus Practice in the Implementation of Ethiopia's Ethnic
Federalism,‖ David Turton, (ed.) in: Ethnic Federalism: The Ethiopian Experience in
Comparative Perspective. Eastern African Studies.
_______, (2007) Federalism and the Accommodation of Diversity in Ethiopia: A Comparative

Study, (Revised ed.,), Addis Ababa: Artistic Printing Enterprise.
Field, John (2004) Social Capital. Taylor & Francis e-Library. New York.
Fukuyama, F. (1995) Trust: the social virtues and the creation of prosperity, Hamish Hamilton,
London. Friedman, Lawrence M., (1975) The Legal System: A Social Science Perspective",
New York: Russell Sage Foundation.
Habermas, Jurgen (1996) ―Between Facts and Norms.‖ Contributions to a Discourse Theory of Law
and Democracy (translated by William Rehg). The MIT Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts.

Holcomb, Bonnie K (1997) ―The Tale of Two Democracies: The Encounter between US- Sponsored
Democracy and Indigenous Oromo Democratic Forms,‖ The Journal of Oromo Studies, Vol.
4, Nos. 1&2, pp..47-82.
Keller, Edmond, (2004) ―Understanding Conflicts in the Horn of Africa‖, in Chandra Lakha Sriram
and Zoe Nielsen, in: Exploring Sub regional Conflict: Opportunities for Conflict Prevention.
Boulder, Colorado: Lynne Rienner Publishers.
Kyed, Helene Maria and Lars Buur, (2006) ―Recognition and Democratisation: `New roles' for
Traditional Leaders in Sub-Saharan Africa‖, in: Danish Institute for International Studies,
Working paper No. 2006/11, pp. 1-30.
Lawson, Letitia. (2002) ―The House of Chiefs: Indigenizing Democracy in Africa?”, Paper
presented at the 45th Annual Meeting of the African Studies Association, Washington, D.C.,
December 5-8.
Legesse, Asmarom (2006) (First Full ed.). Oromo Democracy; An Indigenous African Political
System. Red Sea Press
________(1973) ―Gada: Three Approaches to the study of African Society", The Free Press, A
division of Macmillan Publishing Co., Inc., New York.
________(1980) Human Rights in African Political Culture, in: K.W.Thompson, the Moral
Imperatives of Human Rights: a World Survey, University Press of America Inc.,
Washington DC, USA.
Leus, Ton, (2006) ―Aadaa Booranaa; A dictionary of Borana Culture.‖ Addis Ababa: Shama Books.
Medard, Jean-François. (1982) ―The Underdeveloped State in Tropical Africa: Political Clientelism
or Neo-Patrimonialism.‖ In Christopher Clapham (ed) Private Patronage and Public
Power: Political Clientelism in the Modern State. London: Frances Printer
Melissa S. Williams and Mark E. Warren (2014) ―A Democratic Case for Comparative Political
Theory.‖ Political Theory. Vol. 42(1) 26–57. DOI: 10.1177/0090591713507934.
Mouffe, Chantal (1996) ―Democracy, Power and the Political.‖ In: Democracy and Difference.
Contesting the boundaries of the Political. Prince University Press. New Jersey.
________ (1996) ―Democracy, Power and the Political.‖ In: Democracy and Difference. Contesting
the boundaries of the Political. Prince University Press. New Jersey.
Nicolas, Andrea, (2010). ―Like fathers, like sons: the Boran-Gadaa experience‖, in: H.Blatterer, & J.
Glahn (eds.), Times of Our Lives: Making Sense of Growing up & Growing old, Oxford:
Inter-Disciplinary Press, pp. 323-334.
Ninet, Antoni Abat i. (2013) ―Constitutional Violence. Legitimacy, Democracy and Human
Rights.‖ Edinburgh University Press.
North, Douglass C. (1995) ―Five Propositions about Institutional change.‖ pp. 15-26. Explaining
Social Institutions. Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press.
Pausewang, Siegfried, (2004) ―Local Democracy and Human Security in Ethiopia Structural Reason
for the Failure of Democratization‖, Johannesburg: SAIIA Report No. 45.
Putnam, Robert D. (2000) ―Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Community.‖
New York: Simon & Schuster.
Rawls, John (1999) ―A Theory of Justice.‖ (Revised edition). Harvard University Press.
Reno, Williams. (1995) ―Corruption and State Politics in Sierra Leone‖, New York: Cambridge.

Santos, Boaventura, de Sousa (2005) ―General Introduction. Reinventing Social Emancipation:

Towards New Manifestos‖ In: Democratizing Democracy. Beyond the Liberal Democratic
Canon. Vol. 1. Verso, New York.
Serra-Horguelin, Arnault (1999) The Federal Experiment in Ethiopia; A Socio-Political Analysis,
Centre Detude D'Afrique Noire, IEP de Bordeaux.
Sirna, Zelalem T. (2012) Ethiopia: When Gadaa Democracy Rules in a Federal State. Bridging
Indigenous Institution of Governance to Modern Democracy. MPhil. Thesis. University of
Tromso.
_______(2015) ―Old Wine in New Bottles: Bridging the Peripheral Gadaa Rule to the Mainstream
Constitutional Order of the 21st C Ethiopia.‖ Oromia Law Journal. P. See also:
www.ajol.info/index.php/olj/article/.../110056.
Sithole, Pearl and Thamsanqa Mbele, (2008) ―Fifteen years Review on Traditional Leadership; A
Research Paper‖, Human Science Research Council, pp. 1-50.
Sklar, Richard L (1999)b). ―The significance of mixed government in Southern African Studies‖, J
Hyslop (ed.), in: African Democracy in the Era of Globalization. Johannesburg:
Witwatersrand University Press, 115- 121.
Soltan, Karol Eric M. Uslaner, and Virginia Haufler, (Eds.). (1998) Institutions and Social Order.
Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press.
_________ (1998) ―New Institutionalism: Institutions and Social Order.‖ Pp. 3-14. Institutions and
Social Order. Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press.
Tamanaha, Brian, (2007) ―Understanding Legal Pluralism: Past to Present, Local to Global‖, in:
Sydney Law Review, Vol. 30, pp. 375-411.
Tocqueville, de Alexis (1940) [2002] ―Democracy in America‖ Volumes One and Two (trans. Henry
Reeve), the Pennsylvania State University, Electronic Classics Series.
Van Kessel, Ineke and Barbara Oomen. (1997) ―One Chief, One Vote: The Revival of Traditional
Authorities in Post-Apartheid South Africa‖, in: African Affairs pp. 561-585.
Wako, Faye (1997) ―Ethiopia in Broader Perspectives‖, in: Papers of the 13th International
Conference of Ethiopian Studies, Katsuyoshi F, et al (eds.) pp. 646 -651.
Zartman, I.W. (ed.). (1995) ―Collapsed States: The Disintegration and Restoration of Legitimate
Authority‖, Boulder: Lynne Rienner.

e-ISSN: 2616-3985
Jimma University
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Astronomical Calendar of the Oromoo - Living Style in Space and Time:

Facts and Historical Issues
Tolu Biressa*
Jimma University, Department of Physics
Email: [email protected]
Abstract
The Oromoo people constitute the largest ethnic group in Ethiopia, and belong to the Cushitic
family. Their original homeland, Oromia, included most of what is now the Ethiopian Empire and
stretched into northern Kenya and Somali, where some Oromoo still live. As sources indicate,
customarily, their living style: philosophical view, belief, physical existence and phenomena
(perception, analysis and future prediction) are all customarily linked to events they observe in
cosmos. A concisely established witness is the Booranaa calendar. It is so claimed as an accurate
complex astronomical calendar of ancient Cushites by the scientific community. The historical
discovery of this calendar is supported from a broad range of disciplines, like Anthropological,
Astronomical, Physical studies (radioactive dating) traced from the pillars at Namouratuna where
the Booranaas, or otherwise, the “Kushs” had built around 300 B.C as the drawings on the pillars
confirm to whom the property stands for. Its identity representation to all Oromoo does not raise
question. However, whether it is customary or not across all the Oromoo is worth to bring into
discussion. In fact, there are similar pillars preserved in some regions of Oromia and else around as
well as event telling practices by Oromoo elders across most of Oromia. It needs to be worked out
and is widely open to research. This noble scientific based life style needs attention by the current
generation to promote, work on it, document and hand it over to the next generation. In this article,
the author first tries to provide detailed scientific, astronomical-physical review and analysis of the
Booranaa calendar. Secondly, he tries to articulate further research initiatives of the Oromoo space-
time conceptual, astrophysical/cosmological living style perspectives. Finally, the author presents
comments and concluding remarks.
Keywords: Oromoo, Booranaa calendar, space-time, culture - living style, astronomy
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Axereeraa
Uummanni Oromoo saboota Itoophiyaa keessa jiran keessa saba danuu yoo ta’u maatii hortee
Kuush keessatti ramadama. Lafti isaanii ganamaa irra jireessa empaayera Itoophiyaa qabatee
hanga kaaba Keeniyaafi Somaaliyaa har’aatti bal’ata. Barruuwwaniifi qorannooleen akkuma
agarsiisan, akkaataan jireenya uummata Oromoo, ilaalchi, falaasamni, jiruun akkasumas argaa-
yaada (mil’uu, xinxallii fi raagni) isaani hubannoo taatewwan uumamaa irratti hundaa’a. Kanaaf
ragaan qabatamaa dhaha Oromoo Booranaati. Dhaha durii keessaa kan Booranaa dhaha
astroonomii irratti hundaa’e sirriifi hubannoo gadi-fageenyaa barbaadu akka tahe saayintistoonni
ragaa bahu. Seenaan argama isaa qorattoota gosa beekumsa adda addaatiin deeggarama.
Kunneenis qorannoo xinaadaa (antroopolojii), astroonomii fi arkiyoolojii (tilmaama umrii) utubaa
dhakaalee Namouratuna, bakka Booranni yookaan Kuush baroota 300 Dh.K.D ijaare irratti
------------------------------------------------------------------------
26
taasifaman yoo tahan, fakkiifi bocaawwan irratti mul’atan waa’ee abbumaa isaaniitiif ragaa
guddaadha. Kanumarratti hundaa’uun calaqqeen eenyummaa achirratti mul’tan kan Oromoo
ta’uu waan gaaffii keessa galu mit. Kun garuu Oromoo hunda biratti akkanatti hubatamuufi
dhiisuun yaada xiyyeeffannoo barbaadudha. Utubaaleen dhagaa akkanaa Oromiyaa bakka gara
garaa keessatti ni argamu, kanumaan walqabatee seenessi taateewwan garagaraa manguddoota
Oromoo kennan hedduudha. Sirni jireenyaa saayinsii hundeeffate kunis waan irratti hojjetamuu
maluufi dhimma qorannoo jabaa tahuu maludha. Barruu kana keessatti, barreesichi jalqabarra
waa’ee sakatta’a barreeffamoota saayinsii fi astroonomii dhaha Booranaa irratti taasifaman
dhiyeessa. Itti aansuuddhaan, dhimma yayyaba yeroo Oromoo irratti qorannoolee gara
fuulduraatti hojjetamuu malan aggaama. Dhumarrattis yaada gudufaa tahan kaasa
Jechoota Ijoo- Oromoo, Dhaha Booranaa, bakka fi yeroo, aadaa, akkaataa jireenyaa, astroonomii
1. Introduction
The Oromoo is an indigenous family of East African Cushitic people currently inhabiting
most of Ethiopia, and other significant number of them live in Kenya and Somalia. Presently,
they are the largest group in number among the Cushites of East Africa. They speak the
Oromo language (Afaan Oromoo), the third largest language (next to Arabic and Hausa)
spoken in Africa (Ta‟a, 2006). Historically, the Oromos are recognized with ancient
prehistory of inventing a complex astronomical calendar about 2300 years ago (Bassi, 1988;
Laurance R. Doyle & Wilcox., 1986; A Legesse, 1973; Lynch & Robbins, 1978; Paul, 1979;
Robbins, 2006; Soper, 1982) as well as the references therein. The Gadaa System, inscribed
under UNESCO as Intangible World Heritage and recognized as a democratic socio-political
system of ancient time, is the identification of the Oromoo governing principles (UNESCO,
2016). Actually, Gadaa is developed, evolved and inherited and involves the whole governing
principle of both nature and social affairs of the Oromoo (Baissa, 2004; Jalata, 2012b; A
Legesse, 1973; Asmarom Legesse, 2006; Tesfaye, 2012). Evidences from various disciplines
attest that the Oromoo indigenous knowledge, world view, belief, physical existence and
phenomena (perception, analysis and future prediction) are all customarily linked to events
they observe in cosmos (Isenberg, Krapf, & MacQueen, 1843; Megeresa, 2005).
A concisely established witness of the Oromoo observational view of lifestyle is the
Booranaa astronomical calendar derived from night sky observation. Its identity
representation to all Oromoo is not questionable. However, whether it is customary or not
across all the Oromoo is worth to bring into discussion. In fact, there are similar pillars
preserved in some regions of Oromia and else around whose purposes are not yet fully
known. This by itself is widely open to research. On the other hand, there are event telling
practices customarily induced or deduced from occurrences of natural phenomena by
Oromoo elders across most of Oromia. This inherent scientific based lifestyle needs attention
to promote, work out, document and hand it over to the next generation.
The first objective of this article is to provide detailed scientific astronomical-physical review
and analysis of the Oromoo calendar, in particular, the already celebrated Booranaa
(Oromoo-Cushitic) calendar derived from the Namoratunga II ethno-archeological site
around Lake Turkana, Kenya. The rationale behind is that, though the calendar is well
established as an astronomical calendar by astronomers (Doyle & Wilcox., 1986), it has
remained to debate among archeologists and anthropologists (A Legesse, 1973; Lynch &
Robbins, 1978; Soper, 1982; Turton & Ruggles, 1978). And, on the other hand, it has
transpired speculations by historians (Hassen, 1992), sociologists and amateur scholars in the
analysis, interpretation and its implication in historical construction and description of the
Oromoo. Here it is important to note that, while the philosophical lifestyle of a community is
Tolu, Astronomical Calendar … 27

peculiar to that societal background setup, etc., it is also affected by local and global
interfaces that need a pool of social and natural field of studies. Hence, one has to be aware of
the difficulties of connecting the philosophical part of Oromoo world outlook (cosmos
perception) by way of cyclic events to that of the laws of physics. This abstract thinking of
Oromoo world outlook by way of cyclic eventful formulation in describing the physical
world by itself (more observed by the Gadaa system) is an issuea. Actually, correlating the
astronomical calendar to the cycles of Gadaa system is an intricate task. The scientific
astronomical calendar is already in use within the Gadaa system that incorporates the cosmos
perception of the Oromoo. With this precaution, under this objective the author focuses on
reviewing and analyzing the Booranaa calendar based on the existing literature reviews from
the pure physical principles and laws of nature. Then, he provides supplementary and
enriching views, analysis and also comment on some elements that need further work.
Secondly, and in connection with the first objective, the article is intended to initiate further
exploration into the Oromoo calendar elsewhere. As such, whether the Oromoo calendrical
system is uniformly used across or in differences due to spatial and temporal factors need to
be worked and thereby the results need to be evidenced to enrich the construction of the life
style of the society.
Thirdly the article deliberates on how Booranaa calendar is correlated to the Gadaa cycle of
the Oromoo so that the discussions become an initiative for further research. Finally, the
author tries to articulate further research initiatives of the Oromoo living style perspectives
from cultural knowledge of nature (Oromoo space-time concept, astrophysical/cosmological
perception, religious views, etc) to trace history and cultural assets of the people.
2. Literature Review
The Oromoo Calendar

Prior to the anthropological work of Legesse in the early 1970‟s, ethnographic literature
scholars were interpreting the Oromoo calendrical system as solar calendar. Consequently,
the scholars were attempting to explain superficially that the Oromoo “attach magical
significance to the stars and numbers” (Haberland, 1963). However, the first astronomical
detail outlined by Legesse has shown that the Oromoo calendar is astronomical. In fact, it is a
lunar-stellar astronomical calendar as archaeo-astronomical works have proved so. As
Legesse describes, the calendar is cyclical similar to those of the Mayans, Chinese, and
Hindu, but unique in that it ignores the sun completely (except indirectly by way of the
phases of the moon). The mechanisms of the observation were described to him by the
Booranaa Ayyaantuusb within the locality where he had conducted the field work, the
Booranaa region –Southern Ethiopia. According to Legesse‟s finding the days are cyclic in a
month. There are twelve months in a year, but no weeks. Each month is being identifiable
with a unique (once a year) astronomical observation by the Ayyaantuus. The length of each
month is either 29 or 30 days – the time it takes the moon to go through all its phases. There
are 27 day names. Since each month is 29 or 30 days long, there is a shortage of two to three
days early in the same month. But the Booranaa recycle the name of the days so that for day
a
The Oromoo world outlook is adopted by formulation of events they observe cyclically. This cultural world
outlook is most reflected and observed by the Gada system. For more refer the work of (Megersa, 2005;
Megersa & Aneesa, 2004).
b
Ayyantus are people among the Oromoo who are culturally specialized in informing events like time
reckoning. Here, the definition is too limited to observation (only), while it is understood in wide range of
issues by the Oromoo.

28 the first day‟s name is used again, the second day‟s name for day 29, and start of the next
month using the third day‟s name and so on. Thus each month will start on a different day
name. Whether the particular month is to be 29 or 30 days long would depend on the
astronomical observations of the seven Booranaa stars (refer table 1 for the names) being in
conjunction with the rising of the moon.
On the other hand, in the later part of the 1970‟s Lynch and Robbins in their archeological
field work around Lake Turkana - Northwestern Kenya sites- came with what they believed
was the first archaeo-astronomical site ever found in sub-Saharan Africa. The Namoratunga
II archeological site consisted of 19 basalt pillars arranged in rows forming a suggestive
pattern. The site is dated at approximately 300 B.C., as archeologists have taken sightings on
seven prominent stars, seven Booranaa stars earlier reported by Legesse, as they would have
appeared during this period. Due to precession (the slow, wobbling of the pointing direction
of the rotation axis of the Earth), the stars will seem to move from their positions over the
centuries, although the moon‟s position would not vary on this time scale. The archeologists
did suggest that the archaeo-astronomical information described for Namoratunga II is an
accurate and complex calendrical system. Then, the archeologists came to conclude that
astronomical calendar was developed by the first millennium B.C. in eastern Africa.
Furthermore, they did comment on its significance in evidencing to attest the complexity of
prehistoric cultural developments in sub - Saharan Africa.
In response to this archaeo-astronomical report, in 1982 a number of significant questions
arose concerning the site, the calendar, and archaeo-astronomy of East Africa in general.
The pillars were re-measured by an anthropologist (Soper, 1982) and found to be magnetic
in nature. The original measurements had to be modified but, again, alignments with the
seven Booranaa stars were found. So, this brought up the question whether the pillar
alignments are significant at all, since the Booranaa Ayyaantuus certainly using the calendar
as reported by Legesse.
In 1986, (Laurance R. Doyle & Wilcox., 1986) did reinterpret on the archaeo-astronomical
finding of the calendar in response to the quests and debates. Their astronomical analysis,
concludes that the pillars found in northwestern Kenya by Lynch and Robbins and
preliminary dated at 300 BC could, as they suggest, represent a site used to derive the
Booranaa calendar. Further, they did outline that the Booranaa calendrical system as
described by Legesse, works subjected to certain astronomical constraints described in their
article. The calendar does not work in right-ascension, but does work if taken as based on
declination. Moreover, (Laurance Reeve Doyle, 1985; Laurence Reeve Doyle, 1984)
suggests that some significant anthropological results can be drawn from the astronomical
derivation of this calendrical system. Then, he comments that the calendar would have been
invented (to use the stars correctly) sometime within a few hundred years of 300 BC, a time
when the Cushitic peoples were dominant in this part of the world. Accordingly, Doyle
heroically calls it the Booranaa-Cushitic calendar.
On the other hand, (Bassi, 1988) discusses and comments on the understanding of the
procedures of establishing a particular conjunction how the people are using the calendar
without any discrepancy. He comments that Legesse‟s work misses intercalation of months
and another Booranaa star (that means Booranaa stars are eight instead of seven). He also
further discusses that the Booranaa calendar works accurately with the solar cycle with
adjusting principal observation of the lunar-stellar conjunction. The calendrical system
practically works on the basis of right ascension of stars and constellations, but not of their

declination. His report is based on the knowledge of Bante Abbagalan, an Ayyaantuu of the
Booranaa.
3. Methods and Materials
The methodology is a mixed approach of descriptive analysis of the review works; and
comments and supplementary enriching additional works. The steps are:
1) Review on the Oromoo calendar from research articles addressing the main issues
therein the references (earlier section).
2) Supplementary and complementary comments to the revised materials.
3) Invoke possibly researchable issues of the Oromoo living style in space and time to
trace the assets and histories of the people from observational point of view.
4. Results and Discussions
4.1. Comments
The Oromoo (Booranaa-Cushitic) astronomical calendar derived from the Namoratunga II
archeological site around Lake Turkana, Kenya is the result of an indigenous knowledge of
ancient Oromoo at least dated back to 300 BC. This indigenous knowledge is a pure scientific
knowledge derived from observation of nature (here astrophysical observation of night sky).
The uniqueness of this calendar is its accuracy in the past and cultural continuity by the
current Boorana Ayyaantuus. Though, there is lack of critical anthropological work in other
places (outside Booranaa region), certainly there were specialized Ayyaantuus in the calendar
within the 20th century among the people. For example, in west central Ethiopia, West Showa
zone (Oromia regional administrative state) at Oda Gudaya the calendar was within the
Gadaa system derived from star observation by the local Ayyantus called Warra Abba Odoc.
Futtasa Bujjo who died around 1960 was the last Ayyaantuu of this family still within the
memory of many old age people in that locality.
Moreover, the Oromoo astronomical calendar derived from the Namoratunga II archeological
site rules out the idea perceived by some historians including (Hassen, 1992) that the Oromoo
calendar has evolved from the Muslim or Christian calendrical system. However,
chronologically the Oromoo calendar precedes both, at least by 300 years to the modern
Christian calendar and more to that of Muslim‟s. Besides, their philosophical approaches of
derivation are entirely different. The Oromoo calendar is based on observation of stellar-lunar
system while the other two are based on Solar (Christian) and Lunar (Muslim) relative
motions in the sky. Regardless of this comment, Prof. Mohammed Hassen‟s great works in
writing and constructing the history of Oromoo people are commendable.
On the other hand, it is important to remark on the confusions arising from other literatures
that the Oromoo calendar is derived from the relative motion of stars, moon and the sun in the
sky. This is somewhat, confusing unless otherwise it is carefully considered in the context of
the arguments forwarded (Bassi, 1988). However, I argue that the confusion arises in the
cycles of the 27 days. Actually, these 27 day cycles are astrophysically related to solar
activities, not related to the relative motion of the sun with respect to the earth (earth‟s
c
Oda Gudayya is a Gada center located in Bako-Tibe local district of West Showa zone. The center services
three neighbouring districts: Bako-Tibe, Chaliya (West Showa) and Jimma-Rare in Horo-Guduru (Wallaga,
Oromia) .
Information is gathered by the author. Fortunately, the author was born and grown up near this locality (about
10-15km). More information is supplied by the grandson of Futtasa, Gaddisa Waktola.

revolution about the sun). So this is open to research. Additionally, attempting to derive the
calendar from the more general abstract thinking of Oromoo world outlook by way of cyclic
eventful formulation that will pool a number of issues like philosophy, religion affairs, etc
together is a complicated task. Eventually this leads to little conclusion.
However, it is important to remark Doyle‟s suggestion that the Oromoo calendar will be used
to draw some anthropological results in the study of the East African Cushites. On the other
hand, it has great importance in the construction and extraction of Oromoo history that
mostly lacks written documentation. Here, one can hypothesize that the ancient Oromoo
would have developed a lifestyle based on observation of nature and its principles.
Accordingly, in the next sub-section we propose some research frame that methodologically
will use the Oromoo indigenous observational knowledge of nature to construct/extract their
living style in space-and-time. In effect, this will further initiate new methodological
paraphernalia in tracing relevant anthropological results.
Generally, the archaeo-astronomical site found in sub-Saharan Africa, Namoratunga II is
ended considered to be an ancient observatory of Cushites being built for the use of Oromoo
calendrical system. The calendar is purely astronomical where the observation of relative
motion of stellar system in the sky is its base. This noble work of anthropologists,
archeologists and astronomers in consultation with the Ayyaantuus on this historical and
currently working system is outstanding. Its implication is so vital to study the prehistory of
the community and social construction. In one way, it is useful to communicate, derive and
construct/extract the history of the society. And on the other hand, it is useful to derive the
indigenous assets of the society to lay a foundation up on which the society can be rebuilt.
Finally, it is important to consider the following comments and corrections to the mainstream
review literatures, whereupon this article has focused concerning the calendar:
1. In Legesse‟s conclusion that the Booranaa calendar ignores solar seasons shall be
reconsidered or to be checked. On one way Marco‟s field report claims that solar seasons
are incorporated by the calendar through intercalary months. On the other hand it seems
to avoid the whole idea of his classical Gadaa system which cycles every 8 years
relevant to solar calendar (According to Legesse the calendar and the Gadaa system are
inseparable).
On the other hand, here we show that the calendar fits with 8-years cycle as framed in
table 2. But it works exactly in 9 cycles, about 8 – and – half solar years. The table is
generated based on the pure lunar – stellar conjunction cycle with 354 days of the year
where the 27 names of the days are numerically represented as: 1, 2, 3,…,27, then cycle
according to the proposed system giving months 29 or 30 alternatively. If one tempts to
bring ideas like the half year is Gadaa transition period for handing and overtaking to the
governing body it seems fine. But this needs critical research by itself. Another
temptation is to link it to Salgan-Booranaa (the nine Booranaas) or other Oromoo
cyclical event recognitions, which seems at the moment any description to be worked
out.
2. Though, there is no scientific or logical discrepancy, there is a misunderstanding on the
names of the seven Booranaa stars and the months by Doyle and Wilcox. The correct
ones can be referred from table 1 which shows Legesse‟s or Marco‟s proposal.
3. Marco‟s work reveals the freedom of having alternative stars in Booranaa calendrical
system. This should be taken in to consideration for further research work. It is known
that the Oromoo people in general practice sky observation to tell and arrange events.

Accordingly one will expect probably different stars or stellars including names be used
by the Oromoo separated in space and time without losing ground of the common
indigenous knowledge they possess.
4.2.Issues to be addressed and Remarks
The work of Legesse (A Legesse, 1973) compiled and fully described in his book at least
shows the indigenous knowledge of the Oromoo people observed in their living style (in real
time). Actually in reference to this classical book, the ethno-archeological work of Lynch and
Robbins (Lynch & Robbins, 1978) further tells us that the Oromoo people are the indigenous
African Cushites who have at least lived more than 2300 (300BC) back from now where they
are also living still today.
This ethno-archeological discovery in agreement with the anthropological work of (A
Legesse, 1973) reveals the advent of this indigenous people‟s complex astronomical calendar.
It is a pure scientific living style based on real physical observation of world view. The
people also have lived with complex knowledge bringing their observation and experience to
build and construct principles of future control and management system both for natural and
social affairs – the Gadaa System. In fact, it is the Gadaa system that shows the link between
the ancient Oromoo indigenous and present modern Oromoo living style and system of
knowledge. Time reckoning based on astronomical observation by the Ayyaantuus is used
within the Gadaa system for calendrical purpose. The Ayyaantuus were the living people
among the Oromoo whom the anthropologists, the archeologists and the astronomers
consulted during their field work for their findings. The researchers were acknowledged for
their noble discovery. And hence, there cannot be any reason for failing to acknowledge the
historical ownership of the people and their preservation of it to the current world. A
provocative idea for further investigation that could enrich the indigenous cultural
preservation in this regard is the link the two complex worldviews of the Oromoo: the
astronomical calendar and the Gadaa system.
While, the anthropological and archaeo-astronomical findings of the aforementioned
evidences show that the people have discovered a complex astronomical calendar and using it
still today, there are also evidences from different disciplines that the people‟s indigenous
knowledge of world view: philosophical view, belief, physical existence and phenomena
(perception, analysis and future prediction) are all customarily linked to events they observe
in cosmos. For example, comments from strangers like travelers, foreign expediters,
missionaries and traders observations project that the Oromoos (whom) they had met in
general were considered as gentle, open minded, good at instructions and very conscious of
reading someone‟s opinions, for example(Isenberg et al., 1843)as viewed from social
outlook. Though it is not conclusive, it is not least to extract from these and similar scholars
that traditionally the Oromoo social life style appears to depend on tracing the knowledge and
experience they have acquired from their exposures.
The review related materials in the study raises some key issues that needs to be addressed in
future research:
1. While the Oromoo society in the prehistory, before 300BC were known with such
advanced knowledge in constructing Astronomical Observatory for calendrical
system, including patenting of ownership, their place of dwelling, etc., where is the
continuity of such generation?
2. Though the above question is relevant, the 16th century Oromoo movement and
reconstructing of governing system that came with it as seen in the well-constructed

Gadaa system seems to show the continuity and progress of the society‟s indigenous
knowledge. As the archaeo-astronomical findings implied, the people also remained
using the calendar they discovered accurately. So the question is, where are the other
documents that smoothly fit the past, and the sixteenth century (relatively) advanced
complex indigenous society value assets?
3. Why the documents produced during and after the sixteenth century about the
Oromoo people are so hostile? What are the factors?
In the very beginning, building on certain foundation and constructing the whole
system are different. In fact physical buildings as well as developing science based
on natural principles are not as difficult and complex as that of social history
construction. The latter one is very difficult to correct once it is distorted or lacks
genuine reflection. The effect is long lasting where the consequence is an obvious
crisis to a state of confusion to fellow generation. One can easily understand this
through reviewing the existing records of Oromoo history which is full of confusions.
Some of (not few) the fanatic, fictitious, manufactured documents appear to be good
for entertainment had they been produced for creative purpose provided a virtual
subject is used, instead of Oromoo. Some documents seems to be perpetually
produced for fencing the reality out of reach with full of religious and socio-
economic politics as a tool. The worst of these series is their state of determinism for
both the origin and homeland of the Oromoo, contrary to what the Oromoos say
about themselves.
4. Based on the raised questions as in the above, what is the present generation supposed
to do?
As a remark, what (Jalata, 2012a) comments is relevant. Understanding Oromoo
civilization requires studying the historical, cultural, political, philosophical,
religious, linguistic, and geographical foundations of Oromoo society. This endeavor
can unquestionably leads to the answers. But to arrive at that deliberating over the
way, and creating relevant conditions are very important to consider.
4.3. Some Research Initiatives
1. Studying, searching, clearing confusions and reconstructing Oromoo indigenous
knowledge as viewed from Observational point of view: Physical, philosophical,
religious, and social angles is pertinent. Meanwhile, considering research on Oromoo
culture, history and archaeology is as important as it is supportive.
2. Further research on Oromoo calendar and developing and establishing practical
(officiating, academic) use of the calendar is also relevant.
3. Conducting research to resolve whether the Gadaa cycle is related to the Oromoo
calendar or not is important.
Finally, as a puzzle I introduce a simple drawing around the Booranaa stars in the form of
figure as displayed in fig. 1.
Acknowledgements
I gratefully thank all scholars who have worked on Oromoo assets where I have also used as
motivation to produce this article. I would like to thank the reviewers for their critical
comments and suggestions where I have promptly used them.

References
Baissa, L. (2004). The Oromo Gadaa System of Government: An Indigenous African Democracy. (A.
Jalata, Ed.). New Yorkk: Routledge.
Bassi, M. (1988). On the Borana Calendrical System: A Preliminary Field Report. Current
Anthropology, 29(4), 619–624.
Doyle, L. R. (1984). Astronomy in East Africa : the Borana-Cushitic calendar and Namoratunga.
Anthroquest : The L.S.B. Leaky Foundation News. No. 29 Pages Pasadena, CA., pp. 3–5.
Doyle, L. R. (1985). Ancient astronomy of East Africa. Astronomical Society of the Pacific, 97(588),
200.
Doyle, L. R., & Wilcox., T. J. (1986). Statistical Analysis of Namoratunga: An Archaeoastronomical
Site in Sub-Saharan Africa? Azania, 21, 125–129.
Haberland, E. (1963). Galla Sud-Athiopiens. W. Kohlhammer Verlag, Stuttgart.
Hassen, M. (1992). In the Shadow of Conquest: Islam in Colonial Northeast Africa. (S. S. Samatar,
Ed.). Trenton, New Jersy: The Red Sea Press.
Isenberg, C. W., Krapf, J. L., & MacQueen, J. (1843). Journals of the Rev. Messrs. Isenberg and
Krapf, missionaries of the church missionary society, detailing their proceedings in the
kingdom of Shoa, and journeys in other parts of Abyssinia, in the years 1839, 1840, 1841, and
1842. London: Seeley.
Jalata, A. (2012a). Gadaa ( Oromo Democracy ): An Example of Classical African Civilization. The
Journal of Pan African Studies, 5(1).
Jalata, A. (2012b). Gadaa (Oromo Democracy): An Example of Classical African Civilization. The
Journal of Pan African Studies, 5(1).
Legesse, A. (1973). Gada: Three Approaches to the Study of African Society. New York: Free Press.
Legesse, A. (2006). OROMO DEMOCRACY: An Indigenous African Political System. (N.
Lawrenceville, Ed.). The Red Sea Press).
Lynch, B. M., & Robbins, L. H. (1978). Namoragtunga: The First Archeoastronomical Evidence in
Sub-Saharan Africa. Science, 200(4343), 766–768. Retrieved from
http://faculty.ksu.edu.sa/archaeology/Publications/Rock Art/archaeoastronomy.pdf
Megeresa, G. (2005). The Oromo world view. The Journal of Oromo Studies, 12(1–2), 68–79.
Megersa, G., & Aneesa, K. (2004). “The „Rounds‟ of Time: Time, History and Society in Borana
Oromo.” In James Wendy and David Mills (Eds) The Qualities of Time Anthropological
Approaches. London: Berg.
Paul, G. (1979). The astronomical dating of a northeast African stone configuration. The
Observatory, 99, 206–209.
Robbins, L. H. (2006). Lake Turkana Archaeology : The Holocene. American Society for
Ethnohistory, 53(1).
Soper, R. (1982). Archaeo-astronomical Cushites: Some comments. Azania, 17, 145–62.
Ta‟a, T. (2006). The Political Economy of an African Society in Tranformation: The Case of Macca
Oromo (Ethiopia) ... (G.-M. Catherine, Ed.). Weisbaden, Germany: Harrassowitz Verlag.
Tesfaye, Z. (2012). ETHIOPIA: WHEN THE GADAA DEMOCRACY RULES IN A FEDERAL
STATE - Bridging Indigenous Institutions of Governance to Modern Democracy. University of
Tromsø.
Turton, D. A., & Ruggles, C. L. N. (1978). Agreeing to disagree: the measurement of duration in a
southwestern Ethiopian community. Current Anthropology, 19, 585.
UNESCO. (2016). 11th Annual conference of the Intergovernmental Committee for the
Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage. Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.

Gadaa
Gadaa
Journa/
Journa/
Barruulee
Barruulee
Gadaa
Gadaa Volume
Volume
1, No.
1, No.
1 pp1 26-36
pp 26-36 January
January
20182018
Tables
Tables
andand
Ffigures
Ffigures
Table
Table
1: Names
1: Names
of Booranaa
of Booranaa
Stars
Stars
No. No. StarsStars
Name Name
by the
byauthors
the authors
Legesse
Legesse
(1973)
(1973) Doyle
Doyle
& Wilcox(1986)
& Wilcox(1986) Marco(1988)
Marco(1988) Standard
Standard
Astronomical
Astronomical
namename
1 1 LamiLami Bittottessa
Bittottessa LamiLami Triangulum
Triangulum
2 2 Busan
Busan Camsa
Camsa Busan
Busan Pleiads
Pleiads
3 3 Bakkalcha
Bakkalcha BufaBufa Baqqalcha
Baqqalcha
Sors Sors Aldebarran
Aldebarran
4 4 Algajima
Algajima Wacabajjii
Wacabajjii Baqqalcha
Baqqalcha
Algajim
Algajim
Algajima
Algajima Belletrix
Belletrix
5 5 Arb gaddu
Arb gaddu Arb gaddu
Arb gaddu Baqqalcha
Baqqalcha
Arb gaddu
Arb gaddu Central
Central
Orion
Orion
6 6 Urji Urji
WallaWalla Obora
Obora
Gudda
Gudda Baqqalcha
Baqqalcha
Walla
Walla SaiphSaiph
7 7 BasaBasa Obora
Obora
Dikkaa.
Dikkaa. Baqqalcha
Baqqalcha
BasaBasa
Guddo
Guddo Sirius
Sirius
8 8 - - - - Baqqalcha
Baqqalcha
BasaBasa
Diqqo
Diqqo Beteleguse
Beteleguse
Table
Table
2: Booranaa
2: Booranaa
calendrical
calendrical
system
system
to cycle
to cycle
in 8 in
or89or
years?
9 years?
Tolu,Tolu,
Astronomical
Astronomical
Calendar
Calendar
… … 35 35
Fig. 1: The Booranaa Stars: In the left panel the 8 - Booranaa stars are circled with yellow ink.
In the right panel the stars are red spotted.

e-ISSN: 2616-3985
Jimma University
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
The Harmful Effects of the Suppression of Oromoo Indigenous Knowledge

System on Oromoo Identity: The Role of Oromoo Intellectuals
Abera Degefa (PhD)*
Addis Ababa University
[email protected]
Abstract
Africans have not been consumers of European knowledge at all times. They have their own
indigenous knowledge systems like all human societies elsewhere. In their attempt to dominate the
minds of Africans and thus subjugate them in perpetuity, European colonialists imposed their own
knowledge, belief systems and culture on the people they colonized. Post-colonial African
governments ignored their indigenous knowledge and institutions and became mere consumers of
European knowledge. Under Ethiopian Empire State, before coming under the influence of modern
European education, the different people had to go through Amhara ruling elites’ coercive
assimilation and the consequent weakening of their own indigenous knowledge and identity. The
Oromoo had been one of the main victims of the aggressive assimilation policy as a result of which
their knowledge system and identity have been significantly undermined. Oromoo belief systems,
knowledge and cultural values have been deliberately despised and portrayed as backward with a
view to dismantle Oromoo self-respect and identity. Having lost their individual self-respect and
self-perception, many western educated Oromoos lost their intellectual self-confidence and identity
which constitute key components of Oromoo identity. This article looks at the existing practices
among the Booranaa Oromoo that are indicative of the harms resulting from the weakening of
Gadaa institutions and indigenous knowledge system. The article mainly aims at drawing the
attention of Oromoo scholars towards ending the threat being posed against Oromoo identity as a
consequence of the weakening of Oromoo indigenous knowledge system. The article proposes that
there is a need to reclaim and revitalize Oromoo indigenous knowledge which is the foundation of
Oromoo identity and wellbeing. As a people, we cannot create a robust, materially and morally
virtuous society without Oromoo indigenous knowledge which is the basis for Oromoo identity.
Keywords - Oromoo, indigenous knowledge, identity, Booranaa

------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Axereeraa
Uummanni ardii Afrikaa akkuma uummattoota biroo ogumaa fi beekumsa ofii qabu. Bara bittaa
kolonii, uummata kana gabroomfachuf jecha koloneeffattoonni ardii Awurooppaa irraa dhufan
ogumaafi beekumsa ganamaa kana dagachiisuuf beekumsa, amantaa, duudhaafi aadaa ambaa
irratti fe’an. Mootonni Afrikaa sirna kolonii kanaan booda dhufanis beekumsaafi dhaabbilee
ganamaa qaban dagachuun beekumsa dhihaa (Awurooppaa) kanarratti ofgatan. Dhufaatii barnoota
ammayyaan dura saboonni empaayera Itoophiyaa keessa turan sirna gosagaloommii bulchitoota
Amaaraa jalatti beekumsaafi enyummaa isaanii ganamaa akka dagatan taasifamaa turan.
Uummanni Oromoo sirna kana keessatti uummattoota eenyummaa isaanii ganamaa akka dagatu
taasifaman keessaa tokko. Aaadaa, duudhaa, beekumsaafi amantaan uummata kanaa akka
jibbamuufi akka waan qarooma hinqabneetti waan ilaalamaa tureef ofitti amanamummaafi
------------------------------------------------------------------------
37
eenymmaan Oromoo diigamaa ture. Kabaja dhabuun Oromummaa beektota Oromoo barnoota
ammayyaa keessa darbanii kabajaafi ofitti amanamummaa dhabsiiseera. Kunneen ammoo
dhimmoota murteessoo Oromumman irratti hundaa’udha. Barruun kun haala Oromoo Booranaa
keessa jiru irratti hundaa’uun rakkooleen laafuun dhaabbilee Gadaafi beekumsa Oromoo ganamaa
fidaa jiran xiinxala Kaayyoon isaas dagatamaa dhufuun beekusa Oromoo ganamaa rakkoo jabduu
inni Oromummaa irratti fidaa jiru gara xiyyeeffannoo beektota Oromootti fiduudha. Barreeffamich
beekumsa ganamaa kana bakkatti deebisuufi haaromsuun bu’uura Oromummaa ammaa taasisuun
eenyummaa fi fayyaalessummaa Oromoo dagaagsuun akka danda’amu akeeka. Akka uummataatti
beekumsa Oromoo ganamaa bu’uura Orommummaa ta’an osoo bakkatti hindeebisiin uummata
fayyaalessaafi diinagdeef xinsammuun mo’ataa ta’e ijaaruun hindanda’amu.
Jechoota Ijoo – Oromoo;beekumsa ganamaa, eenyummaa, Booranaa

.
1. Introduction
All human beings are naturally endowed with the faculty of learning from their interactions
with the environment and their own interactions. These interactions and experiences are the
foundations of human knowledge. Knowledge is a human construction, production,
reproduction and transfer of life experiences formally or informally. In a society with
diverse knowledge systems, the status of a certain knowledge system has strong correlation
with the existing power relation in the society. If there is an inequitable power relation in
society, the dominant group will make use of its power and impose its belief system,
knowledge and cultural values on the dominated groups in many ways and under the guise
of education. In a society with diverse knowledge systems, validating one form of
knowledge as superior would undermine the survival of others and establish the supremacy
of one form of knowledge. This will make the education system and the knowledge
produced hegemonic in its nature (Dugassa, 2014; Foucault, 1980; Freire, 1985; Gemetchu,
1993).
Although Ethiopia has undoubtedly been and remained a society with diverse indigenous
knowledge systems, these knowledge systems have not been given recognition. Ethiopian
academic institutions including universities have been teaching Eurocentric knowledge all
along, turning these institutions into mere outposts for Eurocentric knowledge system.
Owing to its inherently exclusivist and hegemonic nature, until the last quarter of a century,
the Ethiopian educational system has remained unwelcoming to Oromoo indigenous
knowledge (OIK) system (Asafa, 1996).
Before their forcible incorporation into the Empire State of Ethiopia, the Oromoo people had
a distinctive and robust body of indigenous knowledge system that has survived for
centuries. With their incorporation into the Empire, the Oromoo have lost not only their land
but they have also been stripped of their worldview, belief system, knowledge, cultural
values, language and collective identity until very recently. The Oromoo have largely been
coerced to give up their own and accept the belief system, knowledge and cultural values of
the rulers (Asafa, 1996).
The main purpose of the article is to look at the harmful effects the marginalization of OIK
system is causing to the Oromoo people. This of course is without discounting some of the
achievements that has been made by way of regaining Oromoo consciousness. The article
focuses particularly on the state of Oromoo indigenous knowledge system within the
mainstream Ethiopian education system. Qualitative research method has been employed for
the study. As I have done my dissertation among the Booranaa which was on indigenous
Abera, The Harmful Effects of… 38

justice system from 2012- 2014, I had the opportunity to interview Booranaa elders which
has given me adequate understanding about the state of Oromoo indigenous knowledge. I
have also drawn on my personal experiences in Ethiopian school system as a student and
teacher and looked at the pertinent literature. The article has examined the merits of OIK and
the justifications for giving it legitimate space within the formal Ethiopian education system.
The article is critical of the Euro-Ethiopian exclusivist approach to education which has
regarded OIK valueless without any evaluation of its merits and demerits. In the author‟s
view, the uncritical welcoming of hegemonic Euro-Ethiopian education system by Oromoo
scholars and students has to be brought to an end.
The author proposes that Oromoo scholars have to confront the current Ethiopian education
system which is not fully accommodative of OIK and tends to consider it as archaic and
irrelevant. Instead of the „one size fits all‟ approach, the author argues for an alternative
middle -ground approach that makes room for integration of OIK with the formal education
system. In some post-independence African countries, scholars have maintained that Africa
should have pluriversity instead of university which is essentially Eurocentric in its approach
to knowledge. Pluriversity referred to an academic setting and “a process of knowledge
production that is open to epistemic diversity” (Mbembe, 2016). This article also argues for
a university which would be open to diversity and possibly allows the Oromoo to take
advantages of the strengths of both systems and avoid their weaknesses.
2. Conceptual Framework and Review of Literature
The concept knowledge in general is defined as an “awareness or familiarity gained by

experience (of a person, fact, or thing), a person‟s range of information; a theoretical or
practical understanding of a subject, language, etc. as a sum of what is known” (Concise
Oxford Dictionary, 1998: 753). This broader conception of knowledge is used in this
particular study. As one form of knowledge which comes under knowledge in general,
indigenous knowledge refers to “a body of knowledge, or bodies of knowledge of
indigenous people of a particular geographical area/s that have survived for a very long
time” (Mapara, 2009:140). It is a unique body of knowledge in a particular culture and
society which is “embedded in community practices, institutions, relationships and rituals”
(World Bank, 1998: 8).
Indigenous knowledge is essentially “experiential knowledge based on a worldview and a
culture that is basically relational” (Owusu-Ansah, & Mji, 2013:1). Its characteristic feature
is its being rooted in belief system with symbiotic relationship of all beings both animate
and inanimate. OIK shares most of the characteristics common to indigenous knowledge. In
order to understand the indigenous knowledge of a community, one needs to be familiar
with that community‟s belief system or worldview. By worldview here, we mean the
“cognitive, perceptual, and affective maps that people continuously use to make sense of the
social landscape and to find their ways to whatever goals they seek” (Hart, 2010:2).
Indigenous worldviews are products of a particular people‟s interaction and relationship
with the environment and among themselves. The belief systems, assumptions, decision-
making and ways of problem-solving of a community are influenced by its worldview. In a
similar manner, the educational system in a given community is also “shaped by culture and
epistemology in which it is embedded” (Dugassa, 2011:55). This means the educational
system in a given society is influenced by the nature of knowledge and how it is acquired.
Generally, what are produced and transferred by way of knowledge through a certain

education system is the belief system and values reflecting the dominant group/‟s viewpoint
incorporated into curriculum (Vindevoghel, 2016).
According to Ngugi, education is essentially a means of knowing ourselves. “After we have
examined ourselves, we radiate outwards and discover peoples and worlds around us”
(1986:94). In the context of a society with diverse knowledge systems, for the students
coming from the dominated groups, an education system which imposes the belief, cultural
values and knowledge system of a dominant group cannot be a means of knowing
themselves. It will be a means of legitimizing and perpetuating oppressive power relation
between the existing knowledge systems and the people (Dugassa, 2011; Vindevoghel,
2016).
Human knowledge is a social construct and as such is a reflection of the social, economic
and historical context in which it is constructed. The production and consumption of
knowledge has to be looked at within the context of the human interactions with one another
and with the environment. In a pluralist knowledge systems setting, there is no value-free
standard with which to judge one knowledge system more legitimate than others. The
validity of knowledge has to be determined having regard to the historical, socio-cultural,
environmental conditions and experiences of a given people. Every knowledge system has to
be viewed as an integral part of human heritage. No indigenous knowledge should be
labeled obsolete and made irrelevant before its merits and demerits are critically evaluated
(Nyanchoga, 2014; Vindevoghel, 2016).
2.1. Knowledge and Power-Correlation
Human history has shown that depending on the nature of power relation in a given society,
a group may have control over knowledge production and dissemination thus being able to
turn others into mere knowledge consuming objects. Education is a means through which
behaviors of those being educated are shaped and controlled. In a society with diverse
knowledge systems, a group that controls the education system will have monopoly over the
production and dissemination of knowledge which would enable it to manipulate behaviors
of consumers of the knowledge. A dominant group will produce and disseminate its own
values and knowledge system under the guise of education thus turning education system
into a weapon of domination through which it keeps others under its perpetual domination.
In that sense, both education and power mutually reinforce each other (Dugassa, 2014;
Foucault, 1980; Ngugi, 1986).
Before being brought under European colonial rule, Africans had their own indigenous
knowledge systems the production and transference of which was under their complete
control. Africans had their own ways of schooling, knowing and preserving their heritage;
their own indigenous ways of adapting to their physical environment. They had ways of
maintaining their indigenous values, institutions, language and heritage from the past
(Nyanchoga, 2014). Africa had “a very rich heritage of what their past generations thought,
did, experienced and passed on to their children” (Mbiti, 1991:3). Having colonized Africa,
the colonial powers did not want to be limited to controlling the lands of Africa. So as to
perpetuate their colonial rule, they wanted to control the minds of Africans as well. They
wanted to achieve that ambition through imposing their own belief and knowledge system
on Africans under the guise of religion and education. Hence, “the physical violence of the
battlefield was followed by the psychological violence of the classroom” (Ngugi, 1986:9).

Consequently, African indigenous values and knowledge systems have been totally
marginalized by colonial powers. In their role as educators and missionaries, Europeans
taught and preached their beliefs so that Africans may change their indigenous patterns of
behaviors. They wanted Africans to view themselves in the way colonial powers desired
(Ngugi, 1986; Fanon, 1968). Colonial education by its nature is characterized by
annihilating “people‟s belief in their names, in their languages, in their environment, in their
heritage of struggle, in their unity, in their capacities and ultimately in themselves” (Ngugi,
1986:3). Rather than recognizing and accommodating African knowledge systems, the
Eurocentric education sought to inculcate European worldview onto the minds of the
colonized people of Africa (Asante, 2012). As a result of European colonial education,
educated Africans became mentally disconnected from their indigenous worldviews, belief
systems, knowledge systems, cultural values, language and African identity (Nyachonga,
2014). “Very few educated Africans are even aware that they are also in cultural bondage.
All educated Africans [...] are still cultural captives of the West” (Mazuiri, 1978:13).
Colonial education has made the colonized people see their past as a “wasteland of non-
achievement and it makes them want to distance themselves from that wasteland. It makes
them want to identify with that which is furthest removed from themselves” (Ngugi, 1986).
In Ali Mazrui‟s view (1978), European colonial education has made an educated African “a
misfit in his own village” (p.16). The educated Africans who have become misfit in their
villages and communities are acting as agents of colonial powers and causing harms to
Africans in African educational institutions and universities. They have become at the
forefront of disseminating colonial education in total disregard of indigenous African
knowledge systems thus turning African universities into colonial outpost.
2.2. Oromo Indigenous Knowledge System and its Merits
Oromoo Gadaa system is “one of those remarkable creations of the human mind that
evolved into a full-fledged system of government, as a result of five centuries of evolution
and deliberate, rational, legislative transformation” (Asmarom, 2000:195). The Gadaa
system and institutions are the embodiment of OIK which is “framed in an Oromo paradigm
of thinking” well-suited to address the problems of Oromo people (Dugassa, 2014: 23).
Despite all odds and long years of attempt to wipe it out, Borana Oromoo have kept Oromo
indigenous knowledge system along with Gadaa system.
Before the conquest and the introduction of the Euro-Ethiopian education system which is
unwelcoming to indigenous knowledge, among the Booranaa, the mode of transferring
indigenous knowledge from one generation to the next generation was through
hayyuu/elders/. Among the Booranaa, indigenous knowledge system has always been stored
and transferred orally within family, clan and pan-Booranaa institutional settings like Gumii
Gaayyo which is the supreme Booranaa decision and law-making body. The Oromoo in
general had their indigenous knowledge system which is not only their intangible heritage
but also a bond which links them to their ancestral fathers and mothers. Oromoo indigenous
knowledge is found embedded in Oromoo worldview, belief system and cultural values
embracing the spiritual, economic, social and political aspects of the society. With the help
of their indigenous worldview, the Booranaa Oromoo understand and explain themselves,
others and their interactions with the world. According to Booranaa indigenous worldview,
the maintenance of the cosmic order and harmony as set by Waaqa (God) is the foundation
of their Nagaa Boorana, (peace of Booranaa). The philosophy among the Booranaa is that
the survival of human beings and other natural world are reciprocated and mutually
dependent. Disrupting the cosmic order that has been set by Waaqa would ultimately put

human peace and survival in danger. Guided by their indigenous worldview and knowledge
system, the Booranaa have managed to survive the harsh climatic conditions and succeeded
in maintaining sustainable harmony among Waaqa, society and nature for thousands of
years (Asmarom, 2000, Bassi, 2005).
Booranaa indigenous knowledge has been derived from, shaped and developed by the direct
interaction of the people among themselves and with their particular natural setting. The
complexity of the indigenous knowledge, belief, social, cultural and political systems of the
Booranaa are noticeable from the institutional set up and functioning of the Gadaa system.
The Booranaa have a proven knowledge of their environment that has enabled them to
devise resource specific indigenous laws seera marra bisaani, (laws of water and grass)
which they have used successfully for the management and use of scarce natural resources.
For the Oromoo in general, their indigenous knowledge system is a sole means of producing,
preserving and transferring knowledge, cultural values, history and identity. The indigenous
knowledge is the repertoire of Oromoo intangible heritage which is also an integral part of
global heritage. Oromoo Gadaa system has already been recognized as one of the
remarkable creations of the human mind and has been accepted as part of global heritage.
But this indigenous knowledge including their art of governance has not as yet been given
space in Ethiopian educational system (Asmarom, 1973; Bassi, 2005).
After being incorporated into Ethiopian Empire, the Booranaa have been coerced to abandon
their indigenous worldview, belief and knowledge systems. By using their coercive state
power, the successive Ethiopian rulers have imposed their own belief and knowledge
systems on the Booranaa. But they could not as yet succeed in turning the Booranaa into
mere consumers of knowledge produced by Ethiopian ruling elites. As a result of this, there
are two main knowledge systems among the Booranaa with the indigenous Booranaa
indigenous knowledge system having marginal status and the other being dominant. The
alien Euro-Ethiopian knowledge system has been made dominant because of the oppressive
power relation between the rulers of Ethiopia and the Oromoo including the Booranaa
(Asafa, 1991). The invasive Euro-Ethiopian knowledge system is inconsiderately dislodging
the effective Booranaa indigenous Gadaa and knowledge systems including their
environmental friendly knowledge /seera marra bisaani/ which has been in use for
thousands of years (Bassi, 2005). Since there is no mechanism that accommodates this
Booranaa indigenous knowledge into the mainstream education system, there is a looming
danger of its being displaced.
3. The Harmful Effects of the Weakening of OIK System
The annihilation of Oromoo knowledge system has begun during the war of conquest made
by Abyssinian rulers to incorporate the Oromoo into their Empire State. After incorporating
them into the Empire, the successive rulers of the Empire prevented the expansion of
Oromoo indigenous belief and knowledge systems by displacing their indigenous
institutions. They imposed and expanded their own belief and knowledge systems with the
help of the coercive state machinery. Since then, the production and dissemination of
Oromoo indigenous worldview, belief and knowledge system has been hindered.
Through their denigrating strategy of labeling Oromoo belief and knowledge system
obsolete and by making OIK irrelevant, Ethiopian rulers have deprived the Oromoo the right
to sustain, produce and disseminate their indigenous knowledge. In that way, the Oromoo
people have become passive consumers of alien knowledge produced and disseminated by

Ethiopian rulers who assumed the monopoly of both the state power and educational system
(Dugassa, 2014). Through all means available to them, Ethiopian rulers have labeled and
disseminated Oromoo belief and knowledge systems as obsolete and superstitious (Dugassa
2014; Asafa, 1996). Although there is a significant increase in Oromoo collective identity
consciousness, so long as the hegemonic educational system remains impervious, OIK
would remain marginalized. There will still be the breaking down of indigenous Oromoo
family and community bonds all of which are anchored on Oromoo indigenous belief
system, indigenous knowledge and the intangible ancestral heritage.
From what I have gathered from Booranaa elders during my field work in the area, they are
not feeling comfortable about the mainstream educational system which in their view is
posing danger to the future of their indigenous knowledge and Gadaa system. Kanu Jilo was
one of the elders I have interviewed in 2013. When he told me their Gadaa system is being
weakened, I asked him how and by whom it is being weakened. His answer was, “sirni
Gadaa akka laaffataa deemu kan gochaa jiru ebelu jechuun nu dhiba, barumsa fakkaate
karuma ijoollee keenya nutti dhufaa.” This literally translated means; it is not easy to name
the body responsible for the weakening of Gadaa system, it comes by way of education
given to our children. Borbor Bulee was another Booranaa elder I have interviewed in 2013.
According to Borbor Bulee, “laaffachu sirna Gadaatiif sababnni guddaan tokko babal’ina
amanttiilee haaraa adda addaa kan amantii keenyya Waaqeffanna seexana waaqessuudha
jechuudhaan jibbiinssa irratti boba’aniidha.” When translated, this means, one major cause
for the weakening of Gadaa system is the expansion of new religions that discredit our
indigenous Waaqeffanna religion by labeling it a devil worship.
As shown by the experiences of the Booranaa, development interventions made in disregard
of the proven indigenous knowledge hasn‟t been successful. The top-down development
interventions have not only made Booranaa indigenous knowledge irrelevant, the ecosystem
more vulnerable, but it has also destabilized the previously well-functioning and user-
friendly indigenous institutions. In its top-down governance structure that goes down to
kebele level, which is the lowest level of governance, has made the indigenous governance
institutions and structures irrelevant. The non-indigenous Peasant Associations have played
and still playing instrumental role in the weakening and undermining of the authority of the
indigenous governance structures and institutions (Watson, 2001).
Under the current essentially Euro-Ethiopian education system, Oromoo students are taught
to “reproduce the knowledge, culture, power structure, thinking and the worldview of
colonizers” (Dugassa, 2011: 55). The Euro-Ethiopian education system still remains
inherently hegemonic with little room for the production and dissemination of OIK and its
intangible heritage. In the particular context of this article, the fact that the mainstream
Ethiopian education system hasn‟t still satisfactorily incorporated OIK into its curriculum
has to be taken seriously by Oromoo intellectuals.
As a result of the content of education and European thought incorporated into the
curriculum, the system would still have negative impacts on the minds of significant number
of educated Oromoo. Such intellectuals tend to believe, even teach and preach the
mainstream Euro- Ethiopian knowledge as an accepted standard. During their long years of
hegemonic rule, Ethiopian rulers have succeeded in making the marginalization of OIK and
this has helped them to perpetuate their hegemony. Unless the flawed and structurally
embedded knowledge dominance is properly understood and confronted face-to-face by
educated Oromoo scholars, this hegemonic Euro-Ethiopian education system will keep on
hampering any effort made to promote OIK system.

On the whole, in its long history of existence, the Ethiopian education system has
inconsiderately remained hostile to Oromoo indigenous knowledge and discouraged efforts
made to maintain it. The system has consistently been resolute in its drive to displace
Oromoo indigenous belief system, knowledge, cultural values and history. It has undermined
Oromoo indigenous ways of schooling and its ways of preserving its history and cultural
values. This has curtailed the development of Oromoo history, language and literature
terribly. Thus, the subjugation of Oromoo people which started with disconnecting the
Oromoo from their land has been made complete by the Euro-Ethiopian education system
which has disconnected educated Oromoo from their history, knowledge and collective
identity.
4. Conclusion
In a society with plural knowledge systems, a pluralistic approach to knowledge systems is

imperative. In such society, the approach to be followed regarding knowledge should not be
“reduced to the standards and epistemology of western perspective of knowledge base”
(Owour, 2007: 34). A pluralistic approach would require that all stakeholders of education
respect the diverse knowledge systems, embrace their logic, and epistemological
foundations. This would entail acknowledging the value, reciprocal relations, and
contributions of all forms of knowledge to the global body of ways of knowing. In a society
with diverse knowledge systems, declaring one of these as supreme will establish
inequitable power relations between the existing knowledge systems (Foucault, 1980; Olsen
et al., 1992).
Although Ethiopia has undoubtedly been a society with diverse knowledge systems, this has
never been formally acknowledged. Starting from the very time of conquest, the victors
designed hegemonic education policy which was made in such a way as to assimilate and
make Oromoo students accept the belief, values and knowledge system of the rulers. The
ruling elites have preached/ taught/ and discredited Oromoo indigenous belief system,
knowledge, cultural values, language and history as obsolete. The imposed education system
has in the long run “conditioned the Oromoo people to adopt the Euro-centric discourses and
its top-down organizational structure” (Dugassa, 2014: 23).
Educational systems “are shaped by the culture and epistemology in which it is embedded”
(Dugassa, 2011: 55). Likewise, Ethiopian education system which is embedded in
hegemonic political culture was shaped by this culture and was meant to shape the
subjugated people fit to be ruled in the way the rulers desired. It was designed to disconnect
learners from their fathers‟ and mothers‟ local knowledge, experiences and problems. As
being witnessed presently in Ethiopia, with the exclusivist Euro-Ethiopian education and the
knowledge and skills derived from the system, educated Oromoo students are incapable of
solving local problems.
Educated Oromoo have become unfit and detached from their fathers and mothers in their
thinking and way of life. In so doing, the hegemonic education system is playing a crucial
role in disrupting Oromoo social fabric and their nagaa in its holistic sense. These educated
Oromoo who have lost their identity have to be engaged in the processes of self-discovery
and self-definition. They have to take part in the recovery and restoring of the best elements
of Oromoo indigenous knowledge. In his book, Decolonizing the Mind, Ngugi wa Thiongo
has affirmed that education is essentially a means of knowing ourselves. According to
Ngugi, it is only after we have examined and known ourselves that we reach out and learn
about other people and things around us (1986).

One fundamental question that all Oromoo scholars need to ask ourselves is the extent to
which the current hegemonic Ethiopian education system is allowing us to see ourselves in
relationship to one another and to other selves. Oromoo scholars have to be able to
interrogate the existing hegemonic Ethiopian education system in terms of its relevance to
Oromoo situation and its contribution towards understanding ourselves. They have to
interrogate the effects of Eurocentric epistemology and ideology on Oromoo indigenous
epistemology. The fact that Oromoo indigenous epistemology arises from Oromoo
worldview or the interconnections between the human world, the spirit and inanimate
entities has to be properly comprehended.
There is indisputably a need to fully reverse the existing humiliating situation through
decolonization of the deformed mind-set of educated Oromoo. Decolonization of the mind is
a process of self-ownership, it is a fight made by the colonized to repossess by way of taking
back or reinstating which belongs to them (Mbembe, 2016). As a process of taking back or
reinstating oneself and the collective, decolonizing the mind of educated Oromoo will not be
an easy task. It will be a long time and difficult undertaking which would entail decolonizing
our Eurocentric mind-set, our way of life, our educational institutions and the nature of
knowledge to be imparted to Oromoo students. Having gained self-ownership, Oromoo
scholars have to be aware of the need to make Oromoo students and all Oromoo conscious
of the effects of displacement of OIK which has made Oromoo needs and values, history and
culture irrelevant and disfigured Oromoo social fabric.
Decolonizing of educated Oromoo mind-set mainly focuses on reclaiming Oromoo
knowledge system and avoiding practices and beliefs that undermine Oromoo identity. In
this author‟s view, even if a person has Oromoo name but has lost all Oromoo identity
markers, there is nothing that makes this person an Oromoo in its real sense. An Oromoo
totally disconnected from Oromoo land, way of life, belief system, knowledge system,
cultural values and history is not an Oromoo. Every Oromoo scholar should realize that it is
only Oromoo indigenous worldview and knowledge system which would enable the
Oromoo to see themselves, their relationship with others and the universe.
The UN Convention on Biological Diversity (1992) recognizes the validity of indigenous
knowledge to the conservation and sustainable use of biological diversity. The Convention
acknowledges the contributions of indigenous knowledge as a suitable approach for
environmental protection. As it is a proven environmental-friendly knowledge system,
giving recognition to Oromoo indigenous knowledge would contribute towards the efforts
being made globally by human kind for the conservation and sustainable use of biological
diversity. Besides, UNESCO (1999) also calls for respect, sustenance and enhancement of
indigenous knowledge. It recommends that indigenous knowledge be recognized as a
legitimate knowledge system. When seen in light of this, the struggle being made by the
Oromoo to regain control over their indigenous knowledge and restore the neglected
knowledge and teachings of their hayyu/elders/ is legitimate.
Finally, in order to transform Ethiopian universities from colonial outposts to Oromoo –
friendly educational centers where Oromoo indigenous knowledge systems are produced and
disseminated, Ethiopian educational institutions and universities have to be decolonized by
way of making them pluralistic and accommodative of Oromoo indigenous knowledge.
Oromoo scholars should be able to confront the hegemony of Euro-Ethiopian knowledge
system that is still dominating Ethiopian educational institutions including universities. In
our fight to reinstate Oromoo indigenous knowledge, our educational institutions including

universities need to undergo a process of decolonization of knowledge where the universities

invest on academic research that focuses on the promotion of indigenous knowledge.
References
Asafa Jalata, (1996). The Struggle for Knowledge: The Case of Emergent Oromo studies,
African Studies Review. 39(2), 95-123.
Asafa Jalata (2011), The Oromo in Exile: Creating knowledge and promoting social justice,
Sociologists without Borders, 6 (1).
Asante, Molefi Kete. (2012). “Reconstituting Curricula in Africa Universities: in Search of
an Afrocentric Design” (pp. 33-47). In Claude Alvares and Shad Saleem Faruqi
(eds). Decolonising the University: The Emerging Quest for Non-Eurocentric
Paradigms. Pulau Pinang, Malaysia: Penerbit Universiti Sains Malaysia.
Asmarom, L. (2000). Oromo democracy: An indigenous African political system. Asmara:
The Red Sea Press, Inc.
Bassi, M. (2005). Decisions in the Shade, Political and Judicial Processes among the
Oromo – Borana. Asmara: The Red Sea Press, Inc.
Concise Oxford English Dictionary. 11th Edition, revised 2009
Convention on Biological Diversity of the United Nations, June 5, 1992, UN Doc.DPI/1307.
Dugassa, Begna (2011) Colonialism of Mind: Deterrent of Social Transformation, Sociology
Mind. 1(2), p.55-64.
Dugassa, B. F., (2014). Reclaiming Oromo Indigenous Organizational Structures and
Fostering Supportive Environments for Health, Archives of Business Research, 2(1),
23-45.
Fanon, F. (1968). The wretched of the Earth. New York, NY, USA: Grove Press.
Freire, P. (1985). Pedagogy of the oppressed. Middlesex: Penguin Books.
Foucault, M, (1980), Power/Knowledge: Selected Interviews and Other Writings 1972-77
trans Colin Gordon, Brighton, Harvester Press.
Gemetchu Megersa (1993), Knowledge, Identity and the colonizing structure: The case of
the Oromo in East and North East Africa, Unpublished PhD dissertation.
Hart, A.H. (2010). Indigenous worldview, knowledge, and research: The development of an
indigenous research paradigm. Journal of Indigenous Voices in Social Work, 1(1), 1-
16.
Mapara, J. (2009). Indigenous Knowledge Systems in Zimbabwe: Juxtaposing Postcolonial
Theory. The Journal of Pan African Studies. 3(1), 139-155.
Mazrui, Ali (1978), Political Values and the Educated Class in Africa, Berkeley, CA:
University of California Press.
Mbembe, A. J. (2016). Decolonizing the university: New directions, Arts & Humanities in
Higher Education, 15(1), 29–45.
Mbiti, J. S. (1991). African religions and philosophy. Garden City, NY, USA: Doubleday.
Ngugi, W.T. (1986) Decolonizing the mind: The politics of language in African literature.
Portsmith, NH: Heineman.
Nyanchoga , S. A. (2014). Politics of knowledge production in Africa: a critical reflection
on the idea of an African university in sustainable development. European Law and
Politics Journal (ELP), 1(1). 37-55.

Olsen, M. E., Lodwick, D. G., & Dunlap, R. E. (1992). Viewing the world ecologically, San
Francisco: Westview Press
Owuor, J. A. (2007). Integrating African Indigenous Knowledge in Kenya‟s Formal
Education System: The Potential for Sustainable Development, Journal of
Contemporary Issues in Education, 2(2), p. 21-37.
Owusuh-Ansah, F. E., & Mji, G. (2013). African indigenous knowledge and research.
African Journal of Disability, 2(1), 1-5.
UNESCO (1999). Declaration on science and the use of scientific knowledge. Report from
the World Conference on Science for the Twenty-First Century. Retrieved from the
UNESCO web site at: http://www.unesco.org/science/wcs/eng/declaration_e.htm on
March 4, 2017.
Vindevoghel, L. J. (2016). Power, Identity, and the Construction of Knowledge in
Education 22(2) Autumn 87-96.
Watson, E. (2003). Examining the potential of indigenous institutions for development: A
perspective from Borana, Ethiopia, Development and Change. 34(2), 287-309.
World Bank. (1998). Indigenous Knowledge for Development: a Framework for Action.
Africa Region: Knowledge and Learning Centre.

e-ISSN: 2616-3985
Jimma University
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
The Politics of Representation: Anoole and Menelik II Statues in Focus

Mulualem Daba*
Wolaita Sodo University, College of Social Sciences and Humanities,
Department of Public Relation and Communication Studies
Wolaita Sodo, Ethiopia
Abstract
The purpose of this study is to examine how Anoole and Menelik II statues serve as sites for both
reproduction and re-articulation of historical relations of power in the Ethiopian polity. Theory of
representation is used as theoretical framework, and in-depth interview, textual and document
analysis have been employed as tools to generate data. Four non-government magazines (Addis-
Guday, Lomi, Inqu, and Jano), and official documents from Oromia Culture and Tourism Bureau
and Addis Ababa City Government were selected and analyzed qualitatively. In-depth interview was
also employed with seven participants from academic and political spheres to triangulate the textual
analysis. The result of the study reveals that there is historiographical contradiction, architectural
contention and political contestation over the representation of Anoole and Menelik II statues in the
Ethiopian polity. There are also three dominant and competing perspectives (Ethiopianist,
Correctionist, and an incumbent government view) regarding the representations of both statues as
the process of political power struggle in Ethiopia. Lastly, the study makes suggestions as to how the
competing and contradictory narratives about Anoole and Menelik II statues could be reconciled in
a way that might reduce tensions over their representations.
Keywords - Anoole Statue, History, Menelik II Statue, Politics, Representation;
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Axereeraa
Kaayyoon qorannoo kanaa bakka bu’iinsaafi agarsiisa hariiroo aangoo garee siyaasa Itoophiyaa
siidaaleen Aanolee fi Miniliik mul’isan qaaccessuudha. Yaaxxinni bakka bu’umsaa (representation)
akka kallattii qaaccessaatti, afgaaffiifi, sakatta’i ragaalee barreeffamaa akka meeshaalee funaansa
ragaatti hojiirra oolfamaniiru. Barruuleewwan dhuunfaa afur (Addis Gudday, Loomii, Inquu fi
Jaanoo), ragaalee barreeffamaa Biiroo Aadaafi Tuurizimii Oromiyaa fi Bulchiinsa Magaalaa
Finfinnee filachuun bifa akkamtaatiin qaacceffamaniiru. Afgaaffii namoota baruu-barsiisuu fi
siyaasaa keessa jiran toorba waliin taasisuun ragaa barreeffamaan argaman tumsa akka tahanitti
faayidaarra oolaniiru. Bu’aan qorannoo kanaa waldiddaan seenessuu, walitti buiinsi kuulaa(boca)
siidaa fi siyaasaa gareewwan siyaasaa Itoophiyaa gidduu akka jiru mul’isi aasxaa siidaalee
Aanoleefi Minilikii ni agarsiisa. Gama walmorkii hariiroo aangoo biyyittiin yoo ilaalamu, ilaachota
waldorgoman gurguddoo sadiitu mul’atu (Leellisa Itoophiyummaa, Sirreessummaa fi kan
mootummaa angoorra jiruuti). Qorannoon kun, dhumarratti yaadoleen siidallee kana
bu’uureffachuun waldhiitaniifi waliin morkan irratti kallattii furmaata araarsaa ta’eefi rirriittaa jiru
tasgabbeessuu malu eereera.
Jechoota Ijoo – Siidaa Aanolee, Seenaa, Siidaa Minilikii, Siyaasa, Bakkabu’iinsa

.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
48
1. Introduction
The present Ethiopia has passed through three different political ideologies from Monarchial
period to the FDRE. The modern Ethiopian Empire building began by Tewodros II (1855-
1868) and end by Menilik II (1886-1913). Menelik II pursued his imperial policies of
modernization and centralization. He undertook military conquests to expand his territory,
particularly, to the southern and western parts of the country. Finally, he incorporated
different ethnic groups, either peacefully or forcefully, into the modern Ethiopian empire.
After emperor Menelik II, Lij Iyasu ruled the country from 1913-1916. Then, Ras Tafari
Mekonnen officially came to power in 1928 and took his baptismal name Haile Silasse I in
1930. During these reigns, Ethiopia followed and practiced the monarchism political
philosophy (Bahru, 1991; McClellan, 1978; Marcus et.al, 1994).
Due to several internal and external problems, the monarchy period ended and the last
monarchial emperor, Haile Silasse I, disposed by coup d’état and the Derg military junta
which followed socialism political ideology came to power in 1974. Mengistu Hailemariam
emerged as the undisputed leader of the Derg (committee in Amharic) after the Provisional
Military Administrative Council (PMAC) was done away with. However, due to a wide-
scale drought, and a massive refugee problem, the resistance movements spearheaded by the
Eritrean People‟s Liberation Front (EPLF), the Tigray People‟s Liberation Front (TPLF),
and the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) finally brought down the military junta and
established the Ethiopian People‟s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) on May 28,
1991 (Aalen, 2002; Bahru, 1991; Marcus, 1994; Merera, 2003; Turton et.al, 2006).
In these consecutive regimes, political actors constructed several statues that represent and
strengthen their regime in various parts of the country. Among several statues built in
Ethiopia, the issues of Anoole and Menelik II statues have been the points of controversy
among the people. The statue of Emperor Menelik II which is located at Addis Ababa in
front of St. George Cathedral church was erected for the good deeds of emperor Menelik II
in 1930 by emperor Haile Silasse I. On the other hand, Anoole memorial monument was
erected during the incumbent government at Hetosa, Arsi Zone, Oromia Region, on 6 April,
2014 as a tribute to the Arsi Oromos who were the victims of Emperor Menelik II‟s war of
conquest in the 1880s. Thus, both Anoole and Menelik II statues serve as representations of
the historical and socio-political phenomena of the reign of Emperor Menelik II. Therefore,
it is important to examine how these two statues define and redefine the political narratives
of modern Ethiopia political history.
2. Rationale of the Study
There are several reasons for societies often to erect statues. For example, people erect
statues for spiritual significance, commemoration of different patriots, heroes and heroines,
transmission of mythical histories, representation of nation or nationalizing-state,
preservation of cultural heritage, beautification of cities and legitimization of authority.
Predominantly, statues have been used as weapons in the political battle after 19thc, and
different politicians have contested for victory through co-opting, creating, altering, ignoring
or removing particular monuments. Politicians have been engaged in such symbolic dialogue
with each other and with the public so as to gain prestige and legitimacy (Jonson, 1966;
Forest and Johnson, 2001).
In Ethiopia, with the coming to power of the EPRDF in 1991, different new statues have
been erected to signify various historical occurrences in view of preserving them for the
Mulualem, The Politics of Representation… 49

posterity. In doing so, the normative narratives of the already existing monuments are being
deconstructed and rearticulated as a result of which these symbols have essentially become
sites of elite contestations over the right interpretation of the Ethiopian history. Such
representational struggle is best exemplified by the way various elite groups are advancing
contradictory historical narratives in relation to the statue of Emperor Menelik II and the
newly erected Anoole statue. The controversies over the two statues emanate from
contradictory readings of the nature of the modern Ethiopian state and the role of elites who
had spearheaded the nation building project in the modern Ethiopian history. This being the
case, the present study needs to explicate the unraveling politics of representation as
reflected in the two juxtaposed statues which chronicle about the reign of emperor Menelik
II in the Ethiopian history.
3. Objective of the Study
The general objective of the study is to examine how Menelik II and Anoole statues serve as
sites for both reproduction and re-articulation of historical relations of power in the
Ethiopian polity. The study specifically attempts to:
 Examine the normative historical narratives Menelik II statue has promoted in the
Ethiopian polity;
 Investigate how the Anoole statue deconstructs the naturalized historical narratives
about the reign of Menelik II as symbolized by latter‟s statue;
 Describe how the two statues‟ contradictory historical representations of the reign of
Menelik II serve as manifestation of power struggle between elites in the Ethiopian
polity.
4. Theoretical Framework: Theory of Representation
Representation is a complex process through which meanings are produced and exchanged
among members of a culture. It includes the use of language, sign and image which stand for
or represent something (Hall, 1977). Hence, statues are symbols which carry meanings that
are communicated and interpreted among the society who has common cultural background.
Accordingly, Anoole and Menelik II statues are symbols that reflect the historical narratives
which are related to power in Ethiopia. The narratives revolve over these statues as what
statues symbolize may not necessarily be static. Several contradictory interpretations often
emerge at different focal points. This dynamic and unstable change over the statues‟
representation often comes from the struggle for „power‟. Thus, the concept of politics of
representation focuses on the issues of power and control over one‟s own self and its
representation and reproduction by others.
The study employed descriptive qualitative research design to examine the politics of
representation of Anoole and Menelik II statues through analysis of their historical
narratives that are related to power. Informants from academic, political and Oromia Culture
and Tourism Bureau were used as primary data sources. First, these domains and, then, the
participants from these domains were selected through purposive sampling method.
Accordingly, from academic domain, three participants from three departments (History,
Political Science and Fine Arts) were selected to get professional explanations on the
history, socio-political and design of both statues. From the political domain, three

participants from OPDO, AEUP and Blue Party were selected as they had different political
narratives on the political representations of Anoole and Menelik II statues. Lastly, one
participant from Oromia Culture and Tourism Bureau was also purposively selected to get
relevant information about the purpose of Anoole statue construction.
In addition, Official documents and magazines were used as secondary data sources. With
this regard, official documents from Oromia Culture and Tourism Bureau, and Addis Ababa
City Government Office, and four (4) currently closed down private magazines (Fact, Inqu,
Addis Guday, and Lomi) were again purposively selected since they have given high
coverage on issue of Anoole and Menelik II statues. To get the necessary information from
both aforementioned sources of data, in-depth interview, document and textual analysis were
employed as the main data gathering tools. Qualitative approach was used to analyze the
data on the political representation of Anoole and Menelik II statues in the Ethiopian polity.
6. Result and Discussion
6.1. The Normative Historical Narratives about Menelik II Statue
The major historical narratives of Menelik II statue revolves around the commemoration of
emperor Menelik II contributions for the modern Ethiopia. These contributions can be seen
from three different perspectives.
First, the emperor made series of military conquests to the southern and western parts of the
country and built the modern Ethiopian Empire. This expansion process is taken as the
major contribution of emperor Menelik II in the modern Ethiopian history. However, it
should be noted that the process of building an Ethiopian empire was made in two different
ways: peaceful and forceful. The emperor took both peaceful and forceful measures in order
to make different independent kingdoms submit their powers. For instance, Kawo Tona of
Wolaita submitted his power under coercion while Abba Jifar of Jimmaa and Kumsaa
Morodaa of Wallaggaa peacefully submitted and maintained some of their powers.
Second, Menelik II made a great war to expand his territory, Shewa and lastly built the
modern Ethiopian Empire in 1889. The Emperor gained victory over Fascist Italy in
defending the Ethiopian territory from colonization. Thus, an equestrian statue of Menelik II
was built to commemorate the battle of Adowa. Several scholars (Getachew and Paulos,
2005; Marcus, 1994; Markakis et al, 2011) also stated the battle of Adowa which is one of
emperor Menelik II‟s heroic deeds to keep the sovereignty of Ethiopia from fascist Italy.
Third, emperor Menelik II did a lot to modernize the Ethiopian empire. With this regard, as
informants from history department said, Menelik II is considered as the first emperor who
introduced different modern technologies and built infrastructures in the country.
Specifically, different communication technologies like telephone, telegraph, postal service,
and infrastructures such as electricity, railways, hospital, school and bank were constructed
in Ethiopia during the reign of Menelik II. Besides, the country had begun the use of money
in the commercial transaction. As a result, scholars (Kebede, 1928; Bahiru, 1991;
Tekletsadik, et.al 1983) see emperor Menelik II as the father of modernization in Ethiopian
history.
The normative narratives of Menelik II statue, therefore, emphasize the contributions of
emperor Menelik in building an Ethiopian empire. Particularly, equestrian statue of Menelik
II constructed to commemorate the battle of Adowa which was regarded as a historic battle
for black Africans. The statue was pulled down in 1936 by the order of Benito Mussolini

and was hidden somewhere so that the humiliating defeat of the Italians by Ethiopians at the
Battle of Adwa could be forgotten. However, in 1941 when the invaders were ousted by the
Ethiopian patriots and allied forces, the statue restored to its original place (Bahiru, 1991;
Mirror of Addis Ababa, 1950; Addis Ababa city administration, 2005).
After that, every year the anniversary of the battle of Adowa has been celebrated until today
in Ethiopia though the ceremonial practice has varied in the three consecutive regimes.
During the monarchial period, the battle of Adowa was celebrated through laying wreath on
the statue after attending mass at St. George Cathedral. In the Derg regime though the
celebration took place through laying a wreath on the statue, the attendance of church
services did not take place as the regime‟s ideology did not recognize religion. Again, in the
EPRDF period, the celebration of Adowa anniversary has continued in different forms
although there is an ambivalent feeling towards the commemoration.
6.2. The Deconstructive Historical Narratives about the Reign of Menelik II as Represented
by Anoole Statue
Menelik II and his soldiers with modern firearm fought and lost many battles to conquer
Arsii Oromoo during the process of building modern Ethiopia. The war took almost five
years (1882-1886) and ended with the defeat of Arsii Oromoo at Azule 6 September 1886
(Ezekiel, 2014). Hence, the deconstructive theses about the reign of Menelik II emanates
from the Menelik war of conquest and its consequences.
The major deconstructive thesis that is reflected by Anoole statue on the reign of Menelik II
emphasizes the abolishment of the Gadaa system. Gadaa is uniquely democratic political
and social institution that governs the life of every Oromo from birth to death (Gadaa, 1988).
It is an example of traditional African form of democracy that it is lately registered by
UNESCO in 2016. Menelik II and his army, however, did not simply bring the Gadaa
system to an end. Arsii Oromoo fought and defeated Menelik force many times as Gadaa
was the source of their courage and strength. Thus, the emperor forces planned a new
strategy that helps them to eliminate Gadaa system for once and for good from Arsi Oromo.
As official document from Oromia Culture and Tourism Bureau (2006) shows, it was the
period of Arsii Gadaa power transition, „Roobalee‟ to „Birmajjii‟ when Menelik II and his
soldiers lastly decided to end the Gadaa system. This last war (September 6, 1886) was
designed by Ras Darge in the name of making peace at Anoole. As informant from Oromia
Culture and Tourism office says:
Anoole was a symbolic site of Arsi power and what is reverently referred to as
‘Arsooma’, a custom by which the Arsi Oromo made laws, deliberated on war
and peace, elected their leaders and settled their inter and intra-clan disputes. It
is the superglue that held the Arsi tightly together.
After the Arsii Oromoo gathered at Anoole, the Menelik army surrounded the people and
proposed two options; either to accept the Menelik rule or to sacrifice their life to maintain
their Gadaa system. After a long controversy, the Arsii Oromoo decided to accept the
Monarchy rule, but governed and administered by their Gadaa system. As Baxter, Hultin
and Triulzi (1996) also stated, the conquest of Abyssinians over the indigenous Oromoo
people suppressed the Oromoo socio-political system, Gadaa. This shows the Gadaa system
is inseparable from the life of Oromoo. It is difficult for Oromoo people to be detached from
Gadaa like change or remove skin. The Arsoi Oromoo lost their life and body part for the
continuity of Gadaa system.

The second deconstructive narrative emphasizes on long-lasting psychological damage of

Arsii Oromoo during Menelik II war of conquest. Emperor Menelik II and his army made an
inhumane act at the last war of conquest to traumatize the Arsii people not to resist again.
They mutilated the hands of men and breasts of women of Arsii people in order to make
them lose the audacity and become psychologically weak to fight back. As document from
Oromia Culture and Tourism office (2006) also mentioned,
The act of hand and breast mutilation happened at the end of war in 1886. Ras
Darge and Menelik's army ordered those in attendance at the "peace" gathering
to enter a narrow pass one by one. Then, the right hands of all male and the
right breasts of the women were cut off. The mutilated hand and breast also tied
to the neck of the victims. This act happened to frighten the Arsi people who
defeated Menelik II army for several times (Translated).
Thus, the mutilated hand and breast holding statue was built to portray what exactly
happened at Anoole. However, the act of mutilation is one of the points of controversy. As
Inqu (April, 2006.Vol.2, No.29) and informants from opposition parties (AUEP and Blue
Party) mentioned, the mutilation of hands and breasts is false and popular history. On the
other hand, informants from OPDO and Oromia Culture and Tourism Bureau strongly
opposed the fictitious history of Anoole amputation. In fact, political actors pronounce the
modern Ethiopian history from the agenda of their political manifesto.
However, Arsi oral history is full of cold-blooded massacre and mutilation at Anoole. This
history had been told and retold by grandmothers and grandfathers for generations. Several
scholars (Greenfield, 1965; Alamayo, 1901; Holcomb and Ibssa, 1990; Keller, 1995; Abbas,
1995; Mekuria 1996; Sorenson, et.al, 1993) also witnessed the atrocious act of Menelik II
army made on Arsi, Bale, Harar, and southern parts of the country during the conquest
process.
The third deconstructive narrative over the reign of emperor Menelik II emphasizes the
economic crisis of Arsi people. As an informant from Oromia Culture and Tourism Bureau
says, “Menelik II and his soldiers exploited the Arsii Oromoo‟s natural resources, took a
large number of cattle and made them slave labor on their own land.” Stressing this,
Alamayo (1901: 349) also argues, “During the protracted war of conquest and the
pacification that lasted for several decades, vast amounts of property belonging to the
conquered people was confiscated or destroyed, and millions of head of livestock were
looted.” Hence, the Arsi people became economically weak and dependent on the Menelik
army who already controlled their resource.
6.3. Architectural Contentions of Anoole and Menelik II Statues
I. The Symbolism of Menelik II Statue
An equestrian statue of Menelik II is one of the three monuments first erected in Ethiopia.
As informant from Fine Art department explains, Menelik II statue is the second erected
statue in the country. The statue below portrays Emperor Menelik II in his coronation robes
riding glamorously on his horse Abba Dagnew looking to the north where the victorious
battle of Adwa took place (Mirror of Addis Ababa, 1950; Addis Ababa City Administration,
2005).

Figure 1: An Equestrian Statue of Menelik II at ‘Arada Giorgis’, Addis Ababa
As an informant from Fine Art department explains, Menelik statue is a kind of an

equestrian statue which portrays a rider mounted a horse. The crafting of an equestrian statue
began at Greece and mainly erected in the monarchical period. During this period, horses
were used for war purposes, and equestrian kinds of statue were constructed for the
commemoration of kings and their victory. Similarly, Menelik II statue was erected in
Ethiopia to commemorate both the military and civic achievements of emperor Menelik.
With this regard, the statue of Menelik depicts the regime and the victory of the emperor
over European colonizers.
An informants from Blue Party and Inqu (April 2006, Vol 6) magazine mention, an
equestrian statue of Menelik is a symbol of liberty, victory and freedom for all Ethiopian and
other black people. The statue epitomizes the Ethiopian people heroism and patriotism for
the rest of the world. However, the depiction of Menelik II statue has been deconstructed as
it could not be an inclusive and representative of all ethnic groups particularly affected by
the conquest of emperor Menelik in the process of building the modern Ethiopian empire.
II. The Symbolism of Anoole Statue
Anoole statue was built in Hetosa, Arsi zone, Oromia region on April 6, 2014 as a tribute to
the Arsii Oromoo harshly by the conquest of Menelik II. The design of Anoole statue,
mutilated hand holding mutilated breast, directly depicts the mutilation of Arsii Oromoo‟s
right hands of men and right breast of women during Menelik II war of conquest.
Connotatively, the word „Right‟ symbolizes the „Moral’, ‘Ethics’, ‘Ownership’, and
‘Victory’. The design depicts the maltreatment of Menelik army.

Figure 2: Anoole Memorial Monument at Arsi Hetosa, Oromia Region
Therefore, Anoole statue is seen as symbol of freedom or independency from past

domination of the imperial system. The statue also has similar connotation with other statues
constructed in African countries which are epitomizing their freedom and/or independence
after the end of colonization. In addition, document from Oromia Culture and Tourism
office (2006) and informant from OPDO mentioned that Anoole statue depicts the „Unity‟
and „Courage‟ of Arsi people to fight against any external power that undermines its socio-
political system.
However, the design of Anoole statue was the main cause of discord among the elites over
the representation of the reign of Menelik II in the Ethiopian polity. As informant from Fine
Art department explains, “When horrific histories are depicted artistically through
statues/monuments, artists should transform, not translate the history like photographic
form” (personal interview, 10 April 2015). Jano (April, 2006.Vol.2, No.29) and Lomi (April
2006, Volume, 102) magazines also mentioned the design of Anoole statue as if it inculcates
vengeance than preaching forgiveness, tolerance and peaceful coexistence among the
society. Opposing this, informant from OPDO argues that Anoole statue is the direct
depiction of the fact. Hence, reshaping the design of Anoole statue from its current portrait
is perceived as the reformation of the history. History, whether good or bad, should be
known by and taken as lesson by the coming generation.
6.4. The Political Views on Anoole and Menelik II Statues in Ethiopian Polity
Based on the historical and architectural representations of Anoole and Menelik II statues,
three competing and contrasting political ideologies have been reflected in Ethiopian polity.
I. Ethiopianist (Extreme Pan-nationalist) View
Ethiopianist (Extreme Pan-nationalist) view is the oldest view in the Ethiopian nationalism
that has been dominantly articulated by the Amhara and Tigray elites. This view sees
Ethiopia as the country which had a long political history and ancient society welded by its
history and devotion to Christian faith. This ideology has hegemonic discourse that
considers Ethiopia as one ethnic, one language and one religion state, and through this it
intends to create strong Ethiopian nationalism (Markakis, 2012; Vaughan, 2003; Clay and
Holcomb et al, 1986).

Thus, the Ethiopianism political view reveres the normative historical narratives about the
reign of Menelik II that is embodied in Menelik II statue. As an informant from Blue Party
says, “The statue of Menelik II represents the political achievement of emperor Menelik II in
the process of building the contemporary Ethiopia. In this process, Menelik II made internal
and external wars and showed strong leadership and strong unification process” (Informant
from Blue party, 2006). As a result, an Ethiopianist view argues that Menelik II statue is a
symbol of great Ethiopian nationalism and emperor Menelik II was the political architect for
the creation of sense of strong nationalism among the Ethiopian people during his reign.
Hence, Ethiopianism view considers the statue of Menelik II as the symbol of unity,
patriotism and victory.
On the other hand, an Ethiopianist view condemns the construction of Anoole statue that
deconstructs the reign of Menelik in the Ethiopian polity. In this regard, Addis Guday (Vol.
8, No.214, April 2006) and Inqu (Vol. 6, No.116, April 2006) mentioned that Anoole statue
is a symbol of disintegration and distortion of Ethiopian nation. It initiates revenge among
victims and perpetrators. In addition, informant from AEUP says, “Anoole statue encourages
ethnicity than nationality. The intention of ethnicity negatively affects the Ethiopian strong
nationhood and creates animosity among the major ethnic groups” (Informant from AEUP,
2006). Consequently, this view opposes the deconstructive thesis rearticulated over the reign
of Menelik II that is represented by Anoole statue and considers Anoole statue as an emblem
of radical racist and secessionist‟s political ideology.
II. Correctionist (Extreme Ethno-nationalist) View
The correctionist (Extreme Ethno-nationalist) view has emerged to deconstruct the extreme
pan-nationalist (Ethiopianism) view and construct the corrective political narratives in the
political history of modern Ethiopia. This view considers the Menelik war of conquest as the
process of colonization. As Greenfield (1965) also stated, Menelik II conquest of Arsii
Oromoo had the same in common as colonialists from Europe did in other parts of Africa.
The correctionist view firmly stated that Menelik II army took part in the scramble for
Africa by competing with other European countries along Ethiopia‟s borders. A document
from Culture and Tourism Bureau (2006) also asserts that the conquest of Menelik II is seen
as internal colonization for the conquered people. As a result, the conquered ethnic groups
need to undergo decolonization like other African countries colonized by western colonial
empire. This political view is predominantly pronounced by elites from the conquered ethnic
groups by Menelik II army. Consequently, it supports the construction of strong ethno-
nationalism.
With this regard, the Anoole statue is seen as a site for the construction of the sense of
ethno-nationalism and deconstruction of the normative narrative of Ethiopianist view in the
Ethiopian polity. This is due to the fact that the correctionist view sees the reign of Menelik
as an exclusionist and the oppressed and marginalized groups need to have the right to self-
determination. As participants from OPDO and Oromia Culture and Tourism Bureau say,
the construction of Anoole statue is an outcome of the contemporary Ethiopian political
system (ethno-linguistics based federalism). Hence, Anoole statue is considered as site for
strong ethno-nationalism.
According to correctionist view, Anoole statue represents the resistance and scarifies of
Arsii Oromoo towards any unfair, injustices and inequalities happened on Oromoo people.
Thus, the Anoole statue is seen as one way of correcting the hegemonic political discourses
over the reign of Menelik II and reconstructs political narratives in the current Ethiopian

political geography as a quest for comparative political power. On the contrary, statue of
Menelik II is seen as a symbol of colonization. Thus, this view strongly argues that the
statue of Menelik II should be deconstructed and condemned.
III. An Incumbent Government View
An incumbent government came to power in 1991 overthrowing the Derg military junta; the
federal system was introduced to resolve different ethnic groups‟ tensions and conflicts in
Ethiopia. Many scholars (Vaughan, 2003; Hashim, 2010; Merera, et al, 2003) also argue that
federalism is a solution to the problem of governing multi-ethnic and multi-religious states
which have been plagued in inter-communal conflicts and tensions. It creates peaceful
coexistence among societies who have distinct culture, religion, language, and socio-
economic preferences. Thus, the federal system based on ethno-linguistic introduced to meet
the interest of multi-ethnic groups in Ethiopia. In relation to this, the Constitution of the
Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia (FDRE) (Article 39, sub-article 2) has guaranteed
that “Every nation, nationality and people in Ethiopia has the right to speak, to write and to
develop its own language; to express, to develop and to promote its culture; and to preserve
its history” (Constitution of the FDRE, 1991). EPRDF has been arguing for the role of
Ethiopian federalism to administer multi-ethnic groups in the country and thereby resolving
the conflicts and tensions among the different ethnic groups found in Ethiopia.
With this regard, an incumbent government (EPRDF) considers Anoole statue from the
perspective of giving recognition for the past ethnic tyranny to maintain better and stable
political environment. As participants from OPDO says,
In the process of nation-building, facts should not be denied whether they are
good or bad. Unless consensuses are made on the past history, it is difficult to
step forward as a nation. Therefore, the political agenda of Anoole statue
construction is giving recognition for the Arsi people who suffered a humiliating
defeat of the ‘Neftegna’ system. In doing so, the statue plays a significant role in
the process of creating an integrated society through educating them from the
past experience, not to repeat it again in the future.
Thus, Anoole statue is taken as an exemplary site for fighting the political tyranny of
monarchial system as favor to democracy and good governance among the Oromo people
and the nation as well. The statue is seen as an emblem of ethno-linguistics based federalism
in contemporary Ethiopian political system. On the contrary, Inqu (April 2006, Volume 6,
No. 116, p.6) and Addis Guday (April 2006, Volume 8, No.214, p.14) magazines mentioned
that Anoole statue is the space of political friction among the major ethnic groups in the
country, and the huge money for the construction of Anoole statue was taken as government
extravagance when the country is in the rampant economic situation and the society has the
problem of infrastructural services.
According to the participants from OPDO and Oromia Culture and Tourism Bureau,
construction of Anoole statue currently has two basic contributions. First, it benefits the
society who lives nearby socially, economically and psychologically. Second, as the statue
has its own museum and research center, it gives an opportunity for scholars to explore and
investigate untouched issues about Oromo for the rest of the world.

7. Conclusions
This study investigates how statues of Anoole and Menelik II serve as sites for both
reproduction and re-articulation of historical relations of power in the Ethiopian polity. The
study found that an equestrian statue of Menelik II and Anoole memorial monument are the
faces of one coin in the history of building the modern Ethiopia. Specifically, both statues
reflect the good and bad historical incidents took place during the reign of Menelik II. The
historiography, architectural symbolism and political representations of both states are the
points of controversy in the Ethiopian polity. The normative historical narratives (heroism
and patriotism of Ethiopians showed at the battle of Adwa) revolve around Menelik II statue
deconstructed by Anoole memorial monument which depicts the inhumane act (mutilation
of right hand of men and right breast of women) emperor Menelik made on Arsi people.
Besides, three contrasting and contesting political ideologies (extreme pan-nationalist,
extreme ethno-nationalist and incumbent government) have been reflected on the political
representation of Anoole and Menelik II statues in the Ethiopian polity. With this regard,
extreme pan-nationalism view considers the statue of Menelik II as the symbol of unity,
patriotism and victory, but condemns the construction of Anoole statue for it is being
thought to negatively affect the unity and strong nationhood of Ethiopia. On the other hand,
the extreme ethno-nationalist view claims that the Anoole statue is a way of correcting the
hegemonic political discourses over the reign of Menelik II and asserts that the statue of
Menelik II is a symbol of colonization. The incumbent Government also sees Anoole statue
as representation of the monarchical political tyranny and the strong resistance of Arsi
Oromo.
Lastly, the study concludes that the controversies over Anoole and Menelik II statues
emanate from lack of national consensus. Therefore, the study urges the government to work
hard in building national consensus in the country to minimize the disparity among different
ethnic groups over the representation of different media texts like statues.
References
Aalen L. (2002). Ethnic Federalism in a Dominant Party State: The Ethiopian Experience
1991-2000. Norway. Chr. Michelson Institute Development Studies and Human
Rights.
Abbas Haji Ganamo. (1995). Menelik's Conquest as the Genesis of Ethiopian Crises. A case
of the Arsi Oromo. The Oromo Commentary.
Assefa Fissiha. (2006). Theory Versus Practice in the Implementation of Ethiopia’s Ethnic
Federalism. In Turton, D (ED), Ethnic Federalism: The Ethiopian Experience in
Comparative Perspectives (pp 131-162). Oxford. James Currey.
Bach J.N. (2014). EPRDF’s-Building: Nation Tinkering with convictions and pragmatism.
Retrived on 27 May 2014 from http://cea.revues.org/1501
Bahru Zawde. (1991). A History of Modern Ethiopia, 1855-1974. London. James Currey.
Baird J. (2005). Looking at Ethiopia: History, Photography, and Power. Florida. University
Of Florida.
Clay J. and Holcomb B. (1986). Politics and the Ethiopian Famine. Cambridge. Mass
Cultural Survival.
Curl J. and Stevensen. (2006). A Dictionary of Architecture and Landscape Architecture
(2nd ed.). Oxford University Press.
Ezekiel Gabissa. (2014). Contested Terrain: The Oromo and Ethiopian Studies. USA.

Lutheran University Press.

Forest and Johnson. (2001). The Politics of Public Space: What Can Political Science
Contribute to the Study of Monuments? Canadian Political Science Association.
Montreal
Greenfield R. (1965). Ethiopia: A New Political History. London. PALL MALL PRESS
Ltd.
Hall, S. (1997). Representation: Cultural Representations and Signifying Practices. London.
Sage Publications
Hashim Tewfik. (2010). Transition to Federalism: The Ethiopian Experience. Ottawa,
Ontario. Forum of Federations
Holcomb B. and Ibssa S. (1990). The Invention of Ethiopia: The Making of a Dependent
Colonial State in Northeast Africa. Trenton N.J. Red Sea Press.
Jonson H.M. (1966). History of Art: A Survey of the Major Visual Arts from the Dawn of
History to the Present Day. New Jersey. Prentice-hall.
Keller J. E. (1995). The Ethnogenesis of the Oromo Nation and Its Implications for Politics
in Ethiopia. Journal of modern African studies. Cambridge University press.
Leib J. (2002). Separate Times, Shared Spaces: Arthur Ashe, Monument Avenue and the
Politics of Richmond, Virginia's Symbolic Landscape. London. Sage publication
Marcus H. (1994). A History of Ethiopia. Berkeley: University of California Press
Markakis J. (2012). Ethiopia: The Last Two Frontiers. Montreal. Canadian Journal of
African Studies
McClellan Ch. (1978). Reaction to Ethiopian Expansion: The Case of Darese 1895-1913.
USA. Michigan
Merera Gudina. (2003). Ethiopia: Competing Ethnic Nationalisms and the Quest for
Democracy, 1960 –2000. Addis Ababa. Chamber Printing House
_______.(2007).The Ethiopian State and the Future of the Oromos: The Struggle for
‘Self-Rule and Shared-Rule‟. Minneapolis. USA
Meskerm Asmamew (2013). Public Monuments of Addis Ababa 1930-1974. Addis Ababa.
Goethe Institute.
Osborne S. B. (2001). Landscapes, Memory, Monuments, and Commemoration: Putting
Identity in its Place. Retrieved on July 9, 2014 from www.metropolis.net
Pankhurst R. (1982). History of Ethiopian Towns from the middle Ages to the Early
Nineteenth Century. Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlag.
Paul R. (1984). The Foucault Reader .London: Penguin Books
Sorenson J. (1993). Imagining Ethiopia: Struggle for History and Identity in the Horn
Africa. New Brunswick. Rutgers University Press
Sturken M. and Cartwright L. (2001). Practices of Looking: An introduction to Visual
Culture. Oxford. Oxford university press.
Tronvoll K. (2008). War and the Politics of Identity in Ethiopia. UK. James Currey
Turner, V. (1975). Symbolic Studies. Annual Review of Anthropology, Vol. 4. (1975).
Retrived on July12 ,2014 from www.annualreviews.org/journal/anthro/43/
Turton D. (2006). Ethnic Federalism: The Ethiopian Experience in Comparative
Perspectives Oxford. James Currey.
Vaughan S. (2003). Ethnicity and Power in Ethiopia. (Unpublished PhD Dissertation.) The
University of Edinburgh, UK

Documents
Addis Ababa City Administration Communication Office. (2009). Lists Of Monuments in
Addis Ababa. (unpublished)
Biiroo Oromiya Aadaafi Turizimii. (Jildii 1ffaa, Bitootessa 2006). AADAAFI TURIZIMII.
Finfinne.
_____________Jano Magazine. April 2006.Vol.2, No.29. Asnake publishing P.L.C. Addis
Ababa, Ethiopia
_____________Addis GudayMagazine. April 2006, Vol. 8, No. 124, p. 14. Rose publishing
P.L.C. Addis Ababa, Ethiopia
_____________Lomi Magazine. April 2006, Vol. 102, p.12. Dadimos publishing P.L.C;
Addis Ababa, Ethiopia
____________Inqu Magazine. April 2006, Vol. 6, No. 116, p.6. Alemayehu publishing
P.L.C; Addis Ababa, Ethiopia
___________Konjo magazine. April 2006, Vol. 3, No.66, p.5. Addis Ababa, Ethiopia

Vol.1 No.1 January 2018 e-ISSN: 2616-3985
https:www.ju.edu.et/gj p-ISSN: 2616-3977

Jimma University
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Some Accounts of Arsii Customary Law (Seera Ambaa): Reflections

Based on Historical Approach
Ginbar Nagaraa*
Senior Lecturer at School of Humanities and Social Sciences,
Adama Science and Technology University,
E-mail: [email protected]
Abstract
The study sheds some light on Arsii Oromoo customary law which is referred to as Seera Ambaa,
giving particular emphasis to its reformation enactment major achievements, themes of its body
contents and practices recurred for over generations within their gadaa context. The Arsii, who have
established their local gadaa center at Odaa Roobaa made enactment of their customary law, seera
ambaa named after the leading gadaa office, Ambatoo Dayyo towards the end of the 15 th century.
Historical sources show that as the gadaa system of governance was active, reformation of laws was
launched at a different time and level, spearheaded by individuals who deserved reputation of the
designation of law maker and reformer. Despite these historical roles of gadaa system of
governance, issues pertinent to its law have not been adequately studied. This study attempts to fill
this gap through undertaking a qualitative study collecting data through various means. Seera
Ambaa is the most recent reformed comprehensive law of Arsii that had been made at its highest
point in time based on and within the framework of ancestral law of the Oromoo. This law has
underlain their overall interrelationships and interactions in universe that everything in their life
was brought under the jurisdiction of this customary law. However, the increase in Islamization of
Arsii since 1850s and Menelik’s conquest of Arsii in 20th century had challenged the practice and led
to its declining phase. In revealing this historical fact, the study contributes to cover the gaps
prevailed in the area and add values towards currently revitalizing and rejuvenating gadaa systems.
Keywords - Arsii, seera ambaa, customary law, gadaa
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Axereeraa
Qorannoon kun seenaa tumaa haaromsa seera Oromoo Arsii ganamaa, seera ambaa ifoomsuu
irratti kan xiyyeeffatedha. Kunis tumaa haaromsa seeraa fi lallaba isaa akkasumas qabiyyee fi
shaakallii isaa bu’uura gadaa isaaniin sakatta’uu ta’a. Oromoonni Arsii wiirtuu gadaa ofii Odaa
Roobaa taasisuudhaan haaromsa seera ambaa karaa abbaa gadaa fi seera tumticha, Ambaatoo
Dayyoon gara dhuma jaarraa 15ffaa keessa tumuun hojiirra oolchan. Ragaan seenaa akka eerutti
bulchiinsa sirna gadaa jalatti haaromsi seera ittiin bulmaata sirnichaa yeroo fi sadarkaa addaa
addaatti gaggeessummaa namootaa maqaa fi gumataa seera tumtummaa fi haaromsaa gonfamuu
danda’aniiru. Haa ta’u malee, sirni gadaa gumaata seenaa olaanaa qabaatus dhimmootiin seera
sirnichaa haala ga’umsa qabuun hinqoratamne. Dhimma kanaafis qorannoon kun mala qorannoo
ibsaa (qualitative) hordofuunii fi tooftaalee funaansa ragaa qorannichaa fi dhiheessa bu’aa isaa
dhimma ba’een gaggeessama. Seerri Ambaa seera Oromoo Arsii adeemsa yeroo mataa ofiin seera
isaanii ganamaa irratti hundaa’uudhaan haaromsamedha. Seerri haarome kun haala jiruufi jireenya
waliigalaafi hariiroo isaanii uumaa fi uumamaa waliigalaarratti kan xiyyeeffatee fi abboommii isaa
------------------------------------------------------------------------
61
jalatti akka gaggeeffamu kan irratti murtaa’edha. Haa ta’u malee, dhiibbaan olaantummaa amantaa
Islaamaa baroottan 1850 keessa cimaa dhufuu fi sababa weerara sirna Minilik jaarraa 20 ffaa irraan
kan ka’e seerrii ambaa hacuuccaa fi dhiibbaa halagaa jalatti kufaa sadarkaa laafinaatti seene..
Qorannoon kunis dhugaa seenaa kana mul’isuun qaawwa qorannoo gama kanaan jiru haguugaa fi
haaromsa seera gadaatiif yeroo ammaa taasifamaa jiru kan utubu ta’a
Jechoota Ijoo: Arsii, seera ambaa, seera ganamaa, gadaa
1. Introduction
To begin with, the term customary law is referred to as seera and constitution as heera. Both
terms are referring to laws operating at different hierarchical order in their culture.
According to Endessa (2011) and Leila (2016), the gadaa system was based on what was
called customary constitution and law (heeraa fi seera). Their differences are while heera
addresses common pan-Oromoo issues, seera implies customary laws operating at local
gadaa centers among various groups of Oromoo at different parts of Oromia. Thus, it is
more of a normative practices for the Oromoo that their life aspects is historically subjected
to jurisdiction of laws enacted at different times and under the various gadaa administration
centers.
Defining customary laws in general includes specific rules, social values or principles,
worldviews/beliefs, codes of conduct and established practices. They are enforced by
community institutions, derived from natural resources use/practice, locally recognized,
orally held, and dynamic (evolving over time) (Chirayath, 2009; Nhlapo, 1994; Borrows,
2010a). Customary law is legal expression of cultural norms and values dynamic to changes
based on social, economic and legal developments (Bond, 2010). This system of norms
governs the lives of millions of people, particularly covering up to 90% of the population in
parts of Africa (Nhlapo, 1994). Customary systems are often the dominant form of
regulation in dispute resolution and its informal normative frameworks shaped the vast
majority of human behavior. At the same time customary justice differs depending on local
traditions, as well as the political history of a particular country or region (Chirayath, 2009).
Similarly, law and its knowledge is a centric unit in Oromoo worldview including the Arsii
(Mamo, 2006).
Bassi (2005) focused on Oromoo of Booranaa elucidated customary law which includes all
the discussions, negotiations and procedures that take place when someone has committed
acts deemed morally wrong or in conflict with community morals and norms. Similarly,
Leila (2016) in her focus on Arsii explains that their customary law is necessary to
constantly discuss and debate the application of various codes, laws, ethics and norms even
though our knowledge is limited.
The Arsii is one of the largest Oromoo groups inhabited over a wider geographical territory
of Oromia (predominantly today‟s Bale, Arsii, West Arsii Zones) and developed some
distinctive historical experiences and endogenous values, including local Gadaa center
(Mindaye, 2004; Mamo, 2006). From historical and cultural study perspectives, the Oromo
of Arsii territory have anchored major earliest hub of pan-Oromoo gadaa assembly, Madda
Walaabuu and spiritual center at Dalloo both located in today‟s Bale. Particularly, Madda
Walaabuu had been a hub of pan-Oromoo gadaa revitalization in the 15th century and the
central caffee assembly, and Dalloo had been the seat of Abba Mudaa (the highest priest and
spiritual leader), center of pilgrimage for all Oromoo until it came to end in the 19th century
(Alemayehu, et.al, 2006; Dereje, 2005). Until these centers faced declining process due to
internal and external pressure, they had been serving as a meeting point where all across the
Ginbar, Some Accounts of Arsii … 62

Oromoo local gadaa leaders and spiritual heads representative had summoned every eight
year and shared experiences before went back to their locality with centrally amended law,
new directives and bless for new life. This process had enabled the gadaa and
Waaqeffannaa (Oromoo indigenous religion) enduring for long maintained central authority,
principal supervision and watchful institution (Mindaye, 2004; Ginbar, 2010). Harboring
ancient pan-Oromoo political and religious centers seemed to have made the Arsii claims for
long time stewardship right and custodianship advantageous over the other groups of the
Oromoo.
The various groups of Oromoo inhabited over different parts of Oromia established and
organized themselves within at their local Gadaa assembly centers under the jurisdiction of
the pan-Oromoo centers. Likewise, the Arsii made their Gadaa center at Odaa Roobaa, one
of the earliest five Oromoo gadaa assembly centers and geographically close to the pan-
Oromoo hubs, had administered their generations. Odaa Roobaa is center of endogenous
organization and differentiation within into sub-clans for unity and harmony over the area
their members inhabited. Their geographical proximity to the pan-Oromoo centers seemed to
have enabled the Arsii being good recipients of the hubs closer attention for healthier system
of gadaa values (ibid). Oral sources also mentioned another important task connected to this
center, the reformation of their ancestral law, Seera Ambaa. Seera Ambaa was not a fresh
law but a reformed version of Arsii context that was undertaken within the framework of
ancient law of Oromoo, beneath the jurisdiction of pan-Oromoo centers and remembered
with its extensive sagacity endurance and comprehensive values. However, against these
backgrounds, popular and wider claims made on rules of law based on Gadaa system of
governance literature are scare in the area. Hence, only little is known about these early
experiences and wisdom of the populace. This marginalization is principally substantiated to
both past historical injustice, contemporary emerging challenges and other weaknesses.
Nonetheless, there are few attempts made on Arsii indigenous wisdom and gadaa values
consulted for this study; for example, Mamo (2000 & 2006), Endassa (2011) and Leila
(2016) have provided certain clues on Seera Ambaa varyingly that are barely mentioning the
term to making slight description. Hence, this study is motivated to fill the gaps uncovered
in bringing fair detail description about this wisdom and its body contents which reverberate
at different levels in the study area: in rhetoric expression, traditions and some areas of
practical activities. There is a strong sympathy prevailed among the study areas (Kokosa,
Arsii Roobee, Dodolaa, Muneessa and Kofalee) Arsii elders towards their long established
wisdom which recurs in their traditions and practices to handling public gatherings, different
social cases and individual member of their society. Some survived elements and values of
this Arsii customary law are still persisting in managing their relationships at gender,
conflict resolutions, socio-cultural life, marriage, socialization, etc. areas. Thus, aiming to
bring some better detail account in the area, this particular study will serve to propounding
and furthering our understanding on the subject. However, this work in itself is not a
complete one as financial and time constraints, limitations to comprehending over
generation transcended oral information and historicizing as desired, Ethiopian political,
cultural, religious injustice and contemporary exogenous forces presented a challenge on
indigenous wisdom.

Oromoo customary laws are some of the underpinnings which determine Oromoo national
unity, identity, self-assertion, addressing natural and social merits and demerits. Law is the
highest supreme body and organ for administrating society and governing relationships
between and among humans and others in their worldview. Law and its knowledge is highly
crucial to guiding Oromoo life overall generational activities within itself and out
(Alemayehu, 2009).
The Oromoo people are pre-eminent observant of gadaa laws which are embedded at the
hearts of its long established culture and norm (aadaa) and ethos (safuu). Before it fully
evolved to a complex system, gadaa has been emanated out of these populace intelligences.
Several scholars of gadaa have asserted that the Gadaa system is political-legal wisdom
enamored by egalitarian democratic values. This is referring to the supremacy of law over
rule of man and collective motives over individual interests and ambitions (Assefa, 2010;
Asmerom, 2000; Alemayehu, 2009). Gadaa governance has been exercised at both mega
and local unit level-based administration system established in all groups and clans of the
nation settled in various parts of Oromia (Alemayehu et.al, 2006). The system has made a
continual existence holding itself under compelling reasons and demands for reformation
processes that are undertaken at different times (gadaa cycles) and places (centers of its
assembly-Odaa) and by individual preceded their respective gadaa offices. However,
studies in this area are only little emerging.
Accordingly, populace historical background focused recent studies, undertaken by some
gadaa scholars like Alemayehu (2009), Alemayehu, et.al (2006), Dereje (2005 & 2012) and
Daribu (2000) who are reviewed in this work to provide some clues which served as passing
references in the area. Particularly, the works of Alemayehu et.al (2006) and Dereje (2005)
focus on the early history of the Oromoo asserted change on the reorganizations of Gadaa
system at Madda Walaabuu c.a. 1450 and reformation of gadaa laws. They mentioned that
the principle of Gadaa system known as Seera Caffee Oromo or Seera Walaabuu was
formulated centrally and comprised of most common laws directly or indirectly addressing
socio-political, economic and religious life of an individual Oromoo. The studies also further
ascertained that few task of setting reinforcement of new rules and regulations on the use of
materials like Kallachaa (insignia for spirituality), Bokkuu (insignia of Gadaa headship),
Caaccuu (insignia of fertility) and Siinqee (insignia representing feminine) at Madda
Walaabuu (mid of 15th century) that revealed the identity of their culture (ibid).
Furthermore, Alemayehu (2009) has gone to mentioning different themes of Oromoo law
and made significant reflections on its major focus, mainly the prerogatives of female,
spiritual leader, Waaqa, Earth, father, mother, kallachaa, plants, cardinal laws, crime, wild
animals, horse, the banner of Oromoo, refugee, etc. The Oromoo used the Gadaa laws as
constitution of their government although it was not written like the constitutions of many
other people. Bearing the general limitations in studies on the area and insufficiency on
documentation of ancient Oromoo customary law, these works are important displaying at
Oromoo knowledge of law in the gadaa system.
According to Alemayehu, et.al (2006) and Dereje (2005), the laws of Gadaa were formerly
known as Seera Ganamaa (ancient laws) and Seera Walaabuu (the law of the day break).
This earliest law of Seera Walaabuu, an opening source for gadaa laws, had been coined on
the bases of laws of nature (Waaqaa) and observing natural phenomena. This nature imitated

and its observant parental law of Walaabuu is pillar to all laws as heera (constitution)
presents both temporal and spiritual features at its background.
Besides, the scholarly works of Gemetchu (2005) and Aseffa (2010) have furthered our
knowledge on the topic elucidating that the Oromoo law has comprised two major divisions:
customary law (Seera namaa) and law of God (Seera Waaqaa). In discussing their
relationships, Seera Waaqaa is a precedent and source for seera namaa has maintained
supremacy as a constitution does on other law categories. Here, more of temporal aspect
(seera namaa) and spiritual (Seera Waaqaa) seemed to be fused to undifferentiating points.
Similarly, distinctions are made in Arsii by saying as seera Ambaa (temporal) and Seera
Wayyuu (sacred) to speak of secular and temporal aspects of their laws. Deduced from the
aforementioned discussions, the Oromoo sources of law had natural, religious and temporal
basis and reflected the general features of customary laws.
In a discussion on the sources of Indigenous legal traditions in Canada, Borrows (2010a)
explains that the underpinnings of indigenous law are entwined with the social, historical,
political, biological, economic and spiritual circumstances of each group. They are based on
many sources, including sacred teachings, naturalistic observations, positivistic
proclamations, deliberative practices, and local and national customs. In this regard, when
the Arsii speak of seera ambaa or seera aadaa (cultural/customary law), it has comprised of
sacred, natural, deliberative, positivistic and customary laws and more. Furthermore, Leila
(2016), who focused on Arsii indigenous values, mentions that customary laws are
interwoven with all other practices and types of knowledge of the group.
Besides, Alemayehu (2009), Alemayehu, et.al (2006); Dereje (2005 & 2012) and Samu‟el
(2011) have pointed out that the law of gadaa has contained two divisions: cardinal law
(seera ikkee) and supplementary law (seerota biroo). They expressed that cardinal laws are
simulated from natural phenomenon and non-amended category of law as opposed to the
latter revisited in comply with arising need in the society, at each series gadaa power
transition. Thematic wise, some features of gadaa cardinal law mentioned in the above
sources, include: law of God, law of earth, law of the father, law of the mother and law of
the Qaalluu (spiritual head). Most of the time, Ikkee laws are termed as mataa, (sammuu)
seerota, head/ brain to supplementary law which have not compelled to alteration and
revisions of its contents and items (Samu‟el, 2011).
However, the supplementary law contents and items showed variations in time and place
based on changes and continuities in the socio-political, religious and economic life of the
society. Hence, they can be varying from one another among the Oromoo groups established
at local gadaa administrations. On the basis of this idea, recurring five gadaa parties used to
examine, made laws and reformed the existing ones based on its necessities as opposed to
cardinal law (Alemayehu, 2009: 157). Whatever distinct themes rose at local administration
levels issues like living, non-living things and spiritual matters are major features of Oromoo
law and under normal conditions, they were never inviolable in any stance of reformation
activity.
Another important point cited in literature with regard to law making is the religious-
philosophical notion mentioned as the five fundaments, Yaayyaa Shanan. The concept of
Yaayyaa Shanan is a deep-seated Oromoo religious-philosophical notion rooted in creation
mythology (dhugeeffannaa) of the Waaqeffannaa religion. According to Gemechu (2005), a
scholar in the area, this notion of Oromoo worldview attests Waaqaa‟s initial creations as
spearheaded by five fundaments: the sun, moon, star, land and water. These elements are

believed to have made first appearance in Waaqeffannaa creation mythology and pillars
imitation to life in many areas. On the basis of these five fundaments correlation
arrangement, a different area of the law making process is made to have presents their
replication for appropriation. Their molding is compulsory requirement and sign of assertive
fulfillment in law making process, in one and different ways (Alemayehu, 2009; Dereje,
2005). For instances, the five themes of cardinal laws of gadaa: law of God, Earth, father,
mother and Qaalluu and, the five gadaa parties were organized to their replication. In
allegiance to this, tradition in Arsii expresses their law was organically adopted from and
enacted on five parts of a bull (seerri qaama kormaa gurguddoo shan irraa tumame).
Besides, as presented in the forthcoming discussion, the enactment of Arsii law was
spearheaded by five leading persons and many other things are expressed in this five base
arrangement.
In the history of the political culture of the Oromoo, as mentioned in literature, the process
of law making, formulation and reformations have been undertaken at different gadaa
periods and by several leading personalities. Some prominent political figures during whose
governance period reformation of gadaa laws were undertaken are namely Gadayyoo
Galgaloo, Dawwee Gobboo(Boorana), Jujee Badhaasaa (Gujii), Makkoo Billii (Macca),
Hawaas Ayid (Ituu), and Namoo Dooyyoo, Haru Maaruu, and Cangaree Korboo (Tuulama)
(Alemayehu, 2009), Ambatoo Dayyoo (Arsii) (Ginbar, 2010).
Historical studies on early Oromoo of Macca have mentioned prominently the name
Makkoo Billii with varying roles and achievements such as great law giver, maker, prophet,
reformer, judge, etc. (Mohammed, 1994). The laws are named with the persons led
reformation in their respective such as seera Makkoo Billii (in 1580s), Seera Gadayyoo
Galgaloo (Dereje, 2005) and Seera Ambaa (Ginbar, 2010). It is mentioned in the literature
that reformation is normative practice as gadaa went on to cop up prevailing internal and
external forces of dynamisms. In most conventional sense, massive act of enactment at any
level and degree were initiated out of compelling reasons that felt them strong threat and
chaos. Thus, distinctive from every eight years periodic interval reformation, these
prominent persons are mentioned to have undertaken and performed immense,
comprehensive and lasting ones. These personalities are seen as moralistic in charge of
enormous task of gadaa laws reformation during their gadaa office and gave highly
comprehensive law to their people that made them to be memorable across generations.
Thus, high-level reformation of law was most usually happening to develop surviving
endurance against challenge and problem of insecurity met on the populace and their Gadaa
values so does the Seera Ambaa.
To this point, Endessa (2011) made a clear assertion that reformation of law in Arsii was
made at a time of social crisis. On important point mentioned, the formulation of Arsii law,
seera Ambaa was made and named after the then leading gadaa office and great reformer,
Ambatoo Dayyoo was prevailing to overcome challenges faced on gadaa system
particularly due to the increasing influence of Islamic ideology. As it will be disclosed in the
forthcoming discussion, this could be partly evident from the names of few prominent
individuals directly involved in the law making process at various levels. Such similar clue
is made in the work of Alemayehu, et.al (2006) that the 15th pan-Oromoo renaissance and
reformation of the nation‟s law made at Madda Walaabuu was undertaken by the
involvement of some individual Oromoo Islamic names.

3. Materials and Methods

Reconstructing history of certain theme of oral community requires a close examination of
the available sources: use of oral tradition with written materials. The Oromoo transmit their
historical and Cultural knowledge through oral tradition which includes songs, tales, legend,
myth, etc. used for this study. Besides, in Gadaa system, the Oromoo had a unique method
of time computation and the method of transmitting history known as argaa-dhageettii
(from what they heard and saw).
Like most social science, this study has dealt with culture that involved claims of values and
rights. For this purpose, the study has principally employed qualitative research approach of
descriptive and narrative styles, and its methods of data extraction both from primary and
secondary sources. The different types of data collection tools and techniques mainly
interviews, non-participant observation, focus group discussions, and document analysis
were the instruments used to obtain reliable data for the study.
Key informants, which comprised commoners (Gadaa leaders, the Qaalluu/ittii, head of the
Saddeetaa assembly) civil servants, etc., were selected on mastery knowledge of the history,
culture and gadaa values of the society. The interviews were conducted in five districts,
namely Kokosa, Dodola, Kofalee, Arsii Roobe and Munessa, where still some survival
elements of Seeraa Ambaa are recalled, conceptualized and lightly practiced. In these
selected places of study area non-participant observations of their insignias and emblems of
gadaa system and assembly center (yaa’a saddeetaa) was undertaken. Helpful official
documents, both unpublished and published manuscripts from the districts‟ Culture and
Tourism office, and various scholars of different disciplines were helped to reconstruct a
history on marginalized themes of study. However, the work has faced some general
limitations on its historcization as desired due to the source deficiencies that are unable to
trace the subject in change and continuities time frame.
4. Results and Discussion
4.1. Some Major Achievements with Seera Ambaa
In connection to this law making process, a point most importantly highlighted is the
historical Arsii customary law enactment center at Odaa Roobaa. Sharing most common
gadaa laws with other groups of Oromoo in the period from central caffee assembly at
Madda Walaabuu, the Arsii is made to have Odaa Roobaa their local gadaa center, a point
of their further differentiation and enacted their reformed customary law, Seera Ambaa
(Mindaye, 2004). Odaa Roobaa, which is located in Ginnir in Baalee, had become a
prominent Gadaa center long before their ancestors formulated Seera Arsii (law of the
Arsii), the modified version of the original Seera Oromoo. In other sources (Eshetu, 2008;
Alemayehu, et.al., 2006; Dereje, 2005 & 2012), Odaa Roobaa is said to be the center of
gadaa assembly since c.a. 1116 until it had been intervened due to the increase in
islamization of Arsii around 1850s and later by the settlements of Neftenya around this
caffee center since 1890s (Mindaye, 2004; Ginbar, 2010). Mindaye (2004) mentioned that
this Arsii law was made during Roobalee gadaa, even though no further reference is given
whether to be happening prior or after the great reformation at Madda Walaabuu, during
Birmajji. According to oral sources, this particular gadaa period when Arsii made its law
was one gadaa generation or gogessa after dispersal of the Oromo from Madda Walaabuu
(c.a. 1450) and this is calculated to be made c.a. 1490 (c.a. 1450 + 40). This speculation is
again supported in the work of Ginbar.

As normative, reformation of law is key system to ensuring gadaa wisdom and its
supremacy along with the changing situations and increasing its adaptability capacity
(Alemayehu, 2009). Based on the findings, Seera Ambaa is a consolidated reformed law of
Arsii upon their ancestral law enacted at Odaa Roobaa during the Roobalee Gadaa. This
revised version of Arsii ancestral law was undertaken at its highest point in time (c.a 1490)
comprehending most recent themes and values underlain to be essential in their worldview.
Oral sources uttered that enactment of this reformed version had predominantly emanated
out of the need to updating their members‟ with necessary issues and capacitating them
further towards ensuring harmony within their social and natural environment. The principal
reason for launching massive enactment at the time was specifically for enhancing
susceptibility and adaptability against challenges prevailed upon their gadaa values.
As to elder informants starting sometimes long before Ambatoo handling gadaa office c.a
1490, the impacts through conversion to Islamic religious ideology had mounted over gadaa
values. Endessa (2011) mentioned that the Arsii gadaa system was created and reformed at a
time of social crises. He goes further that a time at crisis mounted spiritual leaders, elders
(with or without divine influence) or a combination of both of these groups recommended
that the law and gadaa system be created. According to my informants, such as Guyyee
Kadir, the head of yaa’a saddeetaa at Kokosa during my study and one of the most referred
oral informants and the works of anthropologist Mamo Hebo and Lila Qashu indicated that
the major challenges of the time was the increasing influence of Islamic religion ideology.
This gadaa wise-man explained that his 18 elder male ancestors pertaining Muslim name
had involved in the enactment of Seera Ambaa.
In general, the reformation was outcome of accomplishments undertaken at individual and
collective level and accountabilities assumed at varying points. This covers from
enumerating themes of the law body content, issuing respective prerogatives for entities
comprehended and propounding reinforcement system for its ultimate success.
4.2. Spearheading Personalities and their Roles
As lready mentioned above, the enactment of reformed law was undertaken at the end of the
fifth gadaa, during the Roobalee gadaa (c.a. 1490) cycle, counting/starting from the great
reformation at Madda Walaabuu that was during Birmajjii (c.a 1450). The term ‘Ambaa’ is
said to have been derived from the name of a great law giver and reformer, Ambatoo
Dayyoo, the founding father and the formulator of the reformed rule. Ambatoo Dayyoo is
said to have been the Abbaa Gadaa of the Arsii from c, a. 1490 A.D to c. a. 1498 A.D and
accountable for revisions of the law under his good gadaa leadership and beneath the
auspicious of Gadaa system and seera Madda Walaabuu (Ginbar, 2010). Ambatoo Dayyoo
had spearheaded this reformation act like Gadayyo Galgaloo and Makkoo Billii who gave
law to their people.
According to informants, this massive reformation program was succeeded through good
leadership quality of Ambatoo Dayyoo who is said to be wiser and determinant person in
restoring Arsii Oromoo values at its day break time. In the expressions of several
informants, his gifted ability added with his determination at mounting time of social crisis
saved their values from being simply vanished. Existing tradition related to law making still
recall his vestige. His greatness with related law giver legacy recurs in their tradition as
importantly as below. This is when a child became disobedient to mother, the mother
responds with annoyance saying eebade Ambatoo Dayyoo! (Oh, Ambatoo Dayyoo, I am

being derelict!). This warning message implies the paramount place given to the law and his
legacy influence.
Based on the sources, this legalo-political history of the Arsii Oromoo made certain strong
references to formulation and reformation of laws mainly attributes to some other prominent
personalities. Besides Ambatoo, the task had been importantly successful with the
involvement of some other personalities who took different active roles at various points in
the process of endorsing enactment of the law. Accordingly, the reformation process had
comprised five top persons replication of five fundaments with different leading roles and
made the tasks succeeded. These namely include: Hambisoo Basoo, Yaboo Ejersoo, Igguu
Meerree, Soofumar Hammarraa and Jiraan Baagdaad. Elders claim that the duty of
introducing the contents of the rules in reformation in a customary way Koottu-dhufee (let
you come- I came), which is in Arsii known as Qora mataa fi miilaa (speeches on content of
the law by two selected persons from the elder and younger clan,) was made by Kadir
Yaboo on one side and Sofiya Alii on the other side. Evident individuals with Muslim names
did play leading roles in the revival movement. The conversions subsequent demerits on
their Oromumma and gadaa system had been felt and this challenge compelled reformation
after Soofumar Hammarraa, Sofiya Alii, and Kadir Yaboo took prime roles in Gadaa
reformation.
Similarly, Roobee Beerree is said to have accomplished the lallaba (promulgation) of the
law climbing on Odaa Roobaa. Another person, Hambisoo Basoo is said to have designed
the gadaa periods from seven at prior to five: Birmajjii (c.a 1450-1457), Bultum (c.a. 1458-
1565), Horataa (c.a. 1466-1473), and Bahaaraa (c.a. 1474-1481 and Roobalee (c.a. 1482-
1489). The enactment was accomplished having the lallabaa (proclamation) and murtii
(enactment) made during the end of the Robale gadaa, after successive completion of five
gadaa periods commencing from Birmajji.
Elders in connection to this recall some figurative women who had anticipated for the
making of women‟s social orders and rules. Besides the great law making male, the process
of promulgation had comprehended direct in person female‟s representative like Omuu
Baasee the prince‟s women (head of saddeeta Dubartii-assembly of women in the gadaa
council) and Loyilaa Waaree is claimed to be haadha Ateetee (mother of Ateetee) of the
period (Ginbar, 2010). The Arsii gadaa practices involved women through establishing
saddeeta assembly entirely constituted by female at its heart and made them to attend what
resolutions, decisions and rule passed on behalf of the whole system and feminine in
particular. These seemed to be members of the law making organ. Thus, it had succeeded
with involvement and organization of several individuals assuming varying roles at different
points divided into units of tasks and responsibilities.
4.3. Some Major Body Contents
In terms of body content, the reformed law had comprehended as many as 150 themes
covering different issues which constituted bodies of the revised version that served them
ensuring coexistence for generations. The contents of revised version were set down by the
Arsii gadaa assembly met at Odaa Roobaa after long time deliberate discussion made at
different phases on their past success and challenges. Accordingly, body content of the law
was enriched with crammed themes of reinstated versions and newly introduced ideas. Its
content-wise development is said to have comprehended themes surpassed on their Arsii
ancestral law and addressed their entire-life matters and subsequently, ultimate reference for
everything of them is made in light to its jurisdiction. Rules, decisions and enactments upon

acceptance of all themes whether newly installed and reinstated ones after making necessary
deliberate were passed on by the assembly.
According to the sources, an important task that the assembly had carried out and informants
mentioned is naturalization of new things to their worldview. The law had incorporated fresh
themes and issues upon its earlier law setting rules for their administration. In its activity,
many new things of both social and natural beings were introduced to their knowledge of
law maintaining those processes normative in their tradition. This was the act of blessing
newly incorporating ones as naturalization that everything should receive appropriate bless
before utilization allowed at any degrees by their members. Things unknown to their gadaa
is regarded as alien and, thus it is never brought to use prior to getting permissions of the
assembly and decisions on its acceptance and rules of utility are passed on public. This
strategy was used to provide necessary protection and respect for their perpetual existence in
accordance to its role and purposes complying prerogatives.
Based on oral sources, the law had noted down names of entities, things and objects with a
required prerogative. Each owed and deserved prerogatives according to its necessities in
their perspective areas of life underlying the different functions, roles and purposes of the
thing to the society. There are pertaining to be differences in functions and values based
status among themes of the law. Some are given more attentions and precedence over others
in terms of their values and rules set in respective for its administration.
The main themes were rounding on animals and domesticated plants, major household
materials, insignias, social order, marriage, reproductive mammals, crimes and
wrongdoings, etc. However, whole-comprehensive account of the law once made afar in the
long past and came at downstairs can never be easily secured only through oral informants.
Nevertheless, some of the prioritized entities captured in their hands and oral memory are
presented as below.
i. Reinstating Gadaa Cardinal Laws (Seera Ikkee )
One of the prime of all activities was reinstating cardinal gadaa law (Seera Ikkee) in which
violated supremacy and values would be back to the heart of the society and their solidarity
in Oromumma. This was underlain to be ultimately recalled to their attentions beyond any
dispute. Cardinal laws include the law of Waaqaa (God), Lafaa/dachee (Earth), Abbaa (the
father), Haadhaa (the Mother) and Qaalluu/Qaallittii (the priest and priestess). Their
reinstating was a prime action affiliated to assurance of survival and cohesive continued
existence. The assembly recalled its decisions indissolubility through varying forms of
sanctioning mechanisms and means of punishment: physical, corporal, withdrawal from
land, spiritual and moral impeachment, and material, such as from 5-100 heads of cattle to
be paid by the violator.
ii. The Prerogative of Insignias of Power and Authority
Another focus of seera ambaa was act of listing major insignias of ritual, spiritual and
political power and authority as among the topmost honored classes and passed rules on the
prerogatives for intended purposes, symbolic roles and prohibiting the otherwise.
Accordingly, Siinqee (a ritual stick), Qanafaa (insignia tied on forehead of women‟s on
deliverance), Hanfalaa (a girdle made from leather), Gaadii (a leather used to tie cow‟s
legs), Bokkuu (scepter of gadaa leader) and kallachaa (symbol of spiritual leadership were
elements received highest intent of the law. The prerogative of ritual insignia was made on
behalf of status ascribed to them underlying their particular and special roles symbolizing

and representing higher political, spiritual and social roles and values ultimately protected
and defended. Violations will result to wide ranging forms and means of punishment varying
from spiritual and moral impeachment to material item.
iii. The Prerogatives of Assembly of Gadaa (Yaa’a Saddeetaa) and Male Saddeeta Dhiiraa)
and Women (Saddeeta Dubartii )Council
In addition to the Arsii gadaa assembly center at Odaa Roobaa, numerous clans and sub-
clans of Arsii have local gadaa sites (yaa’a) for temporal and spiritual related activities and
these are also among highly respected bodies of the law, both through seera wayyuu
(spiritual law) and seera ambaa (temporal law). Besides, the reformed Arsii law had
comprised both separate male (saddeeta dhiiraa) and female (saddeeta dubartii) assemblies,
each was made from 8 individuals of particular sex but attending major gadaa assembly,
making decision, and passing rules together. As opposed to male assembly, women in Arsii
gadaa practice had been organized into 8 persons‟ assembly of women as saddeeta dubartii.
They seemed to be legislative member of the whole gadaa assembly. The reformation noted
the legibility and legitimacy of gadaa to take and held yaa’aa (assembly).
iv. Prerogatives Related to Marriage and Someone to His/Her Similar and Different
Sexual Partner
Marriage is most important practice in continuing generation tree seeds and formation of
strong sustainable relationships and bond to the outside clan. In the marital system, the
following insignias and elements: Siinqee (insignia for female), waddeessa (insignias for
male), ciicoo (milk container), boraatii (headdress), geegawoo (bride price), etc. were
identified as fundamental prerequisite and a just fulfillment. It has also mentioned Soddaa (a
male in-law), Soddaatii (a female in-law) and co-wife of one‟s mother, Dubartii heerumte (a
married woman), Dubartii ulfa (a pregnant woman) and Dubra Qarree (the unmarried girl)
as revered. This mentioned unmarried, married and pregnant female to have assuming
distanced positions, from being approached by male.
v. The Prerogatives of Some Production Materials and Section of House
Other elements enumerated with respective prerogatives and rules of use were some major
production materials and section of house like Barcumaa (seat), Dhagaa Daakuu (grinding
stone), Dagaggee (plough) and Dhagaraa (axes). Section of their house, namely Gulantaa
(the inner side of the house) had received rules set on/about its penetrability under specific
conditions. This section of house is solely reserved for the wife and prohibited from husband
penetrating into this division. Conditions of permissible and impermissible utilization and
access characterize the distinct prerogatives assumed by this class. The prerogative protected
only for permissible specific utility under the stated conditions and against the otherwise
unstated.
vi. The Prerogatives of Ganyaa Shanan (Five Major Reproductive Class)
The other themes to which enactment made were the five reproductive classes with the name
ganyaa shanan which mainly refer to their domesticated mammalians. The Ganyaa Shanan
(the five reproductive mammalians) classes namely comprises: Ganyaa Namaa (Woman),
Ganyaa Horii (Cow), Ganyaa Fardaa (Female Horse), Ganyaa Hoolaa (Female Sheep) and
Ganyaa Gaalaa (Female Camel). Ganyaa Shanan were female mammalians identified for
their reproductive quality and irreplaceable roles in securing offspring and continuing
generation tree seeds. Referring Oromo worldview, Ginbar (2016) asserted that „wet womb‟

attribution is linked to feminine realm and they are coupled to „life-giving‟, nurturing and
raising infant, as opposed to male‟s „life-taking‟ militarist, hunters and defender tasks of
laborious and muscular. The two topmost security matters in Oromo worldview are
continuing generation and defense. While non-crossable lines are ensured protection,
ultimate respect and evaded embittering. But, this area is most erroneously misinterpreted
and prejudicially presented in some gender related studies as all prove evidence for
undermining human same to this category of domesticated animals mainly mother horse.
The researchers‟ weakness to understand the subject within from historical and cultural
context instead of their own academic perspectives and western theory drove them to make
such wrong conclusions (Hirut, 2000).
vii. Saddeettan Mukkeen Seeraa (Eight trees of law)
The other theme received highest prerogatives was trees of law which were known with a
name saddeettan mukkeen seeraa (the eight trees of law). These include: Harooressaa
(grewa bicolor), Heexoo, Waddeessaa (Cordial Africana), Hidheessaa (Juniperus procera),
Garabmaa (hypericum revolutum), Daannisaa, Shifaa and Bulchaanaa. They were
identified for their socio-cultural, political and religious life roles shaped to those major
insignias and objects representing premier power and authority. Accordingly, sticks like
siinqee and waddeessa hold during weeding by female and male were made from
Harooreessa and Waddeessaa trees respectively and Qanafaa (tied on forehead) from
Bilchaanaa or Garambaa are used to symbolize respects for women. Heexoo tree was
identified by its significances to medicate their human population and Garambaa and
Bilchaanaa were identified for spiritual healing and ritual purposes (fala). These trees were
only used for making the insignias alone so that they were prohibited from being used for
another purposes through rules set to administer and protect their prerogatives. Even, their
cutting for established purpose itself was approached under conditions prescribed with rules
set, and they can be utilized with permission of elders (saddeeta yaa’aa). Misuse and abuse
immediately results in paying seven standing cattle.
viii. The Prerogatives of Some Major Social Class and Space
In addition to what have been presented above, rules were also made to address the social
status of some sections of the society with objects and materials respective to their career
such as the Waataa (the eldest clan) with its Cabbii/Botowaa (insignia made from stick,
elella (cowries shell) is sowed on a leather tied at its bottom), Kallachaa (highly respected
insignia) for the Qaalluu, Buufaa (made from leather) for the Tumtuu (iron smiths), Bokkuu
for the Abbaa Gadaa and Dhaddachaa Ateetee (assembly) for the Women. The social classes
and material coupled are legible to the other only and thus, reciprocal relationships are
defined and established in accordance.
ix. Murtii Seera Gumaa (Institutionalization of Reparation)
One of the major achievements further initiated in the period was the inauguration of well-
established gumaa institution and resolving problems realized prior due to the absence of an
organized institution for punishment against wrongdoers (Ginbar, 2010). As elders
mentioned earlier, everybody who committed a crime, regardless of his/her degree of action
was definitely put to death, which is termed as Qucee (death penalty). All types of
scandalous like murderer, theft, kidnapper, adultery, insult, rebellion and disobedience were
simply punished in death through this system which is said to have mainly victimized
families, especially a mother who would have a single son only. This was until it came later
revised to the custom of dhibba dhiibuu or golba guutuu (driving hundreds to fill a

cleavage), in which the wrongdoer and his/her clan drove thousands of cattle into a cleavage
for compensation. The system of golba guutuu was evolved to the well-established gumaa
institution, payment in cattle according to the damages he/she caused on entities identified
with the rightful statutes and different among parts of bodies. Gumaa rule also included
some domesticated animals and plants. Besides, anyone who refuses to hand off a spear
during a conflict and broken or tease at the Siinqee and Qanafaa is said to have paid seven
cattle.
x. Prerogative of Some Selected Domesticated Animals and Plants
There have also been prerogatives of domesticated animals and plants; the caffee assembly
had passed decision which the tradition explains as gadaan waan shanan murte (the five
things for which gadaa had made rules). These include Loon (Cows), Hoolaa (Sheep),
Sangaa Farda (Horse bull), Kanniisa (Bees) and Garbuu (Barley). A rule of utility was set
on each of them as to how their treatment and use of their products for ritual purposes.
Accordingly, while cow was used only for milk provision, sheep were slaughtered for ritual
purposes, bull horse was for cavalry, bees produced honey to prepare ritual mead and barley
was used to prepare ritual and ceremonial food. Using these for otherwise and different
purposes is unlawful and dire mistreatment as against their established positions and causes
socio-cultural, legal and spiritual responsibilities.
xi. Prerogative of Ritual Foods
During the reformation, indigenous foods all prepared from Barley soaked with better
mainly Cuukkoo, Qorii, Micciirraa, etc. were enumerated receiving necessary bless and
utility prerogatives. They were made to accompanying and attending any major events and
including drinking like buqqili have been used during marriage and other ritual ceremonies.
The Arsii formulation of Seera Ambaa showed their crop cultivation practices mainly Barley
along the pastoralist form of life as early as in the 15th (c.a. 1400 A.D) century.
xii. Wayyoomaa (sacred/ness) Ascription to the themes
One of the most principal concepts widely appearing in narrations related to Seera Ambaa is
wayyuu. The term is used to describe things venerated positions through religious
dimensions and its interpretations. Wayyuu/wayyoomaa implies sacred (Mamo, 2006; Leila,
2016). It is a deep-seated religious-philosophical thought describing and ascribing ultimate
respect, protections and veneration for things through its socio-cultural, religious, ritual and
political decisiveness. Anything wayyuu has occupied un-surrendered respects on spiritual,
moral, physical and material ground. Wayyuu is more concerned with spiritual life
dimensions and law of the area. The reformation ascribed numerous things wayyoomaa
(sacredness) in names, utility and accompanied by prerogatives.
In the works of Mamo (2006) and Leila (2016), the Arsii customary law has temporal and
spiritual dimensions termed as seera ambaa and seera wayyuu respectively to identify
people‟s secular law from spiritual law. Explaining both have different specialists while a
temporal people‟s law (seera ambaa) expert is named hayyuu, the scared or spiritual law
(seera wayyuu) is wayyuu. But, both seera ambaa and wayyuu are beneath the gadaa system
to which the assembly at Odaa Roobaa made a prerogative under its banner distinctively.
Varying degrees of wayyoomaa were attributed to various things, elements and objects
enumerated during the promulgation and thus it is bad, sin, immoral and illegal to violate the
wayyuu and those identified with wayyoomaa. Wayyoomaa was alternative means of

ensuring respect, positions, social roles and corresponding prerogatives entitled to the
themes through temporal law and sanctioning violations both together as a unified one.
4.4. Seera Ambaa as a Periodization System
The Arsii enactment is important point in their knowledge of periodization. The reformation
is also serving as a reference source differentiating entities and beings familiar to their world
at that time from then unrecognized. Accordingly, in the past, the Arsii used the term
Dayyoo-Dagayyoo duraafi Dayyoo-Dagayyoo booda (before and after Dayyoo Dagayyoo)
to identify items domesticated and adopted earlier from those late appearing. In their
periodization system, Dayyoo-Dagayyoo duraa implies the whole prior period act of
enactment and those entities recognized in their legal codification system with necessary
prerogatives like gumaa rights and Dayyoo-Dagayyoo booda is used to refer to species
known to them later and not recognized in their own rules of domestication. According to
elders, the term Dayyoo-Dagayyoo refers to the father of Ambatoo, who is remembered as
the founding father of the Arsii law five gadaas (40 years) prior to his son.
Accordingly, entities identified in the aforementioned discussions are domesticated beings
and recognized by their law as opposed to others discovered and joined their worldview later
after the reformation. Those late lacked rules of administration and prerogatives include
Boqqolloo (Maize), Harree (Donkey), Jirbii (Cotton) and Misingaa (Sorghum). This
method is used to indicate things in their order of appearance as they were belonging either
to prior or after enactment. This endogenous classification method of placement, „the old
and new species‟, is based on their period of domestication.
4.5. Seera Ambaa: In Continuities and Its Prospects
The enactment of seera ambaa at Odaa Roobaa during the Roobalee gadaa around 1490s
marked an important historical signal in Arsii. Strong assertion is currently made that the act
has been emanated out of their ultimate motives of securing stability and assuring continued
existence within themselves coming over instability on their gadaa system. This act is a
normative practice for the gadaa system. However, with a difference in degrees, extents and
depth at every gadaa cycle patterned revision of laws and rules of the reformation of seera
ambaa were quite distinctly influential in political-legal history of Arsii with the places
deserved in their memory and practice. Contrarily, revision of customary law was not
something new to them the reformation of seera ambaa was so massive and abiding. Many
important values retained in the hands of the Arsii at currently made their rejuvenation
source to seera ambaa. To the level of my sources, this law is the sole prominent one that
has deserved much respect and formed more acquaintance than at every gadaa period ever
made laws.
Sources are not in a position to informing whether such reputable reformation act was
undertaken before and after Ambatoo. This seemed to be the reason why the tradition
survived in some parts consulted for this study still recalls solely his law making greatness.
However, long after, the development close to 1850s marked the increase in islamization of
Arsii paved the way for disinterest to its watchful center, Abbaa Muudaa (father of
anointment) of Dalloo, and supremacy of seeraa ambaa. The center was predominantly
accountable watching health functions of gadaa and Oromoo values.
This was further worsened by Menelik‟s conquest of Arsii land since end of the 1880s and
prohibition of cultural practices and gadaa, led to demising of the Oromoo socio-political
system (Leila, 2016). Overall, asides to the past historical injustice, contemporary expanding

religions like Wahibism and Protestantism, other externally infused ideas and practices are
precipitated its little competitiveness. Following this, a complete blackout of the gadaa
system has declined.
The system disappeared more or less completely in certain areas, while in other locales
continues to be practiced, remembered, and used through meetings and ceremonies. Some of
its values retained prominence in few areas, however, has no longer reassumed much socio-
political importance (Leila, 2016).
Against the aforementioned development, Mamo (2006) elucidated that Arsii Oromoo
frequently make distinction between seera ambaa and seera mootummaa (the state laws)
which they sometimes refer to as seera diinaa (laws of the „enemy‟). As a point to its
aliveness at a present, seera ambaa is distinguished from both the laws of the state and
customary laws of other non-Oromoo people.
Leila (2016) also noted some surviving values of seera ambaa are still winding at the hearts
of their various life aspects. Some vestiges have still remained at a grass root level, at the
very least as a social and cultural concept. Among the Arsii, different aspects of gadaa are
referenced in conversations, dispute resolution processes, and ceremonies of Gadaa, passage
from one age group to another practiced every eight years in some Arsii areas. These are
promissory measures and attempts currently apparent to reinstate and revitalize some gadaa
values.
5. Conclusion
Oromoo people are law officiated society in their normative tradition. Their life values are
judiciously circumscribed to egalitarian gadaa system which is rule of law-based
governance and administration system. Cyclic of Gadaa power transition is preceded,
accompanied by and completed with reformation on its laws and rules. Thus, Gadaa
assembly at all time and during every gadaa cycle undertook necessary revision activities
varying from modest to grand renovation upon existing laws. Seera Ambaa had been revised
by the Arsii gadaa assembly held at Odaa Roobaa as part of this development.
The customary law comprised of many themes mentioned and enumerated in names and
identified from other by the type of prerogatives endowed as a legal being. The themes were
higher class beings and sacred emanated out of their ultimate motives of securing peace and
stability, necessitated their life and determining their existence in universe.
Seera Ambaa is the most recent reformed version of Arsii law named after the then leading
person, Ambatoo Dayyoo who took spearheading role on reformation and set ahead of
generations perpetuated legacy in the history of the populace. It is enduring and memorable
one that nothing as transformative as seera ambaa seemed to have been recurred. It is as
such that why still some of its vestige appears.
The themes‟ management was put under legal jurisdiction and subjective conditions. Though
the customary law was mentioned in the name of a person who led the then gadaa office and
spearheaded the reformation, it had not ended to rule man and despotic system. The law is
named in his name for the reason that he seemed to have taken a prime dedication to come
over the problem. In addition, the reformed version continued to be alternatively named as
the Arsii law. The law is repudiated effectively keeping their coexistence and maintaining
their unity under its banner till mid of the 19th century. However, it has sadly lost historical
continuity and centrality due to impositions of alien values.

The decline of Arsii gadaa system of governance has led to loss of its strong holds,
submerged down to grass root level and gradually undermined in its dominance. As the
result, its visage is haphazardly reflected in life at varying levels and degrees among the
areas covered in the study. Irrespective of the past diminishing reasons, its values are not
totally uprooted from all fields of life at a grass root level till more recent. In those selected
few districts of Arsii covered in the study, some of its elements are presented during the
Arsii gadaa assembly (yaa’a saddeetaa). Considering the prevailing interests of the local
people, there should be support in revitalizing its anchorage of the gadaa system. The
extents of Oromoo political-legal and governance is principally connected to Gadaa system,
and its ancillary institutions are underwent revival today, studies should supplement Oromoo
values general revitalization efforts.
This study focused on Arsii gadaa values and reformed law revealed in the historical life of
the Oromoo contributing to democratization process. From academic point of view, the
study will make worth contribution upon marginally studied and propounded Oromoo
themes. But, since it is not exhaustive, there is still needed to dig out and enrich the area
further.
In some parts of the Arsii land, since some gadaa values are under revitalization recently,
there is needed to take various contents of the law into consideration to make the area fully-
fledged. Even though many of its elements are lost and declined in history, there is
suggestion that reinstating the Arsii knowledge of law is important to supplement
contemporary development programs through their indigenous wisdom.
Acknowledgments
My special thanks goes to Obbo Guyyee Kadir, wise-man at Kokosa District of west Arsii
Zone in whose memory ample wisdom survived.
References
Abbas Haji Ganamo. (2014). Conquest and Resistance in the Ethiopian Empire, 1880–1974: The
Case of the Arsi Oromo. Boston: Brill Academic Publishing.
Asmerom Legesse. (1973). Gada: Three Approaches to the Study of African Society. New York: The
Free Press,
Alemayehu Haile, Boshi Gonfa et. al. (2006). History of the Oromo to the Sixteenth Century. 2nd
Edition/ First Impression/Oromiya Culture and Tourism Bureau. In Berhanu Lamesso and
TesemaTa‟a /eds/. Finfinne.
Alemayehu Haile. (2009) Gada System: The Politics of Tulama Oromo. First Edition. Oromia
Culture and Tourism Bureau. V.1,.
Bassi, Marco (2005). Decisions in the Shade: Political and Juridical Processes among the romo-
Borana. Trans. Cynthia Salvadori. Trenton, NJ: The Red Sea Press. First published 1996.
Bond, E, Johanna. (2010). Gender, Discourse, And Customary Law In Africa. SouthernCalifornia
Law Review. Washington and Lee University School of Law. Vol. 83:509.
Borrows, John. (2010a). Canada’s Indigenous Constitution. Toronto: University of Toronto Press
Dereje Hinew.(2005). “Historical Significance Of Some Major Gadaa Centers In Oromia”. .A.U
School Of Graduate Studies.
_______. (2012). Historical Significances of Odaa with Special Reference to Walaabuu. Science,
Technology & Arts Research, 1(2): 81-90
Eshete Gemeda. (2008). “ Oral Literature as Field of Scholarship: Folklore Genres in Socio-Cultural
and Political Environmen”t. PhD diisser. Univeristy of Frunkfurt, .
Gemetchu, Megersa. (2005). Oromo World View. Journal of Oromo Studies V. 12: PP. 68-79.

Ginbar Negera. (2010). “A History of Women Among the Oromo of Arsii During the Gadaa System
of Governance (c.a. 15th –end of the 19th century)”, A.U School of Humanities and Languages,
M.A Thesis.
___________(2016). “The Cultural Expression of Xunduu (Coupling) in Oromo Knowledge of
Gender” Sociology and Anthropology. Vol. 5, No. 1, Horizon Research Publishing
Corporation, USA. ISSN-2331-6179(Print), ISSAN-2331-6189 (Online)
Endessa, Hussein. (201) Gada System among the Arsi Oromo: Continuities and Changes.‖ MA
thesis, Department of Anthropology, Addis Ababa University, Ethiopia.
Hirut Terefe. (2000) A Study of Female Genital Mutilation and Reproductive Health: The Case of
Arsi Oromo, Ethiopia. PhD diss., University of Göttingen
Hussen Badhaasoo. (2000). The Arsi Oromo Marriage Custom. Commercial Printing Enterprise,
Addis Ababa.
Jeylan W. Hussein. (2005). “The Functions Of African Oral Arts: The Arsi-Oromo Oral Arts In
Focus” African Study Monographs, 26(1): 15-58.
_________.(2004). “A Cultural Representation Of Women In The Oromo Society”. African Study
Monographs, 25(3): 103-147.
Mamo Hebo. (2000). Land, Local Custom and State Policies. Land Tenure, Land Disputes and
Disputes Settlement Among The Arsii Oromo Of Southern Ethiopia. Kyoto: Shoukadoh Book
Sellers.
_________. (2006). Changes Of Land Holding And Land Use Among The Arsi Oromo, Southern
Ethiopia. Kyoto: Shoukadoh Book Sellers, 2006.
Mindaye Abebe, (2005). “The Oromo of Bale: A Historical Survey to 1974.” A.A.U, Department of
History.
Mohammed Hassen. The Oromo of Ethiopia. A history, 1570-1860. Cambridge: 1990.
Nhlapo, Thandabantu, (1994). Indigenous Law and Gender in South Africa: Taking Human Rights
and Cultural Diversity Seriously, 1994–95 Third World Legal Stud. 49, 53.
Leila Qashu, (2016). Toward an Understanding of Justice, Belief, and Women‟s Rights: Ateetee, an
Arsi Oromo Women‟s Sung Dispute Resolution Process in Ethiopia. PhD dissertation, School
of Graduate Studies, in Ethnomusicology Memorial University of Newfoundland
Østebø, Marit Tolo. (2009). Wayyuu—Women„s Respect and Rights among the Arsi-Oromo.‖ In
Proceedings of the 16th International Conference of Ethiopian Studies (2–6 July2007,
Trondheim, Norway), vol. 3, edited by Svein Ege, Harald Aspen, Birhanu Teferra, and
Shiferaw Bekele, 1049–1060. http://portal.svt.ntnu.no/ (accessed 13 June 2016)
Samu‟el Yonas. (2011). Cultural Ethics and Interreligious Coexistence and the Ethiopian Context:
The Case of Karayyu Oromo. Mekane Yesus Seminary, Addis Adaba.
Webber, Jeremy. (2009). The Grammar of Customary Law.‖ McGill Law Journal / Revue de droit
de McGill 54(4): 579–626.

e-ISSN: 2616-3985
Jimma University
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Akkaataa Himiinsa Durdurii OromooTuulamaa

Dastaa Dassaalany (PhD)*
Axereeraa
Qorannoo kana mata duricharratti gaggeessuuf dhimmoota sababa ta‟an keessaa inni guddaan
akkaataa himiinsa durduriirratti hojiin hojjetame bal‟inaan kan hinjirre ta‟uusaati. Kanaafuu,
kaayyoo gooroon qorannoo kanaa akkaataa himiinsa durdurii Oromoo Tuulamaa qaaccessuudha.
Kaayyoo kana galmaan ga‟uudhaaf mala qorannoo akkamtaatti fayyadamuudhaan odeeffannoon
afgaaffii, daawwannaafi marii gareetiin walitti qabame. Durduriin waraabbii sagaleetiin walitti
qabame barreeffamatti jijjiiramee waraqaa kana keessatti hojiirra oolee jira. Yaaxxinni qorannichi
bu‟uureffatamee gaggeeffame yaaxxina bifiyyee (formalist theory)ti. Odeeffannoo argamerraa
ka‟uudhaan durduriin Oromoo Tuulamaa akkaataa baniinsaafi cufiinsa beekamaa akka qabu, innis
yemmuu jalqaban durdur …, dur namatu ture…, bara durii… jedhanii akka jalqabaniifi yemmuu
guduunfan ammoo „…akkas jedhamaa hoodhu‟ „…jedhama‟ akka jedhanidha. Qooddattoonni
hangaftoonniifi yoomessi jalqaba durduriirratti dhihaatu. Seenessaan yemmuu seenaa sana himu
jechoota, gaaleefi himoota irra deddeebi‟a. Irra deddeebiin kun akkaataa himiinsa durdurii
Oromoo keessatti beekamaafi faayida qabeessa. Walumaagalatti, Durduriin Oromoo Tuulamaa
akkaataa himiinsaa nama hawatu kan qabu ta‟uusaa hojii kanarraa hubachuun nidanda‟ama.
Akkaataan himiinsaa kun dagatamaa kan dhufuufi jijjiiramuu kan danda‟u waan ta‟eef akka jiruun
waraabanii osoo olkaa‟anii gaaridha.
Jechoota Ijoo - akkaataa himiinsaa, durdurii, Oromoo Tuulamaa
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Abstract
This study explores the narrative style of Tuulama Oromoo Oral Prose Narratives. The basic
objective is to reveal the overriding styles employed in performing the narration of Tuulamaa
Oromoo prose narratives. To meet this end, data were collected from fieldwork using qualitative
research methods. The techniques that were employed to collect data include interview, observation
and focus group discussion. Transcription of the recorded narratives in tape recorder was made and
the analysis was carried out using the theory of Formalism as a framework. The findings reveal that
the oral prose narratives are marked by opening/ beginning and closing/ ending styles. In opening
style, major characters and setting are introduced. In addition, phrases like…once upon a time or
long ago…there was a certain person…, are used. Story tellers usually use words, phrases and
sentences. Repetitions are common and very important in Tuulamaa Oromoo oral prose narratives.
The styles employed in the performance of Tuulamaa Oromoo oral prose narratives appear to add
beauty/ attraction to the events of the narratives. The study implicates that, unless they are collected
and documented, the narrative styles could be forgotten in the course of the dynamics.
Keywords- style, Tuulamaa Oromoo, oral, prose, narratives
------------------------------------------------------------------------
78
1. Seensa
Akkaataa himiinsa durdurii kanarratti qorannoo akkan gaggeessu kan na kakaase dhimmoota
itti aananii dhihaatani. Inni duraa durduriiwwan walitti qabamanii argaman kanniin
yemmuun dubbisu oduu warra durii ta‟uu isaanii malee walitti dhufeenya isaanii,
garaagarummaa isaan gidduu jiru, waa‟ee qooddattoota achi keessatti hirmaatanii sirriitti
ibsamee hinarganne. Akkaataa durduriin kunniin ittiin himamanis bal‟inaan qoratamee
hinargine. Kanaafuu, durdurii walitti qabee akkaataa himiinsaa yaaxxina bifiyyee (formalist
theory) fayyadamuudhaan bal‟inaan qo‟achuufi kanarra dhaabbachuudhaan kanneen duraan
walitti qabamaniifis kallattii agarsiisuufan karoorfadhe.
Ka‟umsi koo inni biroon mata dureen kun haaraa ta‟uun isaafi kallattii kanaan qorannoo
bal‟aan yoo gaggeeffame durdurii hojii barsiisuu keessatti itti fayyadamuuf haala mijeessuu
akka danda‟u hubachuu kooti. Kanaafuu, kaayyoo gooroon qorannoo kanaas akkaataa
himiinsa durdurii Oromoo Tuulamaa addeessuudha. Kaayyoo kana jalattis qabxiileen
xiyyeeffannaa argatan haala baniinsaafi cufiinsa durdruii, qooddattoota, yoomessafi irra
deddeebiifaa ta‟a.
Akkaataan himiinsa durdurii dhimmoota baay‟ee of jalatti hammachuu danda‟a. Hojiin kun
garmalee bal‟atee to‟annaadhaan ala akka hintaaneef garuu daangessuun barbaachisaa ta‟ee
argame. Kanaafuu, waraqaa kana keessatti akkaataa himiinsa durdurii ija yaaxxina
bifiyyeetiin qeeqamuu danda‟an keessaa baniinsaafi cufiinsa durdurii, qooddattoota,
yoomessafi irra deddeebii qofarratti daangessuun barbaachisaa ta‟ee argamee jira. Kanneen
hafan waraqaa biroo keessatti ilaaludhaaf karaa saaqeen bira darba. Yaaxxinni dhimma kana
hojiirra oolchuuf filatames yaaxxina bifiyyee qofa.
2. Sakatta’iinsa Barruu
Gara ibsa akkaataa himiinsa durduriitti osoo hinseeniin dura jecha durdurii jedhu kana
gabaabsinee ilaaluun gaarii ta‟a. Jechi durdurii jedhu kun madda garagaraarratti „oral
narratives, oral prose narratives‟ jedhamee argamuu danda‟a. Jechoonni kun isa tokko akka
bakka bu‟an hayyoonni ibsanis jiru. Fakeenyaaf, barreessaan Bauman (1992:117) jedhamu,
“Folktales are oral narratives…,” jedha. Asirraa wanti hubatamu jechi durdurii (folktales)
jedhu him-afaaniin (oral narratives) bakka bu‟uu akka danda‟u nutti mul‟isa. Yaanni kun
akka ibsa ykn akka hiika durduriittis nu fayyaduu danda‟a. „Durduriin him-afaani‟ jechuun
kan afaaniin himamu; dubbii afaaniiti; dhimma odeeffamu jechuudha.
Dorson (1972:58) ammoo, “Folk narratives encompasses all genres of oral literature in
prose,” jedha. Akka yaada kanaatti durduriin gosoota og-afaanii ta‟anii kan haala hololootiin
dhihaatan hundaa kan hammatu ta‟a. Gosoota og-afaanii kan haala hololootiin dhihaatan
kamfaadha yoo jedhame ammoo kanneen akka himtee, durdurii bineessotaa, durdurii ekeraa,
durdurii gowwomsoofi seen-dubbiifaa eeruun nidanda‟ama. Warra haala hololootiin
dhihaatu malee warra haala walalootiin dhihaatan kanneen akka geerarsaa, sirba jaalalaafi
faaruu looniifaa kan dabalatu miti. Akka yaada kanaatti durduriin seen-dubbiifi himtees
nihammata jechuudha. Kanaafuu, dururiin qaama og-afaanii ta‟ee haala hololootiin gosoota
dhihaatan kan hammatu ta‟uu isaa hubachuuf yaanni kun karaa gaarii nutti mul‟isa.
Qabxiin biroo durdurii ilaalchisee kan ka‟u qoqqooddii isaati. Okpewho (1992) haala
durdurii ittiin qoqqoodan bakka afuritti hiree dhiheessa. Inni jalqabaa hirmaattota
bebbeekamoo durduriirratti hundaa‟udhaan (on the basis of protagonists) ta‟a. Lammaffaan
qabiyyee durduriirratti hundaa‟udhaan qoqqooduu yoo ta‟u sadaffaan amaloota durduriirratti
xiyyeeffachuudhaan qoqqooduu ta‟a. Qooddii arfaffaan hayyuu kanaan kaa‟ame haala
Dastaa, Akkaataa Himiinsa Durdurii … 79

durduriin keessatti himamu (context), wayitii itti seeneffamu (occasion) irratti

hundaa‟uudhaan ta‟a. Durdurii qoqqoduuf haalli mijataadha jedhamee yaadamu arfan
kanneen ta‟anis qoqqooddii kana keessatti garuu yaadonni tokko tokko addaan baasudhaaf
kan nama rakkisan ta‟anii argamu. Akka fakkeenyaatti jechoonni akka seen-dubbiifi
(„legend‟) raagamtaa („myth‟), durdurii goch-seenaa („epic tale‟), durdurii namaa „human
tale‟ jedhaman qooddiiwwan eeraman jalatti ramaduuf rakkisaa akka ta‟an hubachuun
nidanda‟ama.
Qoqqooddii ilaalchisee yaada biroo kan dhiheesse Dorson (1972: 59) ta‟a. Innis, “…a
perfect classification based on form, content, and function would hardly be possible,” jedha.
Yaanni kun ammoo isa Okpewho sanas kan diigu ta‟uu danda‟a. Durdurii qoqqoodudhaaf
qabiyyee, caasaafi faayidaa isaaniirratti hundaa‟uun ga‟aa miti jechuudha. Jarreen kanarratti
hundaa‟anii qoqqoodudhaan qooddii guutudha jechuun rakkisaa ta‟uu nuhubachiisa.
Asirraatti garuu durdurii qoqqooduun hindanda‟amu jechuu osoo hintaane qoqqooddiin isaa
ammam ulfaataa akka ta‟e agarsiisuuf yaada dhihaatedha. Egaa durdurii qoqqooduurratti
barreessitoonni hedduun kan qooda fudhatan yemmuu ta‟u odeeffannoo dabalataatiif namni
barbaade hojii Propp (1968) dubbisuu nidanda‟a.
Moggaasaafi qoqqooddii kana gara Afaan Oromoottis yoo finnu akkasuma rakkisaadha.
Durdurii, Oduu Durii, Mammaaksa, him-afaan jechuudhaan maqaalee addaddaatiin yemmuu
waamamu dhageenya. Qorannoo kana keessatti kan dhihaate jecha Afaan Oromootiin
„durdurii‟ Afaan Ingiliiziitiin ammoo „oral prose narrative‟ jedhamu ta‟a. Durduriin „oral
prose narrative‟ bakka bu‟a jedhamee sababni filatameef kitaabota Biiroon Aadaafi
Turiizimii Oromiyaa (1995) qopheesse keessatti gosoonni kanneen akka himtee/ raagamtaa
(myth), seen-dubbii (legends), sheekkoofi (fables) kan biroo waan argamaniifi. Hundasaanii
walitti qabanii „durdurii‟ jedhanii moggaasanii jiru. Kun ammoo yaada Dorson (1972) kaa‟e,
og-afaan haala hololootiin dhihaatan hunda kan walitti qabatu „oral narratives‟ jedhe sanaan
walsima.
Mee ammammoo akkaataa himiinsa durdurii yaa ilaallu. Yaanni akkaataa himiinsaa (style)
jedhu kun beektota biratti hiikni tokko qofa kan laatameef miti. Akkaataa himiinsaarratti
hayyoonni adda addaa (keessattuu hayyoonni afaanirratti hojjetan) yaada garagaraa qabu.
Kuun akkaataan xiinqooqaan kan walqabatu jedhu. Kuun ammoo namicha barreessu ykn
dubbatu sana kan ilaalu jedhu. Dhimmoota hedduu ofkeessatti hammachuu danda‟a warreen
jedhanis jiru. Dhimmoota sanniin keessaa kanneen akka ergaa, akkaataa ittiin ergaa sana
dhaggeeffattootaafi dubbistoota biraan geenyu, jechoota, afaan, dubbii qolaa,
qooddattootafaa kan hammatu jedhu. Yaada kanas Leech fi Short (1981:11) yoo ibsan,
“…style can be applied to both spoken and written, both literary & non-literary varieties of
language,” jedhan. Akkaataa haala itti fayyadama afaan barreeffamaa ykn kan afaan dubbii
ta‟uu danda‟a. Afaan kun ammoo hojii kalaqaa (literary) ykn al-asoosama (non-literary)
ta‟uu danda‟a. Hojiin kalaqaa kun kanneen akka ogafaanii ta‟uu danda‟a. Ogafaan jalatti kan
argamu, durduriinis kalaqa hawaasaati. Hojii kalaqaatiin ala kan ta‟aniifi dhugaa guyyaa
guyyaan arguu dandeenyu kan ibsu al-asoosama. Egaan akkaataan himiinsaa hojii ogbarruus
ta‟ee hojii kalaqaan ala ta‟an hubachuuf nu gargaara jechuudha.
Karaa birootiin akkaataadhaaf beektonni hiika garagaraa kennan jechuun maalummaan isaa
hinbeekamu jechuu miti. Yaad-rimeen (concept) akkaataa himiinsaa qorannoo kanaaf
bu‟uura ta‟eefi inni beektotaan deeggarame laatamee jira. Yaad-rimee hayyootaafi inni
qorannoo kanaaf bu‟uura ta‟es kan Leechfi Short (1981:10) yoo ilaalle, “Style refers to the
way in which language is used in a given context by a given person for a given purpose,”
kan jedhu arganna. Yaanni kun akkaataan haala itti fayyadama afaanii naannoo murtaa‟e

tokkotti namni tokko faayidaa tokkoof itti gargaaramudha. Itti fayyadama afaanii yemmuu
jedhamu ammoo qooddattoota, irra deddeebii yoomessaafi jaargocha kan ilaalu ta‟uu
danda‟a. Dubbii qoolaafaas dabalachuu danda‟a.
Akkaataa himiinsa durdurii keessatti qabxii ilaalamuu qaban keessaa tokko kan ta‟e irra
deddeebii ilaaluunis murteessaadha. Namni durdurii himu yeroo baay‟ee jechoota yookin
gaalee yookiinis himoota irra deddeebi‟eet ibsa. Kanas Dorson (1972:61) yemmuu ibsu,
“Repetition of passages sequences or the whole narrative adventure is essential to tale
structure itself, and also provides a tread for the narrator in his composition techniques as he
puts flesh on the tale skeleton,” jedha. Akka yaada barreessaa kanaatti irra deddeebiin
durdurii keessatti baay‟ee barbaachisaadha. Jecha, gaalee ykn yaada guutuu akkuma jirutti
irra deddeebi‟uudhaan ibsuun caasaa durdurii akka walqabatee deemuuf nifayyada; nama
durdurii himuufis yaadonni akka addaan hinciccinneef gargaara; warra dhaggeeffatuufillee
yaadas ta‟ee qooddattoota osoo hinirraanfatiin akka hordofaniif nigargaara jechuudha. Irra
deddeebiin durdurii keesstti iddoo baay‟eetti argama. Kunis miira dhaggeeffattootaa
harkisuuf qofa osoo hintaane durduriin akka gabbatuufis tajaajiluu nidanda‟a. Namni
durdurii himu (tale teller or narrator) yemmuu irra deddeebi‟u sana gocha adda addaa
uumuudhaan (fakkeenyaaf, aggaamuu, ija babaasuu) mimmi‟eessuu waan danda‟uuf
durdurii sana nigabbisa.
Irra deddeebii kana ilaalchisuudhaan Christiansen (1999) gama isaatiin durduriin amala irra
deddeebii qabaachuu isaa ibsee irra deddeebiin kunis gaalee akka ta‟eefi waliin dubbiirratti
akka bal‟inaan mul‟atu addeesse. Qooddattoonni durdurii keessatti hirmaatan waliin
dubbatu. Yemmuu waliin dubbatan sana ammoo irra deddeebi‟u. Isuma jalqaba gaafate
ammas deebisee gaafata. Inni ibsa laatus nuffii tokko malee irra deebi‟ee itti hima. Asumaan
irra deddeebiinis itti fufa jechuudha.
Akkaataa himiinsa durdurii waliin kan deemuu malu amaloota durduriiti. Amaloota durdurii
ilaalchisuudhaan hayyoonni garagaraa yaada dhiheessanii jiru. Hayyoota sanniin keessaa
Sumner (1996), Christiansen (1999), Dorson (1972), Thompson (1977), Bauman (1992)fi
kanneen biroo eeruun nidanda‟ama. Amaloota durdurii keessaa kallattumaan durdurii
Oromoorratti kan barreesse Sumner (1996:253) akka ibsetti haalli qooddattoonni ittiin
hirmaatan beekamaadha. Akkaataan durduriin qooddattoota fayyadamee seenicha fuulduratti
ittiin tarkaanfachiisus isuma kana akka ta‟e ibsee jira. Hojii qorannoo kanaa keessatti garuu
qoddattoonni durdurii sadi, afur jennee qofa kan dhaabnu miti. Qooddattoota sagal kan
qabus waan jiruuf lakkoofsaan murteessuun rakkisaa ta‟a.
Qabxiin biroo kan xiyyeeffannoo argachuu qabu yaaxxina qorannichi kun ittiin gaggeeffame.
Yaaxxina gaariifi filatamaa ta‟e filachuudhaan itti fayyadamuun rakkisaa akka ta‟e hayyoonni
ni‟ibsu. Kuni ammoo keessattuu ogafaan qorachuurratti mul‟ata. Kanaafis yaada itti aanee dhihaate
kana xiinxaluun gaaridha. “Choice of theory in the study of African oral literature has been and still
remains problematic. This is because scholars in this field have not ventured into inventing theories
that would be directly relevant to the field.” ( Muleka, 2014: 91) Akka yaada kanaatti ogafaan
Afrikaa qorachuudhaaf yaaxxina sirrii filatanii itti fayyadamuurratti hanqinni akka jiruudha. Karaa
birootiin hojii qorannoo tokkootiif yaaxxina sirrii ta‟e filatanii itti fayyadamuun murteessaa ta‟uu
yaanni kun cimsee nugorsa.
Qorannoo kanaafis yaaxxinni filatamaan yaaxxina bifiyyee akka ta‟uu qabu itti yaadamee murtaa‟e.
Yaaxxina bifiyyee kana ammoo Hayyoonni gara Dhihaa (Western formalist) deeggaraniifi kanneen
warra Raashiyaa deeggaran qabxiileen irratti adda adda ta‟an nijiru. Hojii kana keessatti yaaxxina
bifiyyee warra Raashiyaa bu‟uureffachuudhaan kan hojjetame ta‟a. Sababni isaas yaada Gray (1984)
dhiheesse ta‟uu mala. Innis yaaxxinni bifiyyee Raashiyaa akkaataa himiinsaarratti kan xiyyeefatu

ta‟uunsaa isa tokko. Inni biroon hayyumti kun unkaafi tekiniikarratti kan xiyyeeffatu ta‟ee
dhimmoota akka seenduubaa hawaasummaafi siyaasaaf iddoo guddaa kan hinlaanne ta‟uusaa ibsa.
Hojii kana keessattis dhimmoonni seenduubaan walqabataniifi seenaa durduriifaa kan hinilaalle
ta‟uusaati. Xiyyeeffannaa guddaan akkaataa himiinsaarratti ta‟uunsaa yaaxxina kana akka
bu‟uureffatamu taasisa.
3. Malleen Qorannoo
Qorannoon kun gosoota qorannoo keessaa akkamtaatti (qualitative research) dhimma
ba‟uudhaan gaggeeffame. Malli kun hojiirra akka oolu sababni barbaachiseef akkaataa
himiinsa durdurii qorachuuf nama durdurii sana himu biratti qaamaan argamuun murteessaa
ta‟uu isaati. Qaamaan biratti argamuu qofa osoo hintaane dammaqinaan dhaggeeffachuu
sagalee seenessaa guutuu waraabbachuufi sochii qaamaa namni sun taasisu viidiyoodhaan
waraabuun baay‟ee barbaachisaadha. Kuni ammoo irra deddeebii jechaa, gaaleefi himaa
namni durdurii seenessu sun taasisu argachuuf fayyada. Sochiin qaamaa inni taasisus bu‟aa
qaba. Kanaafuu, odeeffannoo qorannoo akkanaatiif afgaaffiifi daawwannaa fayyadamuun
murteessaadha jechuudha. Yaada kanaaf ragaa gaarii kan ta‟u barreessitoonni akka Finnegan
(1992)fi Okpewho (1992) mala kana gargaaramanii ogafaan qorachuun dhimmicha
gadifageenyaan hubachuuf akka nama fayyadu ibsanii jiru. Dabalataanis Addunyaa (2011)fi
Dastaan (2013) malli qorannoo akkamtaa kun nama odeeffannoo afgaaffiifi
daawwannaadhaan funaanuu barbaaduuf barbaachisaa akka ta‟e ibsanii jiru. Odeeffannoon
qorannoo kanaas hojii aloola (fielwork) irraa haala kanaan argame waan ta‟eef malli
akkamtaa hojiirra oole jechuudha.
Odeef-kennitoota kanan argadhe manguddoota naannoo jiran keessatti. Oduu durii,
mammaaksa, jaarsummaa, aadaa hawaasichaa nibeeka jedhanii kan isaan naaf eeran
gaafachuudhaanan jalqabe. Manguddoonni ani odeeffannoo kana irraa argadhe sunniinis
durdurii amma yaadatan natti himanii jiru. Odeef-kennitoonni naaf eeraman sunniinis
(warrin argadhe) nama biraa naa eerani. Kanaafuu, iddattoon qorannoo kanaa iddattoo
eerummaa yookin dabraa dabarsuu (snowball sampling) kan jedhamu ta‟a jechuudha.
Durdurii odeef-kennitootarraa argaman sanniin teeppidhaan waraabbadhe. Isa teeppidhaan
waraabame kana baay‟inaan osoon aloolaa hindeebi‟inan bar-afaanitti deebise. Sababni ani
idduma sana osoon jiruu bar-afaanitti jijjiireef yaanni naaf hingaliin yoo jiraateefi
teeppiidhaan yoo waraabamu sagaleen hindhaga‟amne yoo jiraate achumatti fooyyessuuf
akka naa mijatuufi. Akka walii galaatti durdurii shantama kanan walitti qabe hunda
isaaniituu barreeffamatti jijjiiree (transcribe) teessiseen jira. Isaan barreeffamatti deebise
sanniin hundaa irra deddeebi‟ee dubbisuudhaan dhimman barbaadu sanaaf kanneen naaf
ta‟an filadhee hojii kana keessatti itti fayyadameen jira.
Malli qaaccessa ragaalee qorannoo kanaa qaaccessa addeessaa (descriptive analysis) kan
jedhamu. Kunis durdurii walitti qabame keessaa akkaataa himiinsaa ragaadhaaf kan oolu
qaama durduriirraa murachuudhaan sirriitti ibsuu ta‟a. Ibsi sun akkaataa durduriin ittiin
himamu akkuma durdurii fakkeenyaaf dhihaateetti kennama malee durdurii jiran hunda
bakka bu‟a jechuu waan hintaaneef gadi fageenyaan addeessama.
4. Qaaccessa Ragaalee
Durduriiwwan odeef-kennitootarraa funaanaman xiinxallee yoo ilaallu akkaataa himiinsaa
ittiin beekaman qabu. Akkaataan himiinsaa qorannoo kana keessatti irratti xiyyeeffatame
baniinsaafi cufiinsa durdurii, hirmaannaa qooddattootaa, yoomessa, seenessaafi (nama
durdurii himu) irra deddeebiidha. Jalqabarratti Baniinsaafi cufiinsa durdurii ilaalla.

Hirmaannaa qooddattootaafi yoomessa addatti baasnee xiinxaluurra baniinsa durdurii jalatti

ibsuutu filatame. Dhimma nama durdurii himuutiin walqabatu ammoo baniinsa keessattiifi
irra deddeebii jalatti ilaalla.
4.1. Baniinsaafi Cufiinsa Durdurii
Baniinsa (beginning) durdurii dhimmoota lamarratti hundaa‟udhaan xiinxaluu yaalla.

Isaanis: qooddattootaafi yoomessa irratti hundaa‟udhaan ta‟a.
Qooddattoonni durdurii tokko keessatti hirmaatan keessattuu qooddattoonni hangafa ta‟an
baniinsa durduriirratti dhufu. Akkaataan (style) kun ammoo dhaggeeffattoonni waa‟een
maalii akka itti himamu jalqabumarratti akka dhagahaniif gargaara. Fakkeenyaaf, durdurii
waa‟ee abbaa lafaa seenessu ilaaluu dandeenya. Akkaataan inni ittiin jalqabes waa‟uma
qooddataa kanaa seenessuudhaani:
Namni dur akkana godhe jedhan. Namni durii „zim‟ jedheeti [walgahii] walitti yaase
jedhan gaa abbaa lafaati. Abbaa lafaati nama duri. [Walgahii] walitti yaasee
waarrateeti ... koottaa taa‟aa tarree galaa jedhe jedhan. ‟Tarree galaa taa‟aa‟
jedhee waarratee, ‟Oggaa teechani aanaa aanaan walitti aanaa. Aanaa
aanaadhaan akka aanaa walitti aantaniin walitti aanaa‟ jedhe jedhan…
Akkaataa baniinsaa kanarratti waa‟ee qooddatichaa ajaja inni dabarse seenessuudhaan

jalqabe. Durduricha amma dhumaatti yoo hordofne qooddattoonni biroos ni‟uumamu.
Jarreen kunniin garuu qooddataa hangafaaf seenaa dheeressuudhaaf dhufan malee
qooddattoota hangafaa miti. Qooddataa hangaftichi amma dhumaatti qajeelfama
dabarsuudhaan itti fufa. Kanarraa kan hubannu qooddataa hangafti baniinsa durduriirratti
argamuu isaati.
Haaluma walfakkaatuun durdurii waa‟ee bulguu seenessu jalatti qooddataan jalqabumatti
dhufee seenaan isaa himamuu jalqabe. Abbaan Bulguu sun ilmoo guddifatee kan jiraatu
akka ta‟e seenichi yemmuu jalqabu himuma duraarratti arganna:
“Durii.. Abbaan Bulguu ka‟eeti ilmoo guddifate. Ilmoo oggaa guddifatu wanna
nyaatu waan dhugu hindhabnee warratti erge…”
Durdurii kana keessatti Abbaan Bulguufi ilmi inni guddifate qooddattoota gurguddoo
seenichaati. Seenaa kana amma dhumaatti yoo duukaa buune gocha lamaan isaanii gidduutti
taasisamutu seeneffama. Seenichi akka gara fuulduraatti deemu taasisuuf qooddattoonni
birootis gidduutti dhufanii hirmaatu. Qooddattoonni sun garuu ammamuu itti hinfufan.
Fakkeenyaaf, ilmi guddifatame sun warra dhaqee waa‟ee Abbaa Bulguu haadhatti hima.
Jalqaba kan gaafate ishiidha. Qooddattuun akka haadhatti hirmaatte sun garuu qooda xiqqoo
qabdi. Kanaafuu, qooddattuu guddoos miti-jalqabarrattis hindhufne. Asirraa wanti hubatamu
durdurii keessatti qooddattoonni hangafa ta‟an jalqabuma durduriitirraa jalqabanii kan
hirmaatan ta‟uu isaati.
Baniinsa durduriirratti yoomessis ga‟ee taphatu qaba. Durdurii keessatti gochi kan raawwate
bara kana jechuun hindanda‟amu. Durdur jechuu dhumaan himama. Kallattumaan dur
jechuullee baatan yeroo darbe keessa gocha raawwate ta‟uusaa hubachuun nidanda‟ama.
Kanas jalqaba durduriirraa argachuu kan dandeenyu ta‟uu fakkeenyaan mirkaneeffachuun
gaaridha:
... namichatu duri ka‟ee karaan deemaa jedheeni haadha warraa isaatiin.
Akkana jennaani, „maarree erga deemtee galaas fudhuu wayyaas fudhuu‟

jetteen. Lakkii karaa amma tanaatii wayyaas hinfudhadhuu, galaas

hinbaadhuu amma ... tana tarkaanfadheetan deebi‟ee dhufaa jedheen…
Durdurii kana keessatti yeroon isaa bara kana jedhamuu baatullee seenichi kan ta‟e bara
durii akka ta‟e baniinsuma durduricharratti argama. „Dur akkas ta‟e‟ jennaan waan
fuulduratti ta‟u miti. Waan duraan ta‟e. Kan amma ta‟aa jirus miti. „Dur‟ kan jedhamu isa
darbe darbiinsi isaas kan ture agarsiisa. Durdurii akka fakkeenyaatti fudhanne kana
keessattis kan hubatamu dhimmuma kana.
Ammas durdurii biraa fudhannee yoo ilaalle durdurii waa‟ee adurreefi hantuutaa seenessu
keessattis haaluma walfakkaatuun yeroon seenichi ta‟e dur ta‟uusaa jalqabuma durduriirratti
arganna. Jalqaba durdurichaarraa yaada fudhatame akka asiin gadiitti ilaaluu dandeenya:
“Dur hantuutaafi adurreetuu [soddummaadhaaf] walitti dhufan. Adurreefi
hantuutatu. Egaa walin nyaannuu jedhanii jaarsi araarseti jedhan. Oggaa
araaramanuu mucoo atis kenniif mucoo atis walii kennaa jedhan. Jennaanii
„taraanii, taraanii‟ gayee jedhama…”
Yaanni kun baniinsa durduriirratti argama. „Dur‟ jechuudhan jalqaba. Yeroon kun akkuma
armaan olitti ibsame yeroo murtaa‟e miti. Baniinsa durduriirratti argamuun isaa akkaataa
durduriin itti jalqabu ykn banamu nutti mul‟isa.
Akkaataa baniinsaa keessatti iddoo guddaa kan qabu qabxiin biroo akkaataa seenessaati.
Dur-himtoonni (story tellers) oduu durii yemmuu seenessan oduun sun kan mataa isaanii
akka hintaaneefi akka namarraa dhaga‟an baniinsa durduriirratti dhaggeeffattoota quba
qabsiisu. Kanas “jedhan” jedhu malee akkana jedhanii akka waan ofiif arganiitti yookin akka
yemmuu gochi tokko raawwate daawwataniitti hinseenessan. Durdurii keessatti akkaataa
himiinsaa akkasii kanas kan argannu jalqabumarratti.
Durdurii waa‟ee obboleewwan sadanii seenessu keessaa jalqabumarraa kan fudhatame
yaanni armaan gadii akkaataa seenessaan seenaa dhaggeeffattootatti himu sun kan isaa akka
hinta‟in ittiin ibsu sirriitti hubachuu dandeenya. Hima duraa keessatti xumurri „jedhan‟ jettu
sun yaada nama biraatirraa dhaga‟e akka inni seenessaa jiru nutti agarsiisti. Hima itti aanu
keessatti ammoo „jedhan‟ kan jedhu ammas xiyyeeffannoo itti kennee kan isaa akka
hintaane ibsa. Himni sadaffaan „garuu jecha duri‟ kan jedhu kan isaa erga hinta‟inii eenyutu
akkas jedheree gaaffii jedhu akka hinkaafneef kan dur ta‟uusaa, manguddoo durirraa
daddarbaa dhufee kan isa bira ga‟e ta‟uusaa ifa godhee teessisa. Mee yaada waraabamee
dhihaate haaxiinxallu:
“Sadi ta‟anii dhalatan jedhan. Jedhan kaa. Garuu jecha duri. Sadi ta‟anii oggaa
dhalatanii lama [gamna] tokko gowwaadha jedhaniin jedhan. Akka gowwaatitti
laalani. Garuu inni gowwaa haa jedhamuu malee [gamna] jedhan…”
Durdurii kana keessatti egaa dur-himaan oduu dur ta‟uu isaa baniinsa durdurichaatirratti
akka gaariitti ibsee jira. Durduricha itti fufnee yemmuu hordofnu hima jalqabaa keessatti kan
argamtu, xumurri “jedhan” jettu sun amma dhumaatti ittuma fufti. Kanaafuu,
dhaggeeffattoonni baniinsuma durduriitirraa ka‟anii akkaataa dur-himaan baniinsarratti
seenessuu jalqabu hubachuu danda‟a jechuudha.
Yaaduma kanaan kan walfakkaatu durdurii waa‟ee bulguu seenessus yoo fudhanne
jalqabarratti dur-himaan biraa akka asiin gadiitti jalqabe:

“Dur jedhanii…Bulgu jedhani garuu amma Bulgu suni amma hinjira jenneetis
hiyyaannu duraanis kaa nu haa arganuu haa arguu baatanuu mooji. Amma
Bulguu nama nyaata jedhan dur…”
„Dur jedhanii…‟ jedhee jalqabuun isaa akkuma kan isa duraa san seenaan himuuf deemu sun
kan isaa akka hintaane, oduu durii akka ta‟eefi isa kanas sirriitti ibsuudhaaf akkaataa itti
fayydame argina. Kanas ittuma fufuudhaan „Bulgu jedhanii garuu amma suni amma hinjira
jennees hiyyaannu duraanis kaa nu haa arganuu haa arguu baatanuu mooji…‟ jedha.
Asirratti Bulguu san ofii isaatii argee akka hinbeekne ibsa. Warri dur sun arganii, uumanii
nutti himanii akka hinbeekne ibsa. Hima itti aanu keessatti garuu oduu durii ta‟uu isaa
“…Bulgu nama nyaata jedhan dur” jedhee oduu afaaniin dhalootarraa darbaa dhufe ta‟uu
isaa mirkaneessa.
Walumaagalatti akkaataa baniinsa durdurii keessatti „dur‟ jechuudhaan jalqabuun akka jiru,
„akkas jedhan‟ kan jedhus yaaduma kana kan nuhubachiisu akka ta‟e, dur-himaan seenicha
kan nama biraarraa dhaga‟e akka ta‟e jalqabumatti ibsuudhaan akka jalqabu argina. Naannoo
Oromiyaa bakkeewwan tokko tokkotti durdurii yemmuu jalqaban inni seenessu „Durdurii‟
jedhee dubbii yoo kaasu warri dhaggeeffatan „Mee as guuri, mee gadi guuri‟ akka jedhanis
odeeffannoon jira.
Gara cufiinsa durdurii yemmuu deebinus akkaataa beekamaa akka qabu hubachuun
nidanda‟ama. Dur-himaan durdurii tokko himee yemmuu xumuru xumuruu isaa akkaataa
ittiin beeksisu keessaa tokko dhumarratti “…jedhanii hoodhu,” jedhee guduunfuu isaati.
Asirratti „hoodhu‟ kan jedhu kun ani xumure, kanan dhagahe kanuma jechuu ta‟uu danda‟a.
Kanaaf, fakkeenya gaarii nuu ta‟uu kan danda‟u durduriiwwan walitti qabaman keessaa mee
seenaa haadha mootii tokkoo kan addeessu jalatti kan dhihaate yaa ilaallu:
“Haadha nugusaa ajjeeftan. Haadha nugusaa san hinawwaallatan, nama keenya
jedhanii, „Nuuroo‟ keenya kana siif kenninaa namicha ... beeku jaarsa biyyaa
yaamanii horii amma dabbasaasaatiin jararraa [fuudhanii] jarri ... biyyaa baye
jedhanii hoodhu…”
Durdurii sana keessatti dur-himaan waa‟ee namticha ganda dhaqee seenessee yemmuu
xumuru dhumarratti “…jedhanii hoodhu,” jedhee guduunfe. Asirratti dhaggeeffattoonnis
dur-himaan kun seenicha kan itti hinfufne ta‟uu isaa kan inni dhumarratti „hoodhu‟ jedhe
sanarraa ka‟anii beekuu danda‟u. Kanaafuu, kun akkaataa cufiinsa durdurii keessaa tokko
ta‟uu isaati.
Ammas akkaataa cufiinsaa kana jecha guduunfituu “hoodhu” jettu sana biraa dhiisanii
“…jedhama,” jechuudhaan kan guduunfanis ni‟arganna. Kanaafis fakkeenya gaarii ta‟uu kan
danda‟u durdurii waa‟ee bineessaafi harree jalatti kan dhihaate keessaa kan armaan gadii
ilaalla. Harreefi waraabessi walitti dubbachaa turanii dhumarratti akkaataa durduriin ittiin
guduunfame qaba.
Durii harreefi bineessatu wallole jedhan. Walloli jennaan [harreen] lafaan dhaye
jedhan. Maalooree narraa ka‟ii jedheen bineessi. Amma irraa ka‟e. Ammammoo
deebiseet bineessi lafaan dhaye jedhan. Maarree ani duratti sirraa ka‟ee amma
narraa hinkaatuuyii jedheen jedhan. „Aayi‟ biyya keenya namarraa ka‟uun
hinjiru…asumaanii jedheen jedhan. Harreefi bineessi amma kanaaf walitti [diina]
ta‟anii jedhama.
Dur-himaan seenaa harreefi waraabessaa seenessee yemmuu xumuru “…jedhama” jecha

jettu fayyadame. Kanarraa kan hubachuu dandeenyu durduriin himamee yemmuu xumuramu

jechi “jedhama” jettus tajaajila kan kennitu akka ta‟eefi akkaataa guduunfaa ta‟uu isaati.
Kanumaan kan walfakkaatu ammas fakkeenya biroo durdurii dhimma hantuutaafi adurree
seenessu jalaa fudhannee yaa ilaallu:
“Bool‟oo qotachoo, jedhe hantuutatu. Oggaa saan achii taf as jedhanisaan jarri
achumatti ...jalaa bahanii [haala] kanaatiin adurreen hantuuta [gowwomsina]
jedhanii dhaqanii wal [dorgomanii] isaani mucoos hinfudhannee isaanis
hindhumnee hinjiranii jedhama…”
As keessattis kan agarru dur-himaan yemmuu durdurii sana seenessu adurroonni hantuuta
nyaachudhaaf yemmuu qophaa‟anitti hantuunni beekkattee boolloo akka galte
dhaggeeffattootatti himee dhumarratti “…jedhama” kan jedhu fayyadamee akka
guduunfedha.
Qooddattoonni durdurii keessatti argaman namas ta‟an bineensota qooda namaa fudhatanii
argamu. Akkuma namaa walitti dubbatu; akkuma namaa rakkina isaanirra ga‟e himatu; mala
ittiin rakkina sana keessaa bahanis barbaaddatu. Waliin dubbiin namaafi nama gidduutti ta‟u
bineessaafi nama yookin bineessaafi bineessa biroo gidduuttis yemmuu gaggeeffamu argina.
Durdurii waa‟ee ilbiisotaa nutti himu akka fakkeenyatti ilaaluu nidandeenya.
“… dur jedhanii taffiidhaa, injiraan jedhanii, tukaanaa saree jedhaniiti harree
jedhanii farsoo walitti „nagadannaa‟ jedhan jedhan. Amma maarree farsoo
naqataniitii, „Eenyutu ba‟aa aduu gabaa san eenyutu baatee bahaa?‟ jedhan
jedhan…”
Durdurii kana keessatti qooddattoonni argaman martinuu akka namaatti walitti dubbatu;
waliin moromu; gocha namaa raawwatu. Ga‟ee namaa taphatu. Gochi isaanis kan isaanif
ta‟u osoo hintaane kan ilmi namaa jireenya guyyaa guyyaa keessatti itti fayyadamu. Jarri
shanan sunniin farsoo walitti „nagadanna‟ jedhanii ka‟an. Farsoon kan namni itti fayyadamu
malee kan tafkii ykn kan geergoo miti. Sareefi Harrees taanan farsoo waliin wanti walitti
isaan fidu hinjiru. Injiraanis akkasuma. Haata‟u malee durdurii kana keessatti qooddattoonni
kunniin ga‟ee namaa taphatu.
Durdurii waa‟ee Raachaafi Kanniisaa seenessus yoo fudhanne akkasuma. Qooddattoonni
nama ta‟uullee baatan qooda namaa akka taphatan kan qaama durdurii sana keessaa
fudhatame akka armaan gadiitti ilaaluu dandeenya: “Dur maabaraa raacha je‟anii kanniisa
jedhanii walitti seenan jedhan maabara. Maabara walitti seenanii egaa kanniifni „maaragumaan‟
[qophaa‟ee] eega kaa…”
Durdurii Kana keessatti kan isa jalqabaarraa wanti adda taasisu raachi kan bishaan galu
ta‟uusaafi kanniifni kan damma tolchu ta‟uu isaati. Kanarraa kan hafe gochi isaan
raawwatan kan namaati. Afooshaa ykn maabara walitti seenuun jiruufi jireenya namaa
keessa jira malee jiruufi jireenya Kaanniisaafi Raachaa keessatti kan argamuu miti. Durdurii
keessatti garuu wantoonni nama hinta‟iin amala namaa fudhatanii (uffatanii) yommuu
taphatan argina. Durduriin kunis yaaduma kana nuu mirkaneessa.
4.2 Irradeddeebbii
Akkaataa himiinsa durdurii keessatti irra deddeebiin dhimma ijoodha. Irradeddeebiin

durdurii Oromoo keessatti mul‟atu bakka afuritti qoodamee xiinxalamuu nidanda‟a. Inni
duraa himuma tokko keessatti jechoonni argaman kan irra deddeebi‟amanii dhihaatan ta‟a.
Jechoonni hima tokko keessatti irra deddeebi‟anii dhihaatan kunniin yeroo baay‟ee al-sadi

irra deebi‟amu. Inni lammataa himoota walitti aananii dhufan keessatti irra deddeebii
mul‟atu ta‟a. Akkaataa kanaan kan irra deebi‟amu jecha ykn gaalee hima duraa keessatti
mul‟atetu hima itti aanu keessattis dhihaata. Jechi ykn gaaleen irra deddeebi‟amu kuni itti
fufiinsa durdurichaatiif kallattii agarsiisu. Inni sadaffaan irra deebii hima guutuuti. Himni
tokko erga dubbatamee booda akkuma jirutti irra deebi‟amuun dubbatama. Gosti irra
deddeebii afraffaan irra deddeebii hinbarbaachifne ta‟a. Durdurii yemmuu seenessu dur-
himaan jechoota ykn gaaleewwan hinbarbaachifne fayyadamee ibsuu danda‟a. Hima tokko
keessatti gochi raawwatame tokko yeroo dheeradhaaf kan itti fufe ta‟uu argisiisuuf dur-
himaan xumura bu‟uuraa irra deddeebi‟ee dubbata. Durdurii dhimma nama bokkaan itti
roobee jalatti kan arginus kanuma. Namtichi karaa deemudhaaf warraa manaa isaatti
himnaan isheen galaa tolchuufii barbaadde. Inni garuu lafa dhihoo akka deemu itti himee
galaas didee deema. Karaatti garuu bokkaan roobuu jalqabe. Kana malees karaan inni deeme
sun akka inni yaade dhihoo osoo hintaane fagoo ta‟uu isaa argisiisuuf akka armaan gadiitti
ibse:
“… Amma oduma deemu, oduma deemu, oduma deemuu bakka inni yaade sani
osoo hinga‟in bokkeenyi duubaa fidee roobe. Oduu roobuu akka dawoo jala seenee
achi jala taa‟e…”
Durdurii kana keesatti “…oduma deemu…” kan jedhu yeroo sadi irra deddeebi‟ame. Kan
inni agarsiisus namichi karaa dheeraa deemuu isaati. Dur-himaan karaa „dheeraa deeme‟
jechuurra gaalee sana akkuma jirutti irra deddeebidhaan ibse. Gaalee irra deddeebi‟ametti
qaamni aanee dhufes sanuma cimsa. Namichi bakka ga‟uuf karoorfate osoo hin ga‟in
bokkeenyi akka itti roobe. Rooba kanarratti xiyyeeffatee yaada kanaan walqabate ibsuuf
akka yaade ibsuuf hima itti aanu keessattis “…oduma roobuu…” jedhee itti fufe. Roobichis
yeroo dheeradhaaf kan itti fufe ta‟uu akka armaan gadiitti ibse:
“... bokkeenyi hinuma rooba, hinuma rooba, hinuma roobaa. Amma ... bokkeenyi
sun caamnaan laga qarqara oggaa gawuu lagni sirriitti guute. Ce‟uu dadhabe…”
Ammas gaalee “…hinuma rooba…” jedhu yeroo sadi irra deebi‟e. Kunis roobichi osoo
addaan hincitiin yeroo dheeradhaaf kan roobe ta‟uu argisiisuuf mala itti fayyadamedha.
Rooba guddaa akka roobes kanarraa hubachuun nidanda‟ama. Kanaaf ammoo ragaan hima
itti aanee dhufe sana ta‟a. Himichis lagni akka maleetti guutee akka ceesisuu dhowwate ibsa.
Himuma tokko keessatti jechoota argaman irra deddeebi‟uu kana durdurii tokko keessattis
ni‟arganna. Durdurii sana keessaatti Bulgu namni mana isaa seenee akka waa jalaa hate
kirrii citterraa waan bareef manatti deebi‟ee hattichi bakka seene dhabe. Yemmuu kana
daabboo fuudhee raawwatee tooftaa armaan gadiitiin dharraasisaa hattuu bakka ishiin
dhokattee baase:
“... Kirrii sanis kuttee beeki. Daabboo fuudhee daabboo kana.. dhakaa jala seente
jedhan. „Daabboo kana eenyuu kennu, eenyuu kennu, eenyuu kennu‟ jedhe jedhan.
Jennaan „Anaa kenni‟ jette jedhan…”
„Daabboo kana eenyuu kennu?‟ jedhee gaafachuun isaa namoonni biroos kan
fudhachuudhaaf dhihaatan akka waan jiruutti hattittii gowwomsa. Irra deddeebi‟ee „...eenyuu
kennu, eenyuu kennu, eenyyuu kennu‟ yemmuu inni jedhu irra caalaa namoota biroos akka
kakaaseefi kan durse akka dafee fudhatu taasise. Akkuma kan jalqabarratti ilaalle kunis
yeroo sadi sadi irra deebi‟uudhaan dubbate. Achumaan hattittiin bakka jirtuu baatee
isheedhaaf akka kennu gaafatte. Asirraa kan hubachuu dandeenyu gaalee irra deddeebi‟ame
sanaaf xiyyeeffannaa kennee intalattii amansiisuu danda‟e.

Durdurii waa‟ee gaangee seenessu keessaa kan fudhatame yoo ilaalles gaangeen abaaramtuu
ta‟uushee argina. Abaarsa kanaafis sababa kan ta‟e dur yemmuu Waaqni lafatti dhihoo ture
dhiituu isheeti. Gaangeen quuftee waan taatu dhabnaan osoo burraaqxuu Waaqa argattee
dhiitte. Qaamni irra deddeebi‟ames burraaqicha gaangee sana. Achumaan Waaqnis akka
isheen hindhalle abaare. Mee irra deddeebii mul‟atu kanaafi waan inni mul‟isu haa ilaallu:
“... gaangeen quuftudhaa eegee [eegee facaaftee] finxaax, finxaax, finxaax
jetteetuma fifinxaaxxee raawwattee Waaqa dhiitte jedhan. „Dhala sa gogsu,
dhala gogi‟ jedheen jedhan Waaqni…”
Durdurii kana keessatti gaangeen quuftee burraaquu ishee argina. Dur-himaan burraaqa
ishee kana xiyyeeffannoo itti kennee yemmuu ibsuu „finxaaxuu‟ ishee san irra deddeebi‟ee
dubbate. Finxaaxa ishee kana eegee facaasaa, lukaan waan argattee dhiitaa osoo fiigduu
Waaqas argattee ol dhiitte. Asirratti burraaqni ishee sun ykn finxaanni ishee sun yeroo
dheeradhaaf kan itti fufe ta‟uus kan nu hubachiisu irra deddeebii sana ta‟a. Qaamni irra
deddeebi‟ame ammoo „finxaax‟ kan jedhu yemmuu ta‟u xiyyeeffannaa guddaanis achirra
jira.
Durdurii armaan gadii keessatti ammas irra deddeebii saffisa mul‟isu argina. Namichi karaa
deemu warra tokkotti goree waan gaafatan itti hime. Warri gorsiisan sun garuu nutti farrise
jedhanii nyaata nama ajjeesu qopheessaniifii fudhatee yemmuu deemu ijoolleen warra sanaa
yemmuu duulaa galan itti dhufan. Galaa inni warra isaaniirraa fudhatee deemu sana akkaataa
isaan itti nyaatan agarsiisuuf dur-himaan akka armaan gadiitti ibse:
“... Eeyee. Nuu kenni qoonqonuu nu fixxee. Kennaafii; laqam, laqam, laqam hoo
godhani sun duubaa hoo dhufuu jarri saddeettan lafti marteenii achumatti
dhuman…”
Irra deddeebiin durdurii kana keessatti mul‟atu kan saffisa agarsiisu ta‟a. Dur-himaan jecha
tokko yeroo sadi irra deebi‟e. Irra deebii kanas akkaataa jarri yemmuu nyaata sana argatan
itti nyaatan argisiisuuf fayyadame. Dafanii dafanii nyaachuu isaanii agarsiisuuf jecha
„laqam‟ jedhu irra deddeebi‟e. Kanarraa kan hubannu dur-himaan jecha tokko irra
deddeebi‟ee kan ibsu xiyyeeffannaa akka argatuuf, dafee dafee kan raawwatame ta‟uu isaa
mul‟isuufi.
Akkaataa durduriin ittiin dhihaatu keessatti kan mul‟atu inni biraa irra deddeebii gaalee
xumuraati. Hima tokko keessatti qaamni irra deddeebi‟amu jechoota bu‟uuraa kanneen ta‟an
gaalee xumuraa gara xumura himaatti argaman ta‟u. Qaamni akkasii gaalee xumuraa hima
duraa keessatti argamutu qaama murteessaa hima hima itti aanuu ta‟ee argama. Asirratti kan
qaamni gaalee sanaas bifa jijjiirratanii (maxxantoota adda addaa maxxanfatanii) wajjin irra
deebi‟u. Akka fakkeenyyaatti irra deddeebii durdurii keessatti mul‟atu durdurii dhimma
dubartii dhabduu takkaa seenessu keeyyata tokko fudhannee ilaaluu dandeenya:
“Dur niitii…[dhabduutu] ilma „tasaalte‟ jedhama, seexana „tasaalte‟. Seexana yoo
„tasaaltu‟ Waaqni „giddii‟ hinqabuu ilma kenneef. Ilma kenninaaniif gaabii bittee
bakka itti galchitu dhabde. Seexana dhabde. Seexana barbaada oduu [osoo]
deemtuu ammaa rakkatte wajjin. Jennaan beekaa manguddoo gaafatte, jaarsa..”.
Durdurii kana keessatti himni tokko hima itti aanu wajjin akka walqabatu taasisuuf jechoota
bu‟uuraatu irra deddeebi‟ame. Hima duraa keessatti niitittiin seexana „tasaaluu‟ [wareeguu]
ishee argina. Himni itti aanu yaanni durdurii sanaa garam akka qajeelu kan nutti mul‟su
qaama irra deebi‟amu sani. Hima itti aanus yoo fudhanne akkasuma. Niitii sanaaf Waaqni
ilma kenneef. “... Ilma kenneef...,” kan jedhu kanarra xiyyeeffannaan waan jiruuf isarraan

gara kan itti aanutti tarkaanfachuuf “…ilma kenninaaniif…” kan jedhu jalqaba hima itti
aanuu keessatti arganna. Ammas ittuma fufuudhaan niitittiin kan yaadde milkoofnaan
wareega bitte sana galchuu barbaadde. Kanas “bakka itti galchitu dhabde,” jedha. Himni itti
aanu ammoo kan isheen barbaaddu sun seexana akka ta‟e agarsiisuuf „...dhabde‟ kan jedhu
sana irra deebi‟uuf seexana itti dabala. Durdurichi haaluma kanaan itti fufa.
Haaluma walfakkaatuun durdurii waa‟ee bulguu seenessu fudhannee yoo ilaallu Abbaan
Bulguu ilma guddifatee yemmuu ilmi sun isa hamatu argina. Ilmi Abbaan Bulguu guddifate
sun warra irraa dhalate dhaqe. Abbaan Bulguu duuba dhaqee waan inni warra irraa dhalate
sanatti himu mana duuba taa‟ee dhaggeeffata. Akkaataa dur-himaan seenaa kana yemmuu
ibsu irra deddeebi‟ee dubbatu akka armaan gadiitti dhihaata:
Durii.. Abbaan Bulguu ka‟eeti ilmoo guddifate. Ilmoo oggaa guddifatu wanna
nyaatu waan dhugu hindhabnee warratti erge[Ilma guddifate sana erge]. Warratti
oggaa erguu,… “Akkam ilma koo?” jennaani,[warra guddisa kenne sanatu gaafata]
“ Waanan nyaadhu waanan dhugu hindhabnee xinnoo galgala galgala fooliisaa
tokkotu natti badee jedhe. Oggaa inni akkana jedhu inni [Abbaan Bulguu] duubarra
dhaqee mana jala ejjetee dhaggeeffata. Yoo inni galgala galuu waraana qareet
eege. Waraana qaree oggaa eeguu,…
Durdurii kana keessatti dur-himaan yaada tokkorraa gara yaada itti aanuutti yemmuu ce‟u
jechoota irra deddeebi‟u qaba. Jechoonni sunniin ammoo jechoota bu‟uuraati. „... Abbaan
Bulguu…ilmoo guddifate‟ jedhee raawwatee seenichi kan itti fufu karaa ilma guddifatame
sanaan waan ta‟eef „... ilmoo oggaa guddifatu‟ jedhee gaalee xumuraa hima jalqabaa
keessatti argamu sana irra deebi‟a. Ilmi guddifate sun warra irraa dhalate san dhaqee
yemmuu hamatu dhaga‟ee gale. Yemmuu ilmi sun dhufuu abbaan waraana qaree eege.
Kanas yoo ibsu „…waraana qareet eege.‟ jedhee ammas waraana sanarraan seenichi
guddachaa deema waan ta‟eef „... waraana qaree oggaa eegu…‟ jedhee itti fufa. Kanarraa
kan hubannu irra deddeebiin karaa seenichi ittiin guddachaa deemu sanarratti xiyyeeffata.
Hima duraa keessatti dhumarra erga dhufee booda hima itti aanu keessatti achirraa
ka‟uudhaan itti fufa.
Armaan olitti kan ibsamaa dhufe jechootaafi gaalee irra deddeebi‟an malee sadarkaa
himaatti kan ilaalamu hinturre. Itti aansinee ammoo akkaataa durdurii keessatti dur-himaan
hima guutuu irra deebi‟ee himu ilaalla. Kunis hima tokko erga dubbatee booda akkuma
jirutti ammas isuma deebisee dubbata. Mee akka fakkeenyaatti “Durdurii dhimma labsii
dhiheessu” keessaa kan fudhatame yaa ilaallu:
Jecha oggaa dabarsuu, „Niitii gabaabduu hinfuudhinaa, niitii gabaabduu
hinfuudhinaa,‟ jedheet halaalatti lallaba jedhan gaa ofirraa achi fageeche kaani.
Oggaa as deebi‟ummoo, „Moowaa qabaattun dhiisinaa,‟ jedha jedhan. Han ofii san
gorsa jechaadha. „Farda gabaabaa hinbitinaa,farda gabaabaa hinbitinaa, farda
gabaabaa hinbitinaa, moowaa qabaatu hindhiisinaa‟ jedha jedhan. Han ofiititti
hima. Akkasan, „Maasaa karaarraa hinqotinaa, maasaa karaarraa
hinqotinaa,Midhaan ta‟u hindhiisinaa‟ jedhee akkasittii kana kana fa‟atu jira
jedhanii kana fa‟a kanan ani beeku…
Durdurii kana keessatti dur-himaan hima tokko akkuma jirutti irra deebi‟ee dubbata.
Sararuma jalqabaarraa yoo kaane „Niitii gabaabduu hinfuudhinaa‟ kan jedhu hima tokko.
Hima kana lallabee dubbata waan ta‟eef takkaan yoo dhaga‟uu baatan kan lammaffaa akka
dhaga‟aniif akkuma jirutti irra deebi‟a. Lallabee ykn iyyee kan dubbatu warra alagaa
ta‟anitti. Jarri kunniinis fagootti argamu. Warra aanaa isaa ta‟eef irra hindeebi‟u; itti dhihoo

waan jiraniif takkumaan dhagahu. Dhaamsa lallabaan dabarsu ittuma fufuudhaan „Farda
gabaabaa hinbitinaa‟ jedhee yeroo lama dubbata. Akkuma isa duraa aanaa ofiitti gadi
qabaadhaan (sagalee gadi qabee) yeruma takka qofa „Moowaa qabaatu hindhiisinaa‟
jedhaan. Ammas „Maasaa karaarraa hinqotinaa‟ jedhee alagaadhaaf yemmuu labsii dabarsu
irra deebi‟ee dubbata. Aanaa ofiitiif garuu osoo irra hindeebi‟in yeruma tokko „Midhaan ta‟u
hindhiisinaa qotaa‟ jedhaan.
Yaada kanarraa hubachuun kan danda‟amu yemmuu durdurii seenessan akkaataan hima
guutuu akkuma jirutti irra deebi‟an jiraachuu danda‟uu isaati. Faayidaan isaatis namoota
baay‟ee ta‟aniifi kan nama dubbatu sanarraa fagoo jiran sirriitti dhageessisuufi labsiin ykn
dhaamsi darbu sun kan akeekkannaa of keessaa qabu, kan dagatamuu hinqabne akka ta‟e
ibsuudhaf ta‟a.
Armaan gaditti ammoo irra deddeebiin hima guutuu gosa biraatu argama. Irra deebiin
akkanaa hima tokko walfaana kan dubbamu miti. Gidduudhaan namni biraa erga dubbatee
booda isuma deebisee dubbata. Mee haa ilaallu:
... Jennaani amma „Hoo na waraani hookan sinwaraanaa‟ jennaani, „Maaloo
aabbaa akkamittin si waraana?‟ jennaani, „Hoo na waraani hookan
sinwwaraanaa!‟ Irraa fuudhee gixxim itti godhe. „Buqqisi!‟ jedheen. Buqqise…
Durdurii kana keessatti Abbaan Bulguu ilma guddifate warratti ergee yemmuu mucichi
hamatu mana duuba taa‟ee waan dhagaheef gaafa mucaan galutti waraana qaratee eege. Sana
booda „Hoodhuu na waraani ykn sin waraanaa‟ jedheen. Mucichi sodaatee maaliif akka inni
kana murteesse gaafannaan ammas hima kana akkuma jirutti irra deebi‟ee ajaje. Asirratti kan
inni irra deebi‟eef akeekkachiisa cimaa dabarsuudhaafi. Kanaafis sagaleen inni yeroo irra
deebiirratti fayyadame kan duraarra lola of keessaa qaba. Akeekkannaa dabarsuu sana
cinaadhaan ajaja hinjijjiramneefi kan filannoo biraa hinqabne ta‟uu mul‟isuudhaafis irra
deebiin akkanaa akkaataa himiinsa durdurii keessatti tajaajila kan kennu ta‟a.
Ammammoo irra deddeebii hinbarbaachifne ilaalla. Irra deddeebiin armaan olitti kaafne
hundinuu kan durdurii keessatti argamuufi kan dur-himaan kamiyyuu gargaaramu ta‟a. Itti
aansee kan dhihaatu garuu dur-himtoonni adda addaa haala adda addaa keessatti kan itti
dhimma ba‟ani. Irra deddeebiin akkanaa kan itti yaadanii irra deebi‟an (repetition) osoo
hintaane osoo hinkaroorfatin (redundant) kan jedhamu sana. Mee fakkeenya durdurii
dhimma adurreefi hantuutaa seenessu keessaa fudhannee yaa ilaallu:
“...Oggaa araaramanuu mucoo atis kenniif atis walii kennaa jedhan. Jennaanii
„taraanii‟, „taraanii‟ gayee jedhama. „Taraan [yemmuu]‟ gawuu.. adurreetu gaa
intala hantuutaa fuudhudhaa dhufa kaa..”.
Durdurii kana keessatti Adurreefi Hantuunni walitti araaramanii soddaa walii ta‟uudhaaf
walii galan. Haaluma walii galtee saniin jalqaba adurreen intala Hantuutaa fuudhuudhaaf
dabareen ga‟a. Seenaa durdurii kana yemmuu seenessu dur-himaan irra deebii
hinbarbaachifne agarsiisa. Dabareen Adurree gaye jedhan jechuu barbaadee „taraanii…,
taraanii‟ kan yeroo lama jedhe sun tokko barbaachisaa miti. Kuni dur-himaan amma yaada
biraa argatutti callisee kan irra deebi‟u jechuudha. Kanas kan nuu mirkaneessu dur-himaan
osoo dubbachaa jiruu yaada addaan kutee deebisee jechuma sana waamuu isaati. Durduruma
Adurreefi Hantuutaa sana ammas irra deddeebi‟ee kan ibse mee yaa ilaallu:
Ogguma saan gadi yaa‟anii raawwatanii [simachuudha] wannii jedhan adurroonni
hantuuta san guurrachuu..qabuu qabuu [qofaaf] balleechudhaa oggaa

[kaayyeffatanii] isaan dhaqanuu, hoo saan achi gahan isaan eeggatanii bool‟oo ofii
qopheeffatanii hundumtuu [iddoo iddoo] taa‟an sanitti bool‟oo jalaan qotatanii
harka lamaan [qofa] akkanatti…
Irra deddeebiin hima kana keessatti mul‟atu sarara lammaffaarraa jalqaba. Yaada addaan
cicciterraa kaasee „...guurrachuu, qabuu qabuu...‟ kan jedhu irra deddeebii hinbarbaachifne.
„Adurroonni qabuudhaaf...‟ jedhee tokko qofa yoo gargaarame ga‟aadha. Ittuma fufuudhaan
„…oggaa [kayyeffatanii] isaan dhaqanuu, hoo isaan achi gahan… kan jedhu ammas
yaaduma tokko ibsa. Yemmuu isaan achi gahanuu…jedhee itti fufuu qofti gahaadha.
Durduriin dhimma Raachaafaa seenessu jalatti dhihaate akkuma armaan olitti ibsamee irra
deddeebii hinbarbaachifneen kan guutame. Raachiifi Kanniifni maabara walitti seenanii
Kanniifni gaafa dabaree isaa sirriitti qophaa‟ee eegee keessummeessee gaggeesse. Yaada
kana yemmuu ibsu haala armaan gadiitiin irra deddeebi‟e:
“...Nyaatanii, nyaatanii „inkit‟ godhanii manasaatii nyaatanii gaa raacha „taraan‟
ga‟e jedhan. Oggaa raacha taraan ga‟u kaa innis diggisee koottaa… koottaa jedhee
bishaanuma daaritti diggisee homaa himmi‟aawu kan isaayii itti ta‟uu dide
[qophiin]…”
Nyaatanii, nyaatanii kan jedhu sirriitti nyaachuu isaanii agrsiisuuf irra deebi‟ee dubbate.
Kuni rakkina hinqabu. „Inkit‟ godhanii [Sirriitti] nyaatanii‟ kan jedhu barbaachisaa miti.
Yaada itti aanu argachuudhaaf kan irra deebi‟e ta‟a. Kanarraa hubatamuu kan danda‟u dur-
himaan yaada jalaa bade tokko argachuudhaaf ykn yaada itti aanutti ce‟uuf akkaataan itti
fayyadamu irra deebii hinbarbaachifne tajaajilamuu isaati.
Akka walii galatti yoo ilaalle irra deddeebiin durdurii keessatti mul‟atu hima tokko keessatti
jechoota argaman, himoota garagaraa keessatti jechoota argaman, himoonni akkuma jirutti
kan irra deddeebi‟amaniifi jechoota dur-himaan waa yaadachuudhaaf irra deddeebi‟u ta‟a.
Kanarraa kaanee hubachuu kan dandeenyu dur-himaan faayidaa tokkoof jecha ykn gaalee
akkasumas hima tokko akkuma jirutti irra deebi‟ee seenessa.
5. Guduunfaafi Yaboo
Durduriin Oromoo Tuulamaa akkaataa baniinsaafi cufiinsaa beekamaa qaba. Akkaataa
baniinsa durdurii keessatti „dur‟ jechuudhaan jalqabuun akka jiru, kunis yeroon isaa kan ture
ta‟uu kan agarsiisuufi yoomessi jalqaba durduriirratti kan dhufu ta‟uu argina. Qooddattoonni
hangafaas baniinsa durduriirratti akka dhufan hubannee jirra. Cufiinsa durduriirratti ammoo
„..jedhamaa hoodhu, ...jedhama‟ jechuudhaan yaadichi kan rarra‟ee hafu osoo hintaane
guutumaa guututti kan guduunfamu ta‟uu argina. Durdurii Oromoo Tuulamaa keessatti irra
deddeebiinis bal‟inaan kan mul‟atu ta‟uusaa waraqaa kana keessatti ibsamee jira.
Irradeddeebiin kunis sadarakaa jechaatti, sadarkaa gaaleefi sadarkaa himaatti akka ta‟eefi
faayidaan isaan qabanis ibsamee jira. Irra deddiibiin hinbarbaachifneefi durhimaan waa
yaadachuuf kan itti fayyadamu jiraachuus arginee jirra. Qabxiin biraa durduriin sun kan
nama biroo ta‟uusaa (yaada nama dhuunfaa akka hintaaneefi kan nama biroorraa dhaga‟an
ta‟uusaa) agarsiisuuf jecha ‟jedhan‟ jedhutti irra deddeebi‟nii kan fayyadaman ta‟uu durdurii
Oromoo Tuulamaarraa sirriitti hubanna.
Jijjiiramuun amaluma afoolaa ta‟ullee inni durduriirratti mul‟atu kun garuu yaaddessaadha.
Maqaaleefi jechoonni manguddoonni dur itti fayyadaman amma jechoota ergisaatiin bakka
bu‟aa deemuun, akkaataa baniinsaafi cufiinsaa „fooyyessuuf‟ yaaluun gara fuulduraatti
durdurii akka hinballeessinen sodaadha. Kanaafuu, namoota durdurii sirriitti himuu

danda‟anirraa sagalees ta‟ee sochii qaamaa waliin akka jirutti viidiyoodhaan waraabanii
osoo kuusudhaan tursiisanii bayeessa.
Wabiilee
Abarraa Nafaa, Nagaash Tolaa, Warquu Dachaasaa, Lammii Kabbabaa (gul.). (1995). Afoola
Oromoo: Durdurii Oromoo: Durdurii Jildii-IV. Gumii Qormaata Afaan Oromootiin
komishinii Aadaafi Turiizimii Oromiyaa. Finfinnee
Addunyaa Barkeessaa. (2011). Akkamtaa: Qorannoo Hujoo. Finfinnee, Oromiyaa
Bauman, R. (ed.) (1992). Folklore, Culture Performance, and Popular Entertainments: A

Communications-Centered Handbook. Oxford University Press, Inc.
Christiansen, J. M. (1999). Folktale Characteristics. Mr. Christiansen‟s home page. from

http://www.harlan.k12.ia.us/mrsc/folktale_characteristics.htm
Dastaa Dassaalany. (2013). Bu‟uura Qorannoo (maxxansa 2ffaa). Finfinnee: Mana maxxansaa Faar
Iisti Tireediingi PLC.
Dorson, R. M. (ed.) (1972). Folklore & Folklife: An Introduction. Chicago and London: The
Finnegan, R. (1992). Oral Traditions and the Verbal Arts. A Guide to Research Practices. London
and Newark: Routledge.
Gray, M. (1984). A Dictionary of Literary Terms. Essex: Longman Group.
Leech, G. N. & Short, M. H. (1981). Style in Fiction: A Linguistic introduction to English Fictional
Prose. New York: Longman Inc.
Mangesha Rikitu. (1982). Oromo Folk-tales for a new generation. London.
Muleka, J. (2014). “Theory in the Study of African Oral Literature: The Oral Artist‟s Agenda.”
Journal of Arts and Humanities (JAH), Volume -3, No.-7, July, 2014
Okpewho, I. (1992). African Oral Literature. Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University
press.
Propp, V. (1968). Morphology of Folktale. 2nd ed. Revised and edited with a preface by Louis A.
Wagner. New Introduction by Alan Dundes, Austin-London, University of Texas Press.
Sumner, C. (1996). Oromo Wisdom Literature: Folktales;Collections and Analysis. Vol. 3
Thompson, S. (1977). The Folktale. London: University of California Press, Ltd.

e-ISSN: 2616-3985

Jimma University
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Inter-performer Communication Cues in Folksongs Performance: the

Foollee Songs of Tuulamaa Oromoo in Focus
Mamo Mengesha Hordofa1* and Tesfaye Gebremariam2
1
Department of Afaan Oromoo and Literature, Arsi University
2
Department of English and Foreign Languages, Addis Ababa University
[email protected]
Abstract
This study investigates inter-performer communication cues in foollee song performance of Tuulamaa
Oromoo. It was mainly designed to explore the kinds of communication cues employed in the song
performance to communicate effectively and to create harmony among the performers. The study is a
pioneering attempt in dealing with communication modes and patterns in performance of Oromoo folksongs.
Based on observations of the actual performances at different occasions in North and East Shoa Zones and
interview held with selected performers, some nonverbal and verbal communication cues were identified. In
focused group discussions the meanings and the intended messages in the process of communication were
caught. The results of the study reveal that the lead singer and the chorus use both verbal and non-verbal
cues in their communication at the performance occasion. The non-verbal cues include facial expressions,
eyeballing, hand movement, beating the ground with feet, body contact, shaking head, use of refrains and the
pace of movements. The performers also employ verbal cues to communicate, though the non-verbal cues
dominate. As the performances of these songs are being challenged by several factors, it is recommended
that further study and documentation need to be carried out.
Keywords - Communication cues, foollee song, group performance, inter-performer communication
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- -----------
Axereeraa
Kaayyoon qo’annoo kanaa mul’istoota waliigaltee raawwattoota sirba foollee Oromoo Tuulamaa gidduu
jiru xiinxaluudha. Keessattuu, gochaafi jecha sirbitoonni kunniin fayyadamanii ergaa walii dabarsuuf itti
fayyadaman hiikkaa isaanii waliin agarsiisuudha. Tanaan dura qo’annoowwan karaalee waliigaluu
raawwattootaa sirboota Oromooorratti geggeeffaman hinjiran jechuun nidanda’ama. Xiyyeeffannoon
qo’annoo kanaas kanneen armaan dura taasifaman irraa adda. Ragaaleen qo’annoo kanaa daawwannaan
bakka sirboonni itti raawwatamanii waraabbiin kan guurraman yoo ta’u, karaalee raawwattoonni ittiin
waliigalan immoo afgaaffiifi marii garee xiyyeeffannoo fayyadamuun hirmaattota irraa funaannaman.
Hiikawwaniifi ergaawwan karaa miti-afaaniin (non-verbal) darban marii gareefi afgaaffii keessatti adda
ba’anii ibsaman. Afgaaffiifi marii garee xiyyeeffannoo keessatti kan hirmaatan shaayiiwwan raawwiilee
sirboota foollee keessatti bakka adda addaatti qooda fudhatan turan. Akka bu’aan qo’annichaa agarsiisetti,
gareewwan raawwii sirboota foollee keessatti shaayiiwwaniifi jalaaqabdoonni waliigaluu karaalee afaanii
(verbal) fi mit-afaani fayyadamu. Karaa waliigaluu miti-afaan keessaa eertota fuulaa, ija babaasuu, sochii
harkaa, dhiichisa, qaama tuquu, mataa raasuu, ceesisa sirbaafi saffisni sochii raawwattootaan hojiirra
oolamaniiru.Gama afaaniinillee raawwattoonni ittiin waliigaluuf, bakka tokko tokkotti fayyadamaniiru.
Karaalee waliigaluu keessaa, karaan miti-afaanii raawwii sirboota foollee keessatti baay’inaan
raawwattootaan itti maay’ii ba’ame.Sababoota adda addaatiin raawwii sirboota uummataa badaa waan
jiruuf qo’annoowwan osoo gama maraan geggeeffamanii gaarii ta’a.
Jechoota Ijoo: Karaalee waliigaluu, sirba Foollee, raawwii garee, waliigaluu matayaa
------------------------------------------------------------------------
93
1. Introduction
In Africa where oral literature is abundant, its performance is also common or habitual
activity across the continent. Most of the studies on oral literature have ignored or given
little attention to performance of the folk literature (Finnegan, 1992). But, oral literature and
performance are dependent of each others. Without performance, oral literature is non-living
(Finnegan, 2012). Among African people, Oromoo is known for its performing oral
literature in its daily live. Most of the life cycles of Oromoo people are accompanied by oral
poetry: from the birth to the death of individuals, important live events are accompanied by
folksongs (oral poetry).
In Oromoo community, the ability to perform oral poetry is taken as the criteria to be active
leader in his Gadaa grade starting from early age. In Gadaa system (political,
administrative, social, political …system) of Oromoo people, young boys at the age nine
were given training how to sing and perform folksongs being in a group (Dirribi, 2011). At
the age of 16-24, the third Gadaa Grade, the boys are known as foollee and acts as social
agent that keeps peace and security of the society. It is at this stage in which the boys
perform folksongs to criticize those who violate norms, rules, customs and other cultural
practices and to praise good citizens and heroes.
The person who hurts other person, who violates the culture, breaks the
norms, harasses the daughters and mothers, who takes the wife of someone
by force, the person who disrespect and beats the intelligentsia and elders
will leave the country or search for the solutions through reconciliation;
otherwise ‘Foollee’ will cut (Dirribi, 2011:222).
Tuulamaa Oromoo, one of the largest Oromoo clans, inhabited in central part of Oromiyaa
that is commonly known as Shoa (mostly North and East Shoa). The clan has been
practicing the Gadaa system at Odaa Nabee (Administrative center) for a long time. Even
if, the Gadaa practice as administrative and political system was abandoned in the area, it is
still practiced as ritual entity. Specifically, the foollee songs are performed frequently at
different occasions in the area. The folksongs that are performed by these boys are known as
foollee (in North Shoa) and Absaalaa (in East Shoa). So, in this paper the concept foollee
represented both the boys and the songs based on the context of the text it is found in.
Being in the group, they perform the oral poetry by making a circle or a line (during mobile
performance) (see Figure 1). The performance of the folksong is in the form of call and
response. It has a leader and chorus. The leader sings and the chorus repeats the refrain after
him. A role of the leader is taken turn by turn among the performers without any
disturbance. It is almost all of the members of the group could be a leader as they have the
capacity to sing the songs. The group members communicate effectively among themselves
to avoid interruption of the performance.
At some occasions the boys performed the songs for six consecutive hours without a break.
In modern musical stage performance, the performers rehearse and practice the songs in
advance, so they can perform in harmony without confusion or disturbance. They use
different communications cues to avoid interruption or misunderstanding among them. On
the contrary, in Oromoo community the performers are performed the songs without in
advance rehearsal or practice, but without communication difficulties or misunderstandings
in the group. It is believed that the performers have been using communication cues to
communicate effectively during performance. Ginsborg and King (2012) explained that
Mamo & Tesfaye, Inter-performer Communication … 94

effective communication among ensemble members enhances the quality of performance. In

Tuulamaa Oromoo, the boys employ some cultural ways (modes, cues...) of communication
among themselves to communicate effectively without interruption of the performance. The
core points of the study are what are these communication cues and what messages and
meanings they convey in the community and the group of the boys (the performers).
Studies on communication cues in performance of oral literature are not common as
compared to other elements of the genre in Africa. Specifically, in the study of Oromoo
literature, this research becomes the leading attempt to bring the issue of communication
during live performance of folksongs to the attention of researchers. The musical
communication cues or modes, the neglected / forgotten aspects of oral poetry or folksongs,
become the subject of the study. The study investigates the types of communication cues
that have been used by the foollee performers in a group performance. In addition, the
messages and meanings of the cues that may be conveying to the receiver in the group were
identified and described.
It is, generally, looked at inter-performers communication or coordination styles, modes and
strategies to create quality performance during foollee songs. So, the study is aimed at
identifying communication cues (nonverbal and verbal) employed during foollee songs
performance in Tuulamaa Oromoo. More specifically, the meanings or messages which are
conveyed via the cues among the performers will be described and analyzed in detail. In
general the study will answer what communication cues employed in foollee songs
performance to enhance inter-performers communication for better performance and what
messages these cues conveyed among the performers in the group.
According to Finnegan (1992) performance is the actual realization of oral arts. It is the
fullest presentation of literary works in its natural context. In general case, performance is
taken as a dramatic or musical entertainment or the act of presenting a play or a piece of
music or other. Finnegan (2012) more expressed that for oral arts, meaning and artistry
emerge in performance. This means attention is not only given to words but also to how
they are delivered and to elements such as intonation, speed, rhythm, tone, dramatization,
rhetorical devices, and performance techniques generally.
Oral forms (oral poetry, oral narratives and short forms) are realized through performances
carried out and mediated by people. In a performance, the performers may act singly, in
pairs, in a small group or a large group. They may also interact or exchange with other
single or collective performers as leader (Finnegan, 1977). On the other hand,
communication is a process of exchanging messages between two or more parties.
Moreover, communication implies a socially shared code, an encoder who intends to
express something particular via that code, and a decoder who responds systematically to
that code (Juslin & Laukka, 2003). They also emphasized that true communication has taken
place only if the encoder‟s expressive intention has become mutually known to the encoder
and the decoder.
As musical performance is non-stopping act, verbal communication is not more evident
during actual performance. But, still performers use verbal communication to get messages
across to co-performers or audiences (Jensen and Marchetti, 2010).
Studies showed that in a group music performance, the performers used more nonverbal
communication cues as compared to verbal information (Vuust, 2004). He more added that

musicians employ nonverbal cues as messages when they play together. “To convey an
expressive intention a performer does not only relay on sound, also the visual channel is
utilized” (Dahl, 2006). In jazz musical performance, verbal and non-verbal communication
cues were used to communicate instruction, cooperation, and collaboration between
performers (Seddon, 2005). Musical performances (traditional or modern) exhibit a sort of
communication among the performers via verbal and non-verbal communication cues to
correct each other without interruptions (Jensen and Marchetti, 2010).
During performance a group members communicate among themselves to create harmony
in musical performance. According to Vines et al (2010) music performance constitutes a
form of communication. Effective communication among ensemble members enhances the
quality of performance (Kawase, 2014). Ensemble musicians employ multifaceted cues for
communication with co-performers: e.g., talk, sound, body movement, gaze, and breath.
Verbal interaction among performers before a live performance is important for an ensemble
in practice session. It is believed that communication cues are verbal or nonverbal
communication modes, styles and strategies that are used by performers in musical
ensemble performance to address different messages to co-performers and audiences (Ntuli,
2012; Leavitt, 2016; Leva et al, 2017; Kawase, 2014). According to Cohn (2006) in group
musical acts, performers use gestures to communicate information in performance. No one
acts as a leader directing the performance; instead, the performance emerges out of the
actions of everyone working together (Sawyer, 2003).
In modern musical ensemble or concert, the performers rehearse and practice in advance of
actual performance. So, they easily communicate and perform according to the practice
without any interruption or difficulties. They familiarize themselves with different
communication cues that to be used during actual performance in advance. It is really
attracting to look at how the boys, who were gathered from different areas, performed
together in harmony without rehearsal or in advance practice in the rural area of Tuulamaa
Oromoo.
In Oromoo particularly in Tuulamaa folksong performance is regularly practiced at different
occasions. In Tuulamaa Oromoo there are people commonly known as verbal artists
(shaayii) who have knowledge and expertise in folksongs performance (Assefa, 2015).
More importantly, for most of youth (Qeerroo) the ability to perform the folksongs is token
of brevity, manhood and acceptance in the community. So, young boys usually perform
folksongs at different occasions.
In the study, cultural performance theory was applied to investigate some cultural entities
that underline the performance of the foollee in Tuulamaa Oromoo. Some culture related
communication cues, modes or strategies (codes) and their meanings in the community and
the rules the performance is governed by were analyzed.
According to Foss & Littlejohn (2009) the term cultural performance refers to discrete
events, or cultural performances that can be observed and understood in any cultural
structure. These events include, for example, traditional theater and dance, concerts,
recitations, religious festivals, weddings, and funerals, all of which possess certain
characteristics: limited time span, a beginning and an end, a set of performers, an audience,
a place and occasion, and an organized program of activity. The theory gives us an approach
to understand culture in everyday activities of human being.

The performance of foollee songs in Tuulamaa Oromoo is the act of cultural communication
in the community. Every act of the performance has cultural meaning and message to the
performers and audiences. During the performance the foollee/Absaalaa songs, the
communication cues that were employed by the boys have cultural meanings and messages.
Hence, the verbal and non-verbal communications cues in the songs performance need to be
approached via the culture of Tuulamaa Oromoo. The meanings and messages of the
communication cues are embedded in the cultural, conventional and social practice of the
community.
In addition to cultural performance theory, group communication theory also helps the
researcher to get the pattern of communication in the group of males those performed
foollee songs at different occasions. During foollee songs performance, the performers‟
communication was governed by the roles of individual in the group, the combination of the
members (homogeneity and heterogeneity), the famousness and level of expertise in
executing the songs and size of the group. The theory deals with shared communication cues
or modes among the members of a group (Kawase, 2014). By this theory we deal with intra-
group communication patterns, conventions and group culture.
3. Research Methodology
The data for this study were collected from four districts such as Dagam and Jiddaa from
North Shoa and Boosat and Booraa from East Shoa. Each is popular in practicing foollee
songs among Tuulamaa Oromoo. The data were collected from different occasions where
foollee songs are performed in natural contexts. In North Shoa, the boys perform the songs
at Goobee Ceremony (that starts from mid-July and extends to mid-September). It also takes
place during wedding anniversary and at Orthodox Coptic Church celebrations. In East
Shoa, the same songs are performed at Buttaa Ritual (Gadaa Power Exchanging Ceremony)
that takes place every eight and during the national Irreechaa ceremony at Hora Harsadii. As
the data were qualitative in nature, the study was approached qualitatively and descriptive
and analytical on purpose to reach cultural meanings of the communication cues.
Performers of the foollee songs are culturally known group of boys (16-24) who are
unmarried. These groups of Gadaa generations are expected to sing at different occasions
specifically at ‘Buttaa’ ceremony. Moreover, in North Shoa the members of the group
became more active in singing to attract girls. So, the participants of the study were the boys
of the age interval indicated above. Interview and focused group discussions were made
purposefully with performers that take the leading roles or serve as the controller of the
group. This helps to indentify and describe the communication cues and messages they
intend to convey. During focused group discussions, messages and meanings of the
identified communication cues or styles that have been used by the performers during
performance and those collected via interview were identified and described. The data were
recorded via video and audio recorders for better analysis. On the other hand, observation
were made to capture data that could not be obtained through interview and focused group
discussions in order to collect more communication cues during live performance of the
foollee songs.
The data obtained from contextual settings and identified as communication cues were
grouped under two major umbrellas: verbal and non-verbal communication cues for further
analyses. Specifically, nonverbal communication cues were more classified into kinesics
(body language), haptics (touching behaviors), proxemics (use of space), vocalic
(paralanguage), oculesics (gaze and eye contact) and chronemics (use of time) (Kawase,

2014; Jensen and Marchetti, 2010). Based on this, each communication cues were organized
in the form of table. After that their intended messages by the sender and receiver were
identified in the table.
The analysis and interpretation of the messages of cues were given based on the Newcomb‟s
model of communication that emphasizes social system and common background of the
communicators. The model asserted that communicators should have common cultural and
social knowledge to communicate effectively (Fiske, 1990). So, it suits this study as the
foollee singers (performers) have common knowledge about the communication cues,
modes and codes and also share rules and regulations of the foollee songs performance.
According to Juslin & Laukka (2003) in nonverbal communication the content (what is
communicated), the accuracy (how well it communicated), and the code usage (how is it
communicated) are fundamental issues to analyze.
In foollee songs performance, inter-performers communication has enabled the performers
to perform effectively without interruption. It is believed that the boys have common
knowledge about the communication modes. They share common understanding about the
meanings and messages of the communication cues while they send and receive. Based on
the Newcomb‟s model of the communication, we analyze the common knowledge
(meanings and messages) of verbal and non-verbal communication cues that the boys shared
among themselves. In addition, the boys‟ knowledge of performing styles, timing of role
changing, the group members roles in the group and the co-performers diversity all have
impact on the efficiency of the communication.

4.1. Nonverbal Communication Cues Employed upon Foollee Songs Performances
Oromoo as an ethnic group is best known for the creation of Gadaa system (political,
economical, administrative, military, legal and social system) in Africa. In Gadaa system
every member (usually male) of Oromoo community is categorized in to age groups
(grades) and has roles through his entire life. Among the age group Foollee (the third grade)
is composed of the youth (16-24) that known as social agent (Dirribi, 2011). This group has
the role of keeping security within the society. The foollee also performs songs to insult
wrong doers (unethical ones) and to praise heroes and good mannered ones. In the society
foollee members are expected to compose, improvise and perform songs as one of their
qualities. So, the group has freedom of performing songs at different occasions.
Even if the Gadaa system as political and administrative practice appears to be abandoned in
Tuulamaa Oromoo, the practice of songs related to Gadaa system is common across the
group. In north Shoa (Salaalee) the songs themselves are known as foollee whereas in East
Shoa they are called Absaala. The youth (Qeerroo) performed the songs at different
occasions such as wedding, harvesting, religious ceremonies, holidays and anniversaries.
According informants, the boys have to perform the songs to beloved or kissed by girls
(Wadaajii, roughly means girl friend only to kiss each other no sexually intercourse). They
also used performing folksongs to shown their significance in their peer group and to be
famous among the boys and girls. Due to these social views, the performance of folksongs
in a group has competitive nature among the performers (boys). More evidently, in a large
group of the folksongs performance, becoming Shaayii (leader) was demanding famousness,
quality of voice and also strength to stand against the others. So, close friends forced to pair
together as a leader, to get the chance of singing (See figure 1).

Figure 1: Picture upon foollee song performance in Jiddaa & Dagam Districts, North Shoa respectively
As the observations revealed, the boys have employed body language (kinesics) modes/cues
of nonverbal communication in the performance. Among the body language, facial
expressions and gestures (head and hand movements) were frequently used by the leader and
co-performers (chorus) to request, order, reject and express feelings. The following table
shows the kinesics (body language) which were employed in the foollee performance.
Table 1a: Kinesics Communication Cues Employed upon Foollee Songs Performance
Kinesics Communication Cues Sender- Receiver Message/s it conveyed

Facial Expressions The leader to co-performers Happiness/sadness
A leader to the leader/s Request to lead (sing)
The leader to a leader/s Rejection/acceptance
Co-performers to the leader Prove/disprove
Head Movement The leader to a leader Refusal/acceptance
The leader to co-performers/chorus Wrong refrain
Hand Movement The leader to co-performers Orders to repeat again
The leader to a leader Signals to calm down
It was observed that the leader (singer) has used facial expression (shining face) to show that
the chorus has performed well to the expected standard: the volume and quality of the voice,
synchronization among the chorus and saying the correct refrain. On the contrary, the leader
was also observed when he was employing facial expression (frown) to send out his sadness
about the performance of the co-performers (chorus) while they repeat after him. Particularly
to this case, according to the participants in focused group discussion, the leader was not
happy as the volume of the chorus was low.
And again, a leader had expressed his request to the leader to take over the leading position
with bright face (smiling) in combination with other cues. It was also clearly observed that
the chorus signaled out their approval and disapproval of the leader‟s voice quality and the
ability to manage the lyrics of the song via facial expression (frowning). According to
Seddon (2005) facial expression is the frequently used and effective communication cue in
group musical performance. It was clearly observed that facial expressions are among the
body languages that were employed by the foollee song performers to communicate
effectively while they performed in a group.
a
In the tables (1-5) and information follow chart (figure 2), the leader (Shaayii sirba baasaa jiru) represents
caller who was (leading) singing at the time of communication where as a leader (Shaayii sirba baasuuf
deemu) represents any co-performer who was seeking to take the leading (singing) or the caller role and co-
performers/ chorus (Jalaaqabdoota) stands for the rest performers who are doing the response (repeating after
the caller) in a group of foollee songs performance.

The foollee singers used head and hand movements to send different messages to co-
performers upon acting out singing and dancing performances. As learned from the Goobee
(Youth performing praise songs to collect gifts from households starting from mid of July
ends on Meskel „Irreechaa‟ celebration) festival celebration that took place on 17th Sept
2015 at Degem District, the head movements of the leader are the means of refusing the
request from a leader to overtake the leading position. The leader signaled out to the chorus
that the repetition of wrong refrain after him.
At a religious occasion in Jiddaa District, the performance of the folksongs was chaotic and
inter-performer communication became hardly possible. This was due to the heterogeneity
of the group members (from two agro-climate conditions: lowland and highland that formed
the group). The participants explained that there was established competition between the
lowlanders (commonly known as Mogoroo those are living in or around Mogor river Valley)
and highlanders (commonly known as warra Baddaa) to show who is brave, strong and
clever in singing and stick „Shimala‟ fighting. In the group the two blocks were working
hard to control the center of the ring/circle to get the chance of leading or becoming
„shaayii’. In such group the member of Mogoroo block, who is the leader of the
performance, would not give the turn of leading to the member of Warra Baddaa easily.
In this hostile situation two co-performers came out from their position (ring) to the front to
take the leading role from the leader simultaneously. This moment created enmity (quarrel)
between the co-performers. The then leader of the performance has used hand movement to
show one of the co-performers (his close friend) to calm down before leading to fight. In
addition, the leader also ordered the chorus to repeat the refrain again as they missed the
frequency of repeating it by using hand movement.
Table 2: Vocalic Communication Cues Employed upon Foollee Songs Performance
Vocalic Communication Cues Sender- Receiver Message/s it conveyed
Volume of voice The leader to co-performers Tiredness/energetic
Chorus to the leader/ a leader Boredom /appreciation/
Approval/disapproval
The usage of voice in daily communication is common across many cultures in the world
(Knapp and Hall, 2007). It was also observed in the song performance while the voice
served as communication cues/modes among the performers to deliver different messages.
In the above table, the leader of the performance signaled out his tiredness to the chorus by
decreasing volume of his voice while he was singing. One of the participants explained that
doing this he conveyed the message of seeking replacement by other performer. The chorus
has also used voice to tell the leader, they bored of his vocal quality, performing ability, and
taking too much time via decreasing the volume of their voice. More importantly, during an
incident when two co-performers came out to take the leading role simultaneously at one
occasion, the chorus informs one of the leaders to leave the stage to the other co-performer
through volume of their voice. From the two songs of the co-performers, the refrain of the
song of the one performer should be heard loudly.
The discussion held with the participants shows the cue conveys the approval of the leader
and the rejection of the second leader whose song‟s refrain is not heard well. Foss and
Littlejohn (2009) also related that paralanguage (vocalic) modes are among the nonverbal
communications cues used for communication by human being. So, the co-performers told
the leader the rejection of his quest to become leader ‘Shaayii’ by minimizing the volume of
their sound while repeating refrain after him.

Table 3: Oculesics and Haptics Communication Employed upon Foollee Songs Performance
Nonverbal Communication Cues Sender- Receiver Message/s it conveyed
Gaze (Oculesics) The leader to co-performers Checking synchronization of melody
/rhythm/ signaling wrong doings
A leader to the leader Anger
Touch (haptics) The leader to a leader Asking for help
A leader to the leader Asking for the leading role
It was witnessed that gazing was also employed in inter-performer communication of the
songs performers. At one performance, the chorus has missed synchronization in repeating
the refrain of the song. The leader gazed at them being in the middle of the ring till they said
it with the same tempo and pace. More importantly, it was also observed that a leader who
was seeking to take the leading role showed his anger via gazing at the leader who refused to
leave the stage. Therefore, a communication cue has employed to convey different messages
at different occasions.
At Hora Harsadii annual Irrecha Ceremony (Oromoo‟s Thanksgiving Day), the leader and a
co-leader were observed while touching each other to leave and take the leading role
consecutively. The participants witnessed, such kind of communication is usually observed
between close friends. On the other hand, gazing behavior, such as eye contact has been
found to make for a better performance. Kawase (2014) also revealed that piano duo
performers look toward co-performers shortly prior to the parts where tempo changes.
Table 4: Other Nonverbal Communication Cues Employed upon ‘Foollee’ Songs Performance
Non Verbal Communication Cues Sender- Receiver Message/s it conveyed
Initiating Dance The leader to co-performers Changing of melody/song/
quitting the leading role
A leader to the leader/chorus seeking to take the leader‟s
role/changing of song/melody
Refrain of the song The leader to co-performers Time buying to remember
lyrics/seeking to be substituted
by other performer/ changing
melody/song
Pace of Movement The leader to co-performers Tiredness/freshness
In addition to body language, movement and vocal elements, the foollee songs performers
use actions as non-verbal communication cues to convey different messages to co-
performers. The data shows that initiating a dance by the leader or a leader conveys different
meanings to the receivers. Likewise, the discussion made with participants revealed that the
leader could initiate dance to show the need for change of melody or the song and to signal
quitting/leaving of the leading role, specifically when he get tired. At this time any
performer can initiate a dance to show he is going to take the leading role or he needs
change to the melody or the song itself. That is why the data in the table realizes a leader has
initiated a dance to take the leading role from the leader.
The societal norm for the performers is to wait for the refrain of the song to signal messages
to the leader during performance. To do this, the co-performers have to wait for the refrain
of the song to be sung by the leader to interfere for whatsoever purpose it is. This is the
cultural code of ethics for song performers in the community. But, even if it is taken as code
of ethics, some performers did not obey it during performance. By singing the refrain of the
song in the middle of the performance, the leader signaled that he forgot the lyrics of the
song (time buying strategy), his tiredness and to be substituted and time of changing the

melody or the song itself. During some performances, the leader uses the pace of his
movement to signal his tiredness and freshness to the co-performers. If the leader slows his
pace of the movements (trotting) in the circle, it was culturally understood that he needs to
be substituted by someone else. It is a kind of cue that used to call for help. The data in table
3 also shows that the leader uses touching to be substituted after the co-performers failed to
respond to his messages via slowing his pace of movement.
4.2. Verbal Communication Cues Employed upon Foollee Songs Performance

In the foollee songs performance, the performers employed verbal communication cues/
modes in some cases. Keller and Appel (2010) witnessed that musical ensemble
performance primarily entails nonverbal communication through body movements and
musical sounds, though verbal communication usually takes place. The verbal
communication modes have been used in some unique groups which have close friends or
from the same village and relatives. Interestingly, the verbal communication modes were
delivered as a part of the song with similar melody, tempo and pitch (note) in Tuulamaa’s
foollee songs performance to avoid interruption or inconvenience. The direct verbal request
did not cause interruption of the performance as it was the part of the song.
Table 5: Verbal Communication Cues during ‘Foollee’ songs Performance
Verbal Communication Cues Sender- Receiver Message/s it conveyed
Please let me take the turn A leader – the leader Let me take the leading role
Bear a baby boy that looks like you
Let me share your burden A leader – the leader Let me take the leading role
Sharing burden like oxen plowing together
We are Aallee river boys fighting together
Pounding makes Niger seed well The leader- co-performers Asking for better performance
Chorus makes goobee good.
The verbal communication modes are lyrics of the songs which were produced (composed)
in the form of verse. In the first couplet (2nd row of table 5), a leader asked the leader to
leave the stage (to give him the leading role) in polite and diplomatic way through the
following poems. The sender has used the Oromoo‟s view about having a baby boy in the
family, the core element of Gadaa system to convince the receiver.
Songs in Afaan Oromoo Translation
Mee takka as galchi, Please let me take the turn once
Ilma akka kee dhalchi. Bear a boy that looks like you
The second verbal cue (3d row) is also articulated for the same purpose (requesting for the
leading role) by a leader, but in the form of help and logical argument. The first line of the
verse („let me share your burden‟) shows a leader‟s trial to convince the leader by telling he
is just to help him nothing else.
Songs in Afaan Oromoo Translation
Mee takkan si furaa, Let me share your burden
Furaan Qotiyyoodha tan walbira qottu Sharing burden like oxen plowing together
Dhufte ijoollee Aallee kan walirra loltu. We are Aallee river boys fighting together
The last line shows the logically way of presenting the request through explanation. It is
common to share burden among people that work together or for same purpose and even
oxen share burden when they plow together. The above verses witnessed that employment of
verbal communication in foollee songs performance of Tuulamaa Oromoo to perform the

songs without interruption. Moreover, the verse reveals the unity and respect the foollee
grade has to each other in their group.
As discussion made with the participants shows, the leader also employed verbal
communication mode to complain about the quality of the performance of the co-
performers/ chorus while they repeat the refrain of the song after him. The fourth row of the
table shows that the leader indirectly signaled to the co-performers that they were not doing
well after him. This typical communication mode is used when the volume of voice of the
co-performers became low.
„nuugiin tuma tolti’ roughly means, pounding makes Niger seed good, and
‘goobeen qaba tolti‟ roughly means, chorus makes song performance good,
The above couplet shows that the leader is indirectly requesting the co-performers to repeat
the song loudly after him. The inter-performer communication flow of the foollee songs
performance can be summarized diagrammatically as follows (figure 2) from the finding of
the study.
A leader (Shaayii
sirba baasuuf deemu) Cues used by a leader
(sender)
 Facial expressions
 Gaze
 Touch
The Leader (Shaayii Co-performers  Initiating dance
sirba baasaa jiru) (Jalaaqabdoota)  Verbal cues
Cues used by the leader

(as a sender) Cues used by Co-performers
(as a sender)
 Facial expressions
 Head movement  Facial expressions
 Hand movement  voice
 Voice
 Gaze
 Touch
 Initiating dance
 Refrain of the song Note: the arrows show the direction of communication, the
 Pace of movement lines show the sender and the cues used
 Verbal cues
Figure 2: Inter-performer communication pattern (flow) in foollee songs performances
The complex communication flow (figure 2) shows that the actors (the leader, a leader and
chorus) of the inter-performer communication in foollee songs performance exchange the
roles of sender and receiver. All actors were active in sending and receiving the messages to
keep the performance smooth and uninterrupted to the end. But, as indicated in the
communication pattern flow the leader was frequently sending messages to control, lead and
coordinate the co-performers to harmonize the performance. The flow shows the
communication pattern (a single issue) among the actors in that very rapid, full of acts and
non-stopping actions performances.

5. Concluding Remarks
The harmony and synchronization of the foollee song performances in Tuulamaa Oromoo
are the result of good articulation and expressive performance acts realized through
nonverbal and verbal communication cues at the actual setting. More importantly, the
foollee singers share common cultural codes, the meanings of nonverbal and verbal
communication cues. The governing rules and norms upon foollee song performance
facilitate the effectiveness of the inter-performer communication. The strategy of foollee
song performance is resulted from the sender and receiver (a leader, the leader and chorus/
co- performers) strong interaction and communication. In addition, their common
background knowledge about the channels and the medium that are used in the foollee songs
performances also facilitate communication.
The performers of foollee songs have used more nonverbal communication cues than verbal
information. They are also more active in employing nonverbal communication while they
performed the songs in their group. It was believed that nonverbal communication cues were
more suitable while the performers were singing and dancing simultaneously in these very
non stopping actions. The finding showed that the performers have employed body
movements, facial expressions, paralanguages, position, the refrain of the song, and dance as
nonverbal communications cues in the foollee songs performance is to promote inter-
performer communication.The study disclosed that the leader has used more communication
cues than a leader and co-performers.
It can be also concluded that the foollee/absaala singers have employed verbal
communication cues as a part (lines of the poem) of the song to avoid interruption of the
performance. The verbal communications cues (the verses) have dual purposes. They have
been used as the lyrics of the songs and as the communication cues simultaneously. More
interestingly, as the data revealed some verbal communication cues served as the refrain of
the songs during performance.
It is really important to conduct further studies on the communication cues in Oromoo
folksongs‟ performances at different occasions and ceremonies. This study was carried out
only on foollee songs which performed by boys (in similar Gadaa age sets). The group
under the study was almost homogenous regarding age, sex, and clan. The result could be
varying if the groups were heterogeneous. In the study the audiences of the songs
performance were not included, so other studies could address the issues of communication
between the performers and audiences. The performance of foollee songs is so complex that
it is undesirable to touch all aspects of it. Hence issues like performance styles, group
dynamics, its social significances, emotions of the performers and so on could be the
subjects for other researchers.
References
Assefa Tefera. (2015). Ethnography of resistance poetics power and authority in Salale Oromo
folklore and resistance culture (Unpublished PhD Thesis), Indiana University, USA.
Asmarom Legesse. (2006). Oromoo Democracy: An Indigenous African Political System. Asmara:
The Red Sea Press, Inc.
Cohen, M. (2006). “Musical Gestures: Conceptualizing, Communicating and Collaborating in
Performance” (Unpublished MA Thesis in Music), University of Sydney, Sydney.
Dahl, S. (2006). Production and perception of gestures in music performance. Paper presented at
International Conference on Music and Gesture, Manchester, United Kingdom.

Dirribi Demissie. (2011). Oromo Wisdom in Black Civilization. Finfinnee: Finfinnee Printing &
Publishing S.C.
Finnegan, R. (1977). Oral Poetry: Its Nature, Significance and Social Context.
Cambridge:Cambridge University Press.
Finnegan, R. (1992). Oral Traditions and the Verbal Arts: A Guide to Research Practices. New
York: Routledge.
Finnegan, R. (2012). Oral Literature in Africa (2nd ed.). Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Fiske, J. (1990). Introduction to Communication Studies (2nd ed.). London: Routledge.
Foss, A. & Littlejohn, W. (EDs). (2009). Encyclopedia of Communication Theory. Los Angles: Sage.
Ginsborg, J., & King, E. (2012). Rehearsal talk: Familiarity and expertise in singer–pianist duos.
Musicae Scientiae, 16, 148-167.
Juslin, N.P. & Laukka, P. (2003). Communication of emotions in vocal expression and music
performance: Different channels, same code? In Psychological Bulletin, 129(5) pp. 770–
814.
Kawase, S. (2014). Importance of communication cues in music performance according to
performers and audience. International Journal of Psychological Studies, 6(2), pp. 49-64.
Keller, P. E., & Appel, M. (2010). Individual differences, auditory imagery, and the coordination of
body movements and sounds in musical ensembles. Music Perception, 28, pp. 27-46.
Leavitt, A. (2016). Ping to Win? Nonverbal Communication and Team Performance in Competitive
online Multiplayer Games. Los Angles, University of California. Retrieved from:
http://dx.doi.org//0.1145/2858036.2858132, on September 16, 2017.
Leva, A. V., Mtodagme, S. Th., Peace, V. N. (2017). Nonverbal communication as a key feature of
the Nigerian print advertising text. International Journal of Information and
Communication Sciences, 2(1), pp.1-9.
Ntuli, D.C. (2012). Intercultural misunderstanding in South Africa: Analysis of nonverbal
communication behavior in context. Journal of Intercultural Communication, 11(2),
pp.20-31.
Sawyer, R. K. (2003) Group Creativity: Music, Theatre, Collaboration. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence
Erlbaum Associates.
Seddon, F.A. (2005). Modes of communication during jazz improvisation. British Journal of Music
Education, 22(1), pp. 47-61.
Vines, B. W., Krumhansl, C. L., Wanderley, M. M., Dalca, I. M., Levitin, D. J.(2010). Music to my
eyes: Cross-modal interactions in the perception of emotions in musical performance.
Elsevier B.V doi:10.1016/j.cognition.2010.11.010
Vuust, P. (2004).To musicians, the message is in meter. Elsevier Inc. doi: 10.1016/ j.neuroimage.
2004.08.039.

e-ISSN: 2616-3985
Jimma University
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Dress as a form of Nonverbal Communication in the context of Arsii

Oromoo
Yenealem Aredo (PhD)*
Assistant Professor in Material Culture
College of Humanities, Language Studies Journalism and Communication
Department of Amharic Language, Literature and Folklore
Abstract
This study is concerned with one of the major genres of material culture, traditional dress, and its role
as a form of non-verbal communication. The main objective is to find out the role of dress as a form of
nonverbal communication by focusing on one of the famous rituals practiced among Arsii and to
investigate the symbolic meanings attached to traditional dress used in relation to this cultural
occasion. Therefore, it is delimited to body modifications and body supplements used by participants of
the ritual. Interview, focus group discussion and observation were employed for data collection.
Moreover, symbolic interactionism theory was employed for data analysis. Results of the study show
that in the ateetee ritual women are identified by their clothes, jewelries and handheld objects. These
dress types distinguish women from other members of Arsii Oromoo. Cultural features are meaningful
if they are collected and treated in their cultural context. Accordingly, the data shows that the cultural
meanings of traditional dress can be understood if the perceiver and transmitter are in the same
context, so that they could have shared meanings. Therefore, it is recommended that focus should be
given to these cultural non-verbal cues as they are identity markers of Arsi women in particular and
Arsi people in general.
Keywords - Ritual, dress, Arsii, non-verbal communication, ateetee

------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Axereeraa
Qorannoon kun gahee uffannii aadaa akka waliigaltee dub-maleetti qabu agarsiisurratti kan
xiyyeeffate yoota’u, kana agarsiisufiis gochaalee aadaa keessaa sirni ateetee filatameera. Hiikaafi
tajaajila uffanni aadaa qabu agarsiisuufis meeshaalee aadaa keessaa uffata, faayaafi qabata
aadaarratti daangeeffameera. Odeffannoo funaanuufis daawwaannaa, af-gaffiifi marii garee kan
fayyadame ta’ee, yaaxxinni hariiroo mallattoolee (symbolic interactionism) jedhamu hojiirra ooleera.
Argannoon qorannichaa akka agarsiisuutti uffanni aadaa sirna ateeteerratti uffatamaniifi qabataman
enyummaa ummata Oromoo Arsii nicalaqqisiisu. Itti dabalees, hiika uffata aadaa mala dub-maleetiin
dabarsuu akka danada’au hubachuuf aadaa ummatichaa beekuun barbachisaa akka ta’e qorannichi
agarsiiseera. Kanaafuu, meeshaaleen aadaa enyuummaa ummata Oromoo Arsii calaqqisiisan
kunuunfamanii dhalootaa dhalotatti akka darban qaamni dhimmi ilaalu xiyyeeffannoo itti kennee
hojjechuu qaba.
Jechoota Ijoo- sirna aadaa, uffata aadaa Arsii, dub-malee, ateetee
------------------------------------------------------------------------
106
1. Introduction
Regardless of the culture difference among the people in the world, birth, marriage and death are rites
of passage. (Sims, Martha C. and Stephens, Martine, 2005) These social events are accompanied by
different practices as well as cultural objects according to the culture. Objects used in birth, marriage,
funeral etc. may communicate gender, social status, the economic system, social and religious life non-
verbally. Arsii Oromoo is the Oromoo ethnic group in the Oromia regional state of the Federal
government of Ethiopia. This people are one of the largest groups of the Oromoo people residing in a
vast territory stretching from East Shewa to Bale in Ethiopia. Eshete (2008) and Jebessa (1995) stated
that genealogically, the Oromoo refer back their origin to two great ancestors, namely Booranaa and
Baareentumaa. These ancestral divisions characterize the cultural and national identity of the nation.
Among the two moieties of Oromoo the Arsi descended from the Baarentu Oromoo who inhabits by
and large the eastern parts of the Oromia Region in Ethiopia including west and East Hararghe, Arsii
(Arsii and West Arsii) as well as Baale zone according to the current administrative division of Oromia.
Since the antiquities, Arsii Oromoo’s life has been attached to their cattle. As Hirut (2001) puts
it, the life of an Arsii Oromoo particularly that of woman is highly attached to the possession
of animals' product. These days, together with the cultivation of land, the people are practicing
agrarian life. They depend on the cattle for their food (meat and dairy products), use their skin
or hide as a raw material for making clothes and jewelries. Accordingly, therefore, each
member of the people from child to old commonly wear clothes and adorn their body using
jewelries made from verities of animal skin (Yenealem, 2000).
Even if the history of material culture is as early as that of the history of humans, its study has
been quite out of fashion, though not so very long ago it was otherwise. Field-workers still
record random data and gather up museum specimens, but serious and systematic attention has
been given to language, art, ceremonies, and social organization (Dorson, 1972; Prown, 1982).
Moreover, the limitedness of studies on material culture despite its interdisciplinary
significance as valid source of knowledge on socio-cultural features of oral societies in
Ethiopia motivated the researcher to conduct research on the issue. With regards to its
significance, Material culture identifies cultural practices, wisdom, meaning and identity of a
society; it is a means to know oneself. Accordingly, this study on material culture would
enhance the knowledge about traditional dress as a form of non-verbal communication in
Oromia in general and the Arsii Oromoo in particular. What is more, this work hopefully
contributes to the growing scholarship on the interdisciplinary nature of Oromo material
culture and non-verbal communication and initiates further studies in similar areas in general
and on Arsii Oromoo in particular.
Therefore, the study is planned to find out the role of dress as a form of nonverbal
communication by focusing on one of the famous rituals practiced among Arsi and to
investigate the symbolic meanings attached to traditional dress used in relation to this occasion.
2. Literature Review and Theoretical framework
Dorson (1972) classified folklore into four major genres. These are oral literature, material
culture, social folk custom and performing folk arts. Among these material culture focuses on
how societies build their homes, make their clothes, prepare their food, farm and fish and do all
their other everyday activities. It is concerned in brief with the society’s craft arts. Walls
(1990, p. 107),defined material culture as, “… the transformation of natural resources to
cultural artifacts that we commonly call material culture-those tangible creations that are based
upon and incorporate human needs ,ideas, values and beliefs”. Just as we create material
culture, so too are we shaped by the material culture that surrounds us. Material culture is an
Yenealem, Dress as a form of … 107

interdisciplinary field of enquiry. Speaking of this reality, Woodward (2007, p.26) states
“…Contemporary studies of material culture have developed a strongly interdisciplinary
nature”. According to this scholar material culture is the area of focus for the fields such as,
architecture and landscape design, consumer research and marketing studies. Consequently, in
this study, material culture is discussed as a bridge between folklore and linguistics by focusing
on traditional dress as a form of non-verbal communication.
Therefore, the analytical framework of the present study, then, benefits from Prown’s (1982)
functionalist classification of material culture. It focuses on “adornment” for it includes
jewelry, clothing, hairstyles, cosmetics, and tattooing, and other alterations of the body which
are generally termed as dress.
Roach-Higgins, Ellen, Mary and Eicher, Joanne B.1992, p.7; Eicher, Evenson, and Lutz, 2000)
define dress as, “an individual assemblage of modifications of the body and/or supplements of
the body. Dress would, by this definition, include garments, jewelries, accessories, headdress,
mutilation and scarification.” And modifying and supplementing the body is carried out with
the involvement of all senses. The visual aspects of dress (such as shape and color), appear
primarily, but the other senses are also involved, such as touching skin, textiles, or leather,
smelling scents applied to or associated with body or fabric, hearing the crunch of jewelry, and
tasting pomades or lipstick are all related with senses (Peek and Yankah, 2004, p.205).
Ritual is one of the most powerful socialization mechanisms known. According to Sims and
Stephens (2005, 94), “Rituals are associated with birth, puberty, marriage, and death, and
rituals establish our entry to or exit from different parts of life or group experience”. Through
the rituals which accompany rites of passage we define and re-affirm our traditions and
ourselves. Sims and Stephens (2005) further explained that rituals are repeated, habitual
actions, but they are more purposeful than custom; rituals are frequently highly organized and
controlled, often intended to indicate or announce membership in a group. As far as non verbal
communication is concerned, everything which is connected with ritual cannot be expressed
only through words; above all however, ritual involves action which is accompanied by
material objects, it is performed, enacted, and reflected the past and shaping the future.
As Sims and Stephens (2005) stated during ritual performances there are likely to be particular
dress types participants must follow, and/or designated ceremonial clothing or jewelry they
must wear. According to the given idea each person who plays a specific role in a ritual is
likely to wear certain clothes, jewelries and other body modification and body supplements.
“These differences in clothing indicate who’s who in the group: who’s a novice, who’s an
“official,” who’s merely observer (2005, p.99).The rituals and the cultural practices attached to
them are often connected with the group or people and thus they served as a means of
strengthening the relationships within the group. This holds true for Oromo people rituals in
general and that of Arsii Oromoo in particular. Oromoo rituals recreate, enact, and maintain the
social order.
Passing or receiving information about a particular fact or circumstance is one of the most
important objectives of communication. When we think of exchanging our ideas with others or
giving some information to others, we do it in two ways. We either speak or tell or we can just
do it without words. Burgoon (1978) stated we can communicate through language in different
ways like verbal or non-verbal means of human communication. Among the two basic forms of
communication, nonverbal communication is a form of communication expressed through
gestures/body language/, behaviors and social interactions. It also considered as an
indispensable component of human interaction and it bears close relationship with culture.

Each culture has a set of norms regarding the appropriateness of different types of body
language and paralinguistic factors (Yongming and Fan, 2010).
Furthermore, Non- verbal channels are rich and effective in transmitting a large amount of
information in the social interaction (Aliakbari and Abdollahi, 2013, p.35). It refers to
communication through touch or smell, through various kinds of artifacts. For example, our
manners of dressing, hair style, ornamentation, facial expression etc. are sources of
information. Likewise, nonverbal communication like that of material culture is an area of
study which is interdisciplinary by its very nature. As Matsumoto et.al, (2013) stated, it is an
area of study for many disciplines- sociology, psychology, anthropology, folklore, language
study etc. The fields tend to focus on a slightly different aspect of nonverbal communication
depending on their areas. Based on this fact the concept dress which is one of the major
features of material culture is also one aspect of non-verbal communication. As stated in
Yammiyavar, Pradeep, Clemmensen, Torkil and Kumar, Jyoti (2008), different field of studies
on nonverbal communication have identified areas of study in non-verbal behavior into nine
categories as paralinguistic, kinesics, facial expressions, visual behavior, proxemics, touch,
occulesics, artifactics and chronemics. Though there are different terminologies proposed by
scholars in the field of nonverbal communication in relation to materiala aspects, they have
common characteristics in transmitting messages. In this article, therefore, the main purpose is
to show the importance of traditional dress in maintaining nonverbal messages.
The various forms of nonverbal communication mentioned above have features which
distinguish them from other forms of communication. As stated in Devito (1989, p.214) and
Adler (2003, p.150) cited in (Ifa, 2012), there are different characteristics of non-verbal
communication which are taken as universals. These are: contextuality, multi-channeled,
continuous, rule governed, bound to culture and believable.
According to Danesi (2004, p.178) “clothing is more than mere bodily covering for protection.
It is a sign system that is interconnected with the other sign systems of society through which
we can send out messages- about our attitudes, our social status, our political beliefs, etc”. This
is where dress plays a role as a form of nonverbal communication in general, and object
language in particular, in transmitting messages. Arsii Oromoo people use different cultural
objects in different occasions to communicate different messages. Among them body
supplements and body modifications, as they are one of the forms of object language,
communicate sex, status, age, and economic wealth.
As far as the survey carried out on the previous research works is concerned, research works on
the area are limited in number. There are only a few researches that have conducted in different
areas where Oromoo people are living. Jewaro (1987) conducted his research on the material
culture as a communication media with particular reference to Arsii Oromoo of kofele District.
a
Among the different forms of nonverbal communication, Kinesics, body language a or body movement is a form
of nonverbal communication which includes gestures, facial expressions, eye contact, touching, and any other
movement of the limbs and the body. Body shape, physique, posture, height, weight, hair, and skin color are the
physical characteristics associated with kinesics (Lunenburg, 2010). Artifactics is also treated in Yammiyavar, et
al. (2008, p.33) as one of the forms of nonverbal communication, but it has similar
characteristics with that of body language and kinesics. This form of nonverbal communication has been
associated with the study of non-verbal messages sent out by personal accessories, such as dress and fashion
accessories used by a person.

The communicative function of objects used during marriage ceremony was the focus of the
research. Abdisa (1988) on the other hand identified the objects used during birth, baptism, and
marriage ceremony among Oromoo of Kellem Wollega to show some comparative aspects of
Action and Object Language. Likewise, Ifa (2012) carried out a research on the non-verbal
communication used during marriage ceremony, heroism, and lightning ceremony in the Iluu
Abbaa Booraa Oromoo society.
In general, the focus of research works mentioned is on the nonverbal communication (object
language) used in different occasions among Oromoo people in different areas. As stated
above, no extensive research works are found on non-verbal communication and the
communicative function of objects especially from folklore perspective. Therefore, as
mentioned in the introduction there is a need for an interdisciplinary study on this area. This
fact therefore, inspired the researcher to conduct a research on dress as a form of non-verbal
communication with particular reference to ateetee ritual of Arsii Oromoo.
With regard to dress, researchers have approached the study of dress from theoretical
perspectives originating in different disciplines and findings thus tend not to be
complementary. Kaiser (1983, p.4) cited in Mupfumira and Jinga (2013, p.291) presented three
principal approaches to the study of dress. These are: symbolic interactionist, cognitive and
cultural. Among them the focus of this study is on Symbolic interactionist theory/approach.
Symbolic Interactionist theory is a sociological theory that focuses on the processes of person
to person interactions and how people develop viewpoints about themselves and others (Ritzer
2008) cited in Mupfumira and Jinga (2013). The function of symbolic interaction is to assist in
deriving meaning through non-verbal cues and symbols. The basic premise of the theory is that
we act towards objects on the basis of, action and meaning they have for us. This theory views
the perception of dress as involving both the wearer and the perceiver bringing to an encounter
their own social constructs; dress may symbolize something different to both and as a result of
the dynamic interaction between the two participants; the symbolic value of the clothing may
have changed both. Therefore, researchers using this approach have tended to use qualitative
methods to evaluate the perceptions of both the wearer and the perceiver, and there has been a
tendency to assume that social constructs are not quantifiable (Kaiser, 1990).
Therefore, the function of symbolic interaction is to assist in deriving meaning through non-
verbal cues and symbols. The basic premise of the theory is that we act towards objects on the
basis of, action and meaning they have for us. The meanings are derived through social
interactions with others. The meanings are again held and modified through interpretative
processes (Mupfumira and Jinga 2013, p.289). Therefore, in order to see the way nonverbal
meanings are transferred through dress in the Arsii Oromoo culture, this theory is preferred to
be one of the explanatory tools.

Qualitative research is a means to understand the world. It helps the researcher to see things in
their natural settings and those meanings that people bring to them can be brought from
different sources of data be collected by using different ways of data collection techniques.
Since this study is concerned with describing cultural aspects through observation, interview,
and having various ways of discussion, it applies a qualitative research method. The present
study, in this connection, is an ethnographic work as it is based on a fieldwork. In Ethnography
it is assumed that people make inferences- that go beyond what is explicitly seen or said to
what is meant or implied. They display their culture through behavior in specific social
contexts Marvasti (2004). On the other hand, as Dundes (1965), Dorson (1972) and Sims and

Stephens (2005) describe, collecting and analyzing various genres of folklore of a given
society gives insights into the culture, philosophy and other ways of life.
The first step in the data collection process is to find an adequate and appropriate sample. West
Arsi zone was selected for indigenous techniques of preserving traditions and cultures are more
prevalent by a particular attention to the traditional dress. Among the 12 districts the three
namely Kokosa, Kofele and Adaba were selected for the data collection. For the selection of
consultantsb both purposive and snowball samplings were employed. In this regard, I made
contact with Obbo Bonsemo Mi’esso, the former language and culture expert of West Arsi
Zone Culture and Tourism office. He has worked as a teacher in most parts of the zone. I
selected him purposively to identify appropriate consultants for the study. Therefore he was
one of the key consultants in the data collection process as well as he helped me in the
selection of consultants’ from the districts mentioned earlier.
In this study participant observation, unstructured and semi structured forms of interview and
focus group discussions were applied for data collection. The collection process was
accompanied by equipments such as photo camera, audio and video recorders and note book
(Bartis, peter 2002). Data was organized based on its sequence during the performance. But
more emphasis is given to traditional dress and its symbolic significance as a form of
nonverbal communication while analyzing the data.

As far as Arsii Oromoo is concerned, there is a ritual performed by women called ateetee. It is
the social mechanism by which they secured the violation of their right caused by nature and/or
human.
There are various reasons for the preparation and enactment of this ritual among Arsi women.
According to consultants those reasons can be generally categorized under the two basic types
of ateetee. These are ateetee falaa and ateetee goraa. Consultants also told that the
classification is based on the case related to Arsii Oromoo in general and Arsi women in
particular. In the case, if there is a conflict between husband and wife or between a woman and
a man in the village or far from the village ateetee ritual is performed and this is named as
ateetee goraa.
On the other hand, when natural crises such as drought and famine take place in the area where
the people are living and to pray for the fertility of a woman who needs to have a child or to
give birth peacefully the ritual is organized by women. Moreover, during the field it was also
observed that in recent days, ateetee ritual is started to be performed at the day of Culture and
Tourism in a district, zone, region or national level. These all are included under ateetee falaa
in which the term falaa is refers to -solution.
When we are talking about ateetee ritual, it is inevitable to talk about material objects. The
most important ceremonial objects which accompany ateetee ritual are siinqee (ritual stick) and
qanafaa (sacred piece of wood). According to Arsii Oromoo oral history, Oromo women
b
There are different terms which are used by different scholars to name the people who give available data for the
research. As Daymon and Holloway (2002) stated, usually it is difficult for researchers to know what term to use
for the people they interview or observe, especially as the name makes explicit the stance of the researchers and
their relationship to those being studied. Terms such as, participant, informant, subject, respondent are commonly
used in different fields of research. Gilbert et al., (2006) on the other hand, suggested that for the researcher who
conducts an ethnographic research in the field of documentary linguistics as well as culture the term consultant is
more suitable. Therefore, based on the given idea, the term consultant is used in this article.

received certain ceremonial objects and powers from the Gadaa system. Culturally it is
believed that Abbaa Gadaa/leader of Gadaa/ brought to his wife two symbols of female honor
and authority. These are a siinqee (ritual stick) and a qanafaa (sacred piece of wood). Among
these siinqee is given to a woman at the day of her wedding as a symbol for the transition from
girlhood to womanhood and it stays with her throughout her life. On that particular day, the
bride accepts different gifts of traditional handheld objects as her staffs from her family.
Among those handheld objects, siinqee is one of the basic gifts. According to Kuwee (1997,
p.3), “siiqqee is a stick given to the bride from her mother on her wedding day and stay with
her throughout the rest of her life”. In Arsii Oromoo culture, on the wedding day when the
mother blesses her daughter, she holds one end of the Siinqee and the daughter the other. This
symbolizes the link between the mother and the daughter on one hand and the link among all
women, on the other, as the wedding is a rite of passage for the bride to be a womanhood like
that of her mother and women in the village.
Qanafaa is a sacred object which is to be tied around woman’s forehead after giving birth and
for four or five months afterward depending on the sex of a baby she gave birth. This wearing
of the qanafaa represented the high dignity of mothers, a symbol for respect and symbolizes
the social position of a woman among the women in particular and the Arsii Oromoo in
general. This cultural object also served as the focal point of female protest and resistance.
This is because, as consultants told, a woman with this sacred object on her forehead is
respected by all members of the people and she is also called waayyuu (respected woman). In
the culture the number of qanafaa the woman put on her forehead depends on the number of
children she gave birth at a time.
In Arsii Oromoo culture, whenever natural disasters fall, women gather and perform the ritual.
For instance, when crops failed, the rains stopped, epidemics spread, or in times of war,
women are the appropriate Arsii Oromoo members who prayed to relieve the hardships. As it
was observed from the group discussion during the field, in such cases, the men formally ask
them to gather around a riverside-malkaa. Then the women gathered and prayed to get solution
for the trouble. According to the oral history, for example, in the case of a need for rain, after
the women have prayed, Waaqaa- the Supreme Being, would immediately provide the
community members with as much rain as they wanted.
Moreover, in the culture while ateetee participants go and back from the ritual place, “one has
to avoid crossing their path. In this case, one has to stop with a respectful silence and wait until
the women holding siinqee and bunch of grass pass off” (2004, pp.114). As mentioned before,
nonverbal communication is contextual and culture based. Therefore, In the cases like not
crossing the woman holding siinqee and bunch of grass (to represent grace or development)
one has to know what he/she is doing in relation to such cultural activities. In addition, this
cultural activity is a means by which message is transferred through non-verbal way and can be
understood in the context of that culture.
Each ateetee ritual involved several actual meeting before it is concluded by a sacrifice.
Cultural equipment’s a woman uses in the ritual are passed down from mother to daughter and
include siinqee, cultural clothes, jewelries, and food and drink containers. As mentioned
earlier, at the day for the ritual performance, the women go to an area of suitable grass and
water-malkaa- culturally such areas are considered as a symbol for the sources of life. The
women on the way to malkaa are identified by their handheld object, killa -with miccirraa (a
cultural food made from grind barley flour and butter), cicoo (handheld object) full of milk.
They gather there to pray for peace, for rain and for health of human and cattle.

In addition to those handheld objects, a woman who participates in ateetee ritual is identified
by her way of dressing. In the places where Islamic religion is dominant, women are expected
to cover their hair due to their religion. They wear a black headdress called guftaa secured by a
white cloth-shaashii together with jewelry named as sandaaba on their forehead. Whereas,
women who follow the traditional religion or other religions have braided hair style with
jewelries; participants also wear lotu and forora jewelries on their forehead. In addition, they
do have qarrisaa earring which is attached to their earlobe. In the culture, women are known
by wearing different jewelries. Among them necklaces are of various styles and colors.
Women, who participate on the ritual, wear various forms of necklaces such as, jomore,
kalxata, callee hudhooc, jombollaa, hadhooftu, kaafuraa, tafseed, callee faaximee, maracoo
(This jewelry is not common for all woman rather it is worn by a qondaala’s (the hero’s)
wife).
It is also common for a woman to have hand jewelries such as qube on her finger(s) and bito,
and naashaa on wrist and upper arm of the left hand respectively. She wears laakkaa and
laakkayaa bangles on the right hand wrist and upper arm respectively. In addition, it was also
observed that it is common to see a woman who wears leg ring(s)-saasiraa especially around
kokkosaa district. These cultural features identifies woman from other members of the people.
In this cultural occasion in addition to their function as jewelries, wearing one or more qubee,
saasiraa, bitoo, naashaa and laakkaa culturally symbolizes wealth for the woman who wears
it.
In addition to jewelries and handheld objects participants also identified by their traditional
clothes. They wear kadhoo handaaraa, boke or bonkoo gown. Under boke, bonko or kadhoo
handaaraa, they wear a traditional blouse (top)-qolo qomo. It is a cloth made from cotton and a
thread with a variety of color. Regardless of its size, it is common among female from the stage
of wedding to an old age.
Before cotton and fabricated clothes were introduced to the culture, women were used to wear
two types of skirts. These are qeexxaa and harsamaa. Qexxaa is a skirt made from different
(most of the time two) animals skins and is worn by a bride and young married woman
together with kadhoo kasaa, kallo handaraa and boke. the second type of skirt is harsamaa- a
traditinal cloth made from cow hide and worn by an aged woman. Even though, harsamaa is
traditional leather cloth for Arsi woman, it is rarely worn by woman in present days. Instead of
harsamaa, women wear huccuu or keessaseeni as cultural clothes. Thus, currently, it is
obvious to see women wearing keessaseeni or huccuu clothes made from cotton during the
ritual. An Arsii Oromoo woman at the day of her wedding starts to use traditional belt made
from hide strings called Hanfalaa. It is made from well prepared soften cattle hide and used to
tie qexxaa or harsamaa to the waist. Currently, this kind of cloth is rarely used by some
women. Instead a cotton waist tie (belt) called sabbata is available among women. It helps to
secure keessaseeni or huccuu skirts which are worn with almost the same style with that of
qexxaa and harsamaa.
c
It is called callee hudhoo- because of the close attachment that the jewelry has to the neck as compared to the
jewelries worn this part of the body.
d
Though the participants on the ritual are all women, Tafse/tasbee jewelry is discussed on its function for this
particular group. But, in the culture it is also used as a symbol of engagement like finger rings used in others
culture.

In addition to other clothes of women in the areas where data was collected, there is a one
sided thread made cloth which is worn above harsamaa called qolo ateetee. It is worn by a
woman who starts to participate on sirna ateetee (ateetee ritual). It has different colors
patterned with a strips design.
siinqee
guftaa shaashii
Calleehudhoo forora
Calleefaaximee
qoloo bitoo
laakka
a bonkoo
Kalxata/darbata
harsamaa
Photograph 1: A woman with cultural dress
Therefore, for someone who observes the gathering of women with a combination of these
cultural dress types can understand that they assemble for ateetee rituale. So, it is obvious to
understand the role of dress in the ritual without a need for verbal explanation.
As mentioned earlier, In Arsii Oromoo culture, there are various reasons for the performance
of ateetee ritual to be held. In the case of the conflict between husband and wife, if he is
beating his wife with Qanafaa or not allow her to participate in women gatherings, she
prepares herself for complain. This is one of the reasons for the ateetee goraa to be organized.
As Qanafaa, is a sacred object or the high dignity of mothers which distinguishes the woman
who gives birth recently, in the given time, the woman should be respected and no one is
allowed to discourage, attacks or dishonest her.
As consultants described if this cultural rule is obeyed the woman calls her friends for help of
securing her right. In the cases like the husband beats or verbally abuses his wife, thus an
offended woman(his wife) leaves her responsibility, hold her siinqee and calls ateetee outside
her house by ululating (calling) "ilii-ilii-ilii" loudly until neighbors gather and join her. This
shout (scream) for gathering is known as Iyya dubartii or iyya siinqee.
e
Even if the focus of this article is on exploring the role of traditional dress as a form of nonverbal
communication by giving special attention to ateetee ritual, one can observe a woman with traditional dress types
on cultural occasion’s for instance wedding ceremony in the areas where this study is conducted.

In this context the phrase iyya dubartii refers to woman’s shout, and iyya siinqee is a voice of
siinqee. This means as siinqee is the cultural weapon for woman, shouting by holding siinqee is
directly related with in search of security. At the time such scream is noticed from outside,
women who have heard the ululating (the call) are expected to come and join the woman
having their siinqee on their hand. This is because; in the culture violation of women's right is
like breaking her siinqee and this is regarded as killing the woman.
From this it is observed that siinqee and qanafaa objects have great place in ateetee ritual and
are means’s of nonverbal communication among the people in general and the women in
particular.
Photograph 2: Women gathering for ateetee ritual
In the process of the ritual, the offender for example, a husband who beat his wife with
qanafaa is expected to be there on the occasion and he is directly asked if he has committed the
offence. The outcome is that the wrongdoer asks women’s forgiveness by compensating the
group and appeasing their divinity. Therefore, the wrong doer is expected to ask apologize in
three ways. One, by presenting a cow or calf for sacrifice for the women to feast on or buying
cotton thick cloth (gaabii) to the woman he/she abused. What is more, by presenting honey and
serving a drink made from it to the participants. The wrongdoer can do all depending on the
complexity of his offence. But, the women may exempt the scarification of the cow, if they
think the family economy will be affected badly. With regards to the color of the cattle, as
consultants agreed black is the most favorite. This is because in the culture black symbolizes
waaqaa- the Supreme Being.
Photograph 3: The ateetee gathering at the time of blessing the gift giver
As it obesrved from the picture during the process of blessing they put thier siinqee on the back
of the cow. They are doing this in two ways; one by using words and expressions as well as
using an object-the nonverbal means of communication symbolizing their acceptance to the
gift presented.

During the ritual, after the cow or calf is slaughtered, the the skin on the tail is splitted and
given to the women. At the time each woman tie the skin at the tip of their siinqee. In the
culture specially around kokosaa district the number of splitted cow or calf skin is a symbol for
her participation on ateetee.
While the ritual is performed, the women gather in some place by making a raw or circle and
sing traditional songs. The thanks giving for their cattle is one of the various folk songs which
are performed in the ritual.Moreover,the women in the ateetee gathering raise various issues
using the songs. In addition to the issues related to rain making and gifts they also bless and
present their pray to ateetee by saying the following:
Malkaananna dhilteedhinna dhiltedheinnaa the blessed area/malka/ save us from your eyes
Sa’aa namaa qixxee jirraa ilililililiiii we are in the middle of human and cattle.
Si jaalannee sindeebinaa kaayyoo laalaa sijaalannee we love and respect ateetee!
sindeebinaa with God and the folk we love and accept ateetee!
Anaa wajjin Rabbii wajjin sijaalannee sindeebinaa
In the ritual, as it is a time for blessing and good joy there could be a curse, if the offender does
not confess his mistake in person or in absentia, the women impose a more serious curse called
abaarsa siinqee (the curse of siinqee). This is the stage when all of the women place their
siinqee on the ground and pray to waaqaa for the offender to be punished. And it is believed
that the person who is cursed by the women gathering will immediately punished by waaqaa.
Therefore, in the culture putting down siinqee on the ground during the women gathering is a
non-verbal implication that they are going to curse someone who made a mistake in relation to
the ritual or to mean the law is disrespected.
As explained before, the ritual is performed by women; and it is special occasion for them.
Culturally in the ritual girls are not allowed to participate. The conflict is resolved by siinqee
which is a weapon for women and girls are not allowed to hold siinqee, until they get married.
Therefore, the reason for the absence of girls is connected with the role of siinqee in the ritual
as well as the age class they belong. Therefore, this case observing only women gathering, not
girls, with their cultural dress communicate the ateetee ritual nonverbally.
As discussed above, ateetee ritual is one of the most important cultural occasions to show the
role of Arsi Oromo woman dress types in transferring messages through nonverbal way as
dress is a form of nonverbal communication Here under the dress types observed on ateetee
ritual which are used by participants and their embedded meanings are summarized and
presented in the following way.

Table 1.Ateetee ritual and the symbolic role of dress as a form of nonverbal communication
Particular Users of dress Dress types Symbolic meanings embedded
occasion types to them (nonverbal cues)
Ateetee ritual Woman Qanafaa High dignity of mothers
gathering of Siinqee A weapon for women right

women with their protection
siinqee because of in search of security.
woman scream
at the day of the Women All dress types together symbolizes womanhood
ritual gathering
Guftaa-headdress Religions status of womanhood
Shurrubbaa-hair-style with Womanhood (kokkossaa)
heeqoo
Sandaaba-forehead jewelry Religions status of women
Qola- hair band womanhood
the day of sacrifice Fororaa-headdress
Lotuu-forehead jewelry
Qarrisaa-earring
Callee addaa,Callee hudhoo,
Haadhoftuu, Kaafuraa,,
Jomoree, Jombollaa , Adult woman
Callee faaximee
Darbata Its number symbolizes wealth
(kalxata), Being a wife of a hero
Tafsee,
Maracoo
clothes
Boke-gown womanhood
Bonkoo-gown
Harsamaa, kessaseeni or
huccuu
jewelries
Qubee-ring Its number symbolizes wealth
Bitoo-bangle
Naashaa wrist bangle
laakkaa-wrist bangle Its number symbolizes wealth
and arm bangle
Saasiraa-toes ring
handheld objects
(killaa and qorii full of milk
and miccirraa)
Gift given to a thick shawl (gaabii) compensation
woman(women) A need for forgiveness
offended by a
wrongdoer

5. Conclusion and Recommendation
In general, ateetee ritual is said to be a public gathering of women and it serves as religious, family and
social function inter and intra Arsii Oromoo. A woman who participates in ateetee ritual is identified by
siinqee handheld object, wearing qanafaa (this is particular for the woman who gave birth recently) and
by her way of dressing. Having guftaa headdress or braided hair style with jewelries; putting qarrisaa
earring, wearing various forms of necklaces such as, jomore, kalxata, callee hudhoo, jombollaa,
hadhooftu etc. and having hand jewelries such as qube, bito, naashaa, laakkaa, and saasiraa identifies
woman from other members of the people. The study reaveals that Cultural features are meaningful
when treated in their peculiar contexts. The meanings of the traditional dress can also be
understood if the perceiver and transmitter are in the same context, so that they could have
shared meanings. The traditional dresses play a great role in expressing the people in various
ways. The features inturn demonstrate cultural meanings, beauty, and wealth of the wearer.
Besides, Arsii women’s traditional dress types also serve as a sacred object, status indicators
and identity markers in general.
In the process of ateetee ritual dress types have a great role to transmit messages non-verbally.
Moreover, among the characteristics of nonverbal communication contextuality, culture bound
and collectivity are commonly observed in the ritual. The dress types used in the occasion tell
that though they are identity markers to identify the people from other ethnic groups, it requires
someone to have knowledge of the culture. The study implies the importance of understanding
nonverbal communication to understand meanings communicated in a culture. This is because
of the culture based nature of non-verbal cues.
Though urbanization, the spread of religion and modern education have a positive contribution
in the life of the community, they also played a significant role in the decline of Arsii Oromoo
traditional dress. Therefore, it is very important to teach the generation about their indigenous
culture. This is because the embedded meanings attached to those cultural objects are also
identity markers of people. Consequently concerned bodies should work well to preserve the
cultural objects which are part and parcel of ateetee ritual. Apparently, it is essential to create
awareness among children who are members of that group to protect the culture from
extinction.
References
Abdisa Tesema. (1988). “Some Comparative Aspects of Action and Object Language in Certain Rituals
of Kellen Oromo of Wollega”. Unpublished Senior Essay. Addis Ababa: Addis Ababa
University.
Aliakbari, Mohammed and Abdollahi, Khadijeh.(2013). “Does it Matter What We Wear? A

Sociolinguistics study of clothing and human values”.In International journal of Linguistics
Macrothink Institute; ISSN 1948-545,Vol. s,No.2
Bartis, Peter. (2002) Folk life and Fieldwork: an Introduction to Field Techniques. Washington:
Library of Congress.
Burgoon, Buller, & Woodall (1996). Nonverbal Communication: the Unspoken Dialogue. New York,
Mcgraw-Hill.

Danesi, Marcel (ed.). (2004). Messages, Signs, and Meanings: a Basic Textbook in Semiotics and
Communication.( 3rd edition V.1)in the series Studies in Linguistic and Cultural
Anthropology.Toronto: University of Toronto, Canadian Scholars’ Press Inc..
Dorson, Richard M. (1972). Folklore and Folklife: An Introduction. Chicago and London: the
Dundes, Alan. (1965).The Study of Folklore. London: Prentice-Hall,Inc., Englewood Clifs. N.J.
Efa Tefera. (2012). “Non-verbal used in Iluu Abba BooraaOromoo society”. M.A thesis Submitted to
the Department of Linguistics. (unpublished ).
Eicher, Joanne B. , Evenson, Sandra Lee and Lutz, Hazel A. (2000). (2nded.) TheVisible Self: Global
Perspectives on Dress, Culture, and Society. New York: Fairchild Books.
Eshete Gemeda. (2008). “African Egalitarian Values and Indigenous Genres: The Functional and
Contextual Studies of Oromo Oral Literature in a Contemporary Perspective” Ph.D.
Dissertation Sweden: SyddanskUniversitet,.
Hirut Terefe. (2001). “A study of Female Genitial Mutiliation and Reproductive health: case of Arsi
Oromo Ethipia”. Submitted for Doctoral grade in Ethnology (Social Anthropology) to the
Faculity of Social Science, University of GÖttingen.
Jebesa Ejeta (1995). SeenaaUmmata Oromoo Hundeeirraa Hanga Ammaatti. Addis Ababa:
Commercial Printing Enterprise.
Jewaro Seraro.(1987). "Material culture as communication media During Marriage Ceremony of Arsi
Oromos with particular reference to Kofele District". AAU: Department of sociology and
social Administration.
Kuwee Kumsa. (1997). “The Siiqqee Institution in Oromo Women."In Journal of Oromo Studies.USA:
Middle Tennessee STATE University,V.4:pp.115-52.
Lunenburg, Fred C. (2010). “Louder than Words: the Hidden Power of Nonverbal Communication in
the Workplace”. In International Journal of scholarly Academic Intellectual Diversity. V.12,
Number 1. Sam Houston State University.
Marvasti, Amir, B. (2004). Qualitative Research in Sociology: An Introduction. California: Sage

Publications Inc., Thousand Oaks.Matsumoto,
David, Frank, Mark G. and Hwang, Hyi Sung. (2013). Nonverbal Communication: Science and
Applications. London: Sage Publications, Inc.
Mupfumira, Isabel Makwara and Jinga, Nyaradzo. “Dress as a Communicator: A Case of Great
Zimbabwe University Students: Zimbabwe”. (2013) International Journal of Academic
Research In Progressive Education and Development January 2013, Vol. 2, No. 1
Peek, Philip and Yankah, Kwesi (eds.) (2004). African Folklore: An Encyclopedia. New York And
London:Routedge.
Roach-Higgins, Ellen, Mary and Eicher, Joanne B. (1992).“Dress and Identity”.Clothing and Textiles
Research Journal.http://etr.sagepub.com/content/10/4/1.sage

Sims, Martha C. and Stephens, Martine. (2005).Living Folklore: An Introduction to the Study of People
and Their Traditions. UTAH: UTAH State University. URL:
http://www.educ.utas.edu.au/users/tie/JOURNAL.
Prown, Jules David.(1982). “An Introduction to Material Culture Theory and Method”.In Winterthur
Portifolio,Vol.17,No.1. The University of Chicago Press in behalf of the Henry Francis du
Pont Winterthur Museum.
Walls, Robert E. in Schoemaker, George H.(ed.) (1990).The Emergence of Folklore in Everyday life: A
field guide and Sourcebook. Bloomington; Indiana: Trickster Press.
Woodward,Ian. (2007). Understanding Material Culture. California: Thousand Oaks, Sage Publications
Inc. www.ijeesign.org.
Yammiyavar, Pradeep, Clemmensen, Torkil and Kumar, Jyoti. (2008). Influence of cultural
Background on Non-verbal Communication in a Usability Testing Situation. International
journal of design, 2(2),31-40.
Yenealem Aredo (2000 E.C) "Ye Arsi Oromo Setoch Albasatina Geta get Tintena (beKokosana Gedeb
Asasa Weredawoch)" Addis Ababa University Le MA Digiri Mammuwayaa Yekerebe.

Guidelines for Manuscript Submission
For the benefit of publication efficiency, the journal demands authors to follow submission guidelines strictly.
Submission of a manuscript implies that the author(s) has (have) seen and approved the manuscript and its
contents, and that they are aware of the responsibilities connected to authorship. If the number of authors of the
manuscript is two or more, signatures from all the authors are not required; it is the corresponding author’s
responsibility to obtain agreement from all authors supporting the submission. All authors will be notified upon
receiving of a new manuscript and upon acceptance of a manuscript, but the editorial board corresponds only
with the Corresponding Author. It is the responsibility of the corresponding author to communicate with all other
authors.
Article Types
1. Original Research Articles
These involve reports of original research undertakings. These manuscripts should present well-rounded studies
reporting innovative advances that further knowledge about a topic of importance to the scope of the journal. The
conclusions of the Original Research Article should be clearly supported by the results. These are submitted to
the journal as a full-length article (no more than 4000 words, 15 pages), The abstract should be not more than
200 words. The specific standard guidelines are given in the guideline for authors (visit https://ju.edu.et/gj/node/15)
2. Review Articles
Reviews provide a reasoned survey and examination of a particular subject of research within the scope of the
journal. These can be submitted as a mini-review (no more than 2,500 words) or a long review (no more than
3,500 words). They should include critical assessment of the works cited, explanations of conflicts in the
literature, and analysis of the field. The conclusion must discuss in detail the limitations of current knowledge,
future directions to be pursued in research, and the overall importance of the topic in the field of study. Reviews
contain four sections: Abstract, Introduction, Topics (with headings and subheadings), and Conclusions
3. Book Reviews
A book review is a description and a critical evaluation of a book. It gives a summary of the content and assesses
the value of the book focusing on the book's purpose, contents, and authority. It involves critical reviews that
describe and evaluate a recent book of relevance to the scope of the journal, in terms of accepted literary and
historical standards, and supports this evaluation with evidence from the text. The review must be a considered
judgment that includes: a statement of the reviewer's understanding of the author's purpose, how well the
reviewer feels the author's purpose has been achieved, and evidence to support the reviewer's judgment of the
author' achievement. These articles provide a description of the book being reviewed, the strengths and
weaknesses of the book, and the intended audience. The reviews should not be more than 1500 words and need
to be structured as follows.
Introduction: Be clear about what book you are reviewing. State the title and introduce the author. Provide a
hook that illustrates what it means to the reader.
Overview: Give your reader the context of the book by succinctly setting the scene. Describe the book’s who,
what, where, when, why, and how by providing the reader with context.
Summary: Provide the main points of the book and tie in a great 1-2 line quote that pulls it all together.
Assessment: Provide your evaluation of the book.
Conclusion: Tie up loose ends and succinctly recap the introduction. Discuss any forthcoming books by the
author or provide additional information the reader may be interested in pursuing at this juncture (e.g.,
recommend a related book).
4. Short Communications
Short Communication should be no more than 2500 words. It must report completed work, not preliminary
findings: they are an alternative format for describing smaller pieces of work. Prior to submission, please ensure
that the manuscript has been prepared according to this Instruction, with special emphasis on the style of the
manuscript. Please use the style and standard suggested under Original Research Article above. Guideline for
Authors Language:
The language of the manuscript should be either English or Afaan Oromoo (Though authors have the right to
submit articles in either of the languages, the abstract should be presented both in English and Afaan Oromoo). If
the manuscript is presented in English, author (s) are required to follow the spelling system of either American or
British English consistently.
Length:
The length of the paper should not exceed 20 pages including references, appendix, title page etc. Papers should
be submitted only as Microsoft Word format with 1.5 line spacing in A4 size, using Times New Roman (Font
size: 12).
Manuscript Elements:
1. Title page
This page should include the title of the manuscript, the author(s), abstract (s) and key words.
Title should be concise and informative, and try to avoid abbreviations and formulae where possible.
All the authors have to be listed (full name) with their organizational affiliation and e-mail address of
corresponding author. Numbers in superscript should be used to indicate the department, institution, email, city
with postal code and country, for each author. Authors should clearly indicate who is willing to handle
correspondence at all stages of refereeing, publication and also post-publication.
All manuscripts must include a maximum of 200 words abstract, next to the authors along with a total of 4 to 5
keywords in italics below the abstract. A concise and factual abstract is required which should briefly state the
purpose/gap of the research, the methodology employed, the principal results and major conclusions and
recommendations. Authors should avoid abbreviations, references and using the complete statistical results in the
abstract.
2. Body of the Manuscript
The body of the manuscript should contain the following section in the given order. What should be included in
each section is described below. (1) Introduction (2) Literature Review /Conceptual Framework (3) Method and
Materials (4) Results and Discussion (5) Conclusion and Recommendation (s)(optional) (6) Acknowledgements
(7) References (8) Figure(s) (9) Table(s)
1. Introduction
In the introduction section, provide an adequate background; indicate the gap and significance (justification for
the study) and state the objectives of the work. Avoid a detailed literature survey, but where appropriate, use
citation of primary literature.
2. Literature Review/Conceptual Framework
Under this section of the manuscript provide a review that is linked to the introduction, and lay the base for the
discussions to be made in the results section. Use relevant and up-to-date previous works to situate your work
and demonstrate its significance. Include theoretical or conceptual framework your study adopts/follows. Make
sure to include descriptions of the motivation for the study and its significant contribution in light of previous
works in this section.
3. Materials and Method
Present sufficient details about the procedures. Discuss the nature of the empirical data focusing on its relevance,
reliability, its support to the robust conclusions to be made and that the methodology is appropriate, systematic
and rigorous. Indicate the design of the research, characteristics of the participants, sample size, methods of data
collection and analysis.
The report of the analysis must be accurate, unbiased, complete, and insightful. The result section can stand
alone or presented together with discussion depending on the nature of data (quantitative or qualitative) but the
finding should be clearly indicated. If treated separately, the results section, and associated figures, tables and
supplementary information, must accurately describe the findings of the study. Figure order should follow the
text. Avoid detailed methodological descriptions. Significant data should be displayed in the main figures or
supplementary information. The discussion should explore the significance of the results of the work Authors are
encouraged to discuss their work in the broader context. Related published data must be appropriately discussed
and cited.
5. Conclusion and Recommendation(s)
The main conclusions of the study should be presented in a short conclusions section. This section summarizes
the findings and explains the implications of the work. It is expected that the original contributions of the work
and the policy or other implications of the findings be discussed briefly. Recommendations are not mandatory for
all fields of studies, and hence, a separate treatment can be optional. Yet a critical assessment of the limitations
of study can be provided, and possible fruitful lines for further research can be outlined as part of the
recommendation.
6. Acknowledgements (optional)
Personal acknowledgements should precede those of institutions or agencies.
7. References
The Journal requires the citation of primary literature wherever appropriate. Authors are responsible for ensuring
that the related literature is accurately and comprehensively discussed and cited. Review articles should only be
cited for general background information, the proposal of certain concepts or similar purposes, whereas primary
research articles should preferentially be referenced to introduce the question being addressed or to support the
conclusions and interpretations of the results.
The Journal follows APA (author date) referencing style in which in-text citations are made with author’s
surname and the year of publication as in the following examples. ...
(Kuntson, 1967; Asmarom, 1963) Baxter (1986) argues that…
For more than two authors, use the first author’s name plus “et al.”: Furuichi et al. (1982) set forth....
Refer to pages for direct quotations, after a colon following the year: Leech (1957, pp. 119-120) stated that.......
(Pruit, 1960: 19)
The references at the end of the paper should list all works referred to in the text and only those, in alphabetical
order of the author surnames. Do not abbreviate journal names.
Do not indent the reference entries, although they will be indented in the final print. Use the 6th edition of APA
referencing style guide
(http://student.ucol.ac.nz/library/onlineresources/Documents/APA_guide_2015.pdf).
List of Reviewers for the first Issue
1. Abera Degefa (PhD, Assist Prof) 14. Getahun Alemayehu (PhD c.)
2. Adem Kedir (PhD, Assistant Prof) 15. Imana Beyene (PhD, Assistant Prof)
3. Alemitu Oli (PhD, Assist Prof) 16. Jira Mekonnen (PhD, Assistant Prof)
4. Amsalu Tilahun (PhD, Assistant Prof) 17. Kenate Worku (PhD, Assistant Prof)
5. Aneesa Kassam (PhD, Assistant Prof) 18. Ketebo Abdiyyo (PhD, Associate Prof)
6. Asebe Regasa (PhD, Assistant Prof) 19. Marco Bassi (PhD, Professor)
7. Boku Tache Dida (PhD, Assistant Prof) 20. Muradu Abdo Srur (Assistant Prof)
8. Chimdi Wakuma (Assistant Prof) 21. Tadese Jaleta (PhD, Associate Prof)
9. Dejene Gemechu (PhD, Associate Prof) 22. Tadesse Bariso (PhD, Associate Prof)
10. Dheressa Dheebu (PhD c) 23. Teshome Egere (PhD, Assistant Prof)
11. Eba Teresa (PhD c, Associate Prof) 24. Tilahun Telila (PhD, Assistant Prof)
12. Gemechu Dadi (PhD, Assistant Prof) 25. Tsegaye Zeleke (PhD c.)
13. Gemechu Megersa (PhD, Assistant Prof)

Gadaa Journal/ Barruulee Gadaa: Editorial Team

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

Gadaa Journal/ Barruulee Gadaa: Editorial Team

Uploaded by

Document Information

Original Title

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

Gadaa Journal/ Barruulee Gadaa: Editorial Team

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

GADAA JOURNAL/ BARRUULEE GADAA

Editors Assistant Editors

Language Editors Publication Secretary

Editorial Advisory Board Members

 Mario I Aguilar (PhD, Professor) University of St Andrews, UK

Jimma University, P. O. Box: 378, Oromia, Ethiopia

VOLUME 1, ISSUE 1, JANUARY 2018

ISSN: PRINT (2616-3977)

1. The Oromoo Gadaa System: Why Considered Democratic? 01-08

Gadaa Journal aspires to promote multidisciplinary scholarships on Oromoo studies through

Enjoy your reading!

Ashenafi Belay Adugna,

Jaallatamoo Dubbistootaa, Anaadhufu!

Barruuleen Gadaa qorannoo Oromoo gosa beekumsa hedduun gaggeeffaman maxxansuun

Ashenafi Belay Adugna,

The Oromoo Gadaa System: Why Considered Democratic?

Gadaa system is essentially a home-grown (indigenous) democratic socio-political

2. Gadaa (Generational Organization)

Taddesse, The Oromoo Gadaa System… 2

a) An Egalitarian System with Peaceful Transfer of Political Power

Taddesse, The Oromoo Gadaa System… 3

Taddesse, The Oromoo Gadaa System… 4

3. Qaalluu and Moiety Institutions as Check and Balance Organs

Taddesse, The Oromoo Gadaa System… 5

4. The National Assembly (Gumii)

Taddesse, The Oromoo Gadaa System… 6

Taddesse, The Oromoo Gadaa System… 7

Taddesse, The Oromoo Gadaa System… 8

A Future Gaze: Gadaa Oriented Constitutional Structure for Oromia

―Africa doesn't need strongmen, it needs strong institutions.‖

Keywords - Gadaa system, Neo-Gadaa, Social Capital, the State of Oromia

Jechoota Ijoo – Dimokraasii, Haaroms-Gadaa; Kaapitaala- hawaasummaa, Oromiyaa

Zelalem, A Future Gaze … 10

Zelalem, A Future Gaze … 11

Zelalem, A Future Gaze … 12

2. Theoretical Approach: Gadaa as an Institution and as a Social Capital

Zelalem, A Future Gaze … 13

3. Gadaa vis-à-vis Government Possible Strategies

Zelalem, A Future Gaze … 14

Zelalem, A Future Gaze … 15

generations constituted by two cross-cutting elements: gada-grades (age-sets) and moieties.

Zelalem, A Future Gaze … 16

Zelalem, A Future Gaze … 17

5. Analysis: Envisioning Gadaa Constitution in 21st Century Oromia

Zelalem, A Future Gaze … 18

Zelalem, A Future Gaze … 19

Zelalem, A Future Gaze … 20

Zelalem, A Future Gaze … 21

zonal levels. Currently, there are twenty-twom zonal administrations in Oromia. If we

Zelalem, A Future Gaze … 22

Contending Nationalisms of Oromia and Ethiopia. Binghamton: Global

_________(1990) Equality and Achievement in Education, Westview Press, Boulder

Demissie, Dirribi (2011) ―Oromo Wisdom in Black Civilization‖, Finfinne, Ethiopia.

_______, (2007) Federalism and the Accommodation of Diversity in Ethiopia: A Comparative

Zelalem, A Future Gaze … 23

Zelalem, A Future Gaze … 24

Santos, Boaventura, de Sousa (2005) ―General Introduction. Reinventing Social Emancipation:

Zelalem, A Future Gaze … 25

Astronomical Calendar of the Oromoo - Living Style in Space and Time: