Transportation Research Interdisciplinary Perspectives 19 (2023) 100816

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Transportation Research Interdisciplinary Perspectives

journal homepage: www.sciencedirect.com/journal/transportation-
research-interdisciplinary-perspectives

Authorized Vehicles Only: Police, parking, and pedestrian access in New

York City
Marcel E. Moran
University of California, Berkeley Department of City and Regional Planning, 230 Bauer Wurster Hall #1820, Berkeley, CA 94720-1820, USA

A R T I C L E I N F O A B S T R A C T

Keywords: Sidewalks and crosswalks do not benefit pedestrians if they are blocked by automobiles. In New York City, local
Parking media have documented that cars outside of law-enforcement offices routinely park on sidewalks and in
Pedestrians crosswalks. This study systematically and longitudinally pursues this topic by tracking the geographic extent of
GIS
this obstructive parking via in-person observation of the streets surrounding all 77 New York Police Department
Planning
(NYPD) station houses, across all five boroughs. Combined with review of historical street imagery, this approach
reveals widespread and longstanding parking on sidewalks, and to a lesser extent, in crosswalks. Of 77 NYPD
station houses, 70 (91%) exhibited parking of at least one of these kinds, with sidewalk parking often extending
along the entire block (and not simply in front of station houses), on adjacent blocks, and on both sides of the
street. This renders many sidewalks impassable – forcing pedestrians into traffic – and in many cases directly
abuts residences and businesses, curtailing access to such destinations. Longitudinally, such obstructive parking
was present across 82% of 703 street-imagery data points, indicating this has largely become the default (and not
occasional) use of adjacent sidewalks. In-person observation also demonstrated other ways this parking has had
negative effects surrounding NYPD station houses, including double parking, obstruction of bus and bike lanes,
and blocking of fire hydrants. These findings broaden the study of pedestrian accessibility and safety beyond the
quality and design of sidewalks and intersections, to include chronic automotive obstruction, and indicate that
parking behavior surrounding public-sector offices, if left unchecked, significantly degrades walkability.

Introduction land uses. Moreover, law enforcement is particularly poignant to

consider in the context of this topic. First, police in the United States
Sidewalks and crosswalks serve little purpose for pedestrians if they receive high levels of public scrutiny (Westervelt 2021), though this
are routinely obstructed by automobiles. In New York City, local jour­ attention is rarely focused on their transportation behavior. Second,
nalists and transportation advocates have drawn attention to this given police are tasked with the bulk of traffic enforcement in America,
occurring, particularly in certain settings. Specifically, there is consis­ it is uniquely relevant if police themselves are behaving in a manner that
tent photographic evidence that streets surrounding New York Police might otherwise draw enforcement actions. Third, this focus takes
Department (hereafter, NYPD) offices are replete with cars parked on seriously the work of those who have chronicled this behavior near
the sidewalk and within crosswalks. Though clearly problematic for NYPD station houses for years, and seeks to move from isolated de­
pedestrians and abutting residents and local businesses, this type of scriptions to a systematic and longitudinal understanding of this phe­
parking behavior has not been studied systematically – both in terms of nomenon citywide.
its geographic extent, and how long it has occurred. At the outset, it is important to reference how obstructing pedestrian
Streets adjacent to NYPD buildings represent an ideal case in which infrastructure (and the street generally) with automobiles is categorized
to study obstructive parking. First, NYPD is local in nature – part of the by traffic enforcement in New York City. Posted municipal violation
New York City government, which avoids the issue of local-state-federal codes are listed in Table 1.
relations. Second, these ‘station houses’ (the local term for field offices) Importantly, such behavior often coincides with the use of what are
are spread throughout the city, and not confined solely to Manhattan or called parking placards (officially ‘restricted parking permits’), which
dense commercial districts. This allows for analysis of parking in a range are paper documents that indicate the driver of the private car in
of neighborhoods, which vary in density, street types, and surrounding question works for the NYPD. Generally, such placards allow

E-mail address: [email protected].

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.trip.2023.100816
Received 6 January 2023; Received in revised form 24 March 2023; Accepted 26 March 2023
Available online 5 April 2023
2590-1982/© 2023 The Author(s). Published by Elsevier Ltd. This is an open access article under the CC BY license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/).
M.E. Moran Transportation Research Interdisciplinary Perspectives 19 (2023) 100816

Table 1 conditions for widespread fraud. Disability-placard scandals not only

Municipal Violation Codes, New York City. deprive those who actually need such parking spots and prevent cities
from collecting parking revenue, but they also undermine faith in such
Code Description Fine programs more broadly (Favuzzi 2015; Dorfman 2020). Analogously, if
sidewalk and crosswalk parking is associated with certain public ser­
51 Stopping, standing, or parking on a sidewalk. $115 vices, faith in government generally and offending-agencies specifically
could be undermined.
50 Stopping, standing or parking in a crosswalk. Note: Crosswalks are $115 Searches within academic databases (Google Scholar, EBSCO,
not always identified by painted street markings.
JSTOR) uncovered few studies that deal with parking behavior that
negatively affects other travelers (outside of disability placards). How­
45 Stopping, standing or parking in a traffic lane; or if a vehicle $115 ever, one article took advantage of a unique natural experiment: until
extends more than 8 feet from the nearest curb, blocking traffic. 2002, representatives to the United Nations headquarters in Manhattan
were provided ‘diplomatic immunity’ in terms of New York City parking
48 Stopping, standing or parking within a marked bicycle lane. $115
tickets. Plainly, cars with diplomatic license plates could violate nearly
(“Violation Codes, Fines, Rules & Regulations”, 2022). all parking rules and faced no consequences for failing to pay resulting
fines. Fisman and Miguel found, intriguingly, that representatives from
automobiles to be parked in spots designated for NYPD personnel. countries with generally higher levels of corruption were more likely to
However, in common practice drivers use placards to park in a range of violate parking regulations (2007). Perhaps more importantly, they also
other ways, including on sidewalks and in crosswalks. Critically, nothing documented that the sunsetting of this privilege – now such plates can be
in the New York City Administrative Code regarding placards issued by rescinded if three tickets are left unpaid – drastically decreased said
NYPD (§14-183) override the municipal codes listed above, and the parking behavior.
NYPD Patrol Guide explicitly notes this distinction as well. For this As noted above, parking which blocks pedestrian infrastructure
reason, this study tracks such obstructive parking regardless of the surrounding government buildings has been consistently covered by
presence or absence of a placard. New York City media, as well as by transportation advocates. Mentions
New York City also represents an ideal case in which to study side­ of such behavior date back to at least the 1980 s (Boorstin 1987), and the
walk and crosswalk accessibility due to its distressing upward trend of specific issue of NYPD personnel as the culprits was described in a 1995
pedestrian fatalities (Kuntzman 2022a). Indeed, this comes in spite of New York Times article:
the city setting a “Vision Zero” goal of eliminating traffic deaths, and its
They park on sidewalks and hide fire hydrants with their cars. They angle
own Street Design Manual stating that: “by focusing on pedestrians in
where they should parallel and turn normal streets into obstacle paths.
the street design process, the city has made walking – New Yorker’s
They never seem to feed their parking meters, they rarely get tickets and
primary mode of transportation – safer, easier, and more comfortable”
they run red lights. Yes, they are New York City police officers, and yes,
(Feuer et al. 2020). With this context, this study chronicles the extent to,
they do what most New Yorkers cannot. They drive to work and park at
and chronicity of these parking behaviors surrounding all NYPD station
will just about anywhere they like. (Purnick 1995; see also Haberman,
houses, which can potentially inform enforcement reforms to improve
1997; Hu, 1999).
walkability and safety. More broadly, as the demand for the use of
sidewalks, curbs, and adjacent lanes increases in cities (including from Television news stations have done the simple, but powerful practice
ridehailing, delivery services, and shared bikes and scooters), this study of spotting cars parked on the sidewalk (as well as in front of fire hy­
is also relevant for planners who must consider how to ensure pedes­ drants), and confronting the drivers and nearby law enforcement
trians do not suffer from the encroachment of a range of vehicles, (Kramer, 2017; Hsu, 2018). A single Twitter account – named “Placard
including automobiles. Corruption” – has documented obstructive parking in New York City
since 2016, amassing over ten thousand followers and submitting hun­
Literature review dreds of associated complaints to the city’s 311 system. Indeed, a map of
publicly-submitted parking complaints visualizes that alleged violations
This paper considers the intersection of two issues – parking and cover the city’s five boroughs, with more than 28,000 submitted be­
public-employee behavior – both of which have been considered at tween May 2017 and June 2022 alone (“Placard Abuse” 2022). This
length by scholars separately. As to the former, there have been a issue, specifically surrounding NYPD station houses, has even risen to
number of studies documenting drivers parking in ways that violate the level of community boards, such that many across New York City
established regulations. Indeed, drivers often avoid paying at parking have reported their streets being inundated with sidewalk parking
meters (Petiot 2001), park on residential sidewalks (Shoup, 2014), and (Kessler 2022), demonstrating neighbor disapproval. Furthermore, an
in bike lanes (Moran, 2020). It is perhaps not surprising that drivers advocacy group, Disability Rights New York, filed a lawsuit in 2022
behave in such ways, given so often there are few penalties for doing so. against NYPD alleging failure to enforce parking laws, resulting in sig­
However, evidence that speeding and red-light cameras can reduce nificant mobility barriers, which the U.S. Department of Justice largely
dangerous driving (Wilson et al. 2010; Graham et al. 2019; Bhat and agreed with in an accompanying brief (Ndonwie 2022; Pisoni 2022).
Martinez 2022), indicate that increased enforcement could also decrease With this context, it is important to consider how New York City’s
parking that obstructs pedestrian infrastructure. political leadership and municipal government has responded to com­
Research on parking connected in some way to government has plaints regarding such parking. Bill de Blasio, who served as the city’s
generally occurred in the context of privileges provided to persons with Mayor from 2014 to 2021, announced a range of reforms for public
disabilities. For context, many American states issue physical placards employees, including the use of digital-barcode scanners for traffic-
which allow persons with disabilities to park in designated spots close to enforcement officers to verify dashboard placards (Colon 2021).
venue entrances, and (in some cases) be exempted from parking fees at Though, many of these initiatives have been delayed or halted by the
metered spots (Manville and Williams 2018). Both media and academic departments charged with carrying them out (Meyer and Hicks 2021),
investigations have found such programs rife with abuse, from college and de Blasio also disbanded an NYPD unit explicitly tasked with tick­
athletes forging doctors’ notes to receive placards (Berthelsen 1999), to eting cars abusing placards (Cuba 2020). It is questionable whether de
the use of placards of deceased individuals (Cunha 2016). As Shoup Blasio’s successor, Mayor Eric Adams (whose term began in 2022) will
points out (2018), the ease with which states give out disability placards, deter such parking; during his time as Brooklyn Borough President,
combined with the financial benefits that can be recouped, create fertile Adams’ office staff was known for parking on pedestrian plazas (Gonen

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2019). When confronted by constituents regarding this, he argued that (NYPD or otherwise) at any site were ever contacted during these visits –
he was unwilling to do anything about it because other public employees the goal was documentation and subsequent analysis, not verbal inquiry.
were also parking in such ways elsewhere in the city (Duggan 2019). This differs significantly from the approach taken by some trans­
This is not to say that all politicians in New York support the parking portation advocates and journalists, which can include directly ques­
status quo; city council members have called for both stricter enforce­ tioning drivers or nearby employees (Wilson 2008). Parking of these
ment of existing regulations (Kuntzman 2022b), and further reforms kinds was recorded for both marked NYPD vehicles, as well as off-duty,
(Meyer 2022). unmarked cars. The presence or absence of paper placards was not
Though this study is bounded to New York, parking issues and public accounted for, given it is not obvious how to determine their authen­
employees are of course not specific to this city, or the United States. For ticity, and because even authentic placards explicitly do not allow for
example, in Ireland the national police force was embroiled in a scandal sidewalk or crosswalk parking. Though there are situations in which
originating from a whistleblower complaint which revealed a number of official police vehicles may need to park in ways that obstruct pedestrian
parking fines were being inappropriately cancelled by officers (Mulcahy infrastructure, such as when responding to emergencies, that is a sepa­
2021). Indeed, the purpose of this study is to use New York as a case to rate issue from the routine, long-term parking of such cars outside of
expand the literature on parking which degrades the pedestrian envi­ station houses. Indeed, the cars observed outside of station houses were
ronment, particularly in the context of law enforcement. A straightfor­ not idling or occupied, and the sirens (of marked vehicles) were not in
ward hypothesis for why this type of parking occurs is a sense of use.
impunity among NYPD personnel, who wish to avoid the time and/or In terms of physically bounding in-person observations of obstructive
money-intensive search for parking others must embark on in New York parking, the full block where each station house is located was included,
City. This fits squarely into a definition scholars Sayed and Bruce have as were curbs across the street from station houses, and immediately-
offered of police corruption: “any illegal conduct or misconduct adjacent block faces. This was due to the fact that some station houses
involving the use of occupational power for personal, group, or orga­ are located on corners, and others take up entire blocks, meaning they
nizational gain” (1998). have frontages on multiple streets (each of which were observed). Many
This study also broadens research on pedestrian access, which streets adjacent to station houses feature signs which read “Authorized
generally has focused on fixed infrastructure, such as sidewalk, inter­ Vehicles, Police Department,” though these often sit beyond the borders
section, and block-level design (Hess et al. 1999; Kim, Choi, and Kim of a station house itself. These signs indicate that on-street parking must
2011). Though such work has at times mentioned parked cars as ob­ be reserved for vehicles affiliated with NYPD, but they do not suspend or
structions, this has not been its focus (Kelly et al. 2007). Indeed, more supersede municipal codes forbidding sidewalk or crosswalk parking.
recently mobile sources of pedestrian obstructions have gained broader Indeed, the NYPD Patrol Guide advises desk officers to: “Inspect all
notice given the introduction of shared bike and scooter schemes (Fang parking facilities and streets/sidewalks around command to ensure
et al. 2018). To this point, researchers who examined commercial streets there are no Department vehicles or vehicles displaying Restricted
in five U.S. cities found that automobiles were parked in ways that Parking Permits parked illegally (e.g., obstructing bicycle lanes/side­
hindered other travelers at far higher rates than ‘micromobility’ vehicles walks, in front of fire hydrants, in bus stops, etc.)” In addition, the
(Brown et al. 2020). sidewalk and crosswalk parking observed during this study (described
Lastly, employing Google ‘Street View’ to consider the longitudinal below) was in no way bounded to the zones within these signs, and often
nature of sidewalk and crosswalk parking builds off previous use of such stretched far beyond.
imagery in urban research. Indeed, Street View – which is taken roughly Complementing in-person observation, Google Maps was leveraged
at eye-level and dates back over a decade on most New York City streets to determine to what extent sidewalk and crosswalk parking have
(Olanoff 2013) – has been used to track neighborhood change (Hwang occurred outside each station house historically. This entailed manual
and Sampson 2014), growth of bicycle networks (Moran, 2022), and review of Street View imagery captured adjacent to station houses each
identification of pedestrian infrastructure, such as crosswalks (Li et al. time they were collected, creating 703 archival data points across the 77
2022). This resource is particularly suitable for this study because all station houses. This process was limited to the earliest image available
historical street imagery captured by Google is available online (Shet for each; across New York City, Street View was most often first acquired
2014), meaning one can probe whether sidewalk and crosswalk parking between 2007 and 2010. Station houses were imaged by Street View on
have only recently occurred, or date back many years. Of course, this average nine times between 2007 and 2022. Combined, this method­
means that measurements of the chronicity of such parking are inher­ ology creates two categories of data: in-person observation during the
ently conservative, in that they are limited to the earliest-available fall of 2022, and manual evaluation of historical street imagery in the
Street View image, and not necessarily the first instance of such parking. same locations for as many years prior as exist. This also allows for
consideration of historical trends, for example, has sidewalk and/or
Materials and methods crosswalk parking increased in number, decreased, or remained the
same? In addition, satellite imagery of station houses drawn from
This study evaluates parking surrounding NYPD station houses in Google Earth was also reviewed to better understand how parking on
terms of its obstruction of pedestrian infrastructure, via in-person sidewalks extends beyond the footprint of station houses.
observation and review of street imagery. First, streets adjacent to all
seventy-seven1 NPYD station houses were visited in person, in order to Results
document vehicles parked on sidewalks (fully or partially), and/or in
crosswalks (see Fig. 1). In-person observation of streets surrounding every NYPD station
In-person visits were conducted during the month of November house, as well as review of historical street imagery indicates wide­
2022, on weekdays between 7 AM and 6 PM. Each station house was spread parking on sidewalks, and to a lesser extent, within crosswalks.
visited a single time during this month, and the time of each observation At least one of these two kinds of parking was observed at 70 of 77
varied across these daytime hours. Direct observation took place entirely station houses (91 %) at least once across all observation points,
in the public right of way (on sidewalks directly adjacent to these including in-person visits and historical imagery. By far the most com­
buildings); no station house was ever entered. In addition, no personnel mon was cars parked with part or all of the vehicle up on the sidewalk
(observed at 69 of 77 station houses in person, and 67 historically),
impeding the flow of pedestrians, and in many cases completely block­
1
The numbering for NYPD Precincts and Station Houses is not sequential (e. ing them (see Fig. 2). Parking in pedestrian crosswalks was observed at
g. 1, 2, 3), which is why their names go higher than 77 (La Gorce 2017). 36 of 77 station houses in person, and 41 historically. When in-person

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Fig. 1. Examples of cars parked fully on the sidewalk (left, 70th Precinct Station House) and within crosswalks (right, 110th Precinct Station House). Photos by
the author.

Fig. 2. Example of cars parked on the sidewalk surrounding the NYPD 75th Precinct Station House, rendering it impassable and forcing a pedestrian into the street.
Photo by the author.

visits were broken down into three time categories (morning, 7–11 AM; for 55 station houses (71%), sidewalk parking occurred on at least two
midday, 11AM - 2 PM; afternoon, 2 PM - 6 PM), there were no differ­ different streets. Complementing in-person observation and historical
ences in terms of the percentage of sidewalk or crosswalk parking street imagery, satellite imagery of station houses can help illustrate the
observed. extent to which sidewalk parking extends beyond station-house foot­
Sidewalk parking was not solely restricted to directly in front of prints (see Fig. 3). This entails that a range of adjacent neighbors (e.g.
station houses, but often extended along entire blocks, on the opposite homes, businesses, parks) incur sidewalk parking at their doorsteps as
side of the street, and even adjacent blocks in either direction. Indeed, well, impeding access. The average number of block faces with sidewalk

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M.E. Moran Transportation Research Interdisciplinary Perspectives 19 (2023) 100816

Fig. 3. Satellite imagery of the NYPD 75th Precinct Station House (labeled) and surrounding blocks, which demonstrates that sidewalk parking (marked in purple)
often occurs beyond the footprint of the building itself. Image drawn from Google Earth. (For interpretation of the references to color in this figure legend, the reader
is referred to the web version of this article.)

parking surrounding each station house was 2.2, calculated from satel­ houses, at times blocking bus and bike lanes (see Fig. 6). In addition, 35
lite imagery. fire hydrants were observed blocked by cars, which increases the po­
Historical street imagery allows for analysis of the chronicity of this tential danger of fire to adjacent buildings. Moreover, a number of cars
obstructive parking. This longitudinal review – evaluating all Google severely damaged in crashes, with exposed jagged metal, were left on
Street View observations of the blocks surrounding each station house as the sidewalk outside of station houses. Likely due to such sidewalk
far back as are available – demonstrates that sidewalk and crosswalk parking, certain streets by station houses featured moveable posts and
parking are chronic, being present for an average of (at least) 12 years fences in front of neighboring residences asking for driveways not to be
prior (see Fig. 4). Specifically, across the 703 unique data points (an blocked. Both in-person observation and historical street imagery indi­
average of nine Street View observations per station house between cate obstructive parking is not confined solely to marked police vehicles,
2007 and 2022), sidewalk or crosswalk parking was visibly detected in though a specific ‘on-duty’ vs ‘off-duty’ breakdown was not calculated
579 of them (82%). As noted above, this metric is limited to the avail­ (given some percentage of vehicles are likely unmarked police cars, used
ability of the earliest Street View images (generally between 2007 and for official duties).
2010), and does not mean this represents the beginning point of such The most common effect of such parking was a narrowing of the
parking. This approach also allows analysis of if obstructive parking sidewalk where pedestrians can walk, or its complete blockage. This
varied by year: there were no clear trends in terms of sidewalk and most often occurred directly in front of station houses, which also re­
crosswalk parking between 2007 and 2022. These types of parking duces the ability of pedestrians to reach NYPD buildings. Sidewalk
simply remained high (never dropping below 79% or rising above 91% parking occurred on streets where parallel parking was allowed, as well
across the date range. in ‘no-standing zones,’ or where no parking is allowed. Similarly,
Mapping the geographic extent of sidewalk and crosswalk parking crosswalks were either partially or fully blocked, forcing pedestrians to
across all NYPD station houses illustrates the widespread nature of this walk around parked vehicles and/or cross in non-designated areas.
behavior, from dense Manhattan neighborhoods to the outer (largely
suburban) reaches of the Bronx, Brooklyn, Queens, and Staten Island Discussion & conclusion
(see Fig. 5). On a borough basis, Manhattan had sidewalk and/or
crosswalk parking at 17 of 22 station houses (77%), Brooklyn at 23 of 23 Policy implications
station houses (100%), Queens at 15 of 16 station houses (94%), the
Bronx at 12 of 12 station houses (100%), and Staten Island at 3 of 4 In-person observation and review of historical imagery of the streets
station houses (75%). surrounding New York Police Department station houses reveal wide­
In-person observation of streets surrounding all NYPD station houses spread parking on sidewalks and in crosswalks, which significantly de­
also revealed other issues in terms of transportation access and safety. grades the pedestrian environment. This does not solely occur directly in
For example, double parking was observed outside a number of station front of NYPD station houses, but often stretches for multiple blocks, and

Fig. 4. Example of parking obstructing a sidewalk by a playground adjacent to the NYPD 30th Precinct Station House in Manhattan, tracked longitudinally via
Google Street View’s historical imagery.

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Fig. 5. Map of NYPD Station Houses, color-coded by presence of sidewalk parking.

on both sides of the street. Furthermore, parking in these ways is long­ such vehicles. In addition, increasing existing penalties for certain be­
standing, and dates back at least 12 years on average (based on avail­ haviors – such as blocking crosswalks – could further deter such
ability of Google Street View). That such parking is largely chronic behavior.
demonstrates that significant pedestrian obstructions have become the Another potential policy response is to adapt and broaden New York
default condition of these streets, rather than occasional. This creates City’s truck-idling monitoring program to parking. Currently, in­
profound challenges for those with mobility impairments, those who use dividuals who capture video evidence of trucks idling for a certain
mobility aids, those transporting goods in personal shopping carts, and length of time receive a portion of the fines collected by the city (Wilson
parents with strollers. Aside from transport implications, it also reduces 2022). Indeed, a growing number of municipalities are considering
the ability for the sidewalk to serve other purposes, such as room for mechanisms for citizens to directly report similar violations and receive
street trees, and play space for children. financial rewards (Benoit 2020; Stark, 2022), and a bill that would
These findings broaden the academic study of parking and pedestrian expand New York’s program to parking has been introduced in the City
access to include deliberate, repeated obstruction of sidewalks and Council (Akinnibi and Woodhouse, 2022). Of course, this approach may
crosswalks surrounding law-enforcement offices. This raises several prove unpopular given participants could fear documenting NYPD
transportation-planning issues, both local to New York City and to personnel might expose them to unwanted repercussions. Indeed, there
municipalities globally. First, law-enforcement personnel likely repre­ have been instances of New York City residents receiving threatening
sent a group of drivers prone to use their positions of authority in order phone calls following the submission of traffic-violation reports to the
to park in a manner that degrades streets for neighboring pedestrians, 311 system (Coburn 2022).
residents, and businesses, which is otherwise not tolerated among the One potential reaction to the sidewalk and crosswalk parking
driving public. Second, this kind of parking may be geographically documented here is simply that automobile parking is inadequately
concentrated, such as on blocks surrounding police stations. Given this, supplied for NYPD staff, who obviously perform important tasks and
the most obvious policy implication is the enforcement of existing contribute to a safe and functioning city. Indeed, a ‘functional’ expla­
parking regulations, and/or clarification of those regulations for police nation for sidewalk and crosswalk parking is that it increases the parking
personnel. The type of parking documented here would likely be capacity of streets surrounding station houses. There are several re­
reduced substantially if traffic-enforcement officers ticketed and towed sponses to this position. First, if more parking is needed, there are means

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Fig. 6. Vehicles double parked outside of the 28th Precinct Station House (top left), obstructing fire hydrants outside the 50th Precinct Station House (top right), and
left in damaged condition on the sidewalk next to the 70th Precinct Station House (bottom left). A sign posted by a resident asking drivers not to block the driveway
next to the 67th Precinct Station House. Photos by the author.

of obtaining it beyond degrading the pedestrian environment, such as by of studies have highlighted how increased parking supply makes auto­
making requests to NYPD and city leadership for the construction of mobile travel more likely, lending motivation to potential reforms sur­
parking facilities, or the designation of more on-street spots for staff. rounding NYPD station houses (McCahill et al. 2016; Millard-Ball et al.
Indeed, there are a range of professions within any city that require 2022).
automobiles, yet the public-policy response to this need is almost never a Beyond the direct policy responses regarding clarification and
de facto suspension of parking rules on sidewalks and in crosswalks enforcement of existing parking regulations, the behavior documented
adjacent to those workplaces. To this point, it is not obvious that a lack in this study raises the issue of a sense of entitlement or impunity by
of nearby parking is necessarily the cause of sidewalk parking; in-person certain law enforcement officers. This potentially requires reforming or
observation indicates that many station houses include parking lots, improving community oversight of the transportation behavior occur­
though their capacity requires further investigation. For example, a New ring surrounding station houses – such as reports from NYPD leadership
York City community land trust identified 73 parking lots just in on attempts at deterring such behavior, and disciplinary actions taken
Brooklyn and the Bronx that are controlled by NYPD, with many un­ against chronic offenders. Consultation with local transportation and
derused in terms of parking (Santos et al. 2022). disability advocacy organizations (as well as other concerned neigh­
Second, NYPD personnel can of course make use of existing private- borhood groups) may offer the chance at meaningful dialogue regarding
sector parking options, such as lots, garages, and metered spots. Third, the consequences of sidewalk and crosswalk parking on the daily life of
like the general public, these employees can travel via non-car modes, neighbors, commuters, and local businesses.
such as by walking, biking, or riding transit (police officers in New York In this vein, there may be lessons from the small number of NYPD
are provided free transit cards; Haddon 2010). Critically, the very station houses which did not feature any sidewalk or crosswalk parking,
knowledge that these employees can park in such a manner may be the including both during in-person observation and review of historical
reason they choose to drive. This supposition is supported by research on street imagery. Of the seven station houses in this category, five are in
the relationship between the availability of free on-street parking and Manhattan, which may mean that higher pedestrian volumes, or smaller
car ownership of adjacent residences in New York City – indicating a street widths limit the opportunity for obstructive parking (or increase
positive elasticity between the former and the latter (Guo 2013). A range backlash when it occurs). That said, a station house in southern Staten

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Island and another in far-eastern Queens – much-less dense areas – also streets surrounding buildings of interest is time consuming, the methods
did not exhibit any sidewalk or crosswalk parking, indicating density is employed here are highly transferable to other locations, including the
clearly not the only factor. Basic design adjustments, such as the free availability of historical street imagery from Google Maps.
installation of sidewalk-protecting bollards (present in front of the 9th Second, subsequent investigations of this topic could modify and
Precinct station house) may also curb this kind of parking. expand data-collection practices to include parking duration and more-
systematic coverage across the time of day. This is not possible when
Limitations using Street View, which omits time of collection, but may be possible if
reviewing other archival footage. Second, related behaviors such as
There are several important limitations to this study. To begin, this double parking, parking in bus and bike lanes, and blocking fire hy­
analysis is in part, based on the assumption that cars parked in such ways drants could also be incorporated in data collection, though this is more
and in such locations belong to NYPD personnel. Given the geographic challenging given such street features are unlikely to be uniformly
restriction of observations – streets abutting station houses and directly- present outside of facilities of interest (unlike sidewalks and crosswalks).
adjacent blocks – this is likely the case for the bulk of cars observed, Third, it may be useful to distinguish between on-duty and off-duty
though there may be some unaffiliated vehicles as well. Furthermore, vehicles that park in such ways going forward; if primarily an issue of
this study in some ways is conservative due to its focus on station houses. the latter, that may provide even more evidence such behavior is not
This is because there is also evidence from journalists that public em­ related to emergency response.
ployees also park on sidewalks and in crosswalks elsewhere in New York In addition, interviews with NYPD personnel and other public offi­
City, such as in their home neighborhoods and while running personal cials could help shed light on the origin of such parking, attempts at
errands (Lee 2018). Lastly, while Google Street View is a robust dataset, reining it in, or other useful context. To that end, emails to multiple staff
it does not go back further in time in New York City than 2007, which members of New York City’s Department of Transportation on this topic
means the measures of the longevity of sidewalk and crosswalk parking went unanswered. It would also be meaningful to engage with affected
are likely underestimates. residents, businesses, and travelers (including those with mobility im­
Like any case study, questions regarding the generalizability of New pairments), to better understand the ramifications of this type of park­
York City and its sidewalk and crosswalk parking are warranted. Though ing. For example, adjacent to the 70th Precinct station house in
New York City’s overall size and density are unique in the United States, Brooklyn, vehicles were observed parked fully on the sidewalk in front
there are multiple reasons to believe the findings here are relevant of an office building that houses a nonprofit serving persons with dis­
elsewhere. First, the 77 NYPD station houses are not constrained to abilities (see Fig. 1). This type of parking has occurred for at least a
Manhattan, or within dense sections of other boroughs. Indeed, many sit decade in this location, and potentially influences the ability of visitors
within lower-density and even suburban neighborhoods, particularly in to reach such a destination. More broadly, the longstanding nature of the
Queens, Brooklyn, and Staten Island. Indeed, the range of urban form obstructive parking observed across the majority of station houses could
covered mirrors that of many other American cities, indicating similar possibly even reduce nearby buildings’ property values, an interesting
parking issues likely exist elsewhere. Second, given the goals in the field direction to push such research.
of city planning to generally increase density and pursue compact and There are other kinds of problematic travel behaviors that could be
infill development, this study signals that the challenge of parking worthwhile to study in the context of public employees. In addition to
management will be paramount in densifying places, especially in the the placard issues mentioned above – which would be meaningful to
context of law enforcement offices. Moreover, local news articles indi­ study in their own right given media reports of their wide misuse – there
cate other cities, including Cleveland, Philadelphia, and Chicago exhibit has also been growing evidence that drivers across New York City are
similar parking behavior (Pagonakis 2023; Rinde 2019; Ronan 2014), tampering with, obscuring, and removing their license plates (Driks,
illustrating this issue is far from restricted to New York. Finally, local­ 2022). This behavior, explicitly against state law, allows drivers to avoid
ized case studies are often useful in identifying problematic parking a range of transportation-related charges, including bridge and road
behavior, which have catalyzed research and planning reforms else­ tolls, as well as cameras which issue automated tickets for speeding or
where, including nonpayment of parking meters, demand-responsive driving through red lights. This practice appears to be a more recent
parking pricing, and sidewalk parking in residential neighborhoods phenomenon in New York and elsewhere in the U.S., which has likely
(Pierce and Shoup, 2013; Manville and Williams 2012; Popescu 2022). increased given the growing use of automated bridge and road tolls, as
Both the in-person observations and the review of historical street well as red-light and speeding cameras (Bates 2021). New York media
imagery document sidewalk and crosswalk parking at specific moments mentions of these tactics date back to at least the 2010s (Meyer 2017),
in time, and do not include the duration of such parking. That leaves out including evidence that NYPD personnel may be deliberately obscuring
important attributes, given research by Thigpen and Willson demon­ the plates of their private, off-duty vehicles (Guerrero 2017). Deter­
strate that parking demand changes diurnally (Thigpen 2018; Willson mining an effective way to measure this practice would be an important
2015), and because brief parking obstructions (on the order of minutes) contribution.
entail less disruptions for pedestrians than chronic ones (on the order of These kinds of parking behaviors are also not only present sur­
hours). Though, the presence of parking obstructions across the clear rounding public-sector workplaces. Indeed, the increasing demands for
majority of all data points (in-person visits and historical street imagery) sidewalks (especially the furniture zone), curbs, and adjacent traffic
suggest such parking surrounding station houses is not ephemeral, or lanes from a range of new business models and transportation options –
limited to certain times of day. from ‘micromobility’ companies to app-based delivery services to ride­
hailing pick-ups and drop-offs – means that the pressure to park in a
Future research directions manner that obstructs pedestrians is increasing. This convergence in­
creases the importance of scholars and planners studying the pedestrian
In terms of future research, there are several ways to improve and environment, and establishing policy and/or infrastructure responses to
expand upon this study. First, extending this type of street observation to reduce it. For example, some cities install physical bollards along curbs,
other government buildings in New York City would be useful in which can have the effect of deterring cars from parking on the sidewalk.
establishing how widespread or uncommon such behavior is. It may be Overall, direct observation of the streets surrounding every NYPD
especially interesting to conduct similar observations surrounding station house reveals widespread parking that obstructs sidewalks and
courthouses or correctional facilities, given obstructive parking in such crosswalks, which in most cases date back more than a decade (at least).
places could add to the argument that this behavior is related to a feeling This expands research on problematic parking behavior beyond abuse of
of impunity by law enforcement. Though in-person observation of disability-related placards, and raises the issue of public employees

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M.E. Moran Transportation Research Interdisciplinary Perspectives 19 (2023) 100816

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The authors declare that they have no known competing financial
726–751.
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