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New Literary History, Volume 41, Number 2, Spring 2010, pp. 371-391
(Article)
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DOI: 10.1353/nlh.2010.0007
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Close but not Deep: Literary Ethics and
the Descriptive Turn
Heather Love
T
here is perhaps no term that carries more value in the hu-
manities than “rich.” In literary studies especially, richness is an
undisputed—if largely uninterrogated—good; it signifies qualities
associated with the complexity and polyvalence of texts and with the
warmth and depth of experience. There is, to be sure, no necessary
connection between the intricacy of texts and the intricacy of human
feeling and cognition. Nor is there a necessary connection between
the capacity to interpret such texts and the ability to respond justly
and empathetically to the ethical dilemmas represented in them. Even
so, this is a busy intersection. The link between the richness of human
experience and processes of textual interpretation can be understood,
on the one hand, through the origin of philosophical hermeneutics in
practices of divination and, on the other, through the significance of
the communicative situation in defining hermeneutics. The text, in its
singularity, is both an access to otherness and a message or call to atten-
tion. A belief in the aesthetic and ethical force of literature is evident
in the work of midcentury critics like Cleanth Brooks (“The poet . . .
must return to us the unity of experience itself as man knows it in his
own experience”) and Lionel Trilling (“literature is the human activity
that takes the fullest and most precise account of variousness, possibility,
complexity, and difficulty”).1 It also appears in the work of Marxist critic
Raymond Williams, for whom literature signals the inexhaustibility of
human potential.2 It appears as well in recent arguments against theory
and on behalf of New Formalism (“literature could pose the largest is-
sues of social and personal destiny in a vividly human context”) and in
the recent turn to ethics, which, as Dorothy J. Hale writes, “has been
accompanied by a new celebration of literature.”3 If the encounter
with a divine and inscrutable message was progressively secularized in
the twentieth century, the opacity and ineffability of the text and the
ethical demand to attend to it remain central to practices of literary
interpretation today.
***
In his book on philosophy and the social sciences after the decline
of structuralism, Empire of Meaning, French intellectual historian Fran-
çois Dosse draws attention to what he calls, following Louis Quéré, the
“descriptive turn.”16 Dosse identifies several features of this recent work,
associated with the “pragmatist pole” in late twentieth-century sociology:
attention to action, to everyday experience and consciousness, and to
things, and a tendency to validate actors’ own statements about their be-
havior rather than to appeal to structural explanations. The key intellec-
tual traditions that inform this work, according to Dosse, are pragmatism,
phenomenology, and ethnomethodology. In this descriptive sociology,
the “familiar, describable world . . . become[s] problematic, an object
of questioning, no longer a starting point but an end point of analysis.”
While neither Bruno Latour nor Erving Goffman perfectly exemplifies
Dosse’s characterization of the descriptive turn, the concept is useful in
drawing attention to their shared methods. Neither Latour nor Goffman
is particularly interested in phenomenological categories of experience,
perception, or intention; rather, their practices of description involve
them in antihumanism, a turn away from depth hermeneutics, and a
questioning of the ethical and political agency of the scholar-critic.
In his general account of actor-network-theory (ANT), Reassembling
the Social, Latour writes, “No scholar should find humiliating the task of
sticking to description.”17 His “object-oriented philosophy” was developed
in the context of Science and Technology Studies (STS), where, as he
has discussed, the focus on technology and on the laboratory made it dif-
ficult to maintain the distinction between a meaningful world of human
actions and intentions on the one hand, and an inert and insignificant
world of material objects on the other.18 The institutional context of
STS also pushed Latour to grant authority to his research subjects, for
in contrast to traditional ethnography, the “‘cultural capital’ of those
studied”—that is, scientists—“is infinitely higher than those doing the
study” (RS 98–99). He argues that the “studying ‘up’” model that has
taken hold in STS can be a model for a renewed social science that does
not aim to see beyond the self-descriptions of its subjects. However, this
respect for the people one studies is not framed in traditional human-
ist terms. Instead, Latour argues that social scientists can find a model
in the work of natural scientists who do not “muffle their informants’
precise vocabulary into their own all-purpose meta-language” but are
forced instead “to take into account at least some of the many quirks
of their recalcitrant objects” (RS 125). Extending the same treatment
to objects and people does not mean elevating objects to the status of
humans but rather putting humans “on par” with objects (RS 225).
close but not deep 377
Latour’s key target in Reassembling the Social is what he calls “the so-
ciology of the social,” by which he means those methods which seek
to add a “hidden social force” to explain the world (RS 11). He writes,
“Structure is very powerful and yet much too weak and remote to have
any efficacy” (RS 168). Latour argues that, because of the inadequacy
of conventional social or structural explanations, the social sciences
swing back and forth between large-scale explanations and small-scale
phenomenological accounts of events, scenes, and interactions. For
Latour, however, the small worlds of microsociology, despite their air of
concreteness and immediacy, are just as abstract as the contexts that are
brought in to explain them. He writes, “But an ‘interpretive’ sociology
is just as much a sociology of the social than [sic] any of the ‘objectivist’
or ‘positivist’ versions it wishes to replace. It believes that certain types of
agencies—persons, intention, feeling, work, face-to-face interaction—will
automatically bring life, richness, and ‘humanity’” (RS 61).
In place of the sociology of the social or a pseudoconcrete phenom-
enological sociology, Latour argues that we need to develop a “sociology
of associations” that “traces a network” (RS 9,128). In going from meta-
physics to ontology, this constructive sociology aims to show “what the
real world is really like” (RS 117). As much as this project might seem
to return to a naïve empiricism, Latour insists that empiricism is inad-
equate as a means for accounting for the world. He writes, “Empiricism
no longer appears as the solid bedrock on which to build everything
else, but as a very poor rendering of experience. This poverty, however,
is not overcome by moving away from material experience, for instance
to the ‘rich human subjectivity,’ but closer to the much variegated lives
materials have to offer. It’s not true that one should fight reductionism
by adding some human, symbolic, subjective, or social ‘aspect’ to the
description since reductionism, to begin with, does not render justice
to objective facts” (RS 111–12). Good descriptions are in a sense rich,
but not because they truck with imponderables like human experience
or human nature. They are close, but they are not deep; rather than
adding anything “extra” to the description, they account for the real
variety that is already there.
Latour’s proposed solution to the actor/system (or macro/micro) de-
bate is to refuse the distinction. This alternation should be set aside, he
argues, so that the work of assembling the social can take place. Latour
figures this work of assembly as textual: his two key models are literature
and cartography. He identifies the difference between a standard socio-
logical report and a good description as a “literary contrast” (RS 130)
and argues that social scientists “should be inspired in being at least as
disciplined, as enslaved by reality, as obsessed by textual quality, as good
writers can be”(RS 126). Literature offers accounts of the world that are
378 new literary history
faithful, detailed, and complex, and that trace networks. Maps provide
another model for the activity of the sociologist, who should try to “keep
the social flat” (RS 165): “Although social scientists are proud of having
added volume to flat interactions, it turns out that they have gone too
fast. By taking for granted this third dimension . . . they have withdrawn
inquiry from the main phenomenon of social science: the very produc-
tion of place, size, and scale. Against such a three-dimensional shape,
we have to try to keep the social domain completely flat” (RS 171).
Latour’s embrace of flatness is an argument for the conceptual signifi-
cance of networks; it is also an argument against phenomenology. For
Latour, face-to-face interactions as represented in microsociology are
no more concrete or real than hidden social forces. He writes, “Herme-
neutics is not a privilege of humans but . . . a property of the world
itself” (RS 245). Although Latour’s critique in Reassembling the Social is
directed most explicitly at the ethnomethodology of Harold Garfinkel,
the repeated invocation of “face-to-face interactions” recalls Goffman,
who developed the concept of the “interaction order.” While Goffman
was invoked as a significant model for his concept of the actor-as-network
in an earlier articulation of ANT, he is here critiqued along with other
practitioners of microsociology for a belief in the authenticity and pres-
ence of small-scale social encounters.19 Goffman should not be assimi-
lated to a phenomenological tradition of sociology, however. Although
he focuses on the small worlds of face-to-face interactions, these worlds
are flat: complex and variegated, but not rich, warm, or deep.
Like Latour, Goffman took great interest in literature as a mode of
accounting for social life, and cited literary texts (novels, autobiogra-
phies, memoirs, literary case studies) extensively in his work. Despite
his engagement with literary materials—and the textured, ironic quality
of his prose—Goffman does not see literature as a storehouse of hu-
man potential, experience, or feeling. His accounts of the rituals and
gestures of everyday interaction are full of details, but not rich or warm.
Noting Goffman’s lack of attention to both structure and individual
psychology, Anthony Giddens describes his work as “flat” and “empty.”20
Goffman’s minimal account of his actors recalls Latour’s injunction to
treat people like things; in his account of social interaction, Goffman
drew on fields such as animal ethology, kinesics, and game theory that
are less interested in motivation than in gestures, behavior, and pattern.
Goffman drew extensively on the procedures of ethnomethodology, but
distanced himself from the phenomenological aspects of the field, and
from its emphasis on meaning. Goffman has also been associated with
the tradition of symbolic interactionism founded by Herbert Blumer, but
his lack of interest in questions of interpretation and symbolic mean-
close but not deep 379
ing also place him outside of this tradition. Goffman’s accounts of the
interaction order are difficult to fit into these categories because they
are relentlessly thin and cold.
In his essay “Blurred Genres,” Clifford Geertz takes Goffman’s work
as representative of the importance of the “game analogy” in the social
sciences.21 Geertz describes how, for Goffman, social interactions are
made up of stratagems, lies, ploys, and impostures to take advantage
of the rules that condition a given setting. This probabilistic view of
human relations does not produce a rich or rounded view of the social
world; instead, Geertz writes, we get “tight, airless worlds of move and
countermove, life en règle” (26). In his strict adherence to a game model
of social interaction, Goffman avoids the usual “humanistic pieties,” of-
fering instead a descriptive account of the games people play and the
moves they make.
A good example of Goffman’s abstract, thin form of description can
be found in his essay “The Insanity of Place,” in which he argues that
mental illness does not inhere in persons but in places, situations, and
institutions. His larger point is that the “deepest nature of an individual
is only skin-deep, the deepness of his others’ skin.”22 In a footnote, Goff-
man illustrates this principle by describing the distribution of social
attention on the street as it affects two figures, a “black wino” and a
“blond model”:
There is a vulgar tendency in social thought to divide the conduct of the in-
dividual into a profane and sacred part . . . The profane part is attributed to
the obligatory world of social roles; it is formal, stiff, and dead; it is exacted
by society. The sacred part has to do with “personal” matters and “personal”
relationships—with what an individual is “really” like underneath it all when he
relaxes and breaks through to those in his presence. It is here, in this personal
capacity, that an individual can show “what kind of a guy he is.” And so it is, that
in showing that a given piece of conduct is part of the obligations and trappings
close but not deep 381
of a role, one shifts it from the sacred category to the profane, from the fat and
living to the thin and dead. Sociologists qua sociologists are allowed to have
the profane part; sociologists qua persons, along with other persons, retain the
sacred for their friends, their wives, and themselves.
The concept of role distance helps to combat this touching tendency to keep
a part of the world safe from sociology.27
***
have been less effective in coming to terms with aspects of the text that
are empirical, descriptive, or “merely sociological.”
As is well known, Morrison was inspired to write Beloved after read-
ing a newspaper article describing the infanticide of Margaret Garner.
Although the character Stamp Paid articulates a strong critique of the
newspaper (“there was no way in hell a black face could appear in a
newspaper if the story was about something anybody wanted to hear” [B
183]), the novel owes its origin to a news clipping.39 One of the few critics
to recognize the significance of the documentary impulse in Morrison’s
work is Stanley Crouch, who published a scathing review of Beloved upon
its publication. In the midst of a general attack on what he sees as Mor-
rison’s sentimentality, Crouch singles out her gift for realist description.
He writes, “Morrison is best at clear, simple description, and occasionally
she can give an account of the casualties of war and slavery that is free
of false lyricism or stylized stoicism.”40 Although Crouch concedes that
Morrison can portray some of the costs of “war and slavery,” he mostly
praises her descriptions of quotidian events in everyday life—he cites a
passage approvingly where Sethe makes biscuits. I want to follow up on
his suggestion—mostly ignored by later critics—that Morrison’s primary
gift is one of neutral, detailed description. However, I argue that, instead
of merely providing a background for the events of the novel, Morrison’s
descriptions are central to her representation of “war and slavery.” I look
specifically at Morrison’s first account of Beloved’s murder; in this scene,
Morrison lets the camera roll, recording circumstances and actions with
minimal intervention.
Many critics have written about the representation of the murder in
Beloved. This moment when Sethe decides to kill her children rather
than see them returned into slavery is arguably the ethical climax of
the novel. However, critics’ accounts tend to focus disproportionately
on the version of these events told from Sethe’s perspective—an “inside
view” that recounts her emotions, sensations, memories, and desires.
Few have chosen to write about the first version of the event, which is
narrated not from Sethe’s perspective but from the perspective of those
who have come to capture her.41 This account lacks psychological depth
and linguistic richness. The point of view in the passage switches back
and forth between the slave catcher, the schoolteacher, and his nephew,
all of whom cast a dehumanizing objectifying gaze on Sethe. In addition
to these discernible optics, the passage moves in and out of another
vantage point, a blankly descriptive point of view that is ascribed to no
one in particular. The paragraph that describes Sethe’s act of violence
combines this exterior perspective with a point of view that can be
identified as the slave catcher’s:
close but not deep 385
Inside, two boys bled in the sawdust and dirt at the feet of a nigger woman hold-
ing a blood-soaked child to her chest with one hand and an infant by the heels
in the other. She did not look at them; she simply swung the baby toward the
wall planks, missed and tried to connect a second time, when out of nowhere—
in the ticking time the men spent staring at what there was to stare at—the old
nigger boy, still mewing, ran through the door behind them and snatched the
baby from the arc of its mother’s swing. (B 175)
This outside view follows Sethe’s gestures without making sense of them.
The blow-by-blow account—“holding a blood-soaked child to her chest
with one hand and an infant by the heels in the other”—recalls the care-
ful tracking of gestures throughout this scene. The difference between
the narrator’s perspective (purely descriptive, neutral) and the slave
catcher’s perspective (dehumanizing, rapacious) is difficult to identify
in this moment. The use throughout of phrases like “nigger woman”
and “old nigger boy” signals the perspective of the slave catcher. But
the interpolated phrase “in the ticking time the men spent staring at
what there was to stare at” suggests the presence of the narrator, who,
riffing on the earlier phrase “what they were looking for,” indicates the
act but stops short of a full description.
Why does Morrison choose to represent the murder first from this flat-
tening, dehumanizing, exterior perspective? In his essay “Sethe’s Choice,”
James Phelan argues that, although Morrison leaves the interpretation
of the scene open, she nonetheless carefully guides the reader through
better and worse interpretations of the act. For Phelan, the perspective
of the slave catcher is presented unambiguously as a negative example
for the reader. He writes, “After seeing Sethe from the inside for so
long, we feel emotionally, psychologically—and ethically—jarred by see-
ing from what is such an alien perspective, one that thinks of her as a
‘nigger woman’ and as a ‘creature’ . . . Indeed, Morrison has chosen to
narrate this first telling from an ethical perspective that we easily repudi-
ate.”42 For Phelan, the significance of the passage is pedagogical; what
the reader learns to do in this scene is to reject the racist perspective
of the slave catcher.43
I want to argue by contrast that this scene asks more of the reader than
ethical repudiation. For one thing, the proximity between the narrator’s
perspective and the slave catcher’s makes simple repudiation difficult.
Although we may be horrified by the slave catcher, his perspective cannot
be cleanly extracted from the narration; we are left with the haunting
sense of a narrator who looks on this scene and does not care. That this
scene cannot be read as merely a negative exemplum is suggested by
Morrison’s care in describing the physical realities of the scene. Rather
than reading this scene as an object lesson in failed empathy, we might
386 new literary history
***
University of Pennsylvania
Notes
1 Cleanth Brooks, “The Heresy of Paraphrase” in The Well Wrought Urn: Studies in the
Structure of Poetry (London: Harcourt, 1942): 192–214, 212–13; Lionel Trilling, The Liberal
Imagination (New York: New York Review of Books, 1008 [1950]), xxi.
2 For Williams, literature is particularly well suited for the analysis of “structures of feel-
ing,” the paradigmatic form of an emergent cultural formation. Such emergent elements
of culture (along with residual elements) suggest to Williams that “no mode of production
and therefore no dominant social order and therefore no dominant culture ever in reality includes
or exhausts all human practice, human energy, and human intention.” Raymond Williams,
“Dominant, Residual, and Emergent” in Marxism and Literature (Oxford: Oxford Univ.
Press, 1977): 121–27, 125. Emphasis in original. See also “Structures of Feeling” in the
same volume (128–35).
3 Morris Dickstein, “The Rise and Fall of Practical Criticism: From I.A. Richards to
Barthes and Derrida,” in Theory’s Empire: An Anthology of Dissent, ed. Daphne Patai and
Wilfrido Howard Corral (New York: Columbia Univ. Press, 2005): 60–77; Dorothy J. Hale,
“Aesthetics and the New Ethics: Theorizing the Novel in the Twenty–First Century” PMLA
124, no. 3 (2009): 896–905. As Hale points out, many of those involved in the new ethical
criticism are influenced by poststructuralism and do not identify as humanists (Derek
Attridge, J. Hillis Miller, Gayatri Spivak).
4 For a discussion of the tension between “critiques of humanism as an academic
discourse” and “humanism at the more ‘common sense’ level of values” in the context
of an argument about the rise of new forms of humanism in the academy, see Terry
Flew, “Creativity, the ‘new humanism’ and cultural studies” Continuum 18, no. 2 (2004):
161–78.
close but not deep 389
5 See Gerald Graff, Professing Literature: An Institutional History (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago
Press, 1987), 3 and John Guillory, Cultural Capital: The Problem of Literary Canon Formation
(Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1993), 262.
6 Ian Hunter, “The History of Theory,” Critical Inquiry 33(Autumn 2006): 78–112.
7 Hunter, Culture and Government: The Emergence of Literary Education (London: Macmillan,
1988), 214, 157.
8 One might compare Hunter’s discussion of the literary instructor as “moral exemplar”
with Guillory’s discussion of Paul de Man’s disavowed pedagogical charisma in the age
of theory. See Hunter, “The Humanities without Humanism,” Meanjin 51, no. 3 (1992):
479–90 and Guillory, Culture Capital, 488.
9 James F. English, “Literary Studies,” The SAGE Handbook of Cultural Analysis, ed. Tony
Bennett and John Frow (Los Angeles: Sage, 2008), 126–44. English goes on to argue that
“neither the ‘theory revolution’ of the late 1960s and 1970s nor the ‘cultural turn’ of the
1980s . . . has truly dislodged the framework that was put into place in the discipline’s
first half century” (133).
10 Catherine Gallagher, “The History of Literary Criticism,” Daedalus 126, no. 1 (1997):
133–53. English supports this point, noting that “scholars trained on the practical/New
Critical method took very readily to deconstruction” (135).
11 Hortense J. Spillers, “The Crisis of the Negro Intellectual: A Post-Date,” Black, White, and
in Color: Essays on American Literature and Culture (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 2003):
428–70.
12 Leah Price, “Reading Matter,” PMLA 121, no. 1 (2006): 9–16.
13 See Franco Moretti, “Conjectures on World Literature,” New Left Review 1 (Jan–Feb
2000): 57.
14 English, “Literary Studies,” 141.
15 While in this essay I focus on the potential of observational social science as a model
for a renewed practice of description in literary criticism, there are descriptive methods
in literary studies that one might look to as well, for instance in narratology and some
forms of semiotics. See, for instance, Roland Barthes’s discussion of the distinction between
connotation and denotation in S/Z (as well as the “step by step” [12] reading he performs
of Balzac’s Sarrasine). Roland Barthes, S/Z: An Essay, trans. Richard Miller (New York: Hill
and Wang, 1974 [1970]), 6–9.
16 François Dosse, Empire of Meaning: The Humanization of the Social Sciences, trans. Hassan
Melehy (Minneapolis: Univ. of Minnesota Press, 1999 [1995]), 149. Dosse takes the term
from an article by Quéré, whose research seminar on epistemology at the École des hautes
études en sciences sociales he credits with the birth of a “new sociology” (49). See Louis
Quéré, “Le Tournant descriptif en sociologie,” Current Sociology 40, no. 139 (1992): 130–65.
For a later account of the descriptive turn, see Odile Piriou, “Le nouveau tournant de
la sociologie en France dans les années 2000” Sociologies Practiques, “Agir en sociologie—
Comprendre, débattre, concevoir, accompagner” 1, no. 16 (2008): 123–30.
17 Bruno Latour, Reassembling the Social: An Introduction to Actor-Network-Theory (Oxford:
Oxford Univ. Press, 2005), 136–37 (hereafter cited as RS).
18 Graham Harman, Prince of Networks: Bruno Latour and Metaphysics (Melbourne: re.press,
2009), 14. See, for further discussion of this point, Latour’s comparison between the an-
titechnological world of Samuel Butler’s Erewhon and “our own intellectual universe” in
Latour, Aramis or the Love of Technology, trans. Cartherine Porter (Cambridge, MA: Harvard
Univ. Press, 1996), vii–viii.
19 Writing in 1992, John Law cites Erving Goffman (and symbolic interactionism in
general) as developing a notion of the actor as “a patterned network of heterogenous
relations, or an effect produced by such a network.” Law, “Notes on the Theory of the
Actor-Network: Ordering, Strategy, and Heterogeneity” Systems Practice 5 (1992): 379–93.
390 new literary history
Marcus, Between Women: Friendship, Desire, and Marriage in Victorian England (Princeton, NJ:
Princeton Univ. Press, 2007).
35 Best and Marcus, “Surface Reading,” 13.
36 Toni Morrison, Beloved (New York: Vintage Books, 2004 [1987]), np (hereafter cited
as B).
37 Gordon writes, “This other sociology stretches at the limit of our imagination and
at the limit of what is representable in the time of the now, to us, as the social world we
inhabit” (150).
38 See for instance Patricia Ticineto Clough, The End(s) of Ethnography: From Realism to
Social Criticism (New York: Peter Lang, 1998).
39 We can also see the importance of documentary forms to Morrison in her editorial
involvement in The Black Book, a scrapbook that included newspaper clippings, patents,
advertisements, and bills of sale. See The Black Book, comp. Middleton Harris, et al., ed.
Toni Morrison (New York: Random House, 1974). See also Morrison, “Behind the Making
of The Black Book,” in What Moves at the Margin: Selected Nonfiction, ed. Carolyn C. Denard
(Jackson: Univ. Press of Mississippi, 2008).
40 Stanley Crouch, “Aunt Medea,” originally in The New Republic 197, 19 October 1987
(38–43), reprinted in Critical Essays on Toni Morrison’s Beloved, ed. Barbara H. Solomon
(New York: Simon & Schuster, 1998), 70.
41 James Phelan’s reading (discussed below) is a notable exception. Mae G. Henderson
also notes that “the first full representation of the events surrounding the infanticide [is]
figured from a collective white/male perspective.” Henderson, “Toni Morrison’s Beloved:
Re-Membering the Body as Historical Text,” in Comparative American Identities: Race, Sex, and
Nationality in the Modern Text, ed. Hortense J. Spillers (London: Routledge, 1991), 78.
42 James Phelan, “Sethe’s Choice: Beloved and the Ethics of Reading,” in Mapping the
Ethical Turn: A Reader in Ethics, Culture, and Literary Theory, ed. Todd F. Davis and Kenneth
Womack (Charlottesville: Univ. of Virginia Press, 2001): 100.
43 Phelan’s reading is echoed by Mark McGurl: “As a textbook example of what in high
school English classes they still call, after E. M. Forster, a ‘flat’ character, [schoolteacher’s]
presence in the novel is all but allegorical, a token not of the complexity of human mo-
tives but of an abstract set of values tending toward pure evil. Or rather, it is structural,
his simple badness functioning as a dialectical foil for the ethical complexity of Sethe’s
desperate act of infanticide” (346). Mark McGurl, The Program Era: Postwar Fiction and the
Rise of Creative Writing (Cambridge, MA: Harvard Univ. Press, 2009).
44 While Latour’s recent work (especially in Politics of Nature: How to Bring the Sciences into
Democracy and Reassembling the Social) takes up questions of politics, ANT has long been
seen as ethically disengaged and as resistant to work on race, class, gender, and sexual-
ity in STS in the 1980s and 1990s. Law takes a strong position against the confusion of
sociology and ethics in “Notes on the Theory of the Actor-Network,” arguing that they
should “inform” each other, but that “they are not identical” (383). For critical accounts of
Latour along these lines, see Robert Proctor, Value-Free Science?: Purity and Power in Modern
Knowledge (Cambridge, MA: Harvard Univ. Press, 1991) and Donna Haraway, Modest_Wit-
ness@Second_Millenium.FemaleMan©_Meets_OncoMouseTM (New York: Routledge, 1997). For
a recent argument that claims that Latour’s sociology is “not a pushing-aside of ethics, but
rather an extension of it,” see Mariam Fraser, “The Ethics of Reality and Virtual Reality:
Latour, Facts, and Values,” History of the Human Sciences 19, no. 2 (2006): 45–72.
45 Compare with Best and Marcus’s claim that surface reading challenges the notion of
“professional criticism as a strenuous and heroic endeavor,” 5–6.
46 Ricoeur, Freud, 27–33.