Industrial Economics Module II
Industrial Economics Module II
Industrial Economics Module II
MEKELLE UNIVERSITY
FACULTY OF BUSINESS AND ECONOMICS
INDUSTRIAL ECONOMICS
Theory and Policies
A
Learning material for Distance Students
MODULE II
Prepared by
Jayamohan.M.K
Tadesse Demissie
Department of Economics
Faculty of Business and Economics
Mekelle University
May, 2006
CHAPTER SIX
ADVERTISING DEBATE
Prompting Question
Introduce the concept of advertising and concern for its economics analysis.
Discuss the generic objectives of advertisement
Explain reason for variation in the amount of advertising level for different
goods/services
Discuss the different views of economists on advertising
Introduction
Whereas marketing aims to identify markets that will purchase a product (business) or
support an idea and then facilitate that purchase, advertising is the paid communication
by which information about the product or idea is transmitted to potential consumers.
Most advertising blends elements of all three objectives. Typically new products are
supported with informative and persuasive ads, while mature products use institutional
and persuasive ads (sometimes called reminder ads). Advertising frequently uses
persuasive appeals, both logical and emotional (that is, it is a form of propaganda),
sometimes even to the exclusion of any product information. More specific objectives
include increases in short or long term sales, market share, awareness, product trial, mind
share, brand name recall, product use information, positioning or repositioning, and
organizational image improvement. Examples of the ideas, informative or otherwise, that
advertising tries to communicate are product details, benefits and brand information.
A profit maximizing firm engages in advertising up to the point at which the expected
marginal benefit from advertising equals the expected marginal cost of advertising. The
intensity of advertising varies according to the nature of product to be advertised and the
market characteristics that affect the efficiency and cost-effectiveness of advertising.
Explanations for variations in the levels of advertising between industries therefore turn
on differences in product and market characteristics. Advertising is more suitable for
promoting consumer goods than industrial products because it involves mass
communication. The markets for consumer products are generally larger and
geographically scattered. Industrial buyers are likely to be smaller in number and require
more detailed information than can be provided by an advertisement.
Consumer durable goods have a longer life, are often more complex products, and tend to
involve a greater outlay than consumer non durables. An error of judgment in purchasing
a durable good has a greater effect on the consumer's welfare. Consequently, consumers
require more information than can be communicated effectively via advertising. The
more complex the product, the greater the use consumers make of alternative information
sources. Consumers have evolved 'rules' that influence their purchasing behavior seek out
information for durable goods, do not bother for non-durable goods. With durable goods,
advertising is also likely to be less effective in promoting sales than competition on the
basis of price products.
The importance of product type can be illustrated by introducing the concept of search
(Stigler, 1961). When knowledge is imperfect, consumers can improve their decisions by
searching for information on product characteristics, product availability and alternative
prices. Search can take 'several forms - visiting or telephoning sales outlets, surveys of
available literature, and verbal enquiries. However, the incremental benefit received by
the consumer is likely to decline as the amount of search increases. This can be illustrated
by considering a consumer wishing to purchase a car. Assume he has already decided
upon the make and model, but wishes to buy the car at the 'best' price. The greater the
number of dealers already contacted (searched), the less likely it is that contacting an
additional dealer will locate a better offer and, even if a better offer is found, it is likely to
be only marginally better. In other words, both the prospect of making savings from
identifying a lower price, and their size, will fall with the number of dealers contacted.
Recognizing also that the collection of information is costly, search is worthwhile only up
to the point where the expected marginal benefits equal the expected marginal costs.
The optimal levels of search for durable and non-durable goods are compared in Figure
6.1. For exposition, it is assumed that the marginal costs of search (CC) are constant and
the same for both types of good. The marginal benefit functions differ (DD for the
durable good, NN for the non-durable) since the potential discounts on the durable goods
are likely to be much larger in absolute terms. Given the higher unit price and the larger
expected savings from identifying a lower priced source, the optimal level of search for
the durable good will be higher (OY compared to OX).
The optimal amount of search may also be lower for goods that are purchased frequently,
or which account for a relatively low proportion of a consumer's total expenditure. For
inexpensive goods, efforts to use sources of information other than advertising are
unwarranted - and, in the case of frequently purchased goods, the consequences of a
mistaken purchase are relatively short-lived. Therefore, in both cases, it is often rational
for the consumer to make a decision between products with unknown characteristics on
the basis of advertising messages.
N D
Marginal
Cost &
Benefit of
C’ C’
Search
C C
N D
O X Y quantity of search
Figure 6.1 the optimal level of search
Nelson (1974) takes the analysis further. Search goods are those consumer goods whose
qualities can be evaluated effectively before purchase (such as books or compact discs).
The qualities of experience goods can only be evaluated effectively after purchase (such
as food at restaurant, shampoo and photographic film). Whilst advertising has a role in
informing consumers about the features of search goods, it can only signal the existence
of experience goods. Higher levels of advertising are likely in the latter case since
advertising may be the only source of information available to the consumer.
Higher levels of advertising for experience goods should also be positively associated
with product quality. This behaviour can be explained from the perspective of the new
institutional economics1. Individuals or groups evolve procedures (or 'rules') to simplify
complexity. They will repeat their purchases if an experience good prove to be of high
quality. This will encourage firms offering good quality products to advertise more
heavily because of the prospect of earning larger returns on their advertising outlays.
High advertising may be interpreted by consumers as evidence of product quality and a
firm's intention to remain in the market. The more volatile is the market (for whatever
1
The new institutional economics is interested in the social, economic and political institutions that govern
everyday life. it is concerned with rules and customs that make up the institutional environment are
primarily economy-side phenomena and focuses on agreements made by specific individuals to govern
their own relationships.
reason), the greater the level of advertising. Where there is a rapid turnover of customers
(as in the baby food market) there will be heavy advertising to inform the new consumers
(although customer turnover above some critical level actually reduces the returns to
advertising, making it less attractive). Furthermore where product characteristics change
rapidly, there will be a need to advertise to increase consumers' awareness.
Advertising levels will also be relatively high where the entry of new firms is rapid. New
entrants must counteract the influence of past advertising by existing firms: heavy
advertising is required to inform consumers of the attributes of their own products.
The traditional view of advertising is that it persuades people to buy a firm's product, so
increasing the firm's market power. Advertising not only distorts consumer choice, but
uses resources which could have been used elsewhere. Society's welfare is reduced firms
enhance their profits at the expense of consumers. Many firms advertise their goods or
services, but they are wasting economic resources. Some economists reckon that
advertising merely manipulates consumer tastes and creates desires that would not
otherwise exist. By increasing product differentiation and encouraging brand loyalty
advertising may make consumers less price sensitive, moving the market further from
perfect competition towards imperfect competition (see monopolistic competition) and
increasing the ability of firms to charge more than marginal cost. Advertising is
economically wasteful and damaging to welfare as it distorts consumers' preferences,
thus creating monopoly power for firms that produce heavily advertised brands. Heavy
spending on advertising may also create a barrier to entry, as a firm entering the market
would have to spend a lot on advertising too.
Consumers: Performance:
Advertising Preferences altered Higher prices and costs;
in favor of heavily increased non-price
advertised goods competition; higher profits
Advertising can create first-mover advantages which confer entry barriers. Since
customers display a greater attachment to the products of existing firms, there will be
fewer people switching between brands, and hence likely to try a new product. To
overcome brand loyalty an entrant must either advertise more heavily or offer substantial
price discounts. In either case, the entrant's profitability is adversely affected. Moreover,
advertising is a sunk cost to the extent that it is product-, rather than firm-, specific. The
more the new entrant has to engage in advertising whose benefits are limited to the
promotion of the product in question, the less attractive entry to that market will be.
Consumers are reluctant to try new products of unknown quality, and this experience-
based asymmetry between established and new products may be exacerbated in the
presence of heavy advertising by established firms.
Existing firms will be able to exercise their market power once the threat of new entry
has been reduced. This will result in higher prices for consumers and higher profits for
producers. If the market has become more concentrated - because either economies of
scale or threshold effects in advertising confer a cost advantage on large firms - then the
effect on prices and profits will be particularly marked.
This alternative view, adopted by Stigler (1961), Telser (1964) and Nelson (1974b,
1978), stresses the role of advertising in providing information. In an environment where
The informative view holds that advertising primarily affects demand by conveying
information. The advertised product thus faces a more elastic demand. This elasticity
effect suggests that advertising causes lower prices, an influence which is reinforced
when production scale economies are present. Advertising (and other forms of
promotional activity) can make consumers more responsive to price changes and price
differentials, increasing their concern to buy the 'right' alternative. With demand more
price-elastic, it follows that the profit-maximizing price will be lower. If consumers are
more responsive to price signals, firms will be under more pressure to offer attractive
prices. Prices will also be lower because of the increased competition brought about by a
reduction in entry barriers. Entry is facilitated because advertising offers an effective
means whereby new firms can make potential customers aware of their existence and of
the attributes of their products.
The informative view suggests further that advertised products are generally of high
quality, so that even seemingly uninformative advertising may provide the indirect
information that the quality of the advertised product is high. There are three reasons.
First, the demand expansion that advertising induces is most attractive to efficient (low-
cost) firms, and such firms are likewise attracted to demand expansion achieved by
offering low prices and high-quality products. Second, the product experience memories
that advertising regenerates are most valuable to firms with high-quality products, since
repeat purchases are then more likely. Third, a firm sensibly targets its advertising toward
consumers who would value its product most. The informative view holds further that
advertising is not used by established firms to deter entry; instead, advertising facilitates
entry, since it is an important means through which entrants provide price and quality
information to consumers.
CHAPTER SEVEN
Prompting Questions:
What are the intentions behind launching of new products in the market?
Desired Objectives
firm.
Introduction
In this chapter we are going to discuss about the analysis of innovation and research
and development (R&D) activities which are quite prevalent in manufacturing and
other business circles. Innovation is one of the several strategies through which a firm
could change its situation in the market in pursuit of its objectives. It is an instrument,
which the firm uses to enhance its competitive power in the market. It provides a basis
for greater degree of diversification and hence growth of the firm. The major elements
of innovation or technological change, such as,
New products,
New methods of production,
New markets and
New forms of industrial organization etc,
These make the firms and industries to run efficiently over time. Recognizing such
role J.A. Schumpeter took innovation as "the fundamental impulse that sets and keeps
the capitalist engine in motion". He found innovation as the outstanding fact in the
economic history of capitalistic society. Innovation is not confined to such a society
only. It is a common feature in almost every economic system whether capitalistic or
socialistic or something else. Science and technology become operative through
innovation.
Innovation is an important weapon for all these. In fact, survival of mankind depends
to a great extent on innovation, particularly in the fields of material requisites of life.
Innovation in business is achieved in many ways, with much attention now given to
formal (R&D) for "breakthrough innovations." But innovations may be developed by
less formal on-the-job modifications of practice, through exchange and combination of
professional experience and by many other routes. The more radical and revolutionary
innovations tend to stem from R&D, while more incremental innovations may emerge
from practice - but there are many exceptions to each of these trends. Another key
source of innovation is user innovation, innovations developed by individuals when
existing products do not meet their current needs.
There are different aspects of innovation (i.e. stages of technological change) for study
to be examined as follows.
The terminology of innovation consists of a set of interrelated terms. The first and
perhaps the most important one is the concept of invention.
An invention is the creation of the new technology. By 'technology' we mean any tool
or technique, any product or process, any physical equipment or method of doing or
making, by which human capability is extended. It is an intellectual act which involves a
perception of a new image, of a new connection between old conditions, or of a new area
for action. All inventions, big or little, are made for some practical uses. The process of
adopting an invention in a practical use is called innovation. It is the implementation of
a new or significantly improved idea, good, service, process or practice that is intended to
be useful.
If the existing product line is changed by a firm, i.e. it introduces a new product with or
without displacement of the old ones, and then it is defined as product-innovation. If a
new method is initiated to produce existing products then it is process innovation. Both
of these are the elements of 'technological innovation'. When a firm makes changes in
its marketing strategy we define that as 'market-innovation'.
Similarly, there may have innovation in organizational practices, financing and any other
aspect of business conduct. The concept of innovation is, thus, very broad. The
entrepreneur or manager when performs the act of innovation is called 'innovator'. He
invests resources for the innovation and takes the risks involved in that. This is a very
important role, indeed a pivotal one, for the growth of industries. Innovation occurs
when the entrepreneur believes that it is worthwhile to commercialize the invention.
Schumpeter identifies five types of innovation, viz
1) The introduction of a new good —that is one with which consumers are not yet
familiar—or of a new quality of a good.
3) The opening of a new market that is a market into which the particular branch of
manufacture of the country in question has not previously entered, whether or not this
market has existed before.
The three terms -invention, innovation and diffusion -are the successive stages of the
process of innovation or technological change. Diffusion is not possible without
innovation which in turn is not possible without invention. The entire process of change,
i.e. from invention to imitation, comes under research and development (R&D) activity
of the firm.
Process innovation arises when relative prices of factors of production change. If labour
becomes costly, the firm may think of cost saving by adopting capital intensive technique
and vice-versa. In the familiar isoquant framework, it implies a movement along the
isoquant when the input prices change. There will not be any R&D expenditure involved
in this, as technology will not change. Only the equilibrium situation for the least cost
combination of inputs changes. Further, if technology changes this means a new
production function causing a shift of the isoquants. In this situation, the need for process
innovation is obvious. The input proportions to produce a given level of output will
change if there is technological change giving rise to the process innovation.
The process of innovation has a well defined goal and the adaptation of the new
technology or product to achieve the goal is an orderly management function of the firm.
The third stage (Diffusion) is the imitation of innovation. The innovation, initiated by
an innovator, spreads in the market. The rate of diffusion depends on market structure. If
there are rigid patent practices and the government assistance in technological progress is
negligible, then we expect a low rate of diffusion of the innovation. On the other hand, if
technology is freely available, there are no rigid patent practices and investment
requirements for the new technology are not alarming, then the rate of diffusion will be
fairly high. From social point of view diffusion or spread of the innovation is desirable
but from an individual firm & point of view it is not, as the firm would not be able to
maintain its gains through innovation when it is imitated by its rivals.
We need precise measurement of innovation like any other economic activity. There is no
unique method for this. Researchers in the field tackled the problem by measuring either
the inputs (i.e. total cost or some component of it in money or physical terms) put in the
process of R&D or the output of this activity. The most simple and widely used method
is to take the statistics of R&D expenditure, absolute or a proportion of total annual
budget of the firm, as a measure of innovation activity. The assumption for this method is
that larger the volume of R&D expenditure more will be the activities in innovation. This
method is useful if all R&D activities are in organized form. There may be significant
contribution by the individuals or departments of the firm which do not come under R&D
unit. How to measure their contribution is a problem. At present it is generally ignored
and available statistics on R&D is used simply to measure the innovational activities.
There is another method in which the number of scientists and engineers in the R&D
department is taken as a measurement of innovational activities. The assumption in this
case is that the greater the number of such personnel the more will be the R&D activities
of the firm or research organization. This measure has limitations similar to the R&D
expenditure. Contributions made by non-scientists or non-engineers are not captured by
this index.
From the output side one may use either the number of patents issued or sale of new
product as appropriate measurements of innovation or R&D activities. Taking number
of patents as a measure of innovation has some draw backs. Patenting generally refers
to invention stage. It does not reflect innovation and diffusion stages properly. Further,
all inventions are not patentable equally. Large firms doing research may avoid
patenting of their inventions in order to escape from monopoly regulation practices.
They may keep their inventions secret for long time, as we observe in drug industry, by
not registering the patents since a patent can be bought or copied by rivals. Further,
patenting is more appropriate for product innovation. In the case of process innovation it
does not fit properly. Patent system does not reflect the quality of innovation also. On
the whole, taking number of patents as a measure of R&D activities is a partial index. In
The index of sales of new product is another measurement of R&D output. But this is
again a partial index reflecting the side of product innovation. It does not take into
account changes in the process of manufacturing and saving of costs arising as a result of
innovation.
Attempts are being made by economists to identify the conditions (or determinants)
which encourage initiation and adaptation of a new technology. To begin with the
identification of such conditions, we may pose a simple but basic question related to the
technological innovation.
Why do scientists or engineers or anybody else make invention?
In a different way, we may ask this question as:
Why is a huge amount of money being spent on R&D activities all over the world?
The answer to this question is straight forward, that is, inventions are made because there
is a need for them. Fast moving modes of transportation came into existence because
there was need for them. Radio, television and hundreds of other inventions were made
with some purpose. Through inventions and their commercial exploitation man controls
his environment. An invention without commercial exploitation for personal or social
uses cannot be viable. Given this basic proposition of need which backs up inventions,
that, makes them goal oriented, we have to identify the conditions which are conducive or
which accelerate the pace of invention and innovation or broadly the technological
change in economy. Since we are concerned with the study of the economic behavior of
firms, and industries in this course, we will therefore examine the determinants of R&D
intensity in this context.
The first and most intensively debated determinant of R&D is the market structure of the
industry. Particularly, the elements of market structure such as the degree of market
power and absolute size of firms were used in theory and empirical work on R&D
behaviors of the firms and industries. Perfect competition and monopoly were taken as
two extreme contrasting situations to analyze the link between innovational motivation
and market power. To test this link, the major hypothesis was put forward by Schumpeter
who argued that a monopoly firm has a greater demand for innovations because its
market power increases its opportunity to gain from them. This assertion has not been
accepted by the economists unanimously. At present they are divided into two opposite
schools, such as
The monopoly profit school does not agree with such contention. It argues that since
innovation is risky, it will not be undertaken in atomistically competitive markets where
the gaps from innovation will be momentary. According to this school, the conditions for
sustained R&D activities are best provided by the monopoly or concentrated markets.
Through R&D activities a firm gains and acquires monopoly power over its rivals. The
firm would like to perpetuate its monopoly power by undertaking new innovational
activities. There is thus a positive relationship between the rate of innovation and the
degree of monopoly power as conceived by the monopoly profit school. Normally, large
firms in industries will be having considerable monopoly power. They will be capable of
providing adequate resources for R&D and taking the associated risks. The monopoly
power and large absolute size are thus complementary attributes which are relevant
determinants for R&D activities. Taking this view in mind we may summarize the stand
of the monopoly profit school as “… the greater the profits and the degree of market
power or firm size, the greater should be the efforts to innovate.”
Another important factor that affects the rate of innovation is the nature of the elasticity
of demand for the product or products of an industry. Rapid technological changes are
seen in the industries' having elastic demand. Most of the luxury goods industries fall in
this category.
This equation shows positive marginal revenue when elasticity of demand is greater
than unity and negative marginal revenue when ed is less than unity. MR will be zero
when ed = 1.
R&D intensity also depends on diversification. The basis for this relationship is that a
more diversified firm will be in a better position to exploit unexpected research outputs
than the one having a narrow base of operations.R&D activities also show strong
positive association with growth of output of a number of industries. R&D activities
are committed intensively where the growth prospects are good and profits are likely to
be high. However, there may be an upper limit for such positive relationship. A stage
will come when a product reaches ‘maturity’ stage of its life cycle with no more
growth prospects. At this stage, the firm has to go through intensive R&D activities in
search of a new product or products to replace the old one. The relationship therefore
may not hold true or it may be negative after such stage is reached. Yet another factor
that we may mention here as a determinant of R&D behaviour of the firm. We have
discussed the general factors that determine the R&D behaviour of a firm or industry.In
brief, we may say that R&D activities of a firm depend on
The list of determinants is not exhaustive. There may be more depending on specific
situations. The material presented above gives us a fairly good description of the
theoretical determinants of R&D activities of the firms. There are many analytical models
suggested by the economists for determinants of R&D. let as review one of them.
As one may infer from these conclusions, the extreme ends of market structure, e.g. pure
monopoly and perfect competition, may not provide significant incentives for R&D
activities. The type of market structure between these two extreme forms such as
duopoly, oligopoly and monopolistic competition are likely to provide the incentives as
well as competition for R&D activities of the firms.
Although innovation leads to benefits for society, it does not necessarily follow that every
member of society gains. Since welfare has increased overall, in principle the gainers
could compensate the losers. However, while the benefits are generally spread thinly over
consumers as a whole, the losses may be concentrated on just a few. The latter may well
resist such a change. Analysis of the effects of innovation on the employment of factors
of production will identify groups likely to suffer a loss of welfare as a result of change.
Figure 7.1 shows the impact of a process innovation in a perfectly competitive industry.
Demand and supply curves for the product are shown in the upper part of the diagram.
Initially the market price and output are OPl and OQl respectively. The corresponding
derived demand curve for labour (Nl) is shown below the horizontal axis. (It might
equally well have shown the derived demand for capital). Before the process innovation,
OLl units of labour are required to produce quantity OQl.The process innovation, by
reducing marginal cost, shifts both the demand for labour schedule and the market supply
curve to N2 and S2 respectively. If the effect of the new production method leaves the
capital-labour ratio unchanged then the demand for both factors of production increases.
In this example, labour demand will increase from OLl to OL2, with a similar increase in
the demand for capital. Alternatively, if the change results in a higher capital-labour ratio,
then the demand for labour will fall. This is shown by the post-innovation demand for
labour curve N3 in Figure 8.1, with employment falling toOL3.
C. User innovation.
D. The exchange and combination of professional experience.
E. The entire are fundamental sources of the process of technological change.
3. __________ is commencement of a new method to produce the existing product.
A. Product-innovation
B. Market-innovation
C. Process-innovation
D. Organizational innovation
E. Technological innovation
4. The relatively safer or easier stage of technological change process is
A. Invention
B. Innovation
C. Diffusion
D. All stages are equally risky.
E. None of the above.
5. Identify the correct statement
A. All forms/industries provide equal opportunities for technological change
process in market economy.
B. Diffusion is more desirable for individual firms than for social aspect, as it
makes individual firms more efficient than the economy as a whole.
C. The innovation stage does not have any well defined goal than simple
adaptation of the new technology.
D. The invention process moves in a straight line according to the plan with out
taking any twists and turns until it reaches the destination.
E. Imitation is the creation of new technology.
F. None of the above.
CHAPTER EIGHT
Prompting Questions:
Some firms are producing different producing different types of products; why?
Equally competitive firms are some times trying to merge each other. what are the
intentions behind.
Desired Objectives
Introduction
Diversification, Vertical Integration and Merger are three important elements of market
structure. All the three are no doubt different but closely interlinked. We will therefore
study them together in the coming discussion. The immediate task before us is to define
these concepts first. Then we will be discussing the motives behind them, and then, exa-
mine them in the context of public policy.
8.1 Definitions
A. Diversification
In order to define the concept diversification, let us start with a simple situation. Suppose
a firm produces some varieties of a product which are close substitutes for each other in
the market, if the firm adds one more variety of the product then it is not diversification.
We may simply call it product variation or differentiation. However, if the firm produces
a totally different product which is not a substitute for the existing products in the
market then it is called diversification. A firm producing margarine starts producing
soap, for example. This comes under diversification. Similarly, when a leather tanning
firm starts manufacturing boots and other leather goods, we will then call it
diversification because here the products are different as a result of which the market
'area' for the firm expands from one class of consumers to another one. Diversification is
thus "the spreading of its operations by a business over dissimilar economic activities".
According to Penrose, a firm is said to diversify, whenever, without entirely abandoning
its old lines of product, it embarks upon the production of new products, including
intermediate products, which are sufficiently different from the other products it produces
to imply some significant difference in the firm's production and distribution
programmes. In the process of diversification, a firm makes significant changes in its
'areas' of operations related to technological base, market areas and productive activities
in which it has acquired experience or knowledge in the past. Four different possibilities
have been mentioned by Penrose for this:
(i) When there are additional products within the firm's existing technological bases
and market areas;
(ii) When there are products involving the existing technological bases but destined
to new market areas;
(iii) When there are products which involve altogether new technological bases for
the existing markets; and
(iv) When there are new products with new technological bases for new market areas.
When a firm introduces new products there will be a change in productive services and
marketing areas or activities. Diversification thus cannot be conceived of changes in
the products only; it implies the other two aspects of the change also, i.e. changes in
the technological base and market areas.
B. Vertical Integration
C. Merger
The term merger refers to amalgamation or integration of two or more firms. The firms
under different ownership and management controls come under a unified one through
merger. The terms 'acquisition' and 'takeover' are also used for merger, which implies
that a firm acquires assets or stocks in part or full, of other firm or firms to get
operational control over them. In legal sense, there is difference between these terms but
from the point of view of the economic analysis they are alike. The important feature of
merger is the transfer of control of business activity from one firm or firms to another.
Situations of merger:
(1) A horizontal integration or merger of firms whose products are viewed by buyers as
identical that is their products have high cross elasticity of demand and supply;
(2) A vertical integration or merger of firms where there is a successive functional link
between their products, that is, the output of a firm is input for the output of another firm
at higher stage of production. There may be such integration between a producing and a
marketing firm for the same commodity or commodities; and
The terms 'diversification', 'vertical integration' and 'merger' have been defined above in
brief. We have to examine now the motives behind them. The next section deals with
this.
I. Diversification
Motives for diversification depend on its types. It will be thus convenient for us to
examine the motives for different types of diversification and then synthesize them
together. The types of diversification as observed in practice and motives for them are the
following:
1. Lateral Diversification: When a firm produces different goods which diverge from the
same process or source or which are used as materials for the same process or market.
For example, a leather tanning firm will have lateral diversification when it starts making
boots and shoes leather garments and suitcases itself, because all such businesses diverge
from leather tanning business. Similarly, a meat seller will have lateral diversification if it
starts selling hides, horns, bones and even raw wool. A soap manufacturer may start
margarine and chemical manufacturing itself which are used in soap making and thus
indulge in lateral diversification.
Forward integration occurs when the firm moves nearer to the final market for its
product and carries out a function which was previously undertaken by its customers. A
shoe making firm may start its own distribution or selling shops, a flour mill may start
making its own bakeries; a spinning mill may also start weaving activities and like that-
are few examples of forward integration.
It provides security to the firm. Say, a firm integrates backward in order to have
assured sources of supplies. The intensity of such integration will be more when
demand conditions for the final product of the firm are very bright. Similarly, the
firm integrates or diversifies in forward direction in order to assure market for its
product.
There may be saving by eliminating 'the middle man' and his 'unnecessary' profit
margin in the process of production.
On the whole the firm gets more market power through its size or absolute cost
advantages or pecuniary gains through vertical integration. It gives strength to the
barriers to entry and, therefore, reduces competition in the market.
The motives of all types of diversification can now be summarized in condensed form as:
In general, a new industry will have higher degree of diagonal and vertical integration but
a mature industry will resort to more lateral diversification. This is because, in the case of
a new industry, auxiliary services may not be available at all, so the firms have to make
for their provision within its organization. For a mature industry like textiles the demand
for such services will be large enough, so independent units may come into existence for
their supplies in an efficient way.
The motives for vertical integration have already been discussed above under vertical
diversification. One point we must make clear here, whenever there is vertical integration
between two or more firms, it means vertical integration between their products. Such
integration between products exists in the situation of vertical diversification which we
have discussed earlier. The condition of vertical integration between the firms for vertical
integration in the products may not necessary. However, when we talk of vertical inte-
gration, in reality it implies integration between the firms. The integration in their
products is implicitly obvious here. Increase in profits or profitability either by fuller
utilization of resources and saving of costs through backward or forward integration may
be looked as principal motives pf vertical integration. The other two general motives, i.e.,
stability and growth are equally sustained through vertical integration. The motives of the
firms involved in vertical integration play important role in determining the price and
quantity of output of the industry to which they belong.
III. Merger
Efficiency Motive: This motive may be stronger in the case of horizontal and
vertical mergers. As a result of such integration one can expect economies of scale
in a variety of ways, such as reduction in inventory requirements, transportation and
distribution costs, duplicate R&D activities, cheaper raw materials due to increased
size of purchases, better management, etc. In the case of conglomerate merger such
economies of scale are doubtful but there may be better management and more
pecuniary gains.
Market Power Motive: This may be a major motive of merger, as fulfillment of the
other motives like profitability, reduction in risks, growth, etc., which are
complementary to the market power motive becomes easier and almost certain.
Market power is a command over pricing and output decisions by the firm. It
certainly goes up in the case of horizontal merger as potential competition is
reduced in this situation through merger. Similarly, vertical merger in either
direction can increase market power.
For conglomerate mergers the following factors are mentioned as sources for market
power:
extended monopoly power,
encouraged cross-subsidization,
increased deep pocket advantages,
increased entry barriers,
increased non-economic reciprocity arrangements,
increased macro-concentration, and
increased size of power groups.
Similar situation arises in the case of vertical and horizontal integration among the firms.
It is generally agreed that vertical integration does have the potential to increase market
power either by reducing the competition or through economies of scale. But there is a
counter-argument for this according to which vertical integration does not harm
competition. In fact it helps in increasing competition by bypassing monopolistic
suppliers. There is thus a controversy about the effect of vertical integration on
competition but from policy point of view there is again a strong need to regulate such
phenomenon. For horizontal and conglomerate mergers, there is greater probability of
their causing market concentration, so, they are strictly regulated through-public laws. A
public policy is designed to achieve some chosen objectives or goals.
All mergers and diversification policies of the individual firms in the market are to be
evaluated in the light of such social goals. If the policies are in conflict with such goals
they are to be checked and controlled effectively. Most of the governments appoint
Antitrust or Monopoly and Restrictive Trade Practices Commissions for this purpose.
There will be a set of rules or guidelines which will be implemented by such
commissions to regulate mergers and diversification strategies of the firms by
maintaining a balance between private and public interests.
1. Explain different motives behind diversification, vertical integration and merger with
examples from real life.
2. Discuss the implication of diversification, vertical integration and merger for public
policies in developing economies
CHAPTER NINE
INDUSTRIAL POLICY
Prompting questions
1. Why industrial policy is required? Why not we rely on market system instead of
direct intervention in the industrial sector?
2. What are the importances of industrialization for ones nation economy?
3. What are the economists’ justifications for the intervention in industry?
Chapter objectives
Introduction
According to the United Nations Industrial Development Organization (UNIDO), quoted
in Dr. Eshetu Chole (1986:p.2), Industrialization defined as “the process of economic
development in which a growing part of the national resources is mobilized to develop
technically up- to- date diversified domestic economic structure characterized by
dynamic manufacturing sector having and producing means of production and consumer
goods and capable of assuring a high rate of growth for the economy as a whole and of
achieving economic and social progress”. This definition states that industrializing is a
sustained process. It requires the application of modern science and technology to the
production process. In the process of industrialization manufacturing sector plays the
leading and dynamic role. It also brings about structural transformation of the entire
economy in terms of the composition of out put and pattern of employment.
Industrialization is advocated on the ground that it can strengthen the economy and offer
substantial dynamic benefits that are important for changing the traditional economic
structure of the less developed economies. Industrialization is regarded as an important
policy to affect fundamental economic and social changes in least developed countries
(LDCS), which are taken as a necessary condition to improve their growth potentials. It is
taken as a basic strategy for achieving a faster rate of economic growth and a higher
standard of living in many developing countries. LDCs should establish their own
industries in order to produce consumer goods, capital goods and other essential materials
instead of highly being dependent on imported goods. Industrial development can also
provide abase for rapid and continuous increase in the income of the people. Through
industrialization LDCs can improve their terms of trade. The income elasticity of demand
for agricultural goods is (mostly the export of LDCs) low while the income elastic ties of
demands for manufacturing goods is (which are the imports LDCs) very high. As a result
of these disparities in export and import elasticity, LDCs will face a chronic balance of
payment deficit and the term of trade goes against these countries. Industrialization
provides job opportunity for an excessive population of LDCs. It is some times regarded
as the major way of solve the problem of unemployment and under-employment in
developing countries. It is possible to expand and diversify other sector of the economy
Industrialization is capable of generating these all because of its some unique features. A
number of distinct features of the manufacturing industry enable it to play a dynamic role
in terms of economic development. This includes among others,
Economies of Scale: Industrial production is particularly subject to economies of scale.
The cost per unit of production is inversely related to the volume of production. Large
firms incur less unit cost than smaller ones. But this is not true to the some extent in
agriculture, or indeed in many services. So the move to industrialize would significantly
increase the production efficiency of developing economies, thereby accelerating growth.
Externalities and linkages: Another reason for supposing that industry is particularly
important for economic development is that externalities are more significant than in
other sectors. The setting up of one activity creates benefits for others, thereby
introducing positive externalities. A more specific application of this is the notion of
linkages. The setting up of an industry creates both backward and forward linkages.
While the demand for inputs creates backward linkages, the provision of services
downstream, such as whole selling and retailing, maintenance, etc., form forward
linkages. Industry, particularly manufacturing, creates more linkages than other sectors
(particularly agriculture) and can therefore give a much greater impetus to economic
development. Productivity increases: Industry is also characterized by more scope for
increases in productivity than other sectors. It has been historically observed that the
faster manufacturing output increases, the greater the rate of productivity growth,
reflecting increased learning and the incorporation of new, higher productivity
technology, which depends on the rate of growth of output. Also, since the industrial
sector provides machinery and equipment for other sectors, increases in productivity in
manufacturing can reduce costs elsewhere in the economy, thus contributing to the
development of other sectors.
This chapter deals first with the concept of industrial policy; it is followed in sequence
with the sections on theoretical case for industrial policy; different approaches to
intervention; key issues in the debate on industrialization and industrial policy in the
Ethiopian context.
Industry policy usually relates to those policies whose main direct effect is upon
individual firms and industries, or on industry as a whole. As Lindbeck2 defines the term:
By industry policy is meant political actions designed to affect either the general
mechanisms of production and resource allocation or the actual allocation of resources
among sectors of production by means other than general monetary and fiscal policies
which are designed to influence various macro-economic aggregates.
2
Ferguson, Paul R: Industrial Economics: Issues and perspectives, page 137
or a more favourable balance of trade must be rejected because they are often poorly
related to economic welfare. For instance, measures to increase employment or output
could lead to the production of a quantity, quality and mix of goods and services which
reduces society's welfare.
The time dimension adds a further complication, because there is a trade-off between
current and future levels of welfare. Assuming full employment, more resources devoted
to the production of goods and services in the present implies fewer resources devoted to
investment aimed at enhancing future production. Society will be willing to forgo current
welfare if it is compensated by a sufficient increase in future welfare. The rate of
compensation depends on the rate at which society discounts future benefits (the social
time preference rate); the lower the rate of discount the greater the quantity of resources
that should be devoted to investment and to research and development (R&D) activity.
While the market rate of interest can be used to derive an individual's willingness to forgo
marginal changes in current benefits in exchange for future benefits, this may not apply
to society as a whole.
It is argued that government intervention can improve welfare in cases where markets fail
to provide an efficient utilization of resources. Five circumstances are cited where
markets produce levels of output that are not optimal from the viewpoint of society:
1. Monopoly;
2. Public goods, such as defense;
3. Externalities, such as pollution or congestion;
4. Common property rights;
5. Differences between private and social time preference rates.
A large literature on public choice theory suggests that many political acts can be
understood by assuming that the objective of politicians is to maximize chances of re-
election. Such acts may be inconsistent with welfare maximization. A vote-enhancing
strategy causes politicians to intervene in cases where market failure arguments do not
apply. The consequence is that governments may be willing to implement industry
support programmes even where the result is to reduce the overall level of welfare.
The ability of politicians to pursue non-welfare maximizing objectives stems from the
presence of imperfect information. This also explains how, where competitive forces are
weak, managers in private sector firms are able to pursue objectives of which the
shareholders would disapprove. If the electorate were fully aware of the costs of
intervention as well as its benefits, then any policy that failed to enhance overall welfare
would lead to a net loss of votes.
Even where motives are altruistic, government intervention to correct market failure may
not be merited. Government intervention is unlikely to be warranted where few parties
are involved, property rights are clearly assigned and transaction costs are low. In such
circumstances market failure is unlikely. For instance, with just one party involved, the
brewery is easily able to identify the source of polluted water and arrive at an optimal
solution by negotiation. However, with air pollution, market failure is more likely, even
where inhabitants have been assigned a right to clean air. The costs to an individual of
enforcing his rights will be high in relation to the benefits to be gained from clean air.
Here legislation and effective enforcement procedures to limit pollution, commonly
found in advanced economies, may increase economic welfare.
The government may find it difficult to identify cases of market failure. In the absence of
perfect knowledge, costs are incurred in acquiring the necessary information to intervene
successfully.
In the neoclassical literature it has been traditional to presume that if some decision
maker is at an informational disadvantage, optimality can be rescued through the
Even when a case of market failure has been correctly identified, the government faces a
further problem in that it cannot know with certainty the most appropriate form of
intervention. A decision widely perceived as 'correct' in the current time period may lead
to an undesirable outcome in the future. For example, controls on a monopoly to improve
the current allocation of resources may lead to reduced innovation. Only where the
optimal prices, products and technologies of the future are currently known could
intervention be guaranteed to bring an improvement in welfare.
Another reason why the presence of market failure is not a sufficient condition to support
intervention is that government action uses scarce resources. Resources are used in the
administration of the policy; furthermore, intervention may take the form of transferring
resources towards favoured areas. There is also a dynamic impact. Government actions
may induce changes elsewhere in the economy. Taxation to finance grants to small firms,
for instance, may deter other firms from undertaking the investment required to maintain
their own future competitiveness.
It is impossible ever to know whether industry policy has been successful. Intervention
itself alters the future state of the world, but is not the only force leading to economic
change. In order to evaluate the impact of policy, those changes which are the result of
intervention need to be identified. However, this requires knowledge of the state of the
world which would have prevailed in the absence of intervention. Consequently, the
success of a policy can only be judged qualitatively.
These problems leave governments with a dilemma. The type of policies that are more
acceptable politically are those directed at improving the dynamic performance of the
economy. Such policies cannot be addressed under neoclassical theory. The theories of
the new institutional economics can give support to intervention that is designed to
improve the workings of the market economy and to remove impediments to the
competitive process. This intervention would include measures aimed at improving
information flows, at strengthening legal rights and improving the framework for their
enforcement.
Given the limited theoretical basis for industry policy, government involvement is very
much a matter of judgment and it is not surprising that there are many differences of
opinion about the best approach to adopt. Moreover, these approaches cannot be precisely
evaluated. Nevertheless, certain desirable features of an industry policy can be specified.
First, any policy should be capable of performing well in an environment where
transaction costs are the norm, and where economic agents lack knowledge and are
continually having to adapt to change. Secondly, the opportunity cost burden of the
policy must not exceed any perceived, potential benefits, having regard to its static and
dynamic effects on the industries involved and also on the rest of the economy.
Four distinct approaches to industry policy can be identified:
1. Laissez-faire 3. Active
2. Supportive 4. Planning
The laissez-faire approach is founded on the presumption that information flows are
perfect, and holds that the market is a better judge of desirable actions than government
agencies. Most types of intervention commonly pursued under the name of industry
policy are rejected. Appropriate policies are those aimed at strengthening and promoting
a competitive environment (for instance, through the control of monopoly or measures to
remove ambiguities in the assignment of property rights).
The supportive approach also believes in the underlying superiority of market forces, but
acknowledges the presence of imperfect information and transaction costs. Proponents of
the supportive approach would agree with the laissez-faire approach in advocating
policies to help markets function more effectively, but would often disagree over the
form of desirable measures. In particular, the supportive approach would argue for
intervention to improve the allocation and enforcement of property rights, to encourage
education and entrepreneurship in order to foster the process of economic change. This
approach also recognizes that external constraints may force the adoption of less
desirable, or 'second-best', policies. For example, if Japan were to adopt protectionist
measures then Ethiopia would be justified in adopting similar policies, with the ultimate
intention of enforcing trade liberalization.
The active approach argues for wider and more direct government involvement in the
industrial sector. This approach differs crucially from the previous ones in that market
judgments are often supplanted by those of government agencies. Selected industries
would typically be given financial support to promote restructuring and be protected from
external competition by tariff and non-tariff barriers. Although protected from external
competition, measures would again be taken to promote competition domestically.
The planning approach is a more extreme version of the active approach. Its rationale is
that welfare can be improved through centralized planning. It argues that central planners
are in a better position - because of their superior, economy-wide information - to make
welfare-enhancing decisions than individual firms. This advantage is greater where
information flows are imperfect and where the economy is changing rapidly. Intervention
is much wider-ranging and more comprehensive than under the active approach.
These policy prescriptions vary because of different perceptions about the efficiency of
markets and the ability of government agencies to identify and to correct market failures.
The basic dichotomy in these views is between advocacy of non-interference (the laissez-
faire and supportive approaches) and advocacy of a large element of government
involvement which includes targeting policies to particular firms, sectors or activities (the
active and planning approaches). In the laissez-faire and supportive approaches, the state
is acting as an adjunct to the market, working at the edges of the market system whilst in
the other approaches the state acts to shape the industrial landscape, taking a leading role
in the industrial economy - a proactive rather than a reactive role. The greater is the belief
in the efficacy of the market and in the impotence of government agencies, the greater the
tendency to reject intervention and to favour an essentially 'hands off' industry policy.
Similarly, the greater is the doubt that the principal objective of politicians is the
enhancement of society's welfare, the greater the tendency to advocate an industry policy
Even so, most governments have chosen to intervene heavily in the operation of industry.
In some cases, intervention has taken the form of accelerative policies designed to
improve the speed at which the market operates. In others, a decelerative policy stance
has been used to retard the operation of the market. More commonly, both stances have
been adopted simultaneously for different areas of the economy. Few governments have
chosen to make use solely of neutral policies (aimed simply at reinforcing the efficiency
of the market). These would be more consistent with a laissez-faire or supportive
approach, although they have sometimes been included as part of an active or planning
approach. Table 9.1 summarizes the types of policy consistent with these different
approaches.
Decelerative policies have been justified on social grounds, the argument being that
preventing (or slowing down) firm closure leads to the attainment of a more equitable and
less divided society. However, the most frequent justification for support to failing firms
is that their collapse will lead to adverse effects on economic welfare. Externalities may
arise from the closure of a major employer in a particular locality, causing a large
proportion of the population to become unemployed with consequent ill effects on the
rest of the community. There may also be domino effects on other companies. For
instance, the failure of a motor manufacturer will harm firms supplying components to
the motor vehicle industry. It would also lead to difficulties among firms involved in the
distribution of motor vehicles. These domino effects would also follow from the failure
of a small firm although, in most cases, decelerative policies have been biased in favour
of large firms. The explanation for this is probably political, stemming from the
widespread publicity given to the failure of large firms. Moreover, smaller firms are
generally less experienced in lobbying for government assistance.
Despite the externalities generated by the premature collapse of a potentially viable firm,
the economic case for government intervention to help it through its temporary
difficulties is dubious. If financial markets are efficient, a basically sound company
should be able to obtain financial support from the private sector. Conversely, if a firm
cannot convince lenders of its basic soundness, then government resources should not be
advanced to try to improve its operation. Even if financial markets do sometimes fail to
recognize an inherently successful company (for example, because of transaction costs)
this does not invalidate the basic argument. The government is likely to be at an
informational disadvantage compared with firms already operating in similar lines of
business. Such firms are more likely to possess the information on future demand
relevant to identifying a failing company, taking it over and turning round its
performance. Furthermore, financial support from the government may fail to promote
efficiency, for it enables management, which has demonstrated its incompetence, to
retain control of the company.).
As with firms in temporary difficulties, support cannot be given to every firm in terminal
decline, otherwise the economy would strengthen and become progressively
uncompetitive. Since funds are likely to be limited, selection is required and here the
government encounters another information problem. Choice of unsuitable subjects will
lead to a waste of resources.
In most cases, it is expected that financial support will be required for a short period, but
the process of readjustment is often protracted. Devoting resources (particularly over long
periods) to the pursuit of decelerative policies incurs significant opportunity costs. Again,
the success of companies elsewhere in the economy will be hampered by higher taxes or
higher interest rates causing a reduction in demand for their goods and services. In other
words, the financing of decelerative policy generates its own domino effects leading to
the contraction, reduced growth or even accelerated failure of companies in the
unsupported sector. In principle, it is impossible to say how the domino effects of
government policy on the employment of labour and capital compare with the domino
effects consequent on the natural decline of firms. However, the overall effect is to
reduce welfare because resources are switched from areas where revenues exceed costs of
production to areas of failure, implying revenues below cost. There is also the cost
incurred in the administration and implementation of the policy.
There is a real opportunity cost - in the form of a burden placed on the rest of the
economy - incurred by the pursuit of decelerative industry policies and their 'success' or
'failure' can be established only after taking these costs into account.
What is the alternative to decelerative policies? In the absence of government support the
assets of the failing firm would be sold to the highest bidder. It can be argued that this
would be a better way of ensuring an efficient use of resources because the entrepreneur
willing to pay the most for the firm will be the one (often already operating in a similar
area) which sees the most profitable uses for the resources of the failed company.
Company failure is an important' aspect of the competitive process, serving to transfer
resources from the hands of a management which has incorrectly predicted market
developments.
Neutral policy seeks to improve the market framework within which economic agents
operate. This type of policy is consistent with economic theories that explicitly
recognized the presence of transaction costs. It is often advocated by those who recognize
the difficulties involved in trying to pursue accelerative and decelerative policies. The
task of government should be to try to create an economic, social and political
environment that is conducive to efficiency and new initiatives. The government may not
be responsible for picking 'winner' industries, but for increasing labour mobility,
improving long-run employment prospects, and hence reducing the resistance to change.
Specific examples of neutral policy include attempts to ensure that property rights are
clearly assigned. The more certain it is that the legal system will enforce such rights (and
the cheaper it is to seek legal remedy against infringement), the greater the incentive for
citizens to acquire private property. Similarly, the easier and cheaper it is to transfer
rights over property, the more desirable it is to own property. Following Coase’s work,
clearly assigned property rights would help to eliminate many cases of market failure.
The pursuit of increased competition - for instance, by the elimination of institutional
barriers which prevent the entry of new firms - could also be regarded as a neutral policy.
Stimulating competition within the legal profession might be particularly beneficial. This
would improve the efficiency of the system for enforcing property rights.
Conclusion
In developing their industry policies governments have often paid little attention to
economic arguments. One reason is because of a difference in objectives. Economists are
concerned with the enhancement of economic welfare, but this may not ensure re-election
for the politician. Secondly, neoclassical economics has little contribution to make to
many of the issues which governments usually consider vital. This is because traditional
analysis is unsuited to problems where change is endemic because of its generally static
thrust and tendency to ignore problems of uncertainty and lack of information. Thirdly,
the approach of the new institutional economics, which can explicitly deal with such an
environment, is generally hostile to the type of unplanned intervention favoured by
politicians.
However, it is impossible to say categorically whether these successes and failures are
directly attributable to government policies. It is also impossible to judge how
successfully an economy might have developed without the opportunity cost burden
imposed by the operation of industry policies. The opportunity costs associated with
accelerative and decelerative policies are likely to be high. Given that markets fail and
that there is a need for some government intervention in industry, neutral policies as part
of a supportive policy aimed at improving the operation of market forces would appear to
be the most promising.
twists. With the collapse of primary commodity exports during the great depression and
the acceptance of Keynesian ideas in developed economies, laissez faire policies based
on orthodox economic theories, gave way for structuralism which accorded central role to
government in economic development. Though the exact role of the state differed from
country to country there was agreement on a number of key points: first, market forces
alone had failed to bring about economic development and therefore the state must
actively seek to promote it; second, development must be achieved by transforming
predominantly agricultural economies into industrial ones; and that economic growth and
structural transformation required an increase in the level of investment in the economy.
This situation, particularly the debt crisis, thus set the stage for the emergence of neo-
liberalism as the dominant development thinking with strong support from developed
economies, and international financial institutions, such as IMF and the World Bank, for
its application.
At the heart of neo-liberal policy making is market liberalization (both domestic and
international) and the reduced role of the state. Many developing countries adopted the
prevailing neo-liberal policy package under stabilization and structural adjustment
programs of the IMF/WB through out the 80s and 90s. The neo-liberal approach
however, produced little result in reducing poverty, let alone introducing development.
As a result of the lack of visible success emerging from the implementation of this
dominant paradigm, a serious debate has ensued among development thinkers and
practitioners concerning the theoretical validity and practical applicability of its policy
prescriptions. This rethinking process has again brought into focus some of the old ideas
in development economics that were disparaged by the new paradigm while others have
sought to carefully look at the experiences of successful developing countries particularly
in East and South East Asia, to draw lessons for the less successful ones.
This section tries to briefly look at key issues in the current debate in the development
literature particularly related to strategies or models of industrialization.
Alongside the importance of freeing market prices, the neo-liberal perspective strongly
emphasize the virtues of free international trade based on static comparative advantage.
Accordingly, each country concentrates on producing those goods in which it has a
relative (comparative) advantage instead of trying to produce goods which could be
imported cheaply from countries producing them at the lowest cost. The effort to
encourage local production of goods, which can be produced cheaply abroad, deliberately
interferes with trade and introduced inefficiency.
Another major strand of neo-liberal thinking is related to the role of the state. Relying on
the market as the best arbitrator of prices and efficiency, the state should take a hands-off
approach to development. Economic decision should be left to private agents and the
state should only provide those goods and services with demonstrable market failure and
the provision of public goods such as infrastructure, education and health, which would
not otherwise be provided by the private sector. Not only protectionism in international
economic relations, but also other forms of interventions in the domestic economy are
considered counter productive. These include any form of national planning, all forms of
intervention in the market and direct investment in the production of goods and services
that can be produced by the private sector through state enterprises. All these are
presumed to lead to a high budget deficit, spiraling inflationary pressure, rent seeking
behavior and generally, to an inefficient allocation of economic resources.
As such, the emphasis of the neo-liberal approach is on individual economic agents and
on the free play of market forces to provide short-term allocative efficiency, in the belief
that achieving such efficiency would inevitably lead to long-term growth and
development
These policy prescriptions are expected to limit the role of the state as an economic agent
and restore market forces, both domestic and international, which facilitate the free and
efficient operation of the economy. Then the activities of individual economic agents, in
the context of competitive domestic and international markets, will lead countries
towards an optimal allocation of resources. Hence, an attempt to direct an economy
towards certain kinds of production activity would be counter productive to the
development process.
Given the current circumstances of the country, this implies that since Ethiopia's
comparative advantage is in agriculture, the country should concentrate its efforts at
developing this sector and making it competitive in the international market.
Industrialization, if it happens, must come as a result of the operation of market forces
rather than through a deliberate intervention on the part of the state through industrial
policy.
(i) Skepticism about the beneficial effects of unadulterated free market. Structuralism
questions the neo-liberal premise that the free play of market forces (both domestic
and international) by itself can bring about economic development in LDCs.
Countries are linked to the global economy largely through trade and movement of
goods, services and capital. For the long term development of a country, what matters
is not only its active participation in international trade on the basis of comparative
cost but also the nature of the commodities it specializes in. This is because demand
conditions differ depending upon the nature of the commodity. The demand for
primary commodities, for example, tends to be income inelastic. Accordingly, as the
The flow of capital in the form of foreign direct investment, to LDCs has been at best
limited, as it primarily requires necessary economic infrastructure, large market and
guaranteed political stability, which developing economies may not satisfy. Even
when the inflow occurs, it may eventually act as a break to growth as a result of
increased outflow of profit. Foreign loans too, have their own adverse effects. The
sharp rise in international interest rate, over which LDCs have no control, and
eventual outflow of interest and dividends, may have devastating effects. In addition,
banks' reluctance to extend loans and the political criteria attached to bilateral, and
even multilateral loans, cast great doubt to the availability of capital for long-term
development.
Moreover, real world markets are often segmented along the lines of quality, design,
geography (creation of blocks), etc, and therefore the world market may, not be as big
and as open as it seems, given that it takes time and resources to penetrate into new
markets.
While the neo-liberal approach has generally no concern for sectoral differences,
treating all activities as equivalent, structuralists believe that a number of features of
industry, such as economies of scale, externalities, productivity, etc. enable it to play
a dynamic role in economic development.
(iii) Emphasis on the dynamic aspects of technology. Technology plays a critical role in
development. As such, developing local technological capability has prime
importance. On the contrary, neo-liberals hold the view that as developed countries
have comparative advantage in industrial technologies as a result of long experience
as well as ample financial resource and human capabilities (skills), LDCs would be
better-off (in light of limited resources) to import existing technologies, but not re-
invent the wheels. An extended version of this view argues that LDCs should not
introduce technologies that divert development away form basic needs. Less
developed countries can, therefore, acquire technological capabilities by integration
into the world economy, relying on foreign technology and through direct foreign
investment and/or licensing.
For the alternative approach, technology is rather the outcome of research and
development by firms or research institutions and on-the-job learning (learning by
doing and learning by using), which is referred to as 'endogenous growth' in the
literature. Importing foreign technology does not, therefore, necessarily offer a short
cut to industrialization. Rather, excessive reliance on imported technology may lead
to technology dependence. This may create a number of problems, including
acquiring an expensive and outdated technology (because of LDCs' weak bargaining
position due to lack of expertise, inadequate information and lack of alternative
sources of supply), importing inappropriate technology (in terms of intensity of factor
inputs and scale/capacity of production), and inability to adapt imported technology
due to lack of local technological capability.
(iV) Capital accumulation and investment in productive sector. A high rate of capital
accumulation is a necessary condition for bringing about structural transformation
and increased level of productivity. However, for increased levels of accumulation to
give rise to faster industrialization, resources should be channeled largely into
productive investment rather than consumption. As pointed out above, for the neo-
liberals the type of activity engaged in does not matter for economic development;
while for the Structuralists, economic development requires higher investment in
industry by channeling resources from other sectors.
(i) Link with the world economy: As the free play of market forces tends to lead
further polarization, the state must intervene to mediate the relations between
national and the world economy. With respect to prices of primary commodities at
the international market, LDCs should together create international commodities
agreements, or form producer cartels, like OPEC, to stabilize prices of primary
commodities.
The modality, however, may not necessarily be the traditional across the board,
indefinite and unlimited protection, which was practiced in the past in many
developing countries with adverse economic consequences. Rather, protection should
be applied selectively, at a limited level and for a fixed period of time.
Moreover, if a given target is to be achieved, then there must be a time limit. Hence,
protection should be temporary. It is essential to avoid monopoly tendencies. While
firms are externally protected, internal competition should be encouraged.
Competition against imports should be enhanced gradually.
Lastly, the level of protection must be limited. It should not be excessive to eliminate
competition from abroad altogether, or too low to avoid exposing the industry
concerned to the dangers of foreign assault.
Government should also actively promote/encourage exports. While on the one hand
the domestic market is protected for selective products, firms should be encouraged
and pushed to compete in the international market. Import substitution and export
promotion are not, after all, contradicting, but rather reinforcing policies.
(iii) Priority setting. Establishing new industries involves a great risk; hence producers
have to be provided with extra incentives to enter the business. In such cases, the state
should provide the required incentives, if such industry falls in the priority list.
(vi) Ownership and structural change of industries. Certain key industries involve high
risks or may require large capital investments, which may not be attractive to the
private sector. Hence, in such industries (e.g. steel, petrochemicals, large engineering,
etc.), which are essential for creating an integrated industrial sector, the state should
necessarily invest to create complementarities in the sector.
When production enterprises turn into declining industries due to structural problems
(so called structurally depressed industries), the state should accelerate resource
transfers and help the producers upgrade their technologies.
(vii) Structure of the industrial sector. To ensure that adequate investment is flowing to
priority sectors or sub-sectors, such as capital goods industries, to keep the balance
between large and small scale industries or to create input-output linkages between
industries, the state should play a key role by providing adequate incentives.
(viii) Technology transfer. To reduce the cost of imported technology, the state should
intervene in technology transfer. This would be essential to import only
technologies that are not available at home. This is the so called 'unpacking
technology'. The state should also be involved in direct support for applied research
and providing fiscal incentives for such expenditures by the private sector, to
enhance local technological capacity.
(ix) Foreign investment monitoring & control. While recognizing the benefits which
TNCs offer in terms of technology transfer and access to foreign markets, state
awareness and reaction on the behavior of TNC's is necessary if the costs of foreign
investment are to be minimized. The state should monitor and control the pricing
practices of foreign enterprises. The state should also directly negotiate with foreign
companies to obtain more favorable terms in revenue through taxation, royalties and
share ownership than the free market can provide. Moreover, the state must have a
role as the organizer of domestic firms into implicit cartels in their negotiations with
foreign firms or governments.
No activity that is efficient will by definition die out and none that is inefficient will
survive. The demise of inefficient activities will release productive resources for others
that are efficient and that will spring up in response to the new price signals. Resources
will move with little lag and with no constraints from missing or defective markets.
Comparative advantage in industry, as given by resource endowments, will thus be fully
realized, not only in a static sense but also in the emergence of new advantages that arise
from the accumulation of capital.
At the firm level, given perfect competition, information, foresight and efficient factor
markets, the optimum point on the production frontier is chosen according to prevailing
relative factor prices. All firms are by definition equally efficient: technology is freely
available, with full knowledge on techniques available to all firms - most importantly, it
is costless and instantly absorbed, and any learning process is known, predictable and
automatic.
Overtime, as factor prices change to reflect changing endowments, their activities change
accordingly. This represents the optimal pattern of specialization and forms the basis for
evolving comparative advantage. Hence static optimization in turn leads to dynamic long-
term growth.
A revised version of this paradigm, the market-friendly approach, drops some of the
assumptions of the neoclassical approach. It accepts that factor markets may not operate
perfectly, and that education markets, in particular may need interventions to create the
human-capital base for industrialization. These interventions are taken to be 'market
friendly' (i.e. not selective), on the implicit assumption that skills are generic and
fungible. Thus different patterns of industrialization are taken to have similar skill needs.
The market-friendly approach also accepts market failures in coordinating investment
decisions within industry for several reasons: Missing information markets (financial
markets), capital-market deficiency, economies of scale, interdependent investments in
vertically related activities, externalities in skill creation and learning, and 'multiple-
linkages'. However, the conclusion remains the same: that market failures are
unimportant and selective interventions not effective.
In the neoclassical world, all firms operate with full knowledge of all possible
technologies, equal access to these technologies and the ability to use them efficiently
without risk, cost or further effort. The import of technology is just like the purchase of a
good: there is a given market price based on perfect information about the product and its
competitors, and technology is sold and bought like a physical good. There are no, tacit
elements in the transfer, no learning costs and no need to make adaptations. Thus all
firms can immediately use technologies with the same degree of efficiency - all at best
practice levels. In this setting, technical inefficiency is due only to managerial slack or
incompetence, and can only exist if governments intervene to create barriers to trade or
competition.
With regard to the learning process, it is believed to be fairly short and predictable. It is
confined to running in a new plant until it reaches rated capacity, and until the benefits of
passive learning by repetitive activity are released. It is generally assumed that such costs
are relatively trivial and similar across industries. The learning process does not involve
investment, risk or long maturation periods. Firms know what to do to reach best practice
levels: they have full information on what to do to become efficient. Given perfect capital
markets, firms can borrow to finance the entire learning process wherever resource
endowments justify the technology. If there are capital market failures, these should be
tackled at source, rather than by governments, 'picking winners', and protecting or
subsidizing them.
Firms are assumed to operate as individual units, essentially in isolation. There are no
linkages between them, and no externalities resulting from individual efforts to generate
skills and information. Since all markets function efficiently, there is no need to create
institutions to provide information, technology, and so on. Since there are no
externalities, there is no need to coordinate investment decisions across activities that
may have intense linkages. Nor are some sets of activities more significant for industrial
development than others in that they have more beneficial externalities.
While, the sector has been dominated by capital-intensive technology, and it is fully
dependent on foreign capital goods and to a large extent for raw materials, its foreign
currency earning capability has been limited; the foreign currency earning of Ethiopia is
based upon primary agricultural outputs but as the country is by and large a price-taker in
the international market for these products, the country finds it difficult to generate all the
foreign currency required for its industrial development; obsolescence of machinery and
equipments, and the low level of local technological development; lack of technological
information; lack of skilled labor; low demand for Industrial goods which emanate from
low level of income; low quality of locally manufactured goods and hence consumer bias
against local products; lack of well developed infrastructure and under capacity
performance. Manufacturing sector of Ethiopia is structurally unbalanced and
technologically backward, resulting in a state of declining productivity and deteriorating
competitiveness. The policies pursued in the past failed to initiate appreciable
industrialization in the country. On the other hand, experiences of successful
industrializers, clearly underline the need for a guided industrial policy.
3
This part is taken from Ethiopian Economic Association Report on the Ethiopian Economy volume III
2003/4 entitled: Industrialization and industrial policy in Ethiopia,
In the following section brief highlights of some the issues that need careful
consideration in formulating an active industrial policy for the country by drawing
lessons from successful late industrializers and firmly based on the concrete conditions
that currently prevail in the country's manufacturing.
competitiveness, etc. This in turn leads to differences in their specific objectives. Most
manufacturing industries in Ethiopia are technologically backward and the sector as a
whole has very weak sectoral linkages and internally an unbalanced structure. As a result,
it is dependent almost entirely, on the rest of the world for its intermediate inputs and
capital goods; it has very low and declining productivity; and internationally, it is least
competitive. This characteristic, therefore, suggests what the specific objectives should
be. Successful industrialization in Ethiopia, therefore, should basically achieve the
following objectives.
(a)Create a more complete structural linkage between manufacturing and agriculture
(b) Create an internally balanced manufacturing sector
(c) Enhance the productivity and efficiency of firms
(d) Develop dynamic comparative advantage of industries
(c) Productivity and efficiency: Survey results have shown that productivity and
profitability of most firms have been declining for long, rendering them less competitive
even in the domestic market, thereby operating at a level less than full capacity. Because
of technological backwardness, most firms are inefficient. Another central objective of
industrialization, therefore, is to enable firms update their technology, improve their
managerial and labor skills, and enhance their marketing capability so as to move to a
high productivity and efficiency frontier. It should be underlined that an industrialization
strategy in countries such as Ethiopia should not be simply picking winners and dropping
losers. Given the underdeveloped nature of the sector, Ethiopia cannot afford to abandon
firms and waste the few experienced managers and workers. So the strategy should be to
support firms in all possible accounts while simultaneously pressurizing them to improve
their productivities irreversibly, and remain in the business.
(i) Industries producing modern technical inputs to agriculture: This involves firms
manufacturing fertilizers, pesticides, insecticides and improved implements. There is
little disagreement on the critical role that technical inputs play in raising productivity.
Currently, only less than half4 of the farmers in the country (much less in terms of
acreage) use fertilizer. Moreover, the rate of fertilization is much less than the
recommended minimum. Increasing productivity in agriculture significantly, therefore,
demands augmenting the level of fertilizer input exponentially.
Moreover, as the merit of inorganic fertilizer is becoming questionable world wide, the
applicability of alternative inputs (organic fertilizer) is widely under consideration. It is,
therefore, essential that Ethiopia shifts to such alternative inputs not only to enhance
productivities, but also to maintain and further promote its agricultural export. This calls
for producing such technical inputs which are suitable to the specific soil condition of the
country in large scale.
Also, Ethiopian subsistence agriculture is dominated by micro size plots, largely less than
4
Ibid page 292
Promoting such industries will significantly induce more new entrants through the
forward and backward linkages effect, thereby expanding the sector, and hence creating
more employment. Since such industries lie at the center of the linkages, they have strong
spillover effects setting the required technological and quality standards.
Except fuel and spare parts, the remaining import demand of the sector constitutes
intermediate inputs. Promoting industries with high linkages, therefore, will substantially
reduce the import demand of the sector as a whole. This leads to a structural change
towards a more independent and internally vibrant manufacturing sector.
(iii) Import cost reducing and export promoting industries. A major challenge of
industrialization at least at the initial stage, is the massive import demand, which far
exceeds export earnings. Therefore, promoting both import substituting (or import cost
reducing) and exporting activities is not only complementary and reinforcing, but also
necessary.
Though most manufacturing industries use imported inputs, the import demand of some
industries is relatively much larger than others. In most cases, the demand of such
industries would be met if the internal structural problem of the sector is resolved, i.e., if
the capacity of intermediate goods producing industries is augmented substantially. There
are, however, industries with relatively weak linkages but high import demand. Industries
such as battery manufacturing, basic iron and steel, etc. are largely import intensive.
Therefore, establishments producing inputs to industries such as metal casting foundries,
iron bar and iron sheet industries, chemical industries, etc., have to be the focal point for
promotion.
Export promotion, however, should not be limited to these industries alone. Export
diversification is essentially a key strategy. Even more important is exporting of
intermediate inputs, though the short term prospect, at least in large scale, is limited.
Despite this, export promotion should be open equally to all industries capable of making
the effort.
(iv) Efficient and innovative firms: irrespective of the above categorization, there are
firms which emerge efficient and innovative on their own effort. Such firms could be
exemplary, and their experience could be diffused to other firms if supported and
promoted to expand their scope and scale of activities. From time to time, a number of
such innovative firms have emerged in the manufacturing sector. For instance, successful
ventures such as manufacturing of elevators through reverse engineering and adaptation,
truck and trailers manufacturing, building a water based machine cooling system in a
plastic products manufacturing enterprise, and the like have been witnessed. [UNCTAD,
2000] There are also related ventures in experimenting with alternative sources of energy,
such as solar energy. Recently emerging enterprises engaged in electronics industry, such
as computer assembly, TV assembly have to be encouraged to move into manufacturing
of parts. For instance, the lack of policy to support and encourage the few auto
assembling firms to move into higher value added manufacturing stages, has left this
industry in limbo with little technology transfer to other industries. Also, the high-tech
skill said to be the mark of Ethiopian Airline is confined within itself without any spill
over effect to other industries for decades. Hence, encouraging and promoting such
enterprises so that they could expand and extend their activities to manufacturing would
allow other industries/firms to benefit from their innovative experiences.
(V) Strategic industries: the relatively cheap and reliable supply of agricultural
products, which make up the bulk of the raw material inputs for agro-based industries,
such as leather, textile, sugar, meat, fruits and vegetables processing industries, along
with cheap and trainable labor, provide the static comparative advantage of the
manufacturing sector. However, industrialization, in the main, is creating a long-term
dynamic comparative advantage, i.e., building technological capability - expanding
technologically leading industries and creating technically skilled labor force. Promoting
strategic industries which could generate technological externalities to all other industries
is the central long-term strategy of industrialization.
Such industries involve electrical and electronics, chemical, iron casting foundries, iron
sheet, iron bar, aluminum manufacturing, machinery manufacturing, precision
instruments, and other engineering industries. In Ethiopia, however, strategic industries
are largely missing and they have to be created, nurtured and developed through new
investment. This should be primarily the focus area for public investment as well as FDI.
The categories outlined above are quite broad. A large number of industries and firms fall
under these categories. But as intervention resources are limited only a few activities
should be promoted at anyone time. This implies that there is a need for further
prioritizing industries and firms. For instance, even after selecting chemical industries, it
may be necessary to identify further a few relatively more important chemicals for
promotion in the first phase, to be followed by others at a latter phase. Drawing such
priorities requires more detailed studies of each industry identified for promotion.
4. Promotional measures
Now that the industries to be promoted are identified, what is the role of the state in
promoting the industries? What are the measures that the state could undertake in the
Ethiopian context? It should be underlined that intervention should be comprehensive.
There is little outcome if investment is encouraged while ignoring marketing activities; it
is also less useful to upgrade the hardware technology of plants while the skill of workers
remain rudimentary. So interventions, or promotional measures must be undertaken in all
markets, including product market, input market, capital market, technology market, skill
market and foreign direct investment. Moreover, interventions in all markets should be
closely coordinated. One without the other may be ineffective even counterproductive.
Moreover, as noted above, interventions could simultaneously involve broader and linked
group of industries or selectively, a single industry, firm, or product.
A number of measures are identified below. While some of these have common features
for many developing economies undertaking industrial policy, others are specific to the
Ethiopian manufacturing sector.
4.1 Identify the specific problems constraints of and criteria selected industries
Survey results have indicated that most firms have little idea about the internal critical
problems of their plants or firms, particularly technical aspects. They have little
information or knowledge outside their own firm. The same is true with respect to the
new technology on the market, productivity levels of sisterly firms in other countries or at
international level, new management techniques, labor skills, new product qualities and
mixes of improved raw materials to improve product quality, etc. Lack of such
knowledge leads managers to think that their main problem is lack of market and
shortage of raw material. So, identifying the major problems and critical constraints of
selected industries and firms is precisely the initial major undertaking of the
industrialization process.
This requires establishing teams of experts which form the nucleus of the office which
will run the industrialization process (for details see below under institutional
requirement). Such teams should be composed of versed experts in each industrial
activity, involving largely engineers in various fields (chemical, electrical, mechanical,
and hydraulic, etc.), industrial chemists, production managers (in textiles, leather,
foundries, etc.), economists, etc. It is these teams of experts which will visit each firm,
identify their problems with respect to technological status, labor skill, product quality,
managerial techniques, etc., and recommend what specific promotional measures should
be undertaken, what instruments to use, what incentives to provide, for how long and to
what extent, etc. It is these teams which will recommend the type of technology, the size
of the firm, labor skill, product quality, etc., for new investment in a specific industry. In
short, these teams involving experts of international standard with full information access
to and knowledge of manufacturing technology will lead the industrialization process in
the country.
Once detailed recommendations are in place, promotional measures appropriate for each
industry/firm could be outlined or planned. Leaving such specific promotional measures
to be determined by final studies, relatively broad promotional measures which could be
undertaken in the context of the Ethiopian manufacturing sector are identified below
under each market.
supply potentials of Ethiopia. The Ethiopian Export Promotion Agency could handle such
activities. The government can as well implement this through private organizations such
as Ethiopian and Addis Ababa Chambers of Commerce by providing financial support.
• Targeting exports. To further augment exports, the government can set export targets
for firms, not only for those identified above as exporting industries, but also any firm, in
return for a favorable price and guaranteed sales/market domestically or any other
incentive as discussed below, including subsidy.
services, various specialized additional institutes and centers in collaboration with the
private sector and foreign technical assistance should be established.
• Encourage FDI in areas where domestic investment is weak. When FDI moves into
areas with relatively better comparative advantage, such as in resource-based
industries, which can easily be managed by domestic investors, such advantages must
be compensated by a parallel investment in strategic industries.
• Promote FDI in export-activities, particularly in non natural-resource-based
industries.
• Provide generous incentives for FDI with greater externalities in technology and
skill transfer, including design knowledge. In this regard, the government can give
due priority and an all round support to proven foreign investors, such as the
MIDROCK and sisterly groups so that they can move to high-tech strategic
industries.
• Encourage subcontracting and significant local content in all FDI operation.
• Encourage existing foreign investments engaged in simple assembly activities, such
as in auto assembly, to move into manufacturing.
5. Incentive instruments
It should be underlined that as the objective of industrial policy is not to maintain
inefficient firms, incentives have to be selective, goal specific, measured in
magnitude, limited in time, and performance based. Moreover, the incentive scheme
should also be differentiated based on the importance of activities to be promoted. For
instance, investing on a strategic industry, say chemical or metal casting, may be given
higher priority than investing in footwear. Hence the incentive for the former should be
more rewarding than the latter.
Apart from the specific incentives stated above under each market, the remaining
instruments are quite diverse and commonly applicable in each market intervention. A
number of instruments could be employed simultaneously or separately. For instance, a
new investment in say strategic industries may receive subsidized credit as well as tax
exemption for some time. The instruments include:
• Taxes (direct and indirect): tax exemption, tax holiday, tax credit, tax
reduction/deduction,
• Accelerated depreciation
• Finance: Grants, direct credit, credit priority, low interest credit, long term credit,
prolonged grace period.
• Foreign exchange priority
• Priority in infrastructure provision
• Import duty exemption or reduction
• Subsidies
• Free or favorable provision of land
• Reduced electricity charges
• Reduced domestic air cargo charges
6. Measures of control
As noted above, promoting industries with a package of rewards should necessarily be
based on achievements which are specified, limited in time, and measured to outcome. As
promotional programs involve costs and risks, firms are required to share at least some of
the costs and risks commensurate with the benefits they receive. As the overarching
objective of industrial policy is to develop an industrial sector which is productive and
efficient, hence competitive, the benefit basically accrues to firms themselves. Hence
sharing the costs and risks is not only logical but also inevitable as the alternative in
today's competitive environment is to close down, i.e., go out of business eventually.
to benefit from generous support and incentives would be the major requirement.
• Targeted level of export: In newly industrializing economies, targeting export has
been used as an effective mechanism for not only increasing export earnings, but also
improving efficiency. In the Ethiopian context too, export targeting could be used as a
prerequisite for benefiting a significant state support.
• Introducing new technology: Technology heavily influences levels of productivity
and efficiency. It is likely that existing firms have to update their technology to
improve their efficiency. Therefore, benefiting from the incentive package may
require introducing new technology.
Again, at anyone period, requirements could be: one or more depending on the
importance of the industry. For instance, a firm may be required to increase its volume of
production as well as export. On the other hand, a strategic firm may first be required to
increase production to fill the gap in import shortage (foreign exchange saving) and may
later be required to increase its productivity level.
7. Institutional requirement
Industrialization requires a great deal of organizational, informational, skill and financial
resources. A successful industrial policy demands the existence of such capability. As
noted earlier, leading the industrialization program should be the prime responsibility of
the government. The leading role of the government is not contestable as it is the only
institution which has the prerogative to formulate and implement national policy.
Moreover, no other institution has a nationwide structure and capability to undertake such
a long term program
Perhaps the major challenge in this undertaking is the institutional demand. Primarily a
central organ/office to coordinate and lead the program at the apex has to be in place.
This office, as noted above, must be composed of all stakeholders, including the
government, the private sector, labor organizations, civic society, etc, not only for the
sake of transparency, but also for addressing the common interest of all stakeholders
which is critical for the success of the program. It is this central organ which will
establish the structure of the office and pool together the required human resource for
designing, administering and implementing the program. The task of the latter is very
challenging as it has to draw a coherent and detailed action plan and also organize
various required institutions. Financial, technical/technological, educational, marketing
institutions, investment promoting institutions and centers for intervention in different
markets need to be established. Such institutions demand a large amount of resources,
both financial (including foreign exchange) and human. The demand for both financial
and human resources is challenging as it requires experts in varying fields, including
engineers (chemical, electrical, mechanical, etc) , statisticians, industrial experts,
management experts, economists, financial experts, marketing experts, etc, to design,
administer, and monitor the program (i.e., to identify priorities, specify promotional
measures and incentives, confirm performances, etc.). Establishing such institutions
requires a priori study and as industrialization is a long and painstaking process, it is
important that such institutions and staff be permanently assigned to maintain the
sustainability of the program.
However, because of the challenge and complexity of industrial policy, some question the
capability of governments to successfully undertake such a program. For instance, the
World Bank argues that developing country governments are intrinsically unable to act in
the national interest, for various reasons including lack of acquiring enough information
to select better than the market, lack of skill to design and implement detailed and
complex industrial policy, the tendency to gravitate towards sectional interest rather than
national interest, corrupt practices, etc. [Chang, 1999; WB, 1993]5.
It is true that developing countries, including Ethiopia face some of these shortcomings
and constraints. Hence, there is a need for a careful preparation to overcome such
shortcomings. In the Ethiopian context, with respect to the information gap on markets,
factor conditions, technology, skill requirements and organizational heeds, the experience
of industrialized countries could serve as an initial source of information to make
selective decisions. Second, the government can utilize its offices abroad, embassies,
consulates, etc, as a source of information. In this connection, NGOs can also be viable
sources as they have access to external information, outside Ethiopia. Third, private
5
Ibid , page 307
The lack of skill to design and implement such a complex program is a serious
shortcoming. This can be mitigated initially by training staff and hiring skilled and
experienced experts from countries which have undertaken an industrialization program.
Moreover, experience, along with on the job training, is the best medium for acquiring
further skills.
A major challenge also arises from sectional interest (noted above in this section) and
corrupt bureaucratic practices. While it is relatively easy to reduce rampant corruption at
the lower tiers of government - through supervision and incentives- it is more difficult at
higher levels. Today Ethiopia is not free from this problem. As noted above, this is the
underlying reason for organizing a leadership entrusted with managing such a program
composed of different stake holders. The involvement of all stakeholders will discipline
the state and make it accountable to the public, hence improving the quality and outcome
of government interventions. Disciplined and competent bureaucracy to avoid rent
seeking practices is a prerequisite. Certainly, a corrupt government should not be
entrusted with undertaking detailed industrial policy. Transparency in the implementation
of the program is one instrument to mitigate the potential abuse of such a program.
What this implies is that, sectoral as well as macro policies need to be consistent with the
industrial policy in place. If for instance, agricultural policy, such as land policy, is not
revised to allow massive agricultural inputs - fertilizers, insecticides, improved seeds,
improved farm implements, then, the industrial policy which accords priority to
industries producing agricultural inputs would be of no avail. Similarly, if macro policies,
such as financial policy, are not retuned to support targeted industries, then the success of
the industrialization program would be inevitably limited. If the energy policy does not
provide priority to targeted industries, then the industrialization program would be
adversely affected.
1. Briefly discuss the policy forms and approaches (industrial policy taxonomy).
Substantiate your discussions with examples.
2. Mention and discuss the main problem of industrial sector in Ethiopia.
3. State the specific objectives of industrial policy in Ethiopia, and indicate
justifications for these objectives.
4. Mention some strategic industries for Ethiopia, and reason out why you
categorize them as strategic.
5. Explain the necessary institutional arrangements required for a successful
industrial policy in Ethiopia.
6. Briefly explain the neo-liberal policy prescription and show the limitation of
this school.
7. Discuss in detail the underlying features of structuralists’ perspectives on
industrialization.