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The Authentic Punk: An Ethnographyof DiY Music Ethics

by

Alastair Robert Gordon

A Doctoral Thesis

Submittedin partial fulfilment of the requirements

for the awardof

PhD of Loughborough University

18'hJanuary 2005

By Alastair Robert Gordon 2005

 Abstract

This thesisexamineshow selectparticipantscameto be involved in DiY punk culture,

what they do in it, and how, if they do, they exit from the culture. Underpinning this
will be an ethnographicexaminationof how the ethics of punk informs their views of
remaining authentic and what they consider to be a sell out and betrayal of these
values. I illustrate how such ethics have evolved and how they inform the daily
practice of two chosenDiY punk communities in Leeds and Bradford. I show how
thesecommunitiesreciprocally relate to eachother. I ask such questionsas what do
the participantsget out of what is often experiencedashard work and toil, particularly
where it is fraught with a seriesof dilemmasbound up in politics, ethics, identity and
integrity. I offer a groundedtheory of how and what ways those involved in DiY

punk authenticatethemselvesin their actions. This will demonstratehow and, more

importantly, why DiY punks distinguish their ethical version
of punk over and above
what are taken as less favourable forms of punk. What happens if previous
passionatelyheld DiY beliefs are surrendered?Severeconsequencesfollow should a
participant sell out. I presentan accountof theseand suggestthat what they involve
is not the clear-cut question that is sometimes assumed,either sincerely or self-
righteously.

Keywords: Punk, DiY, Ethnography, Subculture, Authenticity, Ethics, Dilemma,

Hardcore,Straight Edge,Commodification.
 The Authentic Punk An Ethnography ofDiYMusic

Ethics

Acknowledgments p.3

Introduction p.5

ChapterOne: PunksIn Press p. 13

ChapterTwo: The EthnographicPunk p.46

ChapterThree: Entrance p.66

ChapterFour: Punk Ethics p.98

ChapterFive: Ethics in Action p. 142

ChapterSix: GenreDistinction p. 162

ChapterSeven:Authenticity in Action p. 177

ChapterEight: Exit p.227

ChapterNine: The Dilemmasof Punk p.258

Bibliography p.272

Appendices p.287

Gordon PhD 2
Acknowledgments

First of all I would like to than my research supervisor, Mike Pickering, for his

dedicatedsupport. His clear and careful guidance,steadfastbelief and patiencefrom

the initial inception of the project to its final completion has beeninvaluable. Words

are insufficient to describe the gratitude and appreciation I feel for the dedicated

support shown to me. Thank You. I also extend thanks to LoughboroughUniversity

Departmentof Social Sciencesfor the three year researchstudentshipand my fellow

colleagues,David Deacon,John Downey, Dominic Wring, Mike Gane,Dennis Smith,

Mick Billig, Jim McGuigan, GrahamMurdock, PeterGolding, SarahPink and all the

staff in the Dept. At Nottingham Trent University, Con Lodziak for the original

inspiration and support: thanks mate, and also to Chris Rojek for invaluable advice.

Finally to my friend, Steven Stanley, who taught me the true art of academic

snobbery.

Thank you to all of the peoplewho were good friends to me through what has proved

to be a difficult period of my life: you know who you all are and there are too many to

mention here. Friendly insults must be however be awardedto Olly, Jim R, SeanD,

Bloody Kev, Bri, Dale and PC Lee, Snedda,(Da Holmes), Kito, Paula, Ged, Nicky,

Dave, Leathers, Steve Charlesworth, Coops, Beautiful Steve, Jimmy and landlady

Alison. A generalthanksis also offered to all thoseinvolved in the LeedsDiY scene,

Out Of Step Recordsand the Bradford 1in12 club, for making this study possible. A

big thanks to the Nottingham punk scene(especially Steve, Tim and Pat), Terry for

the numeroustattoosand all at Bodycraft for the hospitality when I reachedfrustrating

periods of this research.To my Mother, thanksfor being you!

In true punk tradition, unfriendly insults (of the two-finger variety) must, however, be

extendedto those people who have made this period totally difficult for me. You

Gordon PhD
know who you are. Also, I give the bird to the bloke who ran into my car on the MI

last March and to the Cimex lectulariuswho chosemy flat to visit during the last year

of this research,gee,that certainly was a real help.

Finally this work is dedicatedto my daughter,SarahGordon and also to the memories

of the following people who tragically died during the course of this research. Jaz

Toomer, John Paul Morrow, Ralph Hamilton, Robert Heaton, Stig (Icons of Filth),

Mark (Poundaflesh)John Hepworth, and Wayne Southworth (Doom, The Devils).

Rip. Also in remembranceof the following pioneers:Johnny Cash, Dee Dee, Joey

and JohnnyRamone,Joe Strummerand John Peel. All of you will be sorely missed.

For thepunks,

Gordon PhD 4
Introduction

THIS IS A CHORD, HERE'S ANOTHER, NOW FORM A BAND! '

A ShortNote Before I Begin

Sitting in the front of my father's car approachingthe ageof II on a cloudy afternoon

in March 1979,1 witnesseda strangesight. Four punks were standingon the comer

of the street with dyed leopard-skin haircuts, Mohawks, studded leather jackets

emblazonedwith strange band names, bondage trousers and ten-hole Dr. Marten

Boots. On the back of one of the punk's jackets was a detailed black-and-white

painting of someoneholding a flag over their shoulder marching across a ploughed

field. I had seenpunk rockers before and usedto passa Johnny Rotten clone on my

way home from school, feeling mildly intimidated at the sight of him. I'd witnessed

the furore of the media coverageof the Sex Pistols on the Today Show and the Day-

Glo displays of Never Mind the Bollocks album in the local Virgin record store. But

this experiencewas different. I was mesmerised,and the painting was a complete

enigma to me. What was it about? My concentrationwas broken with my father's

voice, booming "look at that bunch of loutsH If you ever turn out like that I'll hang

you from the nearestlamppost!" Too late, I was hooked!

By late 19801 had found out what the symbol on the jacket meant through seriesof

questionsto older punk peers and researchin the aisles of a local record store: the

band was Crass. My friends and I ditched the Sex Pistols in favour of this strange

black and white aestheticband and adoptedtheir anarchistpolitics. The hostility I

subsequently received from my father at this only served to make me more

determined to make more headway into the now forbidden world of punk. The

austere anarchist politics on those records left me scared but the comments and the

1 Savage,
(1991:281).

Gordon PhD
angerchimed with the senseof alienation I felt at my school and in my family. I had

no faith in the latter and Crasshelpedto supportthesefeelings making me realisethat

it was acceptableto challengethe so-called unquestionablerules of the institutions

that controlled our lives. Two years later I had my own band, and a much wider

knowledgeof anarchistpunk music.

Crassweren't acceptableto all the punks in my home town. I naively thought that

all punks stood together againstsociety. I was quickly proved wrong. On my way

home from school, after I had walked past the stencilled Crass graffiti ---Tight War,

Not Wars', 'Destroy Power Not People' -I was faced with the following accusation:

'Crass are a bunch of middle classhippies'. This had been sprayedby the local glue-

sniffing, self-named Chaos Punks, who felt that Crass were a sell-out of what they

consideredto be the original punk ethics of anarchy, chaos and destruction, not a

vegetariancoterie intent on challenging oppression. That was far too much like the

hippies for them. Such complicated and ambiguouspolitics were clearly not to the

tasteof the ChaosPunksand a running seriesof rivalries continuedbetweenus during

the early eighties.

Nearly twenty five years later, I'm still mesmerised,not so much now by anyone's

sartorial display, but rather by the dynamicsof punk practice,the quandariesraisedby

various aspectsof punk values,and the accompanyingdebatesabout what, and what

does not, constitute an authentic punk. A whole life-world of DiY punk has

developedsince punk's inception. This is not unitary; there are factions and splits.

There are countless bands, venues, political actions, record labels, distributors,

fanzines,to name a small number of activities that are inspired by the ethic of DiY

punk and, yes, the divisions have aged with us. Most of all there is an ever-present

pressure,sometimesblatantly asserted,sometimesvery subtly applied, to remain true

6
to what is consideredan authenticpunk ethic. There is of course no one, fixed or

absoluteconception of what that is. The compasswavers but continually points us

forward.

I first encounteredhostility to the anarchist ethic of DiY in 1981. Back then, to

crossover from being a chaospunk to the terrain of what was soon to becomeknown

as peace or anarcho punk, or indeed to move in the other direction, could easily

become dangerousto your health and social standing. Accusations of selling out

would arise from whatever side of punk you had previously been affiliated to, while

hostility could head your way from such youth groups as skinheads, rude boys,

trendies and the mods of the mod revival of 1980, all of whom might decide to use

you as a punch bag.

One of the most long-standingdilemmas of punk has been about selling out your

band to a major label. Was this the way to go, or should you stay local,

unincorporatedand free? Was there any value in that when your influence was

minimal and you were preaching- or playing - to the converted? Could not the battle

be waged from within the music industry? But then - whence the authentic punk?

Suchquestionscontinueto face any relatively successfulband who are approachedby

a talent scout or promoter. The dilemma still raisesits opposedquestionsin circles of

punk resistance. That it is

still exists perhapsa sign of health and optimism, but it

doesn't grow any easier. It continuesto split people, to causeheartachesand anger;

consciencesstill go through its wringer.

What follows is dedicatedto punk: the life coursethat should have fucked up my

life. Instead,it set me on a path of learning as well as rebellion. This is a story about

punk practice and punk values, about how people become absorbedinto punk and

sometimes disillusioned with it. It is not solely about punk. I feel that such

Gordon PhD
preoccupationsin punk as cultural authenticity and authenticity of identity and

conduct,along with the moral and ethical dilemmaswhich the practiceof punk throws

up during one's immersion in it, are of significant theoreticalvalue to cultural studies,

while what can be learned from them are transferableto other social domains and

other fonns of social life.

In this thesis I turn the ethnographic lens on my long-standing subcultural.

experienceto try and map out the everydayexperienceof reciprocal punk scenes. It

has long puzzled me why I was made to feel inauthentic just becauseI hadn't

purchasedthe latestpunk releaseor even knew of its existence. I grew sick and tired

of this kind of aspersion,though in day-to-dayencountersit was not necessarilymade

as an aspersion. The inferencecould be madein sometimesquite discreet,underhand

or devious ways. But I continued to feel rather puzzled. I don't feel that I have

properly got to grips with it till now. The thesis is about my journey towards a

resolution of the puzzle, or at least towards something that may be consideredas

approximating a resolution of some kind. It seemedthat no one else was going to

supply it for me, so I decided to embark in a concerted way on a series of

investigations that circulate around the quest. This draws directly on punk itself.

After my own entranceinto the life-world it represents,I soon learnedthat punk had

but one important ethic if you don't like something,get off your arseand changeit:
-
do it yourself! The thesis is me doing it myself. By the way, my father never hung

me from a lamppost. It is neverthelessa sourceof deepregretthat we still don't talk.

I shall begin with what the presentwork is not about. It is not concernedwith the

practice of playing music in bands;with punk attire and style; with the relationship of

punk scenesto other musical subcultureswhether historical or otherwise; with media

representationsof punk; with the punk scenein Europe; with touring in a punk band;

Gordon PhD 8
with writing and recording punk records;with punk and the internet; with genderand

punk; with ethnicity and punk; or with education and punk. I reserveany or all of

these for future work! But they become other people's worthwhile PhD topics or

researchprojects.I shall proceedwith my own.

The thesis is about two adjacentsubcultural sceneswhose actions are empowered

(or, as it may be, disempowered)by the DiY punk ethic. The majority of the

participantswho figure in this study considerthe greatestproportion of punk music to

be caughtup in and compromisedby the control of major record labels. The interests

of thesemajor labels are bound up in capitalist enterpriseand driven by its economic

imperatives. Their priorities jeopardisethe DiY ethic, which is concernedprimarily

with freedom and accessibility. Those who have sold out, from the Sex Pistols

onwards, have been criticised for diluting or negating such freedom and turning

culture into a commodity.

The focus is local, empirical and practical. I am not concerned with abstruse

theoretical formulations about resistanceor freedom but with how the DiY ethic

informs and guides everyday social living. That is why the principal method of the

researchis ethnographic. I have availed myself of my own experience and the

opportunitiesthis has for

created studyingvarious sitesof social action and interaction

in order to examine how subcultural ethics shapethe discourse and conduct of its

participants. The ethnographicwork leadsto theoretical issues but

and questions, it is

not driven or determinedby them. This is important. There have not been anything

like enoughclosely observedstudiesof actual youth subcultural scenes,while in the

pastexplanationsof youth subcultureshavetoo often beenoverly theoretical or overly

preoccupied by theoretical issues. The danger is of imposing theory on the

regardless
recalcitrant phenomena, of whether it fits properly or in all cases. The

9
neglect of work done on the ground, among subcultural participants themselves,has

beenhuge. So far as I am aware,my thesis representsis the first broad ethnographic

investigation into over twenty-five years of UK DiY punk rock. Most similar work

hasbeenconductedwell away from the shoresof the UK and has not investigatedthe

daily participation of its membersor sought to examine how punk ethics inform the

practices of scene participants. Broadly speaking, most of the coverage of punk,

whether academicor otherwise,is wide of the mark. This has actedas a catalyst for

the presentwork. I have quite deliberatelyturned my back on books that celebratethe

legendaryheroes of punk or those obsessedwith questions of style. Some of the

clothes that are paradedin thesepublications were very much beyond the pursesof

myself and my peers. This was where DiY has been so inspirational: we made our

own clothes! (Well, at least someof the time.) Punk's early intentions were to reduce

or abolish the gap that separatesband and audience. Academic and popular writings

have since widened this gap again. I am in any case concerned more with the

participant than the musician or band. The majority of work on subcultures has

avoided any seriousdiscussionof ethics and how they are enactedat the level of the

everyday. The general aim of my researchhas been to addressthis omission. The

specific aims are as follows.

Firstly, I seekto illuminate the daily practice of those involved in DiY punk scenes

where their actions are motivated by ethical concerns. As an ethical matter, I do not

seek to impose the theoretical doxa of previous subcultural theory onto the

participants but insteadallow them to have a voice in the researchand to speakfor

themselves,albeit through my mediation. Specifically, I shall articulate how select

participantscame to be involved in MY punk culture, what they do in it, and how, if

they do, they exit from the culture. Underpinningthis will be an examinationof how

10
the ethics of punk informs their views of remaining authenticand what they consider

to be a sell out and betrayalof thesevalues.

Secondly,I try to illustrate how such ethics have evolved and how they inform the

daily practice of two chosenDiY punk scenesin Leedsand Bradford. I try to show

how thesecommunitiesreciprocally relate to eachother. I ask suchquestionsas what

do the participants get out of what is often experiencedas hard work and toil,

particularly where it is fraught with a seriesof dilemmas bound in

up politics, ethics,

identity and integrity.

Finally, I offer a groundedtheory of how and what ways those involved in DiY

punk authenticatethemselvesin their actions. This will demonstratehow and, more

importantly, why DiY punks distinguish their ethical version of punk over and above

what are taken as less favourable forms of punk. What happens if previous

passionatelyheld DiY beliefs are surrendered?Such actions are viewed as well nigh

treasonablein certain circles of DiY punk. Severeconsequencesfollow should a

participant sell out. I shall presentan account of these and suggestthat what they

involve is not the clear-cut question that is sometimesassumed,either sincerely or

self-righteously.

The thesis will adopt the following order. Chapter one will critically introduce the

popular and academic literatures on punk in addition to work on subcultures,

counterculturesand related formations. I will argue why the present work is an

advanceand a contribution to existing work. Chaptertwo is a critical discussionof the

methodology involved in the study. It makes the case for why I have struck a

methodological balance between grounded theory and descriptive ethnography in

to
order avoid gaggingthe participantsin the research. Chapterthree investigatesthe

participants' life histories and how they came to be involved in punk rock and why

II
they came to prefer DiY. Chapterfour is a historical discussionof how and in what

ways DiY punk ethics have evolved since its inception, and how the introduction of

DiY American hardcorein the 1980schangedthe cultural landscapeof DiY punk in

the UK. It resolves itself by articulating how competing versions of punk ethics

producesubculturalconflict and seethingresentment. Chapterfive is an et1mographic

account of building a studio in a Bradford anarchist venue, the IinI2, and the

difficulties and rewards that arose out of this. It specifically answersthe question:

what is it like to advancethe DiY ethic beyondthe previously establishedparameters

of such action, commonly groupedas it is aroundbands,labels, gigs and distribution.

Chapter six offers the term genre distinction together with four sub-categoriesto

explain how those in DiY present and authenticatetheir experiencesas valid as

against other less favourableversionsof punk. That theme is then developedthrough

the ethnographiclens of my experienceof working in a Leeds punk record shop in

chapter seven. This chapter also details how a seriesof competing versions of DiY

punk ethics results in a number of different venues and promotional strategies

between Leeds and Bradford DiY gigs. The final section of this chapter examines

how the reciprocal ethical relations betweenthe DiY scenesof Leeds and Bradford

inform each other through competing versions of DiY punk, cast along the lines of

DiY political activism and DiY punk cultural production. Chaptereight investigates

why people leavethe DiY scene. It examinesa numberof competingreasonsfor this.

The final chapterturns to the ultimate authenticpunk dilemma: bandsabandoningthe

DiY ethic and selling out to major music labels. This is examinedthough the views

expressedby the participantsin the study and by the bandmembersthemselves.

So to begin:

HERE'S A WORD, HERE'S ANOTHER, NOW HERE'S THE THESIS.

Chapter 1: Punk(s) in Press

Public Service Announcement

[You are listening to Radio Two]

Attention please attentionplease attentionplease....attentionplease

... ....

Here is a specialannouncement.

Attention please

Here is a specialannouncement

It is with deepregret

That we haveto announceto you,

contrary to claims made

by somemembersof the generalpublic,

that PUNK IS DEAD 2

DocumentingPunk

The majority of popular literature on punk rock prior to the mid-1990s was either

severelywide of the mark, out of date,inaccurateor just plain wrong. Punk has been

portrayed as a politically inert subculture, dead in the water by the late 1970s; a

violent subculture; or as a legend constituted by famous bands with very little of

interest musically beyond them. Such representationsare seriously flawed. They

that
suggest this 'subculture' hashad next to nothing to presentas a legacy.

In October 2000 1 carried out an Amazon.co.uk literature searchwith the initial

keyword 'punk'. The result of around 200 books was hardly interesting or inspiring.

2 Crass (2004: 275)

The overarchingline of interpretationwas of punk as a youth culture that belongedto

the 1970sand 1980s. The majority of thesebooks suggestedthat new-romanticism

and new-wavewere the de for

rigueur choicesof youth subculture the nation's youth

in what they call the post-punk-period. Where were the voices from both myself and

my peerswhose life experienceof punk has occurred during the 1980sand 1990s?

Subsequentgenerationsinspired by the first punks, createdextensivepolitical, sub-

and counterculturalactivities post-1977and these activities are largely missing from

suchaccounts. They have beenwritten out of history. All the experiences,bandsand

peoplesimply did not exist, accordingto the literature. From this explorationinto the

realm of popular and academicpublishing on punk, I proceededto investigatethe

recentliterature available from internetbookshops.

A repeatsearchof Amazon.co.uk during September2004, with the samekeyword

searchrevealed418 entriesand an expandingliterature the assessmentof which in its

entirety is beyond the scope of the present chapter. The literature has clearly

mushroomed,but is there any improvementon the earlier work and, moreover,is it of

particular contextual relevanceto my ethnographicsubjects? In what follows I will

illustrate my thesisby suggestingthat a large number of thesebooks excludea central

featureof punk culture, that of its day-to-dayaudienceand its day-to-dayparticipants.

The chapter is set out in three sections. Firstly, I shall present a general overview

of popular literature on punk rock. Secondly, the theoretical literature of subcultural

research will be critically outlined, staking a claim for my own work as an

improvement on past and present subcultural research. Finally, I shall examine the

work of what I call the punkademic: those academics who chose the punk scenes for

I
examination and analysis. shall survey both books and journal articles from the last

twenty-five years.

PhD
GOTdon 14
 The popular literature on punk is broad, ranging from instruction manualson punk

and aerobics (Mancini & Jasper,2004); through cookbooks (McGuirk, 2004); punk

biographies(Gray, 2001; True, 2002; McNeil & McCain, 1996; Cohen,2001 Parker,

1998;Paytress,2003); punk autobiographies(Lydon & Zimmerman, 1994;Valentine,

2002; Ramone and Kofman, 1997); punk fiction (Spreecher,1994; Hister, 2000;

Sheppard,2001; King 2001); punk concert posters and artwork (Turcotte, 1999;

Vaucher, 1999); to punk photo-joumals(Belsito & Davis, 1983; Connoly et al 1988;

Piper, 1997; Stevenson& Stevenson,1999; Gruen, 2001; Pasanen,2001; Mitsuru.

2003). These select titles, amongst many others, cover some of the key areas of

punk's self-documentation. However, with the exception of punk fiction, the

everyday practice of punk is simply overlooked.

The books written on 1970spunk were one of the catalystsfor the presentresearch.

The vast majority of theseconcentrateon a set period of time in either England or the

US (West, 1982; Gibbs, 1995; Vale 1995,1996; McNeil & McCain, 1996) with the

chief magnets of attention being The Sex Pistols (Vermorel & Vermorel, 1978;

Stevenson,1978; Monk & Gutterman,1990; Savage,1991; Heylin, 1998; Burgess&

Parker,1999) or The Clash (Green and Barker, 1997, Gray, 2001; Topping, 2003;

Parker,2003; D' Ambrosio, 2004, Needs,2004)3. Whilst thesebooks provide minute

biographical details of what are consideredtwo early, key bands,this is presentedat

the cost of the wider subcultural context. Literature on the 'classic period' offers a

small advancementon this position, covering bands, fashion, media, venues record

labels and fanzines (Burchill & Parsons 1978; Palmer, 1981; Marcus, 1993,1994;

Kelly, 1996; Gibbs, 1996; Perry, 2000; Nolan 2001, Colcgravc & Sullivan 2001).

3 There are
also a number of biographiesof the other punk bandsof this period and beyond: The Jam,
Willmott (2003); Siouxsie and the Banshees,Paytrees(2003); The Stranglers,Cornwell and Drury
(2001) to namea small number.

Gordon PhD 15
However, what this work seeksto do is reify the punk in terms of a period, a 'classic

era' and accompanyingfixed or unitary mind-set. This period is set in memorial

stone. At each of the subsequentanniversaries(10,15,20, Jubilee), old bands are

draggedback into the media spotlight and their leadersquestionedby media pundits

it
on what was like to be involved in this classic era? Kelly reflects this view in the

introduction to his editedbook, Punk Legends:

"Gosh, Uncle Danny, what did you do in the punk rock wars?" With eachpassingyear it
gets harder and harder to believe that it all really happened,never mind to remember
what you sawand heard,to work out what it all meant(1996:5)
To concentrateon that small number of either New York or London bands in a

small spanof time, and transform them into upper-case'Legends', is to entirely miss

the point. The legacyof punk seemsto have largely ignored by the writers mentioned

this far. Colegrave and Sullivan (2001) insist that punk is still required but

completely fail to recognisethat it never went away. It just left the well-lit shoresof

the major recordlabels for most of the 80s (SeeGlasper,2004). They note:

Most of the peoplethat helped us with this book believe that the attitude of punk is even
more relevant to today's bland society than it was 25 years ago, and it is time for that
movement to arise. It is possible that the current renewed interest in punk is tacit
acknowledgementthat today's establishmenthas even more control over youngsters.
T'his control is more sophisticatedthan in 1976, but perhapsmore effective. Kids are
passiveconsumersof media and pre-packagedmusic ... The media style magazinesand
the music and fashion industries have designer-labeledand "individualised" for the
massesevery possible trend to ensurethere is no more DiY style or music to interfere
with the seriousbusinessof cateringto the youth market. (2001:384)
From this perspectiveMY punk never happened,my subjectsDiY projects were

not mentioned, only sugar-coated,sold-out media celebrities exist for passive kids.

The hierarchical pop music culture that punk set about to overthrow, along with the

pompous famc-inflated rock star, have been overlooked. The irony of popular punk

literature is its insistenceon the culture of the punk celebrity.

Such arrogantly titled books as Gibbs (1996) Destroy: The Definitive Guide to

Punk Rock, through its rhetorical use of definitive, simultaneously bars any fresh

Gordon PhD 16
subculturalinnovation and reffies the legend statusof the punk godfathers.Again the

literatureis saddledwith the sameold spreadof classicbands.

2002 celebratedpunk's first Jubilee alongsideHRH's golden event. This passed

with a number of 'safe' punk events and no significant insult aimed at HRH. The

papers had altered in attitude from their alarmist 1970s scaremongeringthat

establishedUK punk as a threat to the moral order. Twenty-five yearslater they were

full of mostly cockle-warming, nostalgic views of the 'punk years'. They

commemoratedwhat was consideredto be a short-lived subculture. The Guardian

(28/05/02)ran an article, 'Face It Punk Was Rubbish, ignoring all the bandsthat had

arisensincepunk's origins, focusing solely on actspopular during the allegedheyday

of 1976-79.Mullholland, in The Independent(31/05/02), began his article 'After the

Anarchy' stating 'punk is dead'. He promptly endorsedthe claim that new-wavewas

the genre that had inherited punk ethics. During the actual 'jubilee' period, fresh

interest was inspired in the punk 'era': much of it concentratedon John Lydon's

subsequentcareerdevelopmentsover the last two decadesor predictably romanticised

that era and concentratedon thosebandsand thoseimportantpeople, the pioneersand

celebrities of punkl. Old interviews were reprinted with detailed inspectionsof the

'key' bands of the period. The legacy was further enshrined to the status of a

historical subcultureworthy of a permanentdisplay at the London Victoria and Albert

Museum. From surveying this literature you could easily be convinced that punk is

actually dead. It was not until the mid-1990sthat this imbalancewas beginning to be

redressed. Predictably I have not been alone in my criticisms. Slowly but surely there

has been a steady set of biographies published from participants in UK's punk legacy.

I shall investigate these books shortly.

4 Seethe 'punk jubilee' specialsof 2002 detailedin the bibliography.

Gordon PhD 17
 The exception to the amount of uselesspopular literature regarding punk and its

'jubilee' was a number of small articles hinting that there may have been somepunk

subcultural activity beyond the punk years. Just possibly, the Dodo was not dead.

The most notableexceptionwas Glasper(2002) in Terrorizer Magazinewho provided

a short testimonial to the streetpunk and anarchopunk genres. He has since written

the excellent Burning Britain that details the street-punk genre of post 1977 UK

punk5. This is a detailed geographicaldiscographyand oral history of secondwave

Punk bandsacrossthe UK. Presentedfrom the perspectiveof thosebandsinspired by

what Glasperdescribesas the first-wave of punk, he demonstratesthe country-wide

set of bands that occurred in the early 1980s. Glasper's 'second wave of punk'

subjectsprovide a very telling and informative insight into the political and social

strugglesagainstThatcherism,a stark contrastto the privileged statusa numberof the

first wave bands had achieved (2004:8). As most of the band members were

unemployed, anger and frustration were voiced via the inherited and inspired DiY

ethic to the DiY punk record, many of which were distributed through the early

independentdistribution company, Rough Trade. Glasper documentshundreds of

records released in this way. This ethic allowed numerous unemployed and

impoverishedyoung people to articulate their lives to those in similar contexts. As'

one of Glasper'sintervieweesstated:

The secondwave of punks were the kids who like ourselveshad missedout on punk the
first time around, who were less pretensiousand proud to be punk for the youth culture
side of it. The climate of the time included football terraceculture and teenagerebellion
againstoutragedparents(Gritton, in Glasper:2004:8).
Glasper brackets off the political aspect of punk's legacy, the anarchist inheritance

of punk heraldedthrough the inspirational activities of the band Crass:anarchopunk.

Rimbaud (1998), former drummer of the band, offered an excellent and informative

'5Ilis book only dealswith the British streetpunk genre. He plans to write an anarchopunk book in a
for 2005. Seealso Joynson (2001) for an annotatedand prolific punk discography
similar vein

Gordon PhD is
insight that chimes with the testimoniesand actions of the participants of this study.

IndeedCrass,inspired by the actionsof the Sex Pistols and the Clash, championedthe

DiY ethic through their counterculturalroots of Stonehengeand communal living in

the early 1970s. Crass took the MY scene into the anarchist political realm and

transformedit into street protest, non-violent direct action and animal rights action

(seeGordon, 1995,McKay, 1996;c3; Unterberger,2000). As Rimbaudput it:

Tom sweat-shirtshad become'de rigueur'. Safety-pinjewellery was radical chic. There

was still talk of revolution, but it was from the seatsof limousines and the safety of
armouredminds, empty rhetoric bouncing around the steel and glass offices of the new
glitterati. Bacardi and bullshit. Well, we'd seenthrough the con. There was a whole
new generationof dissentersout on the streets,and if we'd have beenwaiting for orders
from generalRotten,we'd realisedthe mistake. This time we were on our own It was
....
the first wave punks that had becomevelvet zippies, it was up to us to put the record
straight. We weren't going to be made into another set of market-placevictims. This
time we were going to make it work. (1998:76-7)
Rimbaud documentswhat was the beginning in earnestof a politicised DiY punk

that began with the actions of Crass. This has a firm foothold and legacy in the

actionsand practice of someof the participantsof this study. It presentsan alternative

to what Rimbaud considered'bought-out' punk. I will make much of this argument

throughoutthe thesis.

Finally, Mudrian (2004) offers an excellent insight into the post-1984 legacy of

anarcho-punkthat becameknown as Britcore. Following the now tested method of

oral history, Mudrian offers an insight into the beginnings of the subgenresof

grindcore and death metal; both had links to the DiY ethic and the anarcho punk

critique. Perhapsthe most valuable insight that Mudrian establishes,alongside the

John Peel Show, is the DiY practice of tape-tradingas central to the crystallisation

formation DiY
of new and separate musical forms 6.
and genres
and

In terms of punk's American counterpart, hardcore, Mudrian also notes the

connections between the two scenes in the mid-1980s established chiefly though tape

6 See Marshall (2003) for an excellent accountof tape tradersand bootleg collectors
also

Gordon PhD 19
trading and its associatedcorrespondence.Through such trades and the subsequent

contactsmade, American hardcore became a related genre influence on the British

punk scenefrom the early eighties onwards. There are a numberof interestingbooks

written from the point of view of band members(Snowden& Leonard, 1997; Bessey

et al, 1999; Azerrad, 2001; Spitz & Mullen, 2001; Sinker, 2001; Mullen et al, 2002,

Keithley, 2003). They presentthe most detailed and informative contextualbackdrop

to the present work. In similar terms to Glasper, Blush presentsan overview of

American Hardcore from the perspectiveof the band and DiY label involved from

1980-86. A broad spectrumof US DiY hardcorepunk is consideredin depth with

oral history interviews with the band members of the American hardeore scene.

*Blush introducesthe DiY punk ethic, and usesthe whole geographicalspectrumof

hardcorebandsand labels to illustrate the successesand frustrations of this project.

He summarisesthe need for a DiY ethic in hardcorepunk. American hardcorewas

predictablyout of stepwith the tastesof the early 1980sAmerican music business:

Hardcorewas one of the few forms on which the major labels were unwilling or unable
to capitalise.Coke snorting A&R types refusedto take the shit seriously. Bands didn't
work through typical channels.With hardcoreoutfits coming from such a self-destructive
underground,who were labels gonnasign? Four belligerent kids who'd most likely wind
up in a mentalhospital or jail? (2001:275-6)
Unlike the UK where the majors were fighting with each other to sign up punk

bandsto savea'recordindustry in decline (seeLaing, 1985),US hardcorelargely kept

the major labels at bay through their perceived musical ineptitude and un-

marketability until the mid 1980s. Blush takes the view that those bands appearing

after 1986 are subcultural impostors,taking up the well-trodden, subcultural dualism

of the original
authentic/inauthentic, era/selling-out in the same vein as Rimbaud's

'first-wave' UK punks. I shall examinethis in detail in chapterfour. Blush offers his

view on hardcore'scontemporaryrenaissance:

Gordon PhD 20
 As for the current hardcorerenaissance,I don't wanna deny the legitimacy of today's
teen angst. I just feel like, "Yo, make your own fucking music! Why ape the music of
my saladdays?" I can relateto thoseold Jazzor Blues catswho played back when it was
all about innovation rather than formula, and who now see a bunch of complacent,
umpteenthgenerationbeneficiaries claiming the forms as their own. Face it, hardcore
ain't the sameanymore, it can still make powerful music, but it's an over with art form.
It's relatively easy to be into now but back then it was an entirely different story.
(2001:10)

Such a renaissance,for the UK, happenedaround the time Blush insists was the

period when US hardcorewas over. I shall return to the imposition of endpointsand

their relation to subculturalauthenticity below. A central intention of this study is to

dissolve such subcultural endpointsand instead examinethe value of the experience

of the participantsregardlessof whateverpunk 'golden age' they claimed they were

participantsof. A shortcomingof Blush's work is his avoidanceof the secondwave

of straight edgehardcore. While he considersthe first wave of this genre,its legacy

remainsoverlooked. I recommendLahickey (1997) for a robust account of the late

eighties positive hardcore movement detailed through the voices of the bands and

recordlabels.

Anderson and Jenkins (2001) provide a detailed overview of the WashingtonDC

scenewith a heavy emphasison the counterculturalaspectsof DiY punk. Most of the

voices stemfrom band members,along with Anderson'sautobiographicalaccountsof

his experiencesand the voices of core members of the scene. Absent from the

accountare the daily activities involving the daily reproduction of a DiY sceneand

how this is achieved. There is a specific rhetorical purpose to this book. DiY is

presentedas the authenticroute, par excellence,with no considerationof how and in

what specific ways this is achieved:the everyday is left off-limits. In spite of such

criticisms, this and Blush's work provide, together, very detailed and valuable

accountsof US DiY hardcore.

Gordon PhD 21
 The literature on MY punk and hardcore is a significant improvement when set

againstthe misguided,stubborn,and mostly elitist literature on the 'classic' punk era.

The major criticism of the collective body of work thus far is its over-relianceon the

musician, manager, venue, label or source close to the band as the harbingers of

authenticexperience. The casualtyof all this attention is the mundaneexperienceof

those not centrally involved as band members,yet performing tasks central to DiY

punk's reproduction. There is little detail of the wider context: how do participants

get into punk, what do they do in it and how do they leave? More importantly, there

is little said of how such participantspresentthemselvesas authentic. To rectify this

imbalanceand examine how and in what ways the dilemmatic authenticity of DiY

punk is is one of the centralpurposesof this thesis.

lachieved
Thus far I have presenteda punk literature devoid of the everydayaccount. This is

certainly not the caseas is evident in the voluminous literature of fanzinesexclusive

to the punk scenes. The DiY ethic of self-expressionhas an equal foothold in the

punk fanzine that has held sway as an individual form of punk expressionsince the

mid 1970s(Perry 2000; Duncombe 1998; Sabin & Triggs, 2002). Assessmentof the

sheer number of punk fanzines and their content is way beyond the scope of the

presentwork. US titles Flipside, Maximum Rock n Roll, Heart AttaCk [sic), Punk-

Planet and Hit-List; UK titles such as Raisin' Hell, Punk Shocker, Fracture and

ReasonTo Believe,with the exceptionof the last listed, RTB, (which refusescolumns)

all containedcolumns and letters sectionsin which expressionand points of view are

articulated. Yet, such writing still brackets-off the daily experiencein a sequential

order. Such columns provide limited explanatory power of the everyday worlds of

DiY Punk. The intention of this work is to illuminate suchlife worlds.

Gordon PhD 22
TheorisingPunk

The needfor an accountof everydayDiY punk in order to situatemy subjectsin 2001

has been established. I have outlined how the majority of punk literature is

inadequateand ignoresthe lives and legaciesof thosewho enteredthe various related

subculturesin the 80s, 90s and 2000s. Punk has not escapedacademicscrutiny. It is

my intention in this section to situate punk in the existing cultural studies literature

and the first wave of subculturaltheory to establishwhy my particular work presents

itself as a significant advancement. Firstly, I shall deal with theory that does not

directly mention or precedespunk, yet is relevant to the aims of the presentwork as

an explanatorytoo]. Secondly,I shall focus attention upon the literature of cultural

studies incorporating a consideration of sub- and counterculturesand subcultural

endpoints. Finally, I shall review the academicpunk literature and journal articles

that specifically addressrelatedareasof punk culture that are discussedin this thesis.

Totalities and Ethnographies

The early locus classicuson selling-out is Adorrio and Horkheimer (1944). Their key

assertionis that the artistic actions and aspirationsof artists were always already part

of the capitalist culture industry. The strangleholdof capitalism spelt certain doom

for all previously subversive art forms and radical spaces.Specifically, the profit

motive siphons the critical essence,transforming it from subversion into a tamed

commodified form. It is bought-out for the market. As a consequence,subversive

culture becomesmass-produced,uniform, 'standardised'and 'pseudo individualised'

(Adomo & Horkheimer, 1995: 155). The only potential form of subversionis evident

in previous bourgeoisart forms that demandlevels of understandingfar beyond the

reach of the masses. Potentially subversive musical art forms such as jazz are

dismissed by Adorno (1941). He stated that the rhythms of jazz replicate the

Gordon PhD 23
mechanisedproduction system: they have no subversivequality to them (see Held,

1980: 99-105). Such theory has been describedas 'totalising' (Jay, 1973) and over-

pessimistic(Rojek, 1995:
18). Adorno and Horkheimer's work is enormouslysubtle,

yet the broad argument is one of the commodification and negation of subversive

space. Their thesisoverlooks discussionof any original spacesof subversiveactivity.

Hebdige (1979,1988) in the fist instance argues that punk had its subversion

commodified in this way before later suggestingthat the codesof the culture industry

have multiple meaningsand are potentially subvertedby the consumer. However, in

spite of this recognition of potential subversion,there is little discussionoffered of

where such spacesempirically occur. A significant improvement on this theory is

offered by Bey (1985), who introduces the term Temporary Autonomous Zone

(hereafterTAZ). Here spacesare identified within a commodified culture in which

subversiveaction may be enacted. Bey's term is however somewhatrestrictive for

the purposeof the presentwork. The term TAZ is accuratefor discussionof political

protests,warehouseraves, sit ins and as I shall discussin Chapter7, front room gigs,

yet the autonomousspacesI visited such as the lin12 have beenin existencefor over

20 years so it is stretchingthe definition to label them as temporary. Instead,I offer

the revisedterm autonomouszone with particular referenceto subcultural spacesthat

to
attempt exist outsidethe culture industry7

The cultural critic, Richard Hoggart (1957) practically continued the theoretical

trajectory of Adomo & Horkheimer (1944). He was equally influenced by the work of

F.R Leavis (1930) and Q.D Leavis (1932) that also containedthe conservativeview of

the past which took the view of classic literature as character-buildingand popular

literature as slovenly, part of low culture and unworthy of study. In his 1950sLeeds

7 O'Connor (1999,2003a)also makesthe samedistinction betweentemporaryautonomouszonesand

autonomouszones.

Gordon PhD 24
auto-ethnography, Hoggart's argument was that the commodification of culture

reduced the once self-produced and autonomous British working class culture of the

early 20thC to an administered and commodified culture. It is these arguments that

hark back to a real and authentic past of particular interest to the present work. Such

romantic views of a 'golden past' tend to represent the present as inauthentic and

uncritical. The above quotation from Blush (2001) with reference to the golden age of

US hardcoreand anything beyondit as fake is an exampleof thesearguments.

To present the past as authentic and aspects of the present culture as inauthentic is

only one dimension of this argument. The dualism can occur along the lines of a

dilemmatic authenticity within a particular epochal music scene. Becker's (1963)

pioneering ethnography of marihuana users and jazz musicians is an early illustration

of how this occurs. My own work is indebted to his observations relating to the

concepts of authenticity and selling-out in the jazz musician culture. Whilst jazz

musicians viewed themselves as 'hip' and 'outsiders' against the wider society, they

developed their own deviant subculture with its own values and norms:

Where people who engagein deviant activities have the opportunity to interact with one
anotherthey are likely to develop a culture built around the problems rising out of the
differences between the definition of what they do and the definition held by other
membersof the society. They develop perspectiveson themselvesand their deviant
activities and on their relationswith other membersof the society (1964: 81).
Outsiderswere commonly referredto by jazz musiciansas 'squares': those deemed

not to understandor even comprehendthe special talents and world understandings

the hipsters possessed. Somewhat confusingly, in Becker's work this term also

operatedas a description of how the jazz musiciansauthenticatedthemselveswithin

their subculture. Square musicians were equally viewed as sold-out and held

responsible for undermining the hip musician's artistic integrity and authenticity

through their control of mainstreamtastesfrom inside the deviant culture.

Gordon PhD 25
 Outsidethe subcultureof the musician,the squareexertspersonalchoice over which

concertsand music they listen to, in turn undermining the authentic position of the

hipsters. The hip jazz musician experienceda difficult position and this 'lies in the

fact that the squareis in a position to get his [sic] way: if he doesnot like the kind of

music played he does not pay to hear it a second time' (ibid). Through a lack of

understandingof jazz culture, the square controlled the means of support jazz

musicians relied upon to survive: income through audiencerevenue. This placed

pressureon the musician to play 'inauthentic' mainstreammusic to cater to the tastes

of the squaresas this provides a reasonableincome for the jazz musician. Being

forced to play inauthenticmusic (swing and big band), Becker argued,placedthe jazz

Musician at the centre of a difficult dilemma: to 'go commercial' or to remain

authentic. (ibid: 92) The lure of going commercial hinged on survival need. The

freedom of expressionin jazz musicianshipoffered, for musicians and audiences,a

chanceof creativity but this was compromisedthrough the needto provide revenuein

order to survive. Going commercialalienatedthe jazz musician who is forced to sell

out:

If you want to make any moneyyou gotta' pleasethe squares. They're the onesthat pay
the bills, and you gotta' play for them. A good musician can't get a fucking job. You
gotta' play a bunch of shit. But what the fuck, let's face it, I want to live good. I want to
make somemoney; I want a car, you know how long canyou fight it? (ibid: 92)
This compromise, Becker argues, results in some musicians refusing any contact

with the squaresand attemptingto remain authentic at all costs. From this position

they were able to aim political commentat wider society and its squareculture. One

group, the XAvenue Boys, totally rejected American society with song titles like 'If

you Don't Like My Queer Ways You Can Kiss My Fucking Ass' (ibid: 98) and

adopted 'extreme artistic and social attitudes' (ibid). Likewise Becker describesa

similar political section of musiciansof the North Clark Streetareaof Chicago. in a

Gordon PhD 26
statementthat reminds one of anarcho punk, this group of musicians attemptedto

disconnectfrom the commercialworld of swing and American culture:

They were unremittingly critical of both businessand labour, disillusioned with the
economic structure, and cynical about the political processand contemporarypolitical
parties. Religion and marriage were rejected completely, as were American popular and
seriousculture, and their reading was confined solely to the more esotericavantegarde
writers and philosophers(ibid).
However, it was increasingly difficult to maintain such attitudes and remain a

musician. Becker observed that cliques began to congeal where networks of

professional musicians located work for each other as they gradually sold-out.

Adorno and Horkheimer's argumentis upheld: the wide systemicpressureto survive

places the jazz musician in a compromisedposition. Musicians who attemptedto

remain authenticexperiencedpressurefrom immediate family and poverty due to the

lack of musical employmentand subsequentincome:

The man who choosesto ignore commercial pressuresfinds himself effectively barred
from moving up to jobs of greater prestige and income, and from membershipin those
cliqueswhich would provide him with the security and the opportunity for such mobility.
Few men are willing or able to take such an extremeposition; most compromiseto some
degree(ibid: I 11).

From this position Becker was able to neatly articulatehow and in what specific ways

the authenticity of jazz culture and authenticity was undermined by commercial

pressure.

Beckers' ethnographic account of jazz musicians representssignificant historical

antecedentsto punk and hardeoreDiY cultural production and reflects a number of

concerns of the present work. There are two key similarities. Firstly, Becker

highlighted an early awareness of the need to retain authenticity and of the

consequencesand dilemmas of 'selling out' in the face of social with

Pressure, the

resultantconsequenceof burnout: burnout and selling out are issuesI shall focus on in

chaptereight and nine.

Gordon PhD 27
 Secondly, he illuminated how critique and creativity clustered around the

identification of authenticity, although the examplescited above demonstratehow

difficult it was to continue such a position against the mainstreamwhen the latter

firmly held the pursestrings of survival: the well-paid gig.

Perhapsthe most important critical connectionbetweenBecker'sjazz musiciansand

my own work on UK DiY punk scenesis the effort to create free spacein which

implicit critique of the culture industry and its efforts at catering for massculture can

be achieved. Becker's dissection of the dilemmas of the authentic jazz musician

struggling in the face of external pressuresremainsa key sourceof reference. Aside

from the wider historical settings, the point of departureis that DiY punk raises a

sustainedand vehementattack on the culture industry through both political action

and musical/aestheticstatements.

TheBCCCS.,Subculturesand Countercultures

From the early 1960s, under the guidance of Hoggart and Hall, the Birmingham

Centrefor ContemporaryCultural Studies(hereafterBCCCS) shaped

a new academic
discipline geared towards the detailed study of
power relations, commodities,

aestheticsand the daily practices of everyday culture (During, 1993; Storey, 2003).

From the 1970s onwards the Centre shifted focus to the study and explanation
of

youth subcultures,producingtwo key studiesof direct relevanceto this thesis (Clarke

& Jefferson, 1978; Hebdige, 1979). Clarke and Jeffersonpresentedan edited reader

basedaround the Centre's theoretical subcultural model. Overall, a Marxist class-

basedexplanation, informed by the writings of Gramsci (1973) and the concept of

hegemony,attemptedto explain why youth subculturesexist. Here the authorsnote:

Gramsciusedthe term 'hegemony' to refer to the momentwhen a ruling classis able, not
only to coercea subordinateclassto conform to its interests,but to exert a 'hegemony' or
,total social authority' over subordinateclasses. This involves the exerciseof a special

Gordon PhD 28
 kind of power - the power to frame alternativesand contain opportunities, to win and
shapeconsent,so that the granting of legitimacy to the dominant classesnot only appears
to be 'spontaneous'but natural and normal (1976:38).
According to the authors,the arrival of subcultureswas a result of post World War

Two affluence,consensusand embourgeoisement.Brake (1985) developedCohen's

(1955) work on deviant subculturesby suggestingthat they are a meansof collective

problem-solving:

Subculturesarise (then) as attemptsto solve certain problems in the social structures,

which are createdby contradictionsin the larger societies(Brake, 1985:36).
The various solutions subcultures took towards wider systemic problems were

dependentupon how and in what specific ways such individuals negotiatedtheir class

position in relation to other dominant or subordinategroups and could divide in three

separatenon-mutually exclusive ways: sub, counter or deviant. Punk rock can be

describedas the deviant subculturepar excellence. From a BCCCS perspectivesub-

and counterculturesarise out of the collective efforts of youth groups to actively

provide an alternative identity to the dominant culture. VAfile youth may

predominate,neither sub- nor counterculturesare the preserveof youth. Non-youth

activities in this respect tended to be played down or ignored, though how the

relatively elasticcategoryof youth is defined is notoriously difficult.

A more significant criticism is that the BCCCS together with the literature on sub-

and countercultureswere too theory-driven. With the exceptionof Willis (1978), the

study of youth subcultureshas beena theoretically driven practice with assumptions

madeon behalf of the participants. Their personalvoices were subdued,if not gagged

in the research. Though theoretical approachesare of value in broad explanatory

terms, they offer little opportunity for examining and understandingthe detailed

nuancesand subtleties of everyday subcultural life. It appearsthat subculturalists

during the 1970swere understoodthrough a seriesof theoretical understandingsthat

Gordon PhD 29
revealedmore of the researcherthan the subculturalist. Many valuable ethnographic

opportunities were overlooked during this decadeand subsequentlylost. Theoretical

models held sway as an explanatory tool of subculturesuntil the mid-1990s when

ethnographicwork very much in the tradition of Willis (1977,1978) inaugurateda

fresh set of subcultural studies. I will say more regarding how ethnography is a

markedimprovementon abstracttheory in the following chapter.

A clear exampleof a theory-preoccupiedhermeneuticis Hebdige(1979), one of the

fledgling works on punk rock. For Hebdige, the control of the punk subculturewas

enactedin two specific ways. Firstly, in a similar vein to Cohen's (1980) work on

moral panics, punk is controlled through denigration in the mass media (the

ideological form) or through buying it out (the commodity forrn) in an Adornoesque

manner so to managecontrol and negate subversive qualities (1979: 92-9). From

Hebdige's point of view, it appearsall too easyto negatea subculture. This portrays

subculturalists as willing participants in their own fate. The present study will

advancethis position by assertingthat DiY punk constitutesitself in opposition both

to ideological and commodity forms. As I shall discuss at length the reaction and

responsefrom those who claim to be authentic DiY punk and hardcore cultures has

been one of self-exclusion from the culture industry; the identity of the latter is

constitutedthrough such abstinence. In short, there is a deep-seatedcommitment to

remain at an underground level where the term scene is more appropriate than

subculture as both a general and specific descriptor that encompassesparticipants

activities, an issueI will return to shortly.

The theoretical terms subculture and counterculture are, simultaneously, ideological

and rhetorical and are useful as broad explanations of why punk occurred.

Subculturesas defined by the BCCCS are working class and chiefly concernedwith

Gordon PhD 30
such issuesas clothing style and establishinga separatesubcultural.group identity and

aesthetic:they have little to say directly in terms of political issues.Looking only at

how peopleappearratherthan also at what they actually do is obviously limited.

Alternatively, countercultureswere describedin middle-classterms and through the

BCCCS as magical in its approach to problem-solving (Muggleton, 2000). To offer

an equally neat definition, a countercultureis political as it proactively challenges

what it views as structures of oppression. Countercultures present a utopian,

revolutionary dream of replacing such structureswith a new society or alternative

formation geared towards human emancipation and freedom. The legacy of the

actions of the 1960s counterculturefeed directly on into the anarcho punks of the

1980s in their fight against the Cold War arms race and animal exploitation

(Rimbaud, 1998). As I shall discussbelow in relation to subculturalendpoints,and in

chapter four, such historical goals inform both the ethics and practice of anarcho

punk. While in many ways this definition seemsappropriate,it tends to play down

cross-classtrafficking and, by emphasisingits idealistic utopian aspirations,neglects

the extent of more mundane practical achievements. Counterculture is clearly a

slippery term that needs careful framing and contextualisation. Notions of

counterculture instantly conjure up images of beat culture, student protest and

disharmonyduring the late-1960s. There is a large body of literature that attemptsto

document and explain the main elementsof this cultural moment (see e.g. Nuthall

I/
1968; Roszak 1970; Douglas 1973; Musgrove, 1974; Foss and Larkin 1976; Eco

2000; Leech 1973). The most suitable working definition of this term is drawn from

Musgrove (1973) who definescounterculturethus:

On the ideological level, a countercultureis a set of beliefs which radically reject the
dominant culture of a societyand prescribea sectarianalternative. (1973: 9)

Gordon PhD 31
 DiY cultural production fits with the above definition through its attempt to reject

the dominant forms of entertainmentand instead provide an alternative space to

producea critical, political stancein which authenticitycanbe maintained.

In terms of present-daycountercultures,contemporary literature focuses on the

visible elements of DiY culture such as road protesters, eco-activism and anti-

capitalist/globalisationactions in addition to couching these in either rave culture or

New Age travelling (Mckay, 1996,1998; Bircham & Charlton, 2001; One Off Press,

2001; Hetherington, 2000). This literature, with the exception of its coverageof

Crass,has screenedout DiY punk events of the last two decadesfrom its selective

history. Though this has been rectified somewhatthrough the surfacing of insider

punk literature during the last decade,as discussedabove, academiccountercultural

accountspresentthe cultural legacyof punk rock as more or lessbarren.

Where counterculturehas beensubjectedto academicscrutiny, GeorgeMcKay is at

the helm. DiY Culture: Notes Towards an Intro (1998) is one of the first and most

important academic discussionsof the concept of UK DiY

culture. Whilst well

roundedin its historical scope,the main problem with this text follows McKay's own

admissionthat his attemptat chartingDiY culture is 'too neat' (1998:2). Any account

of such culture will have significant omissionsto it. Where Mckay succumbsto his

own criticisms is his wholesale avoidance of punk DiY cultural production. DiY

Culture producessound historical coverageof the early antecedentsof 80s and 90s

protest and hippie culture, yet overlooks punk and hardcoreDiY cultural production:

it is awarded the blanket term, 'underground culture'8. The general narrative is a

8 This
use of a this conceptual term 'underground culture' by McKay (1998) is indicative of the general
lack of uniform conceptual clarity within subcultural and popular music studies. Ilere are currently a
plethora of terms ranging from the imprecise use of underground culture, resistance culture,
community, subculture, scene and tribe etc. as general descriptors of these groups. This presents a
conceptual confusion and the blurring of explanatory boundaries that are on the whole, empirically

Gordon PhD 32
reading of UK DiY culture firmly located in the practical, political form of New Age

Travelling, direct action, eco-activism, squatting,road protest and undergroundrave

cultures. This is supportedthrough the writings of key activists in his edited volume.

McKay has little time for discussionof the UK's DiY hardcore and punk networks

that voice very similar concerns and sympathiesand also raise their own political

issues and campaigns. By drawing on Stephen Duncombe's (1997) critique of

political activism as cultural production, McKay unwittingly throws the baby out with

the bathwater. Duncombe's argument is that zine and underground culture is a

catharsis,redirectingpolitical energiesinto safeforms:

In my darker moments-I think that Zines and undergroundculture are not supposedto
changeanything. Maybe for all their ranting about subverting this and overthrowing
that, zines aremerely a form of political catharsis,and undergroundculture is meantonly
to be a rebellioushaven in a heartlessworld. One of the cultural attributes of a cultural
spacelike the undergroundis that it allows its participantsto engagein a critique of mass
society and to construct alternative models of creation, communicationand community.
But what happensif all this soundand fury stayssafely within the confinesof the cultural
world? What then doesit signify? (1997:190)
He then proceeds to note:

But since all of this [DiY cultural production] happenson a purely cultural plane. It has
little real effect on the causesof alienation in the greatersociety. In fact, one could argue
that undergroundculture sublimatesangerthat otherwisemight be expressedin political
action (ibid).
McKay proceeds to note that this is a misreading of DiY culture, arguing that

today's British DiY activists 'are more likely to be voiced by invading [industrial

polluters] offices and disrupting work, trashing the computersand throwing files out

of the windows' (1998: 5, italics mine). This may well be the case,but McKay and

Duncombehave unnecessarilyseparatedDiY cultural production and DiY political

activism. To portray the two worlds as separatereducesthe scope of any work on

DiY as they mutually coexist within certain genresof punk and hardcore. McKay's

unverified and wide of the mark. See Hesmondhalgh (2005) for an astute,critical accountof such
conceptualdivergences.'Me presentwork conceptuallyusesthe term subcultureas an overarching,
general descriptor of music cultures (including all punk sub-genres,membersand associateactivities)
and 'scene' as the various local interpretations of subcultureas used in vernacular terms by the study
participants,interviewees and author. See pp.34,43 & 227-8 below.

Gordon PhD 33
 argumentis that the free parties and rave eventsattendedby subculturalistsinvolved

in DiY activism are the real and only, authenticUK DiY cultural production worthy

of attention. This is only half of the picture. As I suggestin this thesis,DiY punk and

hardcoreat times operatewithin the samecultural spaceand sharecommon political

ground with direct action countercultures. In his earlier work, McKay (1996)

introducesthe work of Crass,yet fails to trace the influence and legacy of that band

into contemporaryDiY cultural production. Such an error, whilst introducing a silent

endpointinto his work for DiY punk, servesas a convenientdistraction from the punk

legacy that has come to fruition in the UK. Overall, it seems that McKay has

inadvertentlyoverusedthe term countercultureas an explanatorytool. By hinting that

DiY underground culture is a politically inert subculture, a safety valve and a

carnivalesque sideshow distracting from the real, authentic business of halting

capitalism's apocalypticprogress,McKay has inadvertently ignored the legacyof DiY

UK punk.

I have identified gaps, weaknessesand flaws in the literature. As I suggested

earlier, the definitions of sub- and countercultureare inadequatefor the task as they

are couched in a class-basedtheoretical imperialism. The broad assertion that

subcultures are style-orientated and countercultures are motivated by political

concernsis too stark, exclusive,and restrictive for the work presentedhere. For this I

adopt subcultureonly as a wide, descriptivedevice. It is not employedin the present

work for ideological and rhetorical effect and servesthe conceptualpurpose in what

follows as a generaldescriptor of the plurality of punk culturescurrently in existence.

The term scene, as used by the author, participants and interviewees, is used to

describe the various interpretationsof punk throughout this thesis, a point I shall

return to shortly. Secondly, contemporary work on counterculturesis inadequate

Gordon PhD 34
because,with the notable exception of Crass,it has overlookedthe post-1977 sphere

of DiY cultural production. The presentwork will fill this gap.

SubculturalEndpoints

Popular culture and academicliterature frequently use subcultural endpoints:that is,

subculturalsell-by dates. The classic endpoint discussedabove is 'Punk-79' and the

somewhatharshermessage:'punk is dead' (or has been 'dead' since 1979). Such

deviceseither rhetorically permit the new, fresh, commodified subculture,oiling the

wheels of fresh culture industry product, or neatly box it in as an easily-controlled,

authentic historical document. This is problematic. Where does DiY culture start,

never mind end? Pearson(1983) has disputed claims (such as those of the BCCCS

above)that youth subcultureswere chiefly post-war phenomena. Similar correctives

have been made concerning the phenomenaof moral panics. By establishing that

deviant subcultureswere visible in terms of distinct style and identity on the streetsof

London in the late 19thcentury, together with associatedmoral panics over street

muggings,the ideal of both subculturalbeginningsand endpointshasbeeneffectively

challenged.

Endpointshavebeenusedacrossthe literature as a methodof closure,of bracketing-

off subculturalactivities beyondthesedates. Here are a numberof innocent examples

of this practicein the literatureon the counterculture.Glasper(2004) placesUK street

punk between 1980-4;Blush locatesUS hardcore from 1979-86. Mudrian (2004) is

one of two exceptionsto this in that he provides a constantnarrative that denies an

endpoint. Those who employ and stand by subcultural. endpoints risk the

embarrassingprospect of a return or reappearanceof that culture. Clark (in

Muggleton & Weinsierl, 2003) is also suspiciousof endpointsand clearly echoesthe

concerns of the present work stating that 'punk faked its own death' to avoid the

Gordon PhD 35
 incessantcommodification of the culture industry. The author also outlines in the

broadestof terms the legacy of DiY and political actions enactedunder the punk

banner since the first punk obituaries were written. As I have argued elsewhere

(1995), endpointsas a continual feature of writings on subculturesplace an implicit

restriction on future commentaries. The most salient work cited by myself and

McKay is ElizabethNelson's (1989) study of the undergroundcounterculturalpressin

England. Nelson is one of the key producersof the thesisthat the counterculturehad

failed in its aims by the beginning of the early 1970s. Indeed throughout this work

one is constantly reminded of this 'fact' as she keenly commits her version of the

failed countercultureto a chapterof history. In the closing statementsof her book she

notes:

The counterculturemay be 'part of history' but it may somedayinspire and guide an

more successfulwave of Anarchist refusal.(1989:143)
This is misguided and plain wrong. It both ignores and denies the rich

counterculturallegacy beyond 1973 (though she is wary of the totality of her initial

statement). McKay goes to great lengths to demonstratethat such a decline was

definitely not the case.He mapsthe keen counterculturallegacy

and its continuities in
the UK, outlining on his way free festivals, Albion fairs, New Age Travellers, Crass,

rave cultures,direct action cultures,eco warriors and road protestors(I 996:i). Nelson

is clearly guilty of a short-sightedand restricted

view of countercultural activity and

practice. However, as I have noted above, McKay also concentrateshis work on

political forms of counterculturethat embracedirect action and lifestyle politics. In

spite of his fairly comprehensivechapter on Crass, there is no hint of how their

action'sinspired others to embark upon similar projects. The anarchist lin 12 club

scenediscussedin the presentwork is a highly pertinent example of such projects.

Gordon PhD 36
Crassthemselvesplaced an endpoint of 1984 on their activities. This was the year

they ceasedto exist asa band,but it did not representthe endpoint of all endpoints.

The subeulturalendpoint is an event I dispensewith in the present work. It is

certainly myopic to assumethat a genre,practice,sceneor tradition will not resurface

in one form or another. The endpoint also servesthe discourseof the authenticpunk.

Authentic punks present themselves as such by hailing their own subcultural.

experienceascentralto a scene. Thosesubcultural.activities which occur beyond 'the

original' are deemedto be inauthentic. I shall considersuch issuesin depth in chapter

six.

Post Subcultures?

The theoretical imperialism and ethnographic poverty of the early work on

subcultureshasbeenredressedover the pastdecade. In tandemwith the oral histories

of punk I reviewed above, a body of literature has emergeddetailing the quotidian

activities of subculturalscenegroupings. Spacerestricts detailed discussionof these

works although taken together this body of literature offers a substantialrevision to

the BCCCS and subsequentwork.

The catalyst for this revision was the explosion of rave culture around 1987 which

heraldednew academicinterest in subculturalactivities (Redhead,1990,1993,1997;

Russell, 1991;Thornton 1995). The most interesting tangent to the presentstudy is

Thornton's work ethnographicwork on clubcultures. Through the introduction of

Bourdieu in her ethnographic methodology, she argues that those involved in

clubculturehaveto keep pacewith the latestdancereleasesand associate'cool' genre

terms in order to remain 'hip' (1995:115). 1have much to say in relation to how punk

participants remain putatively authentic and amassthe cultural apparatusto do so.

Gordon PhD 37
The point of departurebetweenThornton's work and my own is one that I will pay

more attentionto when I discusshow the use of sceneknowledgeis displayedboth in

the entrance to, and the practice of, DiY punk. Beyond rave culture, post-

subculturalistresearchhas concentratedon New Age travellers (Hetherington,2000);

bikers, (McDonald-Walker,2000); and Goths, (Hodkinson,2002). Hodkinson's work

on goth subculture displays certain tangentswith the present study. Primarily his

study is yet another testimony to the plurality of subculturesoccurring within the

broad umbrella of punk from the 1980sonwards and provides support of my use of

the term subculture as a general descriptor of a plurality of scenes. Through his

insider statusethnographicstudy, Hodkinsondemonstratedwhat it is to be involved in

the goth subculturecommunicatesboth locally and beyond (Hannerz, 1993). There is

also some discussion of the insider and outsider and this is the point of departure.

Hodkinson's interest lies in the styles of the genres as expressedin clothing and

musical style and how these are enactedwithin the different goth scenelocalities of

the UK. He has little discussionof the specific ways goth scenesuse genresto present

themselvesas authenticcore memberswithin their culture.

Overall, post-subcultural writers have presented a set of studies that, whilst

ethnographicallydriven, hark back to the old, familiar issue of clothing and genre

style. Earlier I noted that Hebdige (1979) produced one of the first academic

explanationsof punk rock. He made much of the stylistic 'bricolage' (see Levi-

Strauss,1962) the early punks displayed in the late seventiesthrough their 'cut and

paste' dresstechniques. He commentateson the useof the bin liner and the dog collar

as being blessed with fresh subversive meaning by the punks (1979:107). This

encouragedearly commentaryto become overly concernedthe politics of style in

ways divorced from the underlying ethics and actions of the 1970spunks within an

Gordon PhD 38
economicand political context. Twenty one years later Muggleton (2000,2003) has

convincingly set the scenefor a group of writers operatingunder the broad term of

post-subculturaltheory that contestsuch modernisttheoristsas Hebdige. This theory

operatesin tandemwith the postmodemtheoretical concernsof the 1980sand 1990s,

with a consequentemphasison a collapse of stylistic barriers within and between

youth subcultures. All the distinctive lines have (apparently)evaporated. The over-

determinist modernist explanations of the BCCCS that operated with these

distinctions are therefore redundant. Or are they? In his concluding chapter,

Muggleton (2000) seesa modernistelementresidual in subculturalstyle.

The post-subculturalists' over-concentration on style is in keeping with

postmodernistaccountsof freedomand autonom . Their accountsare surface-based.

What all of the above studiesoverlook is a consistentand coherentset of subcultural

ethics. Whilst post-subculturalistscelebratestyle, this is couchedin an administered

culture under the control of Adorno and Horkheimer's (1944) culture industry. My

own study pays virtually no attention to the examination of clothing style, instead

examining how DiY punks create a moral alternative to monopoly control over

culture in their autonomouszonesand attemptto reproduceand advanceit on a daily

basis.

From a DiY punk perspectiveto remain outside of the culture industry is to remain

authentic. It has, from the point of view of the people interviewed for this book, very

little to do with their trouserstyle and much more to do with their ethical philosophy.

Whilst I wholly supportthe return of the ethnographicmethodto study subculturesin

responseto theoreticalover-determinism,I feel that both the methodsof the BCCCS

9 There has also been a poststructuralistinvestigation into style and authenticity that proves to be as
frustrating asthe over-theorisationof the BCCCS. SeeWiddicombe and Woofitt (1990,1995).

Gordon PhD 39
and the postmodernistpostsubculturalistsare of limited value in relation to the present

work. I want to neither to draw heavily upon theory as an explanatory tool, nor to

indulge in hermeneuticallyflamboyant explanationsof style. I want insteadto offer a

groundedtheory approachto the ways in which DIY punk reproducesitself within an

ethical framework.

ThePunkademic

Lovatt and Purkiss(1996) observeda shift in the agesof those academicswho choose

to study subcultures (Muggleton, 2000: 4). These academicswere younger and

already involved in the subculturesthey wished to study. Many of these writers

simply did not agree with the existing subcultural literature. As I noted in the

introduction to this chapter,this is exactly the scenariothat inspired the presentwork.

The 'ill fit' betweentheory and practice is being addressedby insiders. Muggleton

states:

T'his situation is producing a new cohort of academic taste makers for whom the
deficienciesof establishedtheories are Rely to be thrown into sharp relief by their own
personalexperiencesas,say, punks or clubbcrs.(200:4)
At the WolverhamptonUniversity 'No Future' conferenceSeptember2001, on the

25'h anniversary of the Sex Pistols gig at the London Hundred Club, I
gave a paper on
DiY punk. The term banded around the
conference to describe the delegates was

'punkademic. ' The recent glut in academic literature on punk, I suspect, is due in part

to the scenario that Muggleton et al illuminate. Let us put this term to work and

examine some punkademic literature.

In tandem with the popular punk literature, the equal expansion in academic punk

literature and journal articles produced by punks or those who claim to be ex-punks,

has expanded from the mid-1980s onwards and deals with a variety of issues that

usually reflect the academic's own subcultural experiences. Space restricts full

Gordon PhD 40
discussionof theseworks but the broad frameworksare as follows. Topics of concern

to punkadernicsare: the origins and meaning of punk and its genres(Laing, 1985;

Home; 1995); social class and rhetoric (Simonelli, 2002); punk and censorship

(Kennedy, 1990); punk and literature (Sabin, 1999); American hardcore and style

(Willis, 1993); postmodern theory and punk (Davies (1996); and hardcore punk

dancing(Tsitsos,1999).

The key punkadernicsdirectly relevant to this thesis are O'Hara (1995); Leblanc

(2001); and O'Connor (1999,2002a, 2002b, 2003a) in addition to some of the

ethnographicwork done I
on punk culture reserve for discussion below. In The

Philosophy of Punk: More Than Noise, O'Hara offers a passionateand informative

overview of the US punk and hardcorescenesfrom the mid-80s onwardswhilst also

presentinga basic insight into the world of American DiY punk. Insider insights are

provided into the ethical philosophy of the scenea term I shall deal with shortly. The

majority of this work is either derived form interviews performed by the author or

from various fanzinesof that period. What O'Hara's work does specifically is serve

as a testimonyto the long-overlookedlegacyof DiY punk. Where he tendsto falter is

though a fixed definition of the ethical framework. His study lacks ethnographic

depth,short of his membershipin a punk scenebut is useful in tandemwith the titles I

mentionedabove. He is descriptiveof the ethics of punk yet fails to accountfor how

they function in participant terms, how they used to castigatecertain punks as 'sell-

outs' whilst reflexively presentingthe accuseras 'authentic'. This is the dimension

absentfrom the works that I have thus far described. There is an implicit irony in

punk that requires detailed examination in order to supply a critical context to DiY

punk rock. I shall say more of this in chapterfive.

Gordon PhD 41
 Throughan ethnographicstudy of punk girls Leblanc (2001) presentsa valuableand

astute picture of a male-dominated subculture, stating that on average males

outnumberfemalesthree to two (2001:107). In terms of ethics and ethnography,her

study has many features in common with the present work in that there are

biographicalaccountsof how the authorcameto be a punk and how the ethicsbecame

a source of liberation and empowerment. My own work advanceshers in ethical

terms by offering an examinationof how a young personbecomesa knowing ethical

practitioner of punk valuesand how theseeventuallytransposethem into an authentic,

coremember.

The theme of entrancein a punk sceneis also mentioned in an earlier study by

Baron (1989) in an ethnographicstudy of Canadianstreetpunks. Itutilises an eclectic

mix of quantitative methods, BCCCS subcultural work and grounded theory, yet

offers a rather clumsy mix in which its findings, far from a groundedtheory, present

little advance on the existing BCCCS conclusions of subculturalists as 'magical'

problem-solvers.(1989: 311). Where the work is of value is in its suggestionsfor

more ethnographicwork in punk and hardcorescenesand also that it illuminates the

work beyond the band member and towards the sceneparticipant. The most central

value was how political issues were read through their punk ethics, although the

squeezing of his subjects into quantitative social class categories diluted the

ethnographicnuancesof what the punks actually did on a daily basis. The temporal

structureof the working day is largely absentfrom all of the literature. Nothing has

beenwritten about what constitutesdaytime activity for DiY punks. I hopeto redress

this balancewith an examinationof the daily practice of DiY and its consequences
on

subculturalmembershipin chapterfour.

Gordon PhD 42
 A numberof articles have beenwritten about American hardcoreand politics.

Goldthorpe (1992) made some interesting links betweenUK anarchopunk and US

hardcoreand protest cultures,yet offered little ethnographicdetail and succumbedto

the classic pitfall of exclusively discussing bands and band activity. A significant

advanceon this is O'Connor's work on the punk Canadianand Mexican punk scenes

(1999,2002a, 2002b, 2003a). Through his ethnographicwork (1999,2002b) on the

Canadianautonomouscentre 'Whos Emma', O'Connor's comesclosestto my own in

this study. Among other things, he tracesthe securing and developmentof a punk

venueand cafe spacein Toronto during the 1990s.This is very similar to my work at

the Bradford lin12 club. However, his study lacks the ethnographic detail of a

groundedtheory. O'Connor offers little in the way of a transferabletheory that could

be used to make comparative observations and statements. His work is either

descriptiveof the centre as a whole or enwrappedin a theoretical gloss that obscures

any detailed analysisof how the ethics of DiY punk are utilised to createthis space.

Elsewhere,O'Connor (2002a,2002b) has producedvaluable, broad discussionof the

geographicalconnectionsbetweenthe American DiY hardcorescenes,yet again there

is little detail of how the ethics and the participants of DiY produce such a scenein

the first instance. For O'Connor, they appearto have arrived out of thin air, straight

off the backs of the original punks. Yet this is not to dismiss this work completely.

O'Connor (2002b) equally offers an extremely valuable insight into how the

participants of punk use the terms 'scene' as a descriptor of their own world. Here

O'Connor is explicit:

When punks use the term 'scene' they meanthe active Creationof infrastructure
to support punk bandsand other forms of creative activity. This meansfinding
places to play, building a supportive audience,developing strategiesfor living
cheaply,sharedpunk houses,and suchlike (2002b: 226).

Gordon PhD 43
 Somewhat paradoxically, following from my criticisms, the lack of specific

ethnographicdetail in O'Connor's work allows the transfer of the term 'scene' to the

local punk communities of Leeds and Bradford featured in this work. The term

4scene'asusedin the presentwork has a heavy debt to O'Connor (2002b) who states:

'The term 'scene' is usedhere in the sameway it is usedwithin the punk scene'.The

same applies to my own work, with the author, participants and interviewees alike

using this terms as the main lexical referenceto the placed embodimentof their daily

interactionswith the punk community (2002b: 225). 1 shall return to the conceptual

issueof scenein chaptereight.

Of equal value and describedin much clearer ethnographicdetail is O'Connor's

work on Mexican punk (2003a & b; seealso Sorrendeguy,2001). Here the ethics of

equality and discussion are illuminated in public spacesduring anti-globalization

protests. Through the application of Bourdieu to his participant observationdata, he

effectively capturesthe essenceof what I spoke of above: the connection between

DiY political activism and DiY cultural production. His article clearly describeshow

thesetwo modesof activity mutually co-exist. The main problem with it is that there

is a habitus, a disposition accountedfor, yet again, this habitus appearslike magic, a

shapingand shapedpresencethat ariseswithout a trace; with little evidencegleaned

that would enableus to seehow the entranceprocessto punk DiY could have helped

to produce the subcultural disposition in question. The detailed description,

production, creation and application of punk ethics, along with their generationand

reproduction,is the clear aim of this study.

I leave the most glaring gap in the subcultural and punkademic literature until last.

All of the previous ethnographic work on punk subculture has been done outside the

Gordon PhD 44
UK'O. There has been no academicethnographicwork done on the legacy of DiY

punk in England. This is a huge hole in the literature that the present work is

designed,at least partly, to fill. I hope that the illumination of how and why punk

ethics in its daily practices will move the existing literature more securelyinto new

areas. This will be done through ethnographicmethodologyand groundedtheory, the

subjectof the next chapter.

" The
other significant examples of work done on contemporary musical subcultures are Finnegan
(1989) writing on local music cultures; Cohen, (1991) on Liverpool bands signing to major labels;
Bennett (1999) on hip hop culture in the North East.

Gordon PhD 45
Chapter Two: The Ethnographic Punk

Introduction

In the previous chapter I showedthat theoretical models of subcultures,whilst they

in
are of generalvalue abstractterms, cloud the view of the actual punk scenes. I

demonstratedhow the postmodern backdrop to the postsubculturalistresearchhas

in
resulted an over-concentrationon subculturalstyle and a neglect of how local scene

ethics inform day-to-daypractice. In order to make good this neglect,we needwork

That
of closeobservationand engagement. is why my own work dependscentrally on

the use of ethnographic methodology. In I

this chapter shall present the case for

conductingthe researchin this way.

One of the chief sourcesof inspiration for my researchwere the ethnographiesof

the Chicago School, following the 1920s gang researchof Thrasher (1927) through

the work of Cressey (1932) and White (1943) that offer a previous subcultural

conceptionof everyday practice without becoming obsessedwith issuesof clothing

style as a form of expression. The most significant study in developingand advancing

the previous Chicago work, as I pointed out in the previous chapter, was Becker's

(1964) research on jazz musicians and the ethics/practice relation in musicians

subcultures:the desireto remain authenticin their identity as musicians,precisely in

order to retain a senseof artistic integrity, is clearly conveyed in this work. While

Becker presentsno clear discussionof ethnographicresearchin this work, it is clear

this is his chosenmethod.

My own fieldwork took place in the Leeds and Bradford DiY punk scenesduring

2001, with one of the principle differences from Becker's work being that the

musicianswere not a central object of study. In order to gain a detailedunderstanding

Gordon PhD 46
 locatedwithin the perspectiveof the lay participant, I selectedthe following research

methods: semi-structured interviews, focus groups, participant observation and

participant diaries. The methodswere selectedboth for their potential to allow the

participantsto articulate their questionsand for the researcherto remain focused on

the chosenaspectsof the scene. While there are problems regarding the qualitative

and subjective epistemology of ethnographic method, to adopt poststructuralist

methods such as critical discourse analysis (Billig, 1992) would have reduced the

study to an inspectionof talk read through theoretical considerationsof ideology and

power. Likewise, conversation analysis in relation to subcultural authenticity

(Widdicombe and Wooffit, 1990,1995) would have further narrowedthe scopeof the

research.There is value in suchwork, but I wanted my parametersto be broader. By

concentratingon minute selectionsof detailed subcultural talk the wider context can

easily slip from view. I wanted an approachthat allows tangential theoretical points

to be madewhen and wherethey are suitable. I required a methodologicalframework

that would accommodateappropriatereferenceto the social, cultural and historical

contexts of the subcultural scenesbeing studied. At the other end of the spectrum

from fine-grained forms of discourse and conversation analysis, quantitative

methodologies, social surveys and fixed-response questionnaireswould have not

producedthe close detail of either the daily lives of the participantsor the subcultural

ethics governingor structuringtheir behavioursand practices.

Grounded Theory and Descriptive Ethnography

In light of the problems outlined in the previous chapter, the work of Glaser and

Strauss (1967) was chosen as the principle methodological approach because of its

inductive epistemological concern in allowing the creation of large bodies of

interviews, field work journals and participant diaries to generate a theory grounded in

Gordon PhD 47
the lived world of study participants. Hopefully, sucha theory will have comparative

value in its transferabilityto similar avenuesof investigationand beyond. Straussand

Corbin (1990) offer a clear definition of groundedtheory:

A grounded theory is one that is inductively derived from the study of the
phenomenon it represents. That is, it is discovered, developed, and
professionally verified through systematicdata collection and analysis of data
pertaining to that phenomenon. Tberefore, data collection, analysis and theory
stand in reciprocal relationship with each other. One does not begin with a
theory then prove it. Rather one begins with an area of study and what is
relevantto that areais allowed to emerge(1990:23)
This work is the most accuratemethod of surveying and surnmarisingthe complex

life- worlds of MY punk. It provides a meansnot only of generatingdata but also of

analysingit. Its chief strengthlies in the ability of the researcherto mix observation

with interview and then to produce a theoretical explanation from which to advance

the existing corpusof subculturalknowledge.

My reservations with grounded theory as a method were related to the over-

systematisationof the data. Redefining field-notes and interviews to a seriesof codes

and sliding scales disrupted the sequential order of the data and the narratives

establishedby the participantsin my field-joumal observations. As Hammersleyand

Atkinson (1983) state, grounded theory 'representsan over-reaction to positivism';

they offer the critical observationthat such theory is often over-dismissive of other

descriptive forms of ethnography(1983: 22). The methodological strategy of the

present researchwill strike a balance between grounded theory and what Geertz

(1973: 3-30) has referred to as 'thick description'. Denzin (2000: 15) has called this

'the interpretation of interpretation'. A total groundedtheory would have been too

disruptive for the participants and would have distorted the intentions of my field

joumals.

WhyPunk Researchers?

Gordon PhD 48
As I statedin the introduction to this thesis,I have beeninvolved in punk for most of

my life, having first heard the Sex Pistols shortly after the death of Elvis Presley in

August 1977. Over the next 25 years I becamea vegetarian,becameinvolved in

anarchistpolitics, and becamea musician primarily as a result of my interest in the

band Crass. The adoption of punk brought me into conflict with all figures of

authority, from parents,teachersand the public, to the police. Through the work of

Crassand anarchopunk (anarchopunk will be discussedin ethical terms in chapter

four) I found my way into animal rights and anti-war protests. The majority of the

1980swas spententering into and out of the scene.

After I beganto releaserecordsand tour with bandsin the early nineties,I attended

university. As I noted in the previous chapter, reading the literature on punk was

disappointingin that it had neglectedto cover the experiencesI had had through the

1980s. Through a gradual integration into DiY philosophy, I discoveredthat bands

could releaserecords,createsquats,organisevenues,parties and protestsif we put our

minds to it. Negotiation and permission from record companies, previously

understoodas the gatekeepersof the industry, were not required. This was an

empoweringmindset to inhabit, yet I found it fraught with ethical difficulties and

dilemmas,especiallyover remaining(in the eyesof onespeers)an authenticpunk.

I first cameinto contact with one of the settingsof the presentresearch,the IinI2, a

collectively-run anarchistsocial club, in 1990while driving a band to play a hardcore

festival there. Originally formed as an unemployedbenefit claimantsunion according

to the Club guide, "at is the IinI2 Club they state:

'ne late 1970s and early 1980s saw massive job losses across Britain and
Bradford was no exception with GEC and International Harvesters shutting
plants in the city. Against this backdrop a particularly strong and active
Claimants Union emerged which campaigned vigorously to improve the
for unemployed and low waged people in Bradford when, in 1981 a
situation
investigation into benefit fraud (the 'Raynor Report') found that 'I in
government

Gordon PhD 49
 12' claimants were actively "defrauding the state", the union lost no time in
adoptingthis statistic for themselves(What is the IM12 Club?, 1995).
Gaining a council grant to buy a building in 1988, they renovated an old mill,

through sheer detennination and effort, opening its doors two years later. My

amazementduring this first visit was that this was a three storey building, complete

with bar cafd and venue, collectively run by punks: no bouncers,high beer prices or

entranceprices. There were no managersand everyone had an equal stake. I was

seriouslyimpressedwith this achievement. My previous personalsuccessin creating

DiY space was largely confined to squatting a terraced house for a month. We

applaudedeachother when we managedto get the water turned on under an assumed

name. The I in 12 was in an entirely different league. It was on a par with many of the

European squats that have been established since the late 1960s (see Skelton &

Valentine, 1998).

A decade later, as a part-time university tutor, I felt that the lin12 presenteda

perfect ethnographic focus for DiY culture. The Club is the ideal setting for

investigatingthejunctions where DiY politics intersectswith DiY

cultural production.
Through the 1990s I became very familiar with the lin12. I established firm

connectionswith the club though my band playing there from 1995 to the present,in

addition to using the concertfloor for band rehearsalsduring 1997-9.

My band had played all over the European mainland, mostly in the squats, and

across the UK we had releasedrecords. We relied upon the hospitality, trust and

friendship of the DiY support networks that exist acrossthe punk world. At a local

level, through my participation in the band with three of the membersfrom Bradford,

it cameto my attentionthat therewere significant differencesbetweenthe latter's DiY

sceneand the neighbouringpunk scenein the city of Leeds. Bradford's lin12 scene

appeared to be geared towards the close connection of DiY punk and cultural

Gordon PhD 50
 production, while Leeds appearedto be more concernedwith the latter and with

remaining avante garde in its approach. The club struggled to survive financially

during the late 1990s. It witnessed a move of lin12 people to the Leeds scene,

resulting in the club facing possible closure in 1999. There was also a close

connectionwith lin12 people and a squat venue in Leeds run by ex-club members.

What this signalledto me after over two decade'sexperienceof punk culture was an

opportunity to further addressthe gap in the literature regardingthe complex issueof

how an ethics producesactivity and, moreover, what the participants get out of an

adherenceto such ethics. My close associationwith the club had both advantagesand

disadvantages.It meantthat I didn't have to gain entranceinto the

sceneand win the
trust of its members,though I did want to be explicit about the purposes of my

researchand gain their formal consent. This is discussedfurther later on. On the

other hand, my close engagementwith the club raisedthe dangerof over-familiarity.

I had to make consciousefforts to develop a more distanced,critical

perspectivein

order to become an academic participant observer of the scene, rather than a lay

participant. This will be discussed in more detail below. The advantages

considerablyoutweighedthe disadvantages,though, in that my prior experiencecould

not only be drawn on; it also provided the inspiration to conductthe study in the first

place. The seedhad beenset for the study.

TheSettingsand Duration ofthe Research

The fieldwork was accomplished over a four-month period, divided equally between

the two subcultural scenes of Leeds and Bradford". The chosen settings for the

11The issuesof raceand genderissuesin DiY sceneshasbeeninadvertently

placedbeyondthe scope
of the presentresearch.The reasonsfor this are twofold; firstly that thereare women and ethnic
minorities involved in the DiY scenesunder scrutiny and they havebeenexcludedfrom the researchis
due to the placing of the researcherwithin the white male dominatedstudio collective and its
counterpartin the Leedsscene,Out of Stepskewedthe researchin this direction. Secondlythe

Gordon PhD 51
 researchare the linl2, which has been in existencefor over 20 years and had 640

members in 200112 The building has a number of collectives that stem from
.
promotions to food-growing. It was selected due to its ideological links with

counterculturalvalues and practicesand the current anti-globalisationmovementand

also for its long standingconnectionsto punk and hardcorewith its countlessshows,

recordlabels,and fanzineproduction.

Entranceto the I in 12 club as a researcherwas negotiatedthrough contactmadewith

one of the core membersI knew through playing the club. This was considerably

helped by being previously known to the club. Beyond this my project had to be

acceptedby the club's Sundaymembersmeeting. I senta brief proposaloutlining the

researchproject in advance, stating the central aims of the study and the contact

details for my researchsupervisor. This proposalwas discussed

at a meeting. It was

collectively agreedthat I would be able to request interviews, engagein participant

observation,ask for diaries and conduct the actual interviews from June to August,

2001. This was confirmed in writing by the club. It was

not specified in advance

exactly what I would be doing at the club. This was only clarified on my arrival by

giving a presentationto the club and sketchingout any ethical difficulties that could

arise during the research. I was informed I would be building a recording studio in

the basementin light of my previousrecordingexperiencevAth various bands.

I noted above that Leeds was a multi-sited DiY scene. This entailed visiting a

number of venues during the evenings. It was impossible to negotiate access and

snowballing samplingprocedureand a distinct lack of availability of prospectiveintervieweesfrom

thesegroupingsequally affectedtheir critical inclusion in this study.
12The membershipis usually around three hundred. Membershiphad swelled during this
period on
account of a rave collective promoting well-attended events that demanded ravers become club
membersin order to gain entrance. Such eventswere bannedfrom the club after late 2001 following
members' concerns over drug use and the contentious issue of long staff shifts. Membership is
presentlyback at its original levels.

Gordon PhD 52
permissionby all concernedso I took the ethical approachof being clear to thosethat

asked that I was doing participant observation. Occasionally I was one of the

performers. I also negotiatedaccessto one of the core areasof LeedsDiY subcultural

activity: a punk and hardeorerecord shop in the city centre. Staffed by two people

who I knew from playing gigs with their bands,I called the shop and it was agreed

that could conduct participant observationthere from the end of August until mid-

October2001. Mr. V, as he shall be known in this study, confirmed this agreementin

writing. I was informed that I would be involved at all levels of the organisationof

the shopand consideredas and equal partnerduring my time there. The sameethical

issuesof confidentiality were discussedas in the I in 12 club.

Tluough my fellow band membersand their contactswith the Leeds DiY scenea

room in a sharedhouse was securedfor me at a reduced summer rent. I moved to

Leedsfrom Nottingham on 15'hJune2001 in the band's transit van.

Ethics

Throughout the researchproject I ensuredthe ethical protection of the interviewees.

With the exceptionof two interviewees,DanbertNobacon of Chumbawambaand the

late RobertHeatonof New Model Army, all of the participantshave beenanonymised

in alphabeticalorder throughout the research13 Heaton and Nobacon, due to their

.
central location in the bandsrelatedto the punk dilemmasof selling-out, agreedto be

featuredin the researchby name. All the other intervieweeswere anonymisedas far

as possibleand all identifying characteristicsin the interview data were altered. This

was due to possible peer repercussionsfrom occasionalcompromising,hostile views

expressedtowardspeersand core DiY members. Whilst I considerthe majority of the

interviewees to be friends and close acquaintances,they still required ethical

13Seeappendix3.

Gordon PhD 53
protection. Rubin and Rubin (1995:
39-40) note that in many ethnographiesthere is a

critical distancebetweenthe researcherand subject; informed consentforms are there

for their protection. The reversewas the often the case as I completely blended in

with my peersduring the research. Although subjectswere aware of my participant

observerstatus,it was usually when I presentedan official-looking infonned consent

form to some of the intervieweesthat certain tensionsarose:it then becameclear that

they were not involved in an everyday conversation. The informed consent form

registeredme in a more official capacity operating within a legal framework. It

tended to distance me somewhatfrom those previously familiar to me, particularly

thosewho are generallysuspiciousof any official authority.

The geographical locations in the research are genuine as are the names of the

venues. Where specific buildings and organisations are mentioned, I have retained

their original names. This is also the case with all the bands named in the research.

Both the lin12 and Out of Step, the Leeds record shop, in addition to the Leeds

promotions collective, Cops and Robbers, were happy for their organisations to

appear in the research under their genuine names.

All of the participants of the research signed an informed consent form (see

appendix 2), clearly informing participants of their right to withdraw from the

researchat any given point and also noting that they could withdraw any comment

within two weeksof the interview (Silverman,2000: 200-2). This occurredonly once

when the interviewee felt that the comments made could both compromise his

personal safety and erase his integrity within the scene nexus.

Due to the reflexive dimension of the research a number of interviews were

requested by me within the field setting where I deemed the activities and

involvement of specific individuals to be central to the aims of the research. On three

Gordon PhD 54
occasionsI was declined interview opportunities. The broad reasonsgiven ranged

from no specific reasonand a shrug of the shouldersto 'I couldn't tell you anything

you don't already know, if it's all the sameto you, mate'. This illustrates one of the

central difficulties of my insider status (see below). Such wishes were respected,

though theseindividuals feature in the generalparticipant observation. Overall there

were marginal consequencesfrom such statementsof decline. Due to my long-

standing familiarity with some of the participants I felt mildly embarrassedwhen

facedwith rebuttalsof this nature. That said, one of thosewho turned me down was a

core member of the studio project I was involved with at the linl2, Mr. U, and he

gavean invaluablecontribution to that project. His actionsin DiY terms spokelouder

than an interview.

Pilot work

The pilot work aided the developmentof the researchand was chiefly refined by a

sense of methodological reflexivity, that is thinking critically, and from varied

perspectives,about both the pragmatics and the theoretical implications of the

methodschosen. Rather than trying to remove oneself from affecting the behaviour

Of the participants, such reflexivity seeks to study the consequencesof the

ethnographer'spresence. As Hamersley and Atkinson note, there is no way we can

escapethe social world in order to study it. Nor fortunately is that necessary

(1983:15).

At all stages of the research, reflexivity became a constant feature through which I

was able to alter the research design in addition to my field conduct. Reflexivity was

itself a research strategy affecting my actions as an ethnographer in the field. The

original research intention differed considerably from the approach chosen in the end.

This was to read the actions of DiY punk ethics through a critical response to the

Gordon PhD 55
totalising theory of the Frankfurt School, assertingcomplete capitalist triumph over

creative subjectivity (Adomo and Horkheimer, 1944). My critique was channelled

particularly through the work of Foucault (1977,1978). This theory was to be fed

into the interview strategy in order to advancenotions of resistanceat a theoretical

level. However, an initial, unstructured pilot interview was patronising, to say the

least,with me presentedas a knowing academicinterviewer and the subjectsqueezed

into the straightjacketof my own theoreticalpersuasion. I wasn't allowing people to

speak. The following section of interview in the Mr. A transcript betraysthis initial

error ofjudgement:

Int: Just as a final question,then, or maybe as a discussionpoint becauseI feel that this
has been more of a discussionwhich is just as useful as an interview. Uhhm, we began
the interview talking about wider political contexts, a wider social, cultural and moral
structurethat feedsinto the shape,or form, of the I in 12 and the Leedsscenein general.
What issues of knowledge, for you, or cultural, political, economic issues shapethe
discipline of this scene?
A: Uhh?
It became rapidly obvious that I was forcing a theoretical agenda upon the

interviewees and failing to get the level of data required. Through a reflexive

reformulation and the subsequentabandoningof the theoretical content in favour of a

grounded theory approach (Glaser and Strauss, 1967) the questions were vastly

improved. I carried out a seriesof five pilot interviews with ex-Leeds

and Bradford

punks I was familiar with in my home town of Nottingham. These subsequentpilot

interviews allowed me to restructurethe interview questionsuntil I becameat ease

with the semi-structuredstrategy. The value of this method of interview was that it

allowed me to explore points of interestnot always relatedto the central trajectory of

the interview. From the pilot work, the interviews were transcribedin orthographic

terms including laughterand slang.

In addition to this I also visited and played a number of punk events as part of my

research. The main pilot work for participant observationtook place at a GBH gig at

Gordon PhD 56
the Old Angel, Nottingham, 2000, with the field-journal written up after the concert.

One of the early problemswith this researchwas that it was all too familiar, the close

detail was slipping from view. I have been to thousandsof punk concertsover the

It became obvious that I was missing the obvious. Glaser (1978), and
years. quickly

Straussand Corbin (1990), refer to improving in

one's skills and experience a given

culture as 'theoretical sensitivity' (1990: 41). Familiarity becomesproblematicwhen

it obscures crucial aspects of the field: this kind of acquaintancecan block the

researcher from seeing things that have become routine or obvious 41).
(1990:

Techniquesfor enhancingtheoretical sensitivity involve a seriesof in-field exercises

designedto improve inductive strategiesand introduceways of seeingthe field setting

in an entirely different way (ibid: 76). My chosen method was to silently question

aspectsof the field for

environment: example,why is that in
personselling records the

comer, how are they doing it and to what benefit? This strategyallowed me to begin

to producea fresh perspectiveon detailed accountsbeyond my vernacularexperience

of the field. This was an entirely successfulmethodological venture allowing me to

consistentlyand reflexively improve my field techniques.

From the interviews and pilot observation I wrote a 3,000 word piece of test

analysis on the issue of political correctnessin punk. This was submitted to the

Departmentof Social Sciencesat LoughboroughUniversity as a piece of coursework.

for the researchmethodscourseI had taken. The ironic use of punk as an ethic of 'get

pissed destroy' against its political incarnation of liberty and freedom through

rebellion and the subtletiesof languageuse in the lin12 becamea grounded theory

with direct relevanceto the ironic ethic of DiY I maintain in the presentwork. The

first class mark awarded this essay confirmed the successboth of the method of

interview, the questions asked and the suitability of grounded theory as a

Gordon PhD 57
methodologicalstrategyfor approachingthe research. Yet in spite of this, the use of

grounded theory to produce a narrative completely immersed in the data proved

insufficiently sensitive to the expressivemeaning of the interviewees. I took the

reflexive decision to strike a balance between grounded theory and descriptive

ethnography in order to avoid gagging my participants' experiences and masking the

narrative of their life-histories. From this decision the broad narrative of the

questioningstrategiesshifted towards a biographical dimension in order to track the

participants' subcultural trajectory through punk. This enabled me to construct

coherentnarrativesthat came to inform the structure of the study: entrance,practice

and exit and the associatedethical dilemmasinvolved in participation.

QuestionStrategiesandInterviews.

All interviews were tape recordedand conductedeither at the I in 12 club, the record

shop or the interviewee's house. On the tour, interviews were conductedin over ten

European countries or in the bands van. Back-up tapes were

produced after the
interview. No noteswere taken during the interview as I
consideredthis a distraction
for the interviewee.

I have discussedhow my interview questionswere reflexively devised and revised

out of the pilot work (seeappendixone). The questionswere field-tested until there

was a reasonable'fit' betweenthe questionsand the intentions of the research. The

questionswere designedto investigatethe entrance,practice and exit of a subcultural

career with the final section geared towards the issue of the dilemmas circulating

around the issue of selling-out. This strategywas effective in terms of introducing a

narrative. Semi-structuredand open-endedquestionsalso allowed me to explore in

detail selectpoints the intervieweesmadeand reflexively alter further questionsin the

light of any interestingdivergenceof topic (see Fetterman,1989: 54). With Heaton

Gordon PhD 58
and Nobacon, the open questioning strategiesfollowed the trajectory of the existing

interview narrative, although the questionswere geared and altered relative to the

specific actions of each individual's activities, their respective bands and their

personalfeelings in to
relation accusationsmade that they had sold-out. The final

revision to the question strategy was for the focus group done with the Leeds MY

promotions collective, Cops and Robbers. Here the general frame of the questions

was constructednot in terms of individual narratives but in relation to how they

establishedtheir DiY promotions collective and what the specific problems were

within the scenecontextsof Leedsand Bradford.

To someextent I adoptedelementsof a life-history approach,asking retrospective

questionsinvolving the participants relying upon memory and recollection. Such

accountsoften proved difficult for someof the participants,as for examplewhen they

were askedto remembertheir punk origins, someof which occurredin the late 1970s.

There was the additional and thorny issue of the honesty of such accounts. All the

interviewees'testimonieswere neverthelesstaken in good faith as bona fide.

Participants

The participantsof the study were drawn from the club membersof the I in 12 and the

Leeds hardcore and punk scenes. They ranged in age from 20 to 42 years. As a

reflection of the ethnic compositionof the punk scene,they were white and originated

across the class spectrum, with varying levels of educational background. Their

geographical origins were in the main in West Yorkshire, with the remaining

participants hailing from Manchester,Birmingham, the North East and the southern

Counties. The ma ority were previously known to me as a band member playing in

these cities. Although there was some familiarity, and in spite of my previous

I
experience, was still a relative newcomerto the scene. Intervieweeswere selected

Gordon PhD 59
 after I had established some rapport through working with them or through

conversationsregarding the researchduring gigs and social events,on the street and

round friends' houses.

As I progressedwith the fieldwork I managedto make ftirther contacts and the

researchsnowballedfrom there. For examplein conversationI found out one of the

club membersknew Danbert from Chumbawarnba,who had helpedto build the I in 12

during the late 1980s. He introduced me to Danbert and he kindly agreedto do an

interview. The interview with Robert Heaton came through him producing Mr. J's

band. J invited me to the recording and I already knew Robert from the 1980s. He

also kindly agreedan interview. The majority of the interviews were arrangedduring

field work, with the exceptionof thoseincluded in the

pilot work: thesewere arranged
through mutual friends in the Nottingham punk scene. In all I conductedtwenty five

interviews, four pilot, with the rest split equally betweenLeeds

and Bradford and one
focus group involving eight people. I interviewedthree women for this
project. Their

representationis broadly reflective of the under-representationof women in punk and

hardcorescenes(seeLeblanc, 1999).

TheDiaries

During the years leading up to the researchI had already begun to keep a diary
of

some of the events during my travels with the band. This is referred to only once

during the thesis but it helped to lay the footings for it and it also reveals the dual

existenceof the researcher. This was in keeping with the sociological tradition of a

life-history approach (see Bertaux, 1983: 29-47). However, aware that I was not

presenton all occasions,nor obviously omnipresentin the settings,I askeda number

of the key participants in the study to keep diaries. There was a predictably mixed

responseto this methodand the resultsrangedfrom sketchynotesto over 3,000 words

Gordon PbD 60
in a detaileddiary suppliedto me by Mr. 1. Mr. I proved to be a valuable resourcein

the field work. Of the seventeendiaries,only Mr. I's featuresin the thesis. The other

diaries either detailedaspectsof DiY not coveredin the presentwork, such as touring

EuropeDiY, or they simply containedinformation duplicated and covered in greater

depthin the interviews. Someof the diarists abstainedfrom writing and insteaddrew

picturesto sum up their feelings. One participant had secondthoughtsregardingme

keeping the diary and refused to let me read it, due to issuesof confidentiality. I

naturally respectedhis wishes. In terms of ethical protection I amendedthe informed

consentform to cover the diary material. It took upwardsof a year to collate all of the

diaries. Overall the diary method proved the least successfulof my mixed-methods

approachin terms of the effort expendedand the material gleaned.

TheField-Notes
Field-noteswere written from memory and pocket book notes. Reflexively they were

fine-tunedafter my initial attemptsproved clumsy. Spradley(1980) was of particular

help here. The field noteswere organisedaccordingto the following outline:

1. Space:the physical place of places.

2. Actor: the people involved.
3. Activity: a set of relatedactivities peopledo.
4. Object: the physical things that arepresent.
5. Act: single actionsthat peopledo.
6. Event: a set of relatedactivities that peoplecarry out.
7. Time: the sequencingthat takesplaceover time.
8. Goal: the things that peoplearetrying to accomplish.
9. Feeling: the emotionsfelt and expressed.
(Spradley, 198078ff in Hammersley& Atkinson, 1983)
This organizational fieldwork tool allowed me to keep a well-organised field

journal. After the four-month fieldwork period, 154,000words of field notes were

written. These were gearedtowards new avenuesof ethnographicexploration across

the two key fields of observation. Time was consistentlyset asidein the eveningsand

Gordon PhD 61
one day per week for the writing and study of this journal in order to reflexively

preparefuture strategiesof the research.

Analysis

The sheeramount of data, consisting of seventeenparticipant diaries, and 330,000

words of transcribedinterview andjournal notes,proved rather formidable. It was a

difficult task to familiarise oneself with a large amount of data. Using grounded

theory as my principle method, salient and significant selectionsof the data were

compiled in order to begin constructinga narrative ranging from the entrancethrough

the practice to the exit of the participants,concluding with the final discussionof the

dilemmas of punk. I avoided a total grounded theory through my wish to avoid

gagging the participants, striking the balance between a Geertzian ethnographic

method of 'thick description' and the coding of general themes in the researchin

order to produce generaltypologies and models of subcultural action. Such analysis

involved becomingfamiliar with the data to the point of saturation. This allowed me

to see where the most salient featuresof the data had made themselvesexplicit. In

tandemwith the method of groundedtheory, I exercisedconsiderablecaution in not

forcing the data and allowing the meaningto 'emerge' as it were organically from the

data (Glaser, 1992). Through detailed analysis and coding of the data, patterns

becamevisible that broadly reflected my field experiencesand also the participant's

lifeworlds. This chimed in with one of the key aims of the research- to allow the

participantsa representativevoice in the research.

AssociatedProblemsand Dilemmas

Certain difficulties aroseduring the field work that were connectedwith the overall

aims of the research. Thesewere manifestedin a seriesof personaldilemmas. I shall

Gordon PhD 62
take two as illustrative of the generalproblems of conducting ethnographicresearch

on one's own subculturalcommunity. Throughoutthe researchI becameplaguedby

the anxiety that I was somehowselling DiY out to academicscrutiny, and that I was

substantially better off financially on my research bursary than many of the

participantswho were mostly in low-paid employmentor unemployed. A degreeof

guilt led to a preoccupationwith the question as to why certain DiY practices are

adheredto. Here I felt like I was playing at being DiY, not actually doing it. The sole

reasonI was there was not for the completion of any particular task at hand (though

this was exceedinglyimportant) but to study those doing DiY. I occasionallyfelt like

a completeimpostor, a fake: in short a sell-out myself with my feet in two worlds and

my intereststom in two. I was investigating sell-out bands and their dealingswith

major record companieswhilst aware that this work could possibly end up in the

handsof an academicpublisher. This would certainly be

my aspiration if the work is
to gain credibility throughpeerreview.

Overall I had to strike a consistentcompromisebetweenmy researcherstatus and

my scenepeers. To navigatebetweenthesetwo roles often proved exhausting. I felt

that I was occasionallyavoided by certain peers. It was as if they were 'shy' of my

research.However,as my presencewas gradually acceptedand I was assimilatedinto

the daily workings of the club, record shop,touring and gigs, this awkwardnessbegan

to evaporate. This did presentone further difficulty: as I becameimmersed in the

field, I lost the critical distance with which to make clear observations. Glaser's

(1980) techniquesfor enhancingtheoreticalsensitivity againhelpedto instil a senseof

perspective here. The issue of memory also struck in places where it was difficult to

take notes. In this case a pocket book was used. Frequent trips to the toilet allowed

Gordon PhD 63
for the privacy of note-writing in order to secure fine detail. Harnmersley and

Atkinson (1983) refer to this as the 'weak bladdersyndrome' (1983:148).

As a final point to this: in personal terms, with my involvement in the club's

I
activities progressing, observedmyself growing in political militancy. This was

reducedin the multi-sited sceneof Leeds. The changeclearly illuminated how the

contextof subculturalsceneethicshelpsto inform and govern action.

TechnicalProblems
On four different occasions, I lost valuable interview data due to tape recorders

breakingdown. Often not discovereduntil after the interview, whilst reviewing the

tapes,I eventually switched to minidisk which proved to be far more reliable. A

further crucial problem was relatedto computeruse. Whilst in the field the short life

of batteriesused in my laptop computerproduceda senseof frustration.' It was as if

my memory was becomingselectivein terms of capturing a given event.

Conclusion

I have outlined the broad methodologicalstrategy used to produce the ethnography

that follows. Overall this is a multi-method ethnography using participant

observation,diaries, semi-structuredinterviews and a diary approachto generatethe

field data. In terms of an epistemologyI have avoided importing abstracttheoreticdl

models into the methodological framework, instead opting for a reflexive balance

struck betweena groundedtheory and thick description in order to ensurea spacefor

the voices of my intervieweesin the subsequentaccountsand to retain the sensethat

the subcultural scenesstudied intersect at numerouspoints with various life-history

narratives. This is the most appropriateand effective way of gauging how DiY punk

Gordon PhD 64
ethics are practically drawn upon and mobilised through their entranceinto, practice

within, and exit from DiY punk scenes.

Gordon PhD 65
 Chapter Three: Entrance

Introduction

This chaptersetsout to answerthree questions:how did people enter the broad punk

subculture,why did they becomeinvolved, and what was their experienceof entry? It

presentsthe casethat subculturalentranceis primarily an investigative practice that

propels the participant towards an authentically styled knowledge, basedaround the

discovery of what is deemedto be genuinepunk rock. The chapterpursuesthis case

primarily through a discussionof the social role of music, for the key motivating

factor for entry was an initial engagementwith the music of punk rock and its various

political manifestationswithin its own subculturalmatrix.

Entranceinto this matrix was reportedby the intervieweesto be propelled by their

developing feelings of disenchantmentwith society. This sensibility inclines them

towards a senseof affinity within the subculture. Bound up with it are claims towards

an implicit, rebellious subjectivity. Furtherpreconditionsfor entranceare feelings of

loneliness and peer pressure. Both of these issueswill be questionedin relation to

their validity as factors conducive to forming allegianceswith punk. The opening

section of this chapter will situate such claims in relation to actors' claims to

authenticity.

In order for clarification of what follows in the empirical work I have constructed

three levels of sceneinvolvementso that working distinctions can be drawn between

levels of involvement. Firstly, the core, thosethat engagewith and perform core daily

organisationalDiY tasksand maintain skills central to the reproductionof the scene;

secondly, semi-peripheral, those who regularly attend DiY events and have

occasionalinvolvement and, finally, peripheral members:those that engagewith the

GOrdonPhD 66
sceneat a marginal level and have little involvement with core and semi-peripheral

tasks

Entranceto the subculturewill be outlined in terms of a two-stagemodel: primary

and secondaryinvestigation. The progressionthrough such stagesworks through a

heuristic processof trial and error. I contendin this chapterthat entranceto the punk

is
subculture such a practice and argue that the early experience of punk rock is

through the primary identification with sympatheticpeer groupingsand a concomitant

separationfrom those peersdeemedto be inauthentic. The chapterwill examinepeer

pressure,media engagement,the purchase,consumptionand playing of punk records,

tape trading and 'hanging out' with subculturalpeers. Theseare integral to achieving

authentic subcultural membership, so perceived. Underpinning this discussion of

primary investigation will be an account of how the participant entering the punk

subculturebecomesfamiliar with punk culture and the discoursewhich producesand

maintains its practice as authentic. Full participation within punk at this stage is

restricted and informed through wider social constraints such as age, school and

parentalrestriction.

Secondaryinvestigationdetails how the selectionof peer groupings,and a greater

senseof differentiation from other social groups, is combined with a deepeningof

subcultural commitment, activity and specific scene knowledge through experience

and the repetition of subcultural activity. For example, regularly going to concerts

and playing in bands, or running record labels, are vital for this deepening

commitment. Again, underpinningsuch activities are claims that the actor's selected

peer grouping and subsequentsubculturalactivity are culturally authentic. Within this

chapter I will examine such claims to authenticity and investigate how the study

Gordon PhD 67
participants enriched their punk commitments by becoming associatedwith and

forming counter-culturalscenessuchasthe I in 12 club.

The chapter is broken up into three key sections dealing with pre-existing punk

sensibilities,primary investigation,and secondaryinvestigation.

Pre-existing Punk Sensibilities,Loneliness,Isolation and Trend-setting.

What kind When askedhow they first became

of personentersthe punk subculture?

involved with punk, a number of the interviewees made claims regarding their

authentic status as already being 'critical outsiders'. They had a predisposition

towards feeling and expressingdisenchantment

with their life experiencesprior to

their first engagementwith the wider punk subculture.This senseof prior orientation

is a commonplace in punk discourse and had been previously discussedby Fox

(1987)14whose ethnographic study of punk culture in a southern American city in

1983revealedsimilar disenchantment to
and claims authentic feelings of rebellion:

Punk didn't influence me to the way I am much. I was always this way inside. When I
life. I finally be myselE (Fox, 1986 in
cameinto punk, it was what I neededall my could
Adler & Adler, 1993:378)
by
Similar sentimentswere expressed the interviewees in the present study. Mr. 0

issue: 'regardless [of I knew things were a bit shit

was clear on this punk] always

'
anyway. Ms. W 'I
stated: already had alternative ideas, I guess,to the mainstream

and on how people should run their lives and treat other people: [punk] openedme up

to a whole other world'. Mr. F reported:'I've always had the feeling that stuff wasn't

quite right but punk kind of gave me the information'; Mr. G noted: 'before I came

into contact with the DiY hardcore punk rock movement, I would have thought of

myself as probably a bit more conscientiousthat your averageJoe Bloggs causeI was

into recycling'. Finally Ms. M claimed '[punk] hasn't altered me because I kind of

14Fox, K.J. (1987) "Real Punksand Pretenders:The Social Organisationof a Counterculture." Journal
ofContemporary Ethnography, Vol 16, No, 3.

Gordon PhD 68
 thought that way for the past ten years anyway.' Andes (1991, in Epstein, 1998)

presented a similar frame of reference reported by the informants in her punk

ethnographyand commentedthat: 'Almost all the informants consistently perceived

themselvesas being "different" from those in their referencegroup: "normal others",

i. e. their peers,parentsand mainstreamsociety in general' (1998:221).

What the Fox and Andes studiesfail to do is to locate such utteranceswithin the

realm of claims towards subculturalauthenticity and to offset such discourseagainst

ironic claims of the life-transforming capacitiesof the subculture. It is important to

note how some of the above claims, presentingthe speakeras 'always' feeling this

way, belie a sensibility of difference that is 'predisposed' to entranceto punk. The

claims such as 'punk hasn't alteredme' and 'I was probably a bit more conscientious

than your averageJoe Bloggs' stakeout the rhetorical claim for the existenceof their

innate capacities for rebellion, disenchantmentand sense of difference: they are

authentic rebels. From this position punk is sought out as a secondaryconduit and

vessel for the investigation,expressionand articulation of such feelings of difference.

As such claims are made after the intervieweeshave already become long-standing

members of the punk subculture, fin-ther explanation is required. Apart from the

claims of a senseof difference,what other factors led to the intervieweesbecoming

involved in the wider punk subculture?

One such factor is the generalpunk aesthetic- the subcultural framework of social

critique and its alienatedcommentary.This actedas a receptacleand magnetfor those

young people experiencingfeelingsof difference and disenchantment.It was actively

sought out by the majority of the study participants. But how were these subjects

specifically drawn to it? A numberof the intervieweesreportedfeelings of loneliness

and peer isolation. Combined with feelings of difference and disenchantment,such

Gordon PhD 69
claims appearto be for
a valid explanation punk subcultural entrance,yet this is not

initially as clear-cut as one would hope. Respondentsspoke of experiencing such

feelings at school. Mr. B statedhe was 'on me own for a few years, and noted a lack

of contact with similar punk peers. Mr. 0 statedthat 'I have always been a bit of a

loner,' whilst Ms. W commentedon the fact that she 'didn't really gel with the people

at school.' From such feelingsthe young subculturalentrant searchesout a subculture

in which theserebellious feelingsand views can be shared. The senseof difference is

affirmed within a communityof outsiders.

Loneliness,isolation and peer separationthereforeprovide a possiblemotor towards

subcultural involvement: a group of rebellious peers with similar sensibilities will

in difference. Mr-C becameinterestedin punk

provide affinity a collective senseof

in
growing up a Derbyshiretown in the mid describing
1980s, his primary subcultural

'a lonely that there was a distinct lack of similar

entrance as existence' and noting

peersentering into punk. Due to this relative isolation, he found that his main point of

to
access punk music was initially buying his music from the major music stores:

HMV and Virgin recordsis. Such intervieweeslater sought out punk peer groupings

by
united their outsiderstatus.

However, it would be a naive to suggestthat my informants' senseof lonelinessand

isolation were the sole factorsresponsiblefor punk subcultural entrance. This would

fail to explain how other subculturesare, or are not, entered- if at all - from those

15The involvement HMV Virgin to be a retrospective point difficulty for Mr. C and
with and proved of
some surrender/admittanceof his early authentic punk status was evident in his interview. He is
presently deeply committed to the ethics of DiY, yet he admitted that his initial procurementof punk
records camethrough engagementwith theseshopsand theirdubious' standing within the DiY punk
community. The justification of this was presented due to his lack of knowledge of the scene. In
he lit
retrospect argued: was the only way I had of getting hold of the stuff 'cos the distros that you see
nowadaysthat are so common,weren't in abundance[then]'. This justi f ication is a central issuein the
defenceof authenticity and all I wish to do presently is note how comment on previous engagement
with such shopspresenteddifficulties for the speakerwhich result in the latter, subsequentjustification
of previousactions. Due to its retrospective,dilemmatic status,full discussionof suchjustifications are
reservedfor chapters6&9.

GordonPhD 70
who do not share such disenchantmentand isolation. What unites such entrance

claims in the present study is a sense of difference from what is considered

mainstreamor 'normal' culture,but it doesnot always follow that the potential entrant

subscribesto enter a subculturethrough feelings of lonelinessand isolation from their

peers. In one interview, the initial entranceto punk was articulated through a clear

needto adopta new 'hip' form of rebellion.

Mr. G spoke of his entranceto punk culture as a result of jettisoning his pseudo-

rebellious peersand establishinghis role as an original, authentictrendsetterthrough a

new involvement in hardcorepunk. Ratherthan complaining about his lonelinessand

lack of acceptancewithin his peer group, full inclusion in his peer group acted as a

catalyst for him to enter into the punk subculture. Mr. G claimed he was fully

accepted by his peer group, and made the case that he set in place many of its

subcultural facets. However, G statedthat once his peershad adoptedand mirrored

this rebellious attitude it rendered himself and his existing subcultural practice

inauthentic: for G it becametoo popular to be authentic rebellion! He decided to

advancehis existing statusas a 'trend setter' by becominga more authenticsubculture

member through heuristic examination of contextually relevant, and previously

unexplored, obscure punk subcultural groups in order to mark out his authentic

difference from schoolpeer groupings.

[1] liked being a bit of a rebel at school. I was always like trying to be the first to do
everything. I was the first to grow my hair long out of our group of friends, first to dye
it, the first to get senthome form school for having scraggyjeans and stuff. It got to the
point where suddenly loads and loads of people would do it and, wanting to be a cool
trend setterat the time, I was like I have to get into somethingdifferent! I was like right,
what's cool? OK, I'm going to be a skater.
Here the reverse of the opening sections statements detailing loneliness and

isolation is the case. Finding acceptanceas a trend-setterwithin his peer grouping, G

outlines the pleasureof being a rebel. He strove to establish a fresh outsider status

GordonPhD 71
and sense of difference as a hip practice in order to gain further acceptanceand

esteem from his peers, while also simultaneouslyestablishing 'cool' distance from

them16. It also provides a neat exampleof how an early senseof what it is to belong

to an authentic subcultureand how its obverse,'inauthenticity,' is detected. As his

initial rebellious examplebecomeship andpopular amongsthis peers,his authenticity

was deemed by G to have been undermined and 'sold out': his rebellious 'trend-

is
setting' status negatedand a new authentic subcultural strategy sought out. Such

sentiments collide with my previously establishedrhetorical position of the lonely,

isolated outsider as 'Prime' material for entranceinto punk rock. Here Mr. G is

attempting to establish distance from his peers in striving for a new, authentic

subculturalidentity.

Entering punk subcultural groupingsrestson a fulcrum of disenchantmentwith the

establishedworld: a feeling of being at oddswith one's peers,wishing 'cool' distance

from them, or with society in general:in short a senseof difference. Where loneliness

is producedby such feelings (conflict with parents,teachers,authority figures etc.) it

has the immanent potential to propel the individual to seek out and identify other

peers who share the subcultural norms and values. But the opposite of loneliness,

peer celebration, may prove the conditioning ground for punk. In a sort of heroic

individualism, Mr. G set out to investigate the subculture more fully for himself

through the investigation of existing undergroundcultural forms, though even this

practice still restedon the assumptionof rebellion againstthe establishedauthority of

subcultural levels deemedto have becomeinauthentic through popular subscription.

A senseof rebellion against social conformity can be directed outwards, to false

standardsor forms of sociality, or inwards,to fake punks.

16Forbiographical of theSeattlegrungegenreandNirvanaseeAzerrad,(1994);Cross,
overviews
(2001).

GordonPhD 72
 Having establishedthat the antecedentconditions of subculturalentranceare centred

around a pre-established sense of either disenchantment, loneliness, isolation,

individualism or some combination of these, so constituting the central theme of

difference, I want now to explorehow subculturalentrantsfirst encounteredthe wider

punk culture in their searchfor a senseof authenticidentity. Here the questionwhich

comesto the fore is how this initial investigation is carried out that allows the actor to

becomea full participant? What are the initiating factors that introducethe subculture

to the potential participant and vice versa?

Primary Investigation

The next section details the early experiencesof making contact with the wider punk

subcultural groupings prior to becoming scene participants. Such experiencesare

central to what I have termed the heuristic practice of primary subcultural

investigation. The participant entering a subculture after experiencing feelings of

difference (whetherpopular with or isolated from their peers)is largely restricted by

age, experienceand legal restrictions from full participation in the subculture. It is

important not to denigrateearly subculturalparticipation during this period as trivial,

or, indeed, inauthentic. Entering into the subculturein this age group involves a large

amount of distress for the participant in terms of resistancefrom significant others

(immediate peers) and conflict with established structures of authority such as

teachers,parentsand family 17
members .

There are three key points of primary investigation in entrance to the punk

subculture: media interaction, the introduction of the punk subculture through peer

and family groupings, and the first attendanceat concerts. The majority of the

intervieweesreported that they enteredpunk in their early teens. This age of punk

17SeeLeblanc, 2001: 1-5

GordonPhD 73
 entrancehas also beenpreviously documented(Andes, 1991:216; Leblanc, 2001: 69-

76).

The first of the factors,mediacoverageof the punk culture over the last twenty-five

years, has provided a key inspiration and influential entrancecatalyst for a number of

the intervieweesof this study. Similarly, Leblanc (2001:70) reportedthat one of her

informants was first exposedto punk agedsix, seeingthe Californian punk band Fear

play on TheSaturdayNight Live Showin 1984:her informant's parentalresponsewas

'you'd better not get into that shit!' (2001:70). Entrancewas eventually made at the

age of fourteen. My own intervieweesexpressedsimilar memoriesof media coverage

of punk over a twenty-five year time scaleincorporating a number of musical genres.

Among the older interviewees,Mr. R statedthat he first came acrosspunk reading a

Sex Pistols write-up in the Soundsmusic paperwhilst on a scoutcamp in 1977. Mr. S

saw television reports of the Sex Pistols on the BBC programmeNationwide in the

sameyear and this led him to buy the band's records. Mr. I's first contact with punk

came through the BBC Radio I John Peel Show playing the Ramonesand Damnedin

1977. Younger participants such as Mr. B and D both cited the British heavy metal

press of the 1980s such as Kerrang and Mega-Metal Kerrang. Papers covering

underground hardcore bands gave them the impetus to investigate the subculture

further. Likewise, Mr. C and Mr. D reportedthat the American skateboardmagazine

Thrasher and its column on hardcore punk provided inspiration to enter the

subculture. Here Mr. B comments:

I got into hardcorespecifically around the age of eleven through looking through metal
magazinesand seeingthe odd interview with hardcore bands in there and from there
going and picking up theserecordsand checkingthem out.
This quote neatly summarisesthe practice of primary subcultural investigation in

terms of age and investigative engagementwith subcultural music media. The

Gordon PhD 74
fleeting glimpsesof the obscurebandscoveredin such magazinesled to B's further

investigationand associationwith a peer group with similar subcultural identity. Mr.

F stated that the twilight hours ITV heavy metal TV programme, Noisy Mothers,

introduced him to the punk genre in the early 1990s. Through his involvement in

skateboardingand the primary investigation of buying records, Mr. C 'gradually'

becameimmersedin the punk scene.is The skateboardmagazineThrasherallowed C

to becomeawareof the more obscureUS hardcorebandsduring this time:

I used to read the American magazineThrasher,which at the time was a newsprint sort
I
of magazine. mean the print run was not so greatbut it used to make its way acrossto
the UK and in that magazine there was not only skateboarding but there was a music
column with interviews with hardcore punk bands. The guy who wrote it, Pushead,
[AKA] Brian Schroderhad a great influence on me and was responsiblefor getting me
into all kinds of different hardcorepunk bands.

However to portray media coverage of punk subculturesas the sole variable in

subcultural entrancewould be to ignore the wider context of social peer relations.

This is of equalimportance.

The majority of the intervieweesspoke of peer, sibling and parental relations and

is
this the secondkey factor in investigation. From his initial interest in punk,
primary

drawn from his inspiration from Thrasher,Mr. C beganto establishpeer relationships

gearedtowards membershipof the punk subculture. Through primary investigation,

C was eventuallylucky to find anotherpersonat his school interestedin hardcore.He

identified him by seeingrecordsin his schoolbag:

I happenedto be in a corridor outsidea geographylessonand there was this guy and he

had a bag full of records,like there was the Stupids LP and the Adrenaline OD LP, uhh
the DagnastyLP and I went up to him, as you do in small town like that and you think
you have to reach out cause you're in the middle of fucking nowhere like. I got talking
to him and got loadsof tapes.
Through both the recognition of subculturalbadgesof membershipand his senseof

peer isolation, Mr. C to

was propelled make direct contactwith a potential peer which

'a For a fall, historical accountof skateboardingand it's connectionsto punk and hardcoremusic see,
Borden,1(2001) Skateboarding,Spaceand the City: Architecture and the Body, Oxford: Berg

Gordon PhD 75
 then blossomedinto a friendshipig. Oncesuchpeer groupingsare established,mutual

primary subculturalinvestigationcanoccur.

This was exemplified by Mr. Q who reportedhow he came acrossPunk through his

friend's tales of accompanyinghis elder brothers to punk gigs in the early 1980s.

Whilst Q's own brothersparticipatedin the heavy metal genre,thus exposinghim to

this subculture,his friends' activities in punk appealedto his senseof difference and

appearedmore interestingto him than heavymetal. He recalled his early experiences

of listening to the bandsassociatedwith this genrein his bedroomwith his friend:

[we] used to borrow and buy records,get drunk and put them on. Me and him used to
throw each other round the room dancing to fucking, you know, some of the favorites
were like Cruciffix Antisect and the Subhumans.
Here the rehearsalof subcultural sceneactivities through primary investigation is

clearly articulated. Q shows how borrowing and buying records, getting drunk and

dancing'to records, in addition to learningto differentiate betweenpunk genre,were

his main activities of primary investigation. Whilst not able to attendconcertsat this

point, the reciprocal engagementwith punk recordsand similar peersis a central part

of primary subculturalinvestigation.

Primary investigation at subcultural entrance through peer interaction was

demonstratedby Mr. 0. He first cameinto contact with the punk scenearound 1983

aged thirteen, restricting full participation. His commentsrelate to his engagement

with peers. For 0, the first Chronic Generation LP, from the street-punk band,

Chron-Gen,was played to him, in similarity to Mr. Q, in his friend's bedroom.2o The

impact of this record was bolsteredby the cover artwork. He stated:

19Hodkinson (2002)
came across evidence of similar affiliation through the recognition of subcultural
badges of membership in his ethnographic study of goth culture. Here he makes specific reference to
the affiliations of subcultural members not only within their immediate locality but globally.
20Street
punk is associated with the bands of the early 1980s who espoused working class politics and
styles far removed from the anarcho punk scene. Bands such as Glasgow's The Exploited,

GordonPhD 76
 It wasjust like so, it wasjust fucking pink and yellow and it was Day-Glo as fuck and it
was punk rock. It was out there.
Here an excited, emphaticclaim towardsthe authenticity of punk rock is made: O's

identification with the Day-Glo of punk rock authenticity serves to mark out the

boundaries for him of what is and what is not punk rock in terms of his chief

identification with a dominantaestheticpractice of the subculture. First usedin punk

Mind The Bollocks Here's the SexPistols (1977), the key

on the Sex Pistols LP, Never

signifier of Day-Glo, for 0, was deemedto be an authenticmarker of genuinepunk

in Mr. O's to for him

rock. The recycling of suchcodes exampleserved authenticate

the bands his time of entry whilst also signifying to his other peersthat he
popular at

was 'into' the 'correct' music suitablefor inclusion in his discourseof entrance.

Thus far the influence of peers, siblings and friends has been chief in the role of

primary investigative subculturalentrance,as for instancethrough introducing music

to the potential entrant. However,traditional parentalinfluence in primary subcultural

investigation has been presented/portrayedas both a conventional gatekeeper

from becomingmembersandparticipating in a subculture. A

restricting young people

clear example of this is the Leblanc (2001) quotation above that details the parental

warning of becominginvolved in the subculture. Within the presentstudy, the reverse

is demonstrated. For Mr. V his parent (mother) initially

of parental restriction also

introduced him to the punk subculture. Raised by his grandparentsin the south of

England, Mr. V found that his primary subcultural investigation was kick-started by

the music his visiting mother played him, such as the Sex Pistols and Nirvana in the

Birmingham'sChargedG.B.H and LeamingtonSpa's The Varukers arejust three examplesfrom a vast

array of bands. There is also close connectionwith the 'Oi' skinheadculture (see Marshall, 1991:67-
85). Overall this streetpunk had an aestheticof streetstyle and adherentswore, studdedleatherjackets
with band iconography painted on them, Doctor Marten boots and coloured, spiky mohican haircuts,
See,for Example, Punk's Not Dead and Punk Ltves (1981-83) magazinesfor further examplesof the
streetpunk genre.(SeeGlasper,2004, )

Gordon PhD 77
 early 1990s. He found this music did not exactly chime with his senseof taste in

punk music:

I got into sort of alternativestuff like the bigger bands,Re Nirvana and stuff and bands
like the Sex Pistols, causemy Mum tried to play me good stuff, and I said to her I really
Re it but I want somethingthat's faster.It soundsright but it needsto be twice as fast.

What is evident here is the reverse of parental restriction and hostility towards

sub,cultural entrance. Mr. V acknowledgesthe previous value of the bandsmentioned

yet he also demonstratedthe need to investigate and establish his own niche and

personaltastewithin the subculture.For him the examplesplayed by his mother were

only partially compatible with his existing sensibilities and aspirations. What he

cleavedto himself was music with greaterspeed.

In similar parentalterms,Ms. M camefrom a Bradford family of social workers and

statedthat both her parents'shapedher ideason life. ' Here the parentalrelations and

also long-standingauthenticity is intimated thought the claim of 'her parentsshaping

her ideas on life'. M's primary subcultural investigation in the early 1990s was

initially non-specifically describedas 'kind of indie music and alternative grungy

stuff' which she found lacking. So primary investigation has a chief role in either

affirmation or rejection of encounteredtastes, or some combination of both. It is

aboveall a trial and error processof selectionand assessment

of subculturaltastesand

activities at the primary investigative level. As with Mr. G above, for M the

previously describedgenreswere abandonedonce she made contact with peers who

were membersof the punk subculture.

Thus far peer groupings have been demonstratedthrough a reciprocal sharing of

music and the interaction with media coverageof the wider punk subculture. One of

the key, overarchingthemesof the interview discourseof early entranceto the punk

Gordon PhD
, 78
subculture was tape trading (Marshall, 2003) 21. The majority of the interviewees

spokeof how they were introducedto the different genresof punk music through the

sharing of tapes. Tape trading is important in primary investigation as it allows

existing and establishedsubcultural membersto share their taste and knowledge of

their chosensubcultural genrewith less or equally establishedpeers without one or

other party having the financial outlay of buying records. It was peer tape trading that

eventually inspired Mr. J to enter the punk subculture. He found that his initial

experienceof punk rock was uninspiring on first contact in 1977. He statedthat 'he

got off to a false start with the seventysevensort of stuff. Finding the heavy metal

genreof the time he

much more appealing, describedhis initial thoughtson punk rock

as a 'violent fashion' that failed to appealto him. It was not until some five years

later that he beganto engageearnestlywith the punk genre. This example presents

the casethat subculturesare not always immediately subscribedto. Through heuristic

investigation they are, in the case of these interviewees, returned to after other

potential genresare eliminated from their primary subcultural investigations. Mr. J

reportedthat he was eventually inspired to listen to punk after he was given a tape of a

band that affirmed his political ideasof the time. After being given a tape by a friend

with the metal band, Venom and their 1982 album Black Metal, and London anarcho

21Tape trading is a resilient practice that occurs in the hardcoreand punk scenes'predating the now
popular CDR, tapes were used as the first DIY method for releasing a bands songs. From the late
1970's to the present day the tape was used to also capture the live performance of a band (often
to
referred as bootlegging). Those on low incomes of in the stageof primary investigation found the
relative cheapnessof the tape and the easeof reproduction presentedan easy way of trading music.
Tapedrecords,demotapesand live recordingsfound themselvesonto 'trade lists' sentthrough the post
or sold for a small amount. Advertising was undertakenin the smaller fanzinesand also lists of tapes
(trade-lists) were given out at gigs. 'Ibis practice enabled those unfamiliar with bands in other
countries to hear them at little expenseand to also make contacts with others around the UK and
moreover the world. Finally, during the 1980s there was a concerted effort on from the record
companiesto outlaw or tax blank tapes. Flaunting this rule chimed with punk's rebellious stance.
Tape trading still occurs but has largely been supersededby CDRs and Mp3 file sharing over the
internet. SeeMarshall (2003)

Gordon PhD 79
 punk band, Conflict, It's Time to See Who'sWho of the sameyear, he beganto form

political opinions:

When I first got it [tape] I was like yeah,two noisy bands. Then after a bit it was like:
shit, one of them is talking crap and one of them is talking politics. I startedto get into
the politics.
The assertionthat he preferredmusic on the tape for political reasonscementedthe

authenticity of his choice. The investigationof the music, previously un-cncountered,

allows the primary investigative memberto make evaluationsand choices regarding

the saliencyof the music on the tapes.

The sameprocesswas evident in the interview transcript of Mr. F. He enteredthe

subculturein 1995 after making tapesof the deathmetal band, Obituary, and trading

them with an older peer, who reciprocatedwith tapescontainingthe bandsDischarge,

Napalm Death and American hardcore bands, Suicidal Tendenciesand NO FX.22

From primary investigation of this tape and subsequentpeer interaction he found that

he was listening to obscuregenresof punk and hardcore.23 He consideredthis to be a

vast improvement on his idea of punk establishedfrom clips of the Sex Pistols he'd

previously seenon television. From this tape, he investigatedthe punk genre further

and found ýhatthe lyrical contentchimedwith his existing political beliefs. He noted:

[Punk's] definitely got me more into politics and awarenessof issuesand things like that.
I always had some kind of feeling that stuff wasn't right but [punk] kind of gave me the
information.

The establishmentand affirmation of his political beliefs through his tape-traded

introduction to political punk inspired F to take his primary subcultural investigation

It has been establishedthrough the example given by Mr. C that the recognition of

subcultural.badgesof membershipallowed connectionswith peerswhere tape trading

22For a full
accountof Death Metal and other genresrelated to the ScandinavianbandsseeMoynihan,
M. (1998) Lords Of Chaos: The Bloody Rise of TheSatanic Metal Underground, Los Angeles: Feral
House. Chapter2
23SeeBlush, (2001).

Gordon PhD
80
 could occur. However non-musical forms of subcultural activity, such as

skateboarding, were also reported by the interviewees as a means where peer

formation and tape trading could occur. As I noted above,Mr. G decidedto become

involved in skateboardingas both the next step in his subcultural career and as a

means of reinforcing his role as trend-setterin his school. As a result of primary

investigation, G becameinvolved with two older peers involved in skateboardingat

his school. Through this he was introducedto hardcorepunk. G statedthat his initial

contact with hardcore during this period was 'life changing' and the initial contact

was bolstered though tape trading when he was given a tape by a peer with

contemporary American hardcore bands on it such as the New York straightedge

band, Snapcase. Further primary investigation of the genre then took place. What

tape trading allows is both the primary investigation of the subculture's musical

output and the subsequentformation of musical tastes.

To recap:through the interactionwith media, family and siblings, the establishment

of friendships and peer groups with both subcultural entrants of a similar age and

those more subculturally experienced,along with tape trading, primary investigation

occurs through the heuristic device of trial and error. It is purposive, but haphazard;

self-directed, but with spills and setbacks.Specifically, whilst membership of the

subcultureis initiated through such activities, full participation stops short of regular

concertattendanceand participationin establishedpunk activity.

The final key issue is therefore concert attendance an issue I will afford

consideration in chapter seven. Two of the respondentsstated that they attended

concertsbefore the ageof sixteen.Mr. R noted that during the early period of punk he

was too young to attendthe early punk concertsin Newcastle, yet there was primary

Gordon PhD 81
subcultural investigationof the subculturewithin his school peer grouping before he

could finally attenda concert:

I rememberthe Damnedplayed at the City Hall. I think The Stranglers,X Ray Spex was
the first punk gig I sort of think. The Stranglerswere like mid seventy-sevenand the
Damnedand the Dead Boys playedthe end of seventy-sevenand someof the kids in our
school or the kids' older brothersa year aboveme had gone to that and [punk] was sort
of coming through on a school level. And then my first outing was the Buzzcocksand
Penetrationin like March 1978when I wasjust this little geek.

For R. primary investigation of the wider punk scenewas practiced through peer

relations such as listening to radio and records,watching TV or vicariously observing

older peers' activities within the punk scenes. This came before he attendedhis first

concert. The use of 'first outing' belies R's senseof primary investigation of the

subculture while the self-referral to 'this little geek' plays down his initial

commitment in favour of his fully-fledged punk status at the time of the fieldwork.

Here there is self-recognitionthat R is not a fully-fledged participant of the scene;he

recogniseshimself as marginal. It is this marginal and liminal statusthat categorises

the primary investigativesubculturemember.

So in concludingthis section,we can seethat primary subculturalactivity is relative

and important principally within the actor's world of the subculturalpeer group and in

the initial practice of rebellion. It is marginal within the older and more established

subcultural scenepracticesof concertattendanceand what has been identified as core

subcultural activities. The primary subcultural investigator, within the larger

subculture and its practice, is relegatedto the role of a peripheral member of the

subculturalnexus,a relative bystanderwho, by showing persistenceand commitment

in searchingfor what is consideredauthentic in punk practice, may overcome and

move beyond this marginal statusand enter into a position of liminality with respect

to fully-fledged sceneparticipation, involvement and identity. In order to proceed

towards more advancedsceneknowledge of the subcultureand gain an affinity and

Gordon PhD 82
 affiliation with it, liminal individuals enter into what I have termed secondary

subculturalinvestigation.

Secondary Investigation

For the participants involved, secondarysubcultural investigation is the detailed,

practical investigation of existing subcultural scene activities and the amassingof

subcultural sceneknowledge through the identification, reciprocation and interaction

with more potential, experienced and capable peers. This is done through

advancementof the previously establishedexamples,and through further engagement

with skateboarding,tape trading and interactionwith specific media, listening to more

obscure underground bands and the regular attendance of concerts in a more

committed explorative manner. But how, more specifically, is secondary

investigationdifferent to its predecessor,primary investigation?

The majority of participants who spokeof their deepeningsubcultural involvement

did so at an age where they had either left school and could attend concerts or

attendedsuch events by flaunting the legal restrictions governing entry to licensed

establishmentsin tandem with their perception of punk's rebellious spirit. In this

processthe existing peer networks formed through primary investigation within the

subculture are expanded,strengthenedand fulfilled. They are establishedthrough

repetition until 'authentic' participation is approachedthough not fully achieved. In

short, the fledgling subculturalmemberin this study deepenedtheir involvement and

commitment with other subcultural members through an intensified repetition of

subcultural activities. From this, the senseof affirmation is felt, shared ways of

thinking are embarkedupon and social networks are formed allowing the subject to

participatemore fully in subculturalactivities.

GordonPhD 83
 In terms of entrance,secondaryinvestigationis key in the formation of subcultural

sceneknowledge it is at the sametime both heuristic and explorative. As a final

introductory point to this section, it should be made clear that the practice of

secondaryinvestigation still marks the entrant as existing at either the peripheral or

semi-peripherallevels of subculturalinvolvement. This is not to say that there is no

possibility of full or 'core' participation. Indeed,secondaryinvestigationconfirms the

movement from periphery to liminality as the individual is poised on the cusp of

completesubculturalsceneparticipationand practice.

Within this section I will deal with three key points. Firstly, the formation of and

deepeningassociationwith punk peer groupingsgearedtowards a specific genreand

associatepeer groupings gatheredaround the rubric of authenticity. Secondly, the

deepeningof commitmentto the latter with the formation of link activities such as the

production of tapes and fanzines. Finally, as the lin 12 club and the Leeds scene

featured in both the participant observationsections and the interviews, I wish to

examinehow local in
punk networking and organizationoperate the role of secondary

investigation.

In secondary investigation the gradual accumulation of subcultural scene

of this deepeningof understanding,a sense

knowledgetakesplace. As a consequence

of subcultural understandingand affiliation occurs heuristically. Here Mr. V

provides a clear exampleof how secondarysubcultural investigation takesplace in the

absenceof more experiencedpeers:

We wereift told that the Dead Kennedyswere a classic band and this is a classic band.
We were like: where do we start? Oh right well I went to see this band and this band
supportedand they are playing again and we should check'em out and we should do it
from scratchourselves. Every time we found a band that was amazingwe were like oh
right, what label are they on? Follow that up, check out the other bandson that label.

GordonPhD 84
 From this practice the vernacularskills usedto participate in punk subculturalscene

discourse and to become knowledgeableof its sub-genresare produced through

repetitive engagement. Such subcultural activity, outlined in this quote, is both

investigative and exploratory. It is firstly investigative through the trial and error

process,as in V's caseof finding out what the 'classic bands were' and through the

is
process of ascertainingwhat good and bad practice within the subculture. This

level of investigation involves refining one's tastesaccording to a chosengenre of

punk. Once selected,the exploration of the specifics of that given genre can occur,

which in this case involves searching out and exploring other bands' labels and

concerts.

This practice was carried out by Mr. B in his searchfor an appropriatepeer group.

He statedhow he struggledto find peerswho listened to American hardcoreduring

the mid-1980S.24 He found himself associatingwith 'the metal kids' for company,

although the dominanceof the metal genrewithin his peer group and the obscurity of

hardcorepunk left him with the peer statusof outsider and his isolation intact.2s This

24American hardcore,is the US equivalentand legacy of both the American and English punk scenes
and debatesare rife in relation to the exact origin of the genre. This was the genre that extendedthe
punk ethic of DiY into the formation of national and global networks. Hardcore was a phenomenon
that took a foothold in the UK in the early nineteeneighties with bandssuch as The Dead Kennedys,
Black Flag toured there. Indeedboth the aestheticand musical style of American hardcorehas become
a relatively stable influence on punk rock in the UK up the presentday. IndeedMr. R speculatesthat
the initial contact with this genrecamethrough tape trading and the Californian band, Crucifix touring
the UK in 1984 after recording for the Crass records subsidiary label Corpus Christi: entitled
Dehumanisation. Also the American band, MDC, (Millions of Dead Cops) recorded and releaseda
hardcorerecord on Crassrecords in 1982: Mull! Death Corporations. In terms of style there are as
many sub-genresand styles of American hardcoreas there are bands. Overall the tempo and speedof
many of thesebandswas faster,more energeticand the approachto the music more direct than many of
their British counterpartsin the early 1980s. For an American view of British punk's initial reaction to
the Californian hardcoreband,Black Flag, SeeRollins, H (1995) Get In the Van, Washington2/13/61
and the comprehensivehistory of American hardcorefrom 1977 until the mid 1980s:Blush, S. (2001)
American Hardcore: 4 Tribal History, New York Feral House. Also seeany issueof Maximum Rock
and Roll 1984-present.
25'Metal kids'relates to the once separategenrespopular in youth culture from the 1950sonwards. By
using the genreterm 'metal' in the mid-1980sthis servesas a genre location indicator. D is referring to
the acceptabilityof showingaffiliation with a number of sub-genresof punk in this time period and this
broadly reflects the dissolving and shifting of musical genre boundariesevident in the late seventies
and early eighties. The genreof rock known as metal was first invoked in the late nineteenseventies

Gordon PhD 85
led to his continuanceof secondaryinvestigationresulting in the subsequentdiscovery

of, and his eventualidentification with, the sub-genreof straight edge. Stating that he

did not appreciatethe drinking and drug taking of his subculturalpeers,he found that

the adoption of the straight edge allowed him to 'resist peer pressureto drink'. His

secondaryinvestigation eventuallyresultedin the direct connectionand the formation

of a peer group sceneassociatedwith straight edge beliefs. This both deepenedhis

commitment to the subcultureand provided a senseof affiliation and 'brotherhood':

It was a nice little clique to be in and therewas not that many straight edgekids about so
you had like a feeling of brotherhoodand that kind of thing. I mean if you saw some
kids into the straightedgeand stuff you understoodeachother and had a link.

Mr. B's testimony demonstratesthe problems that subcultural investigation can

present. Through trial and error, secondaryinvestigation continued until the most

authentic and personally suitable punk subcultural scenegrouping was identified in

terms of tasteand affiliations formed with it. The affiliation with a group of outsiders,

initially to the existing punk sceneof the late 1980sand to punk activities couchedin

hedonism,locatedthe senseof unity andthen allowed B to show affinity with a group

marginalisedwithin the punk scene.This deepenedboth his senseof affiliation and

his particularistic commitmentto the punk subculture.

to describethe soundof bandspost rock and heavy rock with bandssuchas UFO, JudasPriest, AC/DC
and Motorhead. Later the new wave of British heavy metal' was used by participants as parlanceto
describe the new metal bands of the early 1980ssuch as Iron Maiden, Accept, Ile Scorpions, The
Tygers of Pan Tang, Vardis, Venom and Samson,etc. Indeed, the music press of the time (Sounds,
Kerrang, Melody Maker and NME) coined a term for the plethora of latter bands involvement as
NWOBHM. Such genreswere viewed as distinct and separatefrom the genresof punk rock as both
the music pressand fans viewed punk as a separategenre. However, during the mid-to-late-eighties
there was a seachangeof opinion as musical styles and genresmergedwith punk. Punk and hardcore
bandsbeganto play metal and vice versa. Evidenceof this is most visible and audible in the adoption
of American bands such as Anthrax and Metallica playing fast, energeticand angry music of British
street punk combined with the dexterity and musicianshipof metal, wearing street punk band t-shirts
such as Discharge and GBH. Vice versa, punk bands such as Onslaught,Heresy, Concrete Sox and
Sacrilegedid the same. Overall this genre becameto be known as 'Crossover.' a loose term which
summarisedthe blurring of boundariesbetweenpunk, metal, hardcoreand heavy metal in the 1980s
and beyond. For further discussionof this genre see (See Arnett, 1996; Walser, 1993; Weinestein,
1991,2000). For the mediacoverageon this seethe issuesof Mega Metal Kerrang from 1986onwards
and for criticism, seethe UK scenereportsfrom the sameperiod in Maximum Rock and Roll,

Gordon PhD 86
 Thus far, within secondaryinvestigation,peer pressurehas remained unexamined.

In the previous section on primary investigation, Mr. G considered himself an

authentic trend-setter and commentedthat he controlled the peer pressure in his

subculturalgrouping. In the role of secondaryinvestigationthis changesdramatically.

Once immersed in the hardcore punk subculture, G found his peer group through

secondarysubcultural scene investigation in

also the niche genre of straight edge.

However, where B clearly articulatesthe consciousdecision to resist peer pressure

and becomestraight edge,for Mr. G the oppositeis the case:his role is reversedfrom

his early subculturalexperience:he is no longer a trend-setter,rather a follower! He

has becomethe personhe chastisedfor following his rebellious examplesat school!

G's secondaryinvestigation of the straight edge comes through a peer pressureto

conform to existing straight edgebeliefs, eventhough he had little knowledgeof what

they meant at the time. Of all the intervieweesMr. G was clearestin relation to the

peer pressurehe felt during his to

early years participatein the hardcorescene.

Issues of authenticity become striking here as the subject clearly makes the

distinction betweenbeing an inauthenticparticipant in the genre of straightedgeand

attempting to be a full participant before further secondary investigation of the

meaning of this subculturalpractice could be performed.26Becoming straightedgeat

16, and initially having no idea what this entailed, G commentson how this decision

was a result of peer pressureand a fear of being identified as inauthentic by a more

involved straightedgepeer:

26Straightedgedraws its title from the DC band, Minor Threat's song 'Straight Edge' and originatesin
American hardcore from aroundl980. In short straight edge is the complete abstinencefrom drink,
drugs,premarital sex and adoptsa positive attitude. It is a reactionto the hedonismof past and present
youth culture's: this has been termed a 'rebellion againstrebellion' Lahickey (1997:xviii). Boston's
SSD and WashingtonDC's Minor Threat and a number of later New York Hardcore such as Youth Of
Today, Gorilla Biscuits, Judge and Bold were representativeof this period. For full accounts see
Sinker (2001), Andersonand Jenkins(2001) Blush (2001) Lahickey (1997).

Gordon PhD 87
 My decision to be straight edgeharks back to a conscientiousfashion decision back in
the day. I remembergoing to see[band] and they were all x'ing up and stuff and I x'ed
up to be part of the crew. And they are like 'oh, so you're straight edgethenT And I'm
like yeah OK, I'm straightedgeand then I kind of like found out what it meantand stuff
and I was like: Ok I'm gonnabe straightedgefor a yearjust to prove I'm not addicted. I
was like doing it purely for fashion,to be part of the crowd, to belong. Six years later I
still don't feel the needto drink or whatever.
Here there is the clear suggestionthat the processof subculturalscenemembership

is learnt - 'then I kind of like found out what it [straight edge] meant' - but taste is

not governed solely by the individual's preference at the point of secondary

investigation. For G (as with Mr. Ts opening commentsabove)the clear admission

that he did not fully understandthe implications of what was involved with the

straightedgesceneand his admissionof succumbingto peer pressureand the needto

'fit in', meantthat he merely assumedthis role until he could participate long enough

to investigatestraight edgepractice. The questionby his peers,'oh, so you're straight

edge thenT also reveals either that there is some affinity being expressedbetween

peers,or, at the sametime, that some 'doubt' on the part of the is

questioner present.

The affirmative responseto the questionerrevealsthe fear G has of being discovered

as inauthentic and this leads to further, secondarysubcultural investigation. This is

wherethe peer pressureis revealed.

Mr. G's example summarisesthe central point that secondaryinvestigation of the

subcultureis governedby the two-way impact of peer pressureand 'bluffing' around

questions of identity and taste. As Mr. V stated above, 'no one told us the Dead

Kennedyswere a classicband.' Similarly, no one told B or G what straight edgewas,

they had to find out through secondaryinvestigation, although B made a conscious

decision to become involved to avoid peer pressureto drink and G did so merely

through peer pressure. Once such knowledge is investigated and explored

heuristically, detailing how the shared subcultural scene values, rules and norms

operate,a deeperform of participationand commitment can occur.

Gordon PhD 89
 Overall, through secondaryinvestigationthe subcultural peer group is sought out

and established. I have shown how peer pressureis either refuted or withheld as a

practice of gaining entrancecredentials. What runs alongsidethis entrancepractice is

a deepening of commitment through the more meaningful reiteration and

intensification of subcultural activities. The question arises: what shape and form

doesthis commitmenttake in secondarysubculturalinvestigation?

I have establishedthat the secondelementof secondaryinvestigationis the selection

of a specific punk scene and I now wish to explore more fully the deepeningof

commitment and the more precise adoption of values within the subculture. As I

noted above, two of the intervieweeschoseto abstainfrom drinking and drug use in

order to demonstratetheir level of commitment to a specific punk scene. The other

most salient demonstrationof commitment was vegetarianism. The most striking

similarity betweenthe intervieweeswas that all of them were, or had at some time in

their subcultural careers,been either vegetarianor vegan. Mr. R, 0, Q, K, J and C

were explicit in stating that the main influence for this change in diet was the

discovery of the anarcho-punkgenrein their teenageyearswith its heavy emphasison

animal rights politics. Mr. Q stated on his choice of punk genre that 'if it wasn't

anarcho it wasn't good. He became a vegetarian and later through secondary

investigation became active, with other punks from his area, in forming a hunt

saboteurs'cell. Mr. C was explicit how his choice to becomea vegetarianwas both a

combination of the needto impresshis girlfriend at the time and his investigation of

the anarcho-punkgenre:

Shewas a vegetarianand we went to Birmingham like, 'causethis is where I usedto go a

lot of the time to buy recordsand stuff. I bought a Ripcord record that day, Defiance of
Power and there's an anti-McDonalds song on the LP. There we were stood outside
McDonalds. There I am chomping on a burger, a proper McDonalds burger, and she's
vegetarian.Anyway, I supposeit's the sort of thing where you want to impress your

Gordon PhD 99
 girlfriend, and stuff, you want to do the right thing. So then like, I was going to be a
vegetarian. I endedup doing ft and sticking with it and got more into it.
Mr. C shows how the level of commitmentis both a combination of peer pressure

and the input of the political statementsof the genresof punk he was investigating.

As I noted above,Mr. Q becameinvolved in the Hunt SaboteursalongsideMs. W and

Ms. M.

The levels of commitment for the intervieweeswere extendedto other activities

within their chosenpunk scenes. Mr. R madea fanzine and copied tapes for friends

before joining his first band in 1984. Danbert Nobacon took inspiration from early

concerts by the band Crass, who demonstratedthe ease of which goals could be

achieved in punk rock though DiY, and took early steps towards forming

Chumbawamba. Mr. S becameinvolved in the promotion of gigs for the lin12 club

in Bradford. In short, all of the intervieweesspokeof their regular attendanceof punk

concertsduring the later stagesof their subculturalsceneentrance. The short list of

secondaryinvestigative activities detailed here demonstrated,in contrast to primary

investigation,the deepeningof levels of commitmentto the punk subculture.

Authenticity is an implicit feature of the interviewees talk regarding their

commitmentto a given sub-genreof punk. The majority of the intcrvieweeschosethe

anarchopunk sceneas an authentic,ethical version of punk rock. To be committed to

a specific genreof punk and form opinions of what is and is not punk, is at the same

time both an index of the actors' commitments to the subculture scene and also a

badgeof authenticity and separation.It is also a key elementof secondarysubcultural

investigation. Mr. R demonstratedthat someof his punk subculturalpeers'just didn't

get it'. Their interpretation of punk for R and his peers was inauthentic. Here R

voices his opinions of the rise of streetpunk in the early eighties:

Gordon PhD 90
 It occurredeverywhere,it was stupid,like, especiallythe press,Garry Bushel and Sounds
and stuff like Punk Lives with the fucking 'punk prime-minister' or whatever. And I
mean there are probably equivalentsof that now in some sort of cheesypop paper. I
mean you know it was laughable. We used to laugh our assesoff at the Exploited. I
should show you my copy of Punk's Not Dead by the Exploited where it just has these
crazy drawings just taking the piss out of these fucking goons you know. So yeah, I
wasn't really down with unity 'causethere was like punks who got it and fucking punks
who didn't.
I shall reservedetailed analysisof how such comment is engagedin the discursive

constructionof punk authenticityuntil chaptersix. PresentlyI wish to use this quote

to establish that alongside a deepening commitment to a scene in secondary

subcultural investigation, an opinion is formed regardingwhat is deemedto be - and

what is not - authentic punk rock. For the interviewees of this study, secondary

investigation involved an affinity towards what was consideredan authentic version

of punk rock and the active demonstrationof a commitment to it. One such example

of such a commitmentin the field-work was involvement in the I in 12 club scene.

The final elementof secondaryinvestigationdetails how affinities and commitments

for the 1inl2 Club scene are formed. Indeed, it is not only peers but also

with
organizations,networks and groups associated punk which act as a magnet for

entrance. The Iinl2 Club is introduced here as a hub of initial involvement and

entrancefor a numberof the interviewees. The club is an exampleof a community of

outsiders due to its affiliations with anarchism and links with political activities

associatedwith marginalised left-wing groups. The links of these groups with

anarchismalso acted as a magnetfor those followers of the anarchopunk scene. The

senseof disenchantmentwith the world, the dissatisfactionwith what was considered

inauthentic,was supportedthrough the actors' entranceand affiliation with the 1in12.

Located chiefly around secondary subcultural investigation, this organization

provided a proper resolution to the initial isolation and loneliness of some of the

interviewees. It functioned, from the point of view of the interviewees, as an

authentichaven of solacefor the socially disaffected. Here I demonstratehow some

GordonPhD 91
 of its members came to be involved in it through their secondary subcultural

investigation. Many of the intervieweesspokeof how the club 'gradually' drew them

into full political subculturalsceneparticipation for varying periods of time. The club

also representsa fascinatingintersectionof punk rock and politics.

Mr. C was invited to gig there in 1992; Mr. R becameinvolved whilst living in a

squat in Leeds before being invited to promote gigs there. Mr. K and Danbert

Nobacon volunteered to help renovatethe building in 1988. Mr. S volunteered to

promote gigs with the club from 1983onwards and Mr. 0 and Q attendedthose and

later gigs. The binding element of attraction to the linl2 was its anarchist

sensibilities that combinedwith the interviewees'perceptionof authenticpunk: that it

is cheap,anti-profit, accessible,inclusive,rebellious,libertarian and political. In what

follows there are various claims madeby the intervieweesregardingthe cheapnessof

the club, its empoweringpotential and its statusas a sceneof outsiderscelebratedby

its senseof difference. Mr. C referredto the club as a 'mixed bag of freaks'. The

rhetorical implications of this statement lie in its wry celebration of variety,

community and outsiderness. Unity consists of difference; solidarity is cemented

through social distinction.

I shall now examinethree of the members' reasonsfor becominginvolved with the

lin12 club in the perceivedentrancestageof secondarysubculturalinvestigation. Mr.

H made contact with the lin12 club through a college friend who played in a band,

inviting him to a gig there in 1992. He was impressedwith the 'cheapness' and

4collectivenature of the club'. The senseof cheapnessand accessibility to marginal

groupsis a common threadof interview discourse,not least becausea number of the

interviewees were on unemployment benefit throughout the 1980s. Here the

authenticity of the club is alluded to in H's claim that the club is not 'in it for the

Gordon PhD 92
money', and has 'no leader to dictate to you' through its collective organisation:

sentiments which corroborated his disenchantment and affirmed his sense of

difference. The impressionthe lin12 madeon H led to his secondaryinvestigation of

the punk subculture through the supportive lens of the established scene peer

groupingsthere. He statedthat he 'gradually' becamemore involved in DiY hardcore

and punk through picking up 'flyers' and 'chatting' to others at these events. His

subsequentscenerelationswere formed asa result of attendingmore of theseevents.

After a period where he describedhimself as a 'loner' at the club, H exemplified

how an initial friendship was struck up. Here the recognition of what he perceivedto

be an authentic, common sensibility of punk culture was made allowing him a sense

of affinity and affiliation. He becamefurther involved by investigating its various

subcultural sceneactivities. Mr. K cameover and chattedto him at a lin12 club gig:

I was sat at the bar and it was really busy and he actually came up and sat next to us did
Mr. K. And it was like 'hello, like how are youT Fucking hell! Yeah, sound! And it
was like 'did you like the bandT And I was like yeah, they're really good. And it was
like 'what's your name? Oh, H, 'I'm K' it was like wicked, I [realised] I was just as
freaky as all the other peopleyou know.

For H, the initial peer relationships in punk were made through a secondary

subcultural investigation within the club where an affinity with the other club

memberswas established. Whilst being accepted,H insistedon describinghimself as

a loner, stating that he never adopted the 'correct clothing' in order to secure

membership and acceptance. This is an interesting rhetorical point in that he

considered the clothing secondary to authentic subcultural scene practice. He

preferred to wear his own 'normal' clothing style as a marker of authenticity, yet

remainedacceptedas a club member. It is also significant that his rejection of peer

pressureto adopt dresscodesreflects the club's generaldisposition. Within the club,

H's senseof differencewas upheld allowing him the esteemto enter into, and become

Gordon PhD 93
 further involved with, secondaryinvestigationof the club's activities. He joined the

'mixed bag of freaks.'

Ms. G's secondaryinvestigationoccurredwhen she moved to Bradford to be with

her sisters. Here she found through secondary investigation that there was a

community that reflectedher own ideason life:

Everyonemoved out of my hometownand found better lives through the punk sceneand
had beento different towns endingup in Bradford, so I followed the sisterly route.
Int: What attractedyou to the punk and hardcorescenesthere?
G: well it was the peopleat first that attractedme. I just got on with peopleso well. Sort
of realisedthey are the best sort of peopleI have ever met in my life. They arejust dead
down to earth and stuff and, erm, the music grew on us at first. It wasn't instantaneous
with the music thing, it was the peopleand the senseof communitythat brought me to it.
G's term, the 'best sort of people', whose chief value for her was that they were

'down to earth', is usedhere to authenticatethe senseof affinity and community she

felt at the club. The colloquial phrase'down to earth' is a vernacular synonym for

'authentic'. Its rhetorical value is reinforced by the senseof contrast implicit in its

metaphorical reference. The presupposedopposites of being 'down to earth' are

either delusion ('head in the clouds') or deceit ('pie in the sky'). Such terms are used

here both to verify andjustify G's reasonsfor attraction to and involvement with the

linl2. While I have previously establishedthat the combination music and politics

has beenthe sole reasonfor and secondaryinvestigation,in this instancethe opposite

is the case:for G statesthat the music came after involvement and identification with

subculturalmembers. The point is not the priority of one or other factor, but the way

any can facilitate entry and then confirm and reinforce this in combination with

others.

The benefits of such a geographic move in subcultural scene terms, and the

subsequentconnectionsmade, coincide with the theme of personal transformation

through secondaryinvestigation. Initially G describedherself as 'shy' and 'lacking in

Gordon PhD 94
 confidence' when she first moved to Bradford. After about three months of club

activity, G noted that she became 'almost over-confident.' This personal

transformationwas chiefly produced,for her, through a 'sense of achievementfrom

doing DiY activity, stuff that could not normally be achieved.' For Ms. G the I in 12

provided a 'non-judgmental space and a sense of community and family' that

increasedpeer influence and inspiredwhat sheconsideredto be genuine,autonomous

activity. Here the claims towards subculturalactivity centre around the senseof both

personal and collective control governing her activities in the lin12. Through

secondaryinvestigation and participation, her senseof an authentic belonging at the

point of entrancewas established. The casefor this is located around the rhetorical

distinction betweenDiY at the I in 12 and other subcultural and cultural spaceswhere

'stuff could not normally be achieved.' Authenticity is espousedfurther in her claims

for the I in 12 providing a senseof non-judgmentalcommunity and family. Here the

oppositesof 'lack of a collective feeling and solidarity' are intimated as inauthentic

ways of being.

Finally, Mr. F's secondary investigation of political punk in the taped music

describedabovesteeredhim towardsa university degreein politics at Bradford. From

there he made connectionswith the lin12 scenearound 1999. However, whilst he

found, in similarity to the other interviewees, what he described as 'like-minded'

people at the linl2, whose atmospherehe felt 'supportive',he occasionally found the

relatively advancedages of his peers and the 'cliquey' atmosphereof the club off-

putting. The problem here with the subcultural community of outsiders is that the

perceivedatmosphereof the club belonging for young newcomerscan be off-putting:

the existing experienceand the full participation of the members there made for a

difficult period of assimilation for him. As outsiders to mainstream culture,

CiOrdonPhD 95
established,vernaculardaily normsandpracticescan act as a barrier to the newcomer.

Mr. H noted this above. From my participant observation at the linl2, there is a

period on entering the club when one feels initially excluded. This feeling dissipates

once familiarity and involvementoccur. However, this was in the negative for F: the

fruition of secondarysubculturalinvestigationdoes not always pay off. His feelings

of being out of step with the advancedage of his peers and the perceived 'cliquey'

atmosphere,led to further secondarysubcultural investigation which resulted in a

move to Leeds after his University degreehad finished. Here is a keen example of

how a personmay leave the lin12 club scene,an issueI will deal with in much more

detail in chapter eight. For presentpurposes,F's example has a dual purposehere.

Not only does it show how the 1 in12 club is entered;it simultaneouslyshows how

the Leedssceneis also consideredfor relocationdue to its younger scene.

Overall I have establishedthat secondarysubcultural investigation in broad terms is

the establishment,through the heuristic repetition of subcultural practice, of a peer

group affinity chiefly identified with a specific sceneinterest in the punk subculture.

Secondly, once an affinity is establisheda sense of commitment and authenticity

begins to be generated. What this servesto do is to establish,for the actor, what is

is
and not an authenticgenre/sceneof punk rock. In particular, I have shown how the

investigation and adoption of the anarcho punk genre led to a number of the

intervieweesbecominginvolved with the I in12 club sceneand how this involvement

was establishedalong the lines of what they consideredto be authenticpunk practice.

Secondarysubcultural.investigationinvolves initial participation within such a scene,

continuing until the memberhasachievedfull acceptanceand membershipstatus.

Gordon PhD 96
 Conclusion

Overall I have identified the initial pattern and central theme of entranceto the punk

subculture as an investigativeone: a cultural activity that involves the fonnation of

peer identification, interaction and reciprocal support in order allow the participant to

strive towards full, authenticparticipationin the punk scene. All the intervieweeslaid

claim to the leaming processinvolved before someform of full participation could be

recognized by their peers. What though has not been discussedin the above is the

ethical history of the punk scenesthe participantsfound themselvesimmersedin and

influenced by. In tandemwith a number of the participants of this study the ethical

bedrock of punk has evolved and matured with the members of the subculture,

constantly being redefinedand reinterpreted. It is to the thorny issueof ethics that I

now turn my attention.

\1

Gordon PhD 97
Chapter Four: Punk Ethics

The nameis Crass,not Clash!

They can stuff their punk credentials
&causeit's them that take the cash!
Crass(1978) TheFeedingOf the Five Thousand(Small Wonder Records).

Introduction
The purposeof this chapteris to set out a relatively coherentethics of DiY punk rock

in order to provide a framework for the presentationof the ethnographic data in

succeeding chapters. Such a purpose immediately runs up against a potential

difficulty. Trying to show how an overall ethical corpusinforms DiY punk rock may

easily lead to, to

or appear support, the assumptionthat this is a universal, absolute

entity. This is not the case. Understandingany particular manifestation of DiY

ethics, in a given milieu or scene, needs to begin with both the similarities and

differencesit has with other, wider punk subculturalscenegroupings. How do they

relate to and yet remain distinct from eachother? Here it should be rememberedthat

recognition of this analytical point was built into the methodological choice of

studying two geographicallyadjacentpunk subculturalscenesin Leeds and Bradford.

In the presentcontext, this choice allows the presentationof ethical values without an

ironic or realist subscriptionto a 'core' punk morality and ethos. This is the trap I

in
outlined chapterone, that a numberof biographicalworks on punk rock have fallen

into in advancingtheir own versionsof punk as gospel and, in support of their own

denigrating
ethical credentials, othersas inauthentic.

Authenticity has a shadowy presencein the background of this chapter, but will

becomeopenly manifestlater on, in the chaptersdealingwith practice and the passage

into and out of punk. It is the key issue, indeed even the key theme, especially of

anarchopunk, and the assimilation

subsequent of American hardcore punk which is

my central focus throughout the thesis. This focus has been chosen for two major

Gordon PhD 98
reasons. Firstly, whilst it could be seenas the selective advancementof a specific

genre,anarchopunk and hardcoreloomedlarge in the backgroundsof the informants

of the presentstudy. Secondly,thesesceneshave a rich history of resistanceand of

intensifying what can be called the early 'punk spirit' in its active conjunction of

political action, DiY cultural productionand punk musical values.

That punk is consideredby many theoristsas a subcultureis my first port of call in

developinga relative model of punk ethics. Subculturesand counterculturesestablish

themselvesagainsteither a parentculture or a political and economicsystem,yet they

are sometimes set off against each other as if they present radically opposed
27
alternatives. The term counterculture may be applied to punk as a political

formation in so far as it is concernedwith dramatic social political and cultural

change, placing itself in direct conflict with parent cultures and hegemonic values,

ethics and norms. When usedexclusivelyin this way, the term can easily becomeset

up against that of subculture. This is certainly the case when subcultures are

advanced as being chiefly concerned with aspects of style and identity whilst

conforming largely to a parentculture. This is a simplistic and misleadingdichotomy.

Punk, including anarchopunk, may well be both, as for examplewhen we considerits

national and international connections(counterculture) and its geographically and

temporally specific scenes and groupings (subcultures). There is clearly a

considerableoverlap between the two definitions and their objects of description.

Further, there is at times an uneasy 'fit' between the chosen activity and the term

applied to it: is it subculturalor countercultural? I am suggestingthat the decision as

to whether punk is a countercultureor subcultureprovides a wider indication of the

centralargumentof this chapter:that the ethics of punk, as realized by the participant,

27Whilst the tenn is applied to DiY punk in the loosestsensein this chapter it is presented
subculture
for reasonsof continuity and brevity ratherthan for ideological and rhetorical effect.

GordonPhD 99
 rest upon the acceptance of one or more of a number of competing claims with regard

to what punk actually is. Punk is shapedin relation to how it is defined.

Early theoriesof subcultureshad the tendencyto presentthem as coherent,unitary

wholes, complete with their own cohesive internal dynamics. This was a falsely

syncretic gloss on what was alwaysa far messierreality. In addition, the relationship

of subculturesto mainstreamgroupswas presentedin dualistic terms. This can easily

lead to misconceptions,and in orderto help offset them, it may be instructive to return

to Albert Cohen (1955) who theorized the emergenceof youth subcultures as a

responseto tensions in the wider culture, perceived by young people as 'problems'

which he defines as largely status-driven. Subcultures,for Cohen, form through

understandings generated between groups of young people with a common

understandingof their plight which, in turn, is transformed into a set of practical

solutions together with their own internal dynamics of norms and rules. It is worth

quoting the author at length here:

The emergenceof these 'group standards'of this shared frame of reference,is

the emergence of a new subculture. it is cultural because each actor's
participation in this system or norms they go by in evaluating people. These
criteria are an aspect of their cultural frames of reference. If we lack the
characteristicsor capacitieswhich give status in terms of thesecriteria, we are
beset by one of the most typical and yet distressing of human problems of
adjustment.One solution is for individuals who sharesuch problemsto gravitate
toward one another and jointly to establishnew norms, new criteria of status
which define as meritorious the characteristicsthey do possess,the kinds of
conductof which they arecapable.(Cohen, 1955:65-6 emphasisin original)
An ethics of punk from this position is entirely convincing - disaffection with or a

senseof exclusion from mainstreamnorms and values can lead to people gravitating

toward one another and jointly establishingalternative norms, values and criteria of

statuswhich, as in the caseof anarchopunk scenes,are antagonisticto those of the

mainstream- yet we still needto accommodatethe variability and mutability of punk

ethics. They are not identical acrossdifferent DiY scenesand do not remain invariant

GoTdonPhD 100
 over time. The extent of the difficulty here can be gaugedby the affirmation afforded

to the illusion of uniformity and cohesionby the rhetorical claim of some individuals

and groups that, unlike thosewith whom they are unfavourably compared,their own

ethical practiceis closer in spirit to what was 'originally' set out in punk's moment of

creative emergence. Suchrhetoric works at the sametime to undermineor annul the

validity of the dualistic notion of punk's opposition to mainstreamculture in so far as

the claim is for a more pristine continuity with an originating ethos.

Like its subcultural predecessors,punk provided a vehicle for its participants in

which previously unacceptableforms of behaviourcould be simultaneouslyadopted

and acceptedwithin the group while still being able to causeoffence to 'straight' or

'normal' membersof society. Cohensuggestedthat new subcultures'representa new

status systemsanctioningbehaviourtabooedor frowned upon by the larger society',

and that 'the acquisition of statuswithin the new group is accompaniedby a loss of

statusoutside the group' (1955: 68). Cohen'swork clearly developedthe analysisof

youth subculturesof the mid-20thcenturyperiod into a credible argument- or at least

the beginnings of such an argument- and so provided a useful foundation (now

largely neglected)for subsequentsubculturetheory. His model is neverthelessfar too

restrictive in terms of its scope and takes little account of how youth subcultures

becomerelatively acceptedand assimilatedinto mainstreamculture over time or how

their membersin time turn themselvesover to positions of respectability. Nor is the

model able to accountfor the divisions and difficulties that occur within a particular

subcultureand how thesemay give rise to 'new' subcultural formations or splinter-

formations (scenes)at the same time as sharing similarities with their subcultural

predecessors. The model deals with wider divisions but not with those that occur

within a group.

Gordon PhD 101

 The occurrence of divisions within a subcultural milieu is a useful focus in

advancingthe presentdiscussion. Suchdivisions may even be the best place to start

in terms of mapping out an ethics of punk rock. Yet when we turn to later

theorizations of scenesand subcultures we find that the emphasis still falls on

divisions betweenthem or betweenthem and either mainstreamsociety or a dominant

culture. For example, work on the sociology of deviance and later some of the

researchof the BCCCS produceda voluminous literature regarding the problems of

difference and conflict betweensubculturalgroupings. Spacerestricts full discussion

of all thesedistinctions; I shall confine the discussionhere to three key texts in order

to illustrate the argument. These are, in the order of their presentation,Stan Cohen

(1972), Howard Becker (1964) and Dick Hebdige(1979).

The issueof divisions betweenyouth subculturesis centralto StanCohen's (1972)

study of mods and rockers, particularly through the attention he gives to the role of

the media in amplifying divisions through their ideological focus on the social

deviance generatedby subcultural differences. Cohen was right to criticise existing

models of how subcultures arise yet he too presents a homogenous sociological

account of such groupings. He adroitly avoids mention of the internal divisions and

dualisms 'debatedover' in relation to questionsof conduct and practice within youth

subcultures. Cohen is chiefly concerned with media reaction and the negative

constructionof conflict betweensubculturesthrough the discourseof social deviance.

He notes: 'The focus here is on how society labels rule-breakersas belonging to

certain deviant groups and how, once the person is thus type cast, his acts are

interpretedin terms of the statusto which he has been assigned' (1980:12). As well

as deviant subcultural action being responsible for an increase in social control,

Cohen's thesis arguesthe reverse of this: that the subculturalreaction to its deviance

Gordon PhD 102

reflected in the media produces an expansion in the deviant behaviour of the

subculture. Deviancy amplification is interesting in as much as it is useful in

explanatoryterms for punk's earlier exploits, such as the Sex Pistols 'controversial'

appearanceon the Today Programmein 1976,but it shedslittle light on the question

of how an ethics of punk shouldbe mapped. At least in the caseof punk, but arguably

for many other subcultures,ethicsare a continualtopic of discursiveargument- claim

and counterstatement,counter-claimand counter-counterstatement

- since they do not

have any single or absolute lodestoneto which they are oriented. Members of

subculturesdo not navigate through the vicissitudes of everyday life with a fixed

moral compass.

Howard Becker's Outsiders (1964), whilst not specifically a study of youth

culture and a predecessorof StanCohen'swork, provides an ethnographicaccountof

artistic divisions within the subcultureof the jazz musician. To develop the outline

presentedin chapter one, Becker makesexplicit the relation betweenthe authentic,

'hip' jazz musician and his 'square' counterpart,the musician who places personal

interestsover artistic integrity. I shall saymuch more in chapternine on the dilemmas

of such a relationship. Here I to

want use Becker to illustrate how subculturescan

presentvarious tensionsover ethical issuesof integrity within that subeulturalgroup.

Becker refers to suchgroupsas 'cliques, and makesthe following observation:

Cliques made up of jazzmen offer their members nothing but the prestige of
maintaining artistic integrity; commercial cliques offer security, mobility,
income and generalsocial prestige(Becker, 1963:110).

This conflict is a major problem in the career of the jazz musician, and the

developmentof his career is contingent on his reaction to it. Becker's argument is

basedon the subcultural member's degree of integrity as a musician and reactions

within the wider subcultureto their conduct. Thesemay be affirmative or give rise to

Gordon PhD 103

 tensions,disagreementsand disputes.Evaluativeresponsesare basedupon vernacular

ethical norms and values within the subculture. In many respectsBecker's work

prefiguresthe ethical dilemmasof punk, and helpsto emphasisehow issuesof ethical

difference arise within scenesas well as between subcultures. These give rise to

dilemmas that are often defined aroundrhetorical claims as to who are authentic and

inauthenticmembersof a subculture.28

In similar recognition of the internal subcultural divisions observed by Becker,

Hebdige addressedthe internal politics within punk by explicitly commentingon the

internal inconsistenciesbetweenoriginal and later membersof the subculture:

The style no doubt madesensefor the first wave of self-consciousinnovatorsat

a level which remained inaccessibleto those who became punks after the
subculture had surfaced and been publicized. Punk is not unique in this: the
distinction between originals and hangers-onis always a significant one in
subculture. Indeed, it is frequently verbalized (plastic punks or safety-pin
people, burrhead rastasor rasta band wagon, weekend hippies, etc versus the
'authentic' people)(1979:122).

Hebdige brings thesecritical distinctionsto the fore, though characteristicallyhe does

so through a preoccupationwith style. It is as if he has to match the stylistic excessof

youth subculturesin his own analysis, but this leads to a distorted perspective.For

instance, it is not as if punk antipathy to hippies was based simply on a sartorial

objection to beadsand flares. In his reading of subcultures,the aestheticsof style

prevail over the ethics of conduct. Divisions and antagonismswithin and between

subcultures have both deeper and broader causes and consequencesthan a

predominantattentionto style is able to broach. A primary focus on style is unableto

encompassthem sufficiently, or to interpret them satisfactorily.

As I stressedin chapterone,the major weaknessof studiesof youth subculturelike

Hebdige's is that they driven principally by their authors' own intellectual interests.

29Sarah Thornton (1995) has also made this distinction between the hip and the
square during her
ethnographicexaminationof the undergroundLondon rave cultures of the early 1990s.

Gordon PhD 104

 At best, this can yield some interesting insights; at worst it is highly subjective,

analytically wilful and empirically unverified. The shortcomingsof such accounts

stem from a failure to groundthem at all adequatelyin the views, valuesand voices of

subcultural participants themselves. My own study has sought to overcome these

shortcomingsthrough its closeethnographicattentionto what participantsin two DiY

subcultural scenessay and do as membersof the subculture. What they say and do is

directly informed and influencedby their ethical standpoint.

Overall these approachesgloss over the divisions and present subcultures as

unified blocs of subcultural identity or when such discrepanciesare identified are

discussedalong the lines of style (Hebdige, 1979). One of the few advancesbeyond

this impasse has been made by McKay (1996) in his discussion of the internal

divisions betweenvarious protestfactions in the 1994 London demonstrationsagainst

the Conservativegovernment's Criminal Justice and Public Order Act of the same

year. Here explicit mention is made of the divisions betweenthose protestors who

urged solidarity in challenging police attacks on the demonstrationthrough violent

direct action and thosewho choseto resistthoughpassive,non-violent means. This is

summarizedin the statement,'Keep it Fluffy or Keep it Spikey' (1996: 174). McKay

helps pave the way towards a clearer understandingof the ethical positions and

dilemmas in a counterculture. Central to what follows is a detailed investigation of

how such divisions are actually constitutive of the ethical positions within the DiY

punk rock scenesin this study.

In this chapterI shall outline the major componentsof punk ethics and explore in

detail what is involved in the production of an ethics from a UK DiY perspective. In

doing so I shall pay attentionto both divisions within and betweensubcultural scenes,

though in developingthis focus I do not meanto rule out the question of international

Gordon PhD 105

influences what Ulf Hannerz (2003) calls 'transnational connections' or the
- -
impact of large-scalesocial and political events. Nor do I wish to suggestthat the

methodsespousedby Crassand hardcorepunk elementsprovide the sole model for

punk or presentthe only authenticpunk way to proceed. There is no such model, and

no one, true, absoluteway. The existenceof divisions and dualisms attest to this.

Punk generatesa conflictual, reflexive and relatively internal dynamic with regard to

what it actually is, how it is conducted,how it is authenticand how it conductsand

presentsits political stances. Through its intersectionof music and political practice,

DiY punk discourse employs a definite rhetorical strategy involving a number of

competing claims specific to the identity and values of any particular subcultural

variant. It is on the basis of theseclaims that we can map out the main tenets and

principles that collectively add up to somethingapproximatingto an ethics of punk.

I
The three main areas of consideration on which I focus in order to sketch the

ethical standpointof punk are chosenfor their direct and specific relevanceto both the

ethnographic subjects and the subcultural practices observed in the field in 2001.

They are the initial inception of punk in the 1970s,the anarcho,punk legacy and the

incorporationof American hardcorefrom the early 1980sonwards.

Parasitic Punksand Media Parasites

Declarationof the emergingDiY punk ethic was first set out in the fanzine Sideburns

in 1976: 'This is a chord, here's another! Now form a band!' (Savage, 1991: 281).

This was an expressionof a generalcultural sensibility that was in keeping with the

alienation and senseof frustration at the thwarted creative energiesof working-class

youth in the late 1970s. Gray (2001) neatly articulatesthe early punk spirit of DiY: 'if

you're bored, do somethingabout it; if you don't like the way things are done, act to

changethem, be creative, be positive, anyone can do it' (2001: 153). At that time

GordonPhD 106
 therewas a significant gapbetweenpop music aestheticsand the everydayexperience

of unemployedyouth. This was registeredin an extension of the previously existing

DiY ethic of the British counterculture. Influences from this period fed into punk

(McKay, 1988:1-53). In ethical terms it has since been manifestedin terms of being

and remaining authentic. The ethical imperativeof authenticity has directly informed

DiY punk valuesand practices,sometimesin quite divisive ways.

Once establishedin the vernacularof punk culture, those who sell out, ignore,

transgressor just step over the mark are met with the moral discipline of those

deemed (by themselves and/or others) as authentic members of the scene. Joe

Strummereven went-so far as to refer to the punks in generalas 'being infected with

the kind of Orwellian revisionism and doublethink that was guaranteedto deny

personalfreedom' (Gray, 2001). Gray alsocites Tony Parsonsas viewing punks' new

ethics as 'StaliniSt,29in its but this glossesover the internal divisions which
approach

ethical tensions and transgressions

produce in the subculture, as for instance those

basedaround either support for or refutation of such bandsas The Clash (2001: 163).

The early period of UK punk revealsthe first sinnersand transgressorsof a putative

punk DiY ethic. The Sex Pistols and The Clashare perhapsthe most obvious, though

similar sell-outs and trade-offs were met with equal subcultural venom in the

immediatemonths of punk's emergenceaswell as in subsequentyears.

After the initial outrageand banning of punk, the UK record industry signed up

large numbers of punk bands in order to stave off the general recession which had

resulted in the decline of record sales in the late 1970s (Laing, 1985). This

incorporation by the industry was viewed by the Epping punk band Crass as utter

travesty -a complete 'sell-out'. The term 'sell-out' here refers not only to seduction

29TonyParson'sin Gray(2001:163).See,Westway
Tothe WorldDVD specialfeatureinterviews.

Gordon PhD 107

 by the lures of commercialsuccess,but also to compromiseor even abandonmentof

punk principles and values,or what, rather less kindly, we might call an essentialist

senseof punk propriety. This was the first significant example of a punk critique of

ethical infraction. PennyRimbaud(1998) statedthat:

Within six months the movementhad beenbought out. The capitalist counter-
revolutionarieshad killed it with cash. Punk degeneratedfrom being a force for
change,to becomingjust anotherelementin the grand media circus. Sold out,
sanitized and strangled,punk had becomejust another commodity, a burnt-out
memory of how it might havebeen(1998:74).
This blanket ethical censuregave rise to the offshoot anarchopunk scene with its

associatedclaim of moral andpolitical authenticityin the face of what was considered

to be a 'bought out' and sterilizedpunk subculture. Rimbaudand Crasswere in many

ways responsiblefor first voicing the concernsthat punk had becomewatered down

and politically inert. For Crassthe core ethic of DiY had beenovertakenby executive

managers,records deals,contractsand money and the result was that the subversive,

rebellious and political edge of punk had been eclipsed. Such sentiments were

articulated in their first twelve inch record, The Feeding of the Five Thousandon the

track 'Punk Is Dead':

Yes that's right punk is dead,it's just anothercheapproduct for the consumers
head. Bubblegum.rock on plastic transistors,schoolboy sedition backedby big
time promoters. CBS promote the Clash but it ain't for revolution it's just for
cash. Punk becamea fashionjust like hippy usedto be it ain't got a thing to do
with you or me. Movements are systemsand systemskill. Movements are
expressionsof public will. Punk becamea movement 'causewe all felt lost, but
the leaderssold out now we all pay the cost. (Crass,1978)
The angerin this quoteat the 'leaders' (Rotten, Strummer)in their 'selling out' of

punk rock standsas testimonyto the social movementthat aroseout of Crassand the

subsequently inspired network of anarchist inspired bands at this time. The

developmentof anarchopunk constituteda significant political turn in punk culture.

To quote Rimbaud on the beginningsof Crassagain: 'When Rotten proclaimed that

therewas 'no future,' we saw it as a challengeto our creativity - we knew there was a

Gordon PhD 108

future if we were preparedto work for it' (Rimbaud, 1984: 62). The influential effect

and legacy of this political and musical turn on my fieldwork interviewees has been

very substantial. Under the threat of the Cold War and the economic and social

decline of the UK at the turn of the 1980s,Crasswas organizedas a band to provide

an accessible and authentic conduit for the anger, protest potential and political

concernsof those young people who had found themselvesdisenfranchisedby both

sell-out punk and organized political movements. Crass arose out of Rimbauds'

responseto the challengeposedagainstpunk creativity.

After falling foul of censorson their 'Reality Asylum' track on the Small Wonder

pressing of their first LP The Feeding of the Five Thousand, they began their own

label, Crass Records, as a crystallization of uncompromising DiY ethics. Recording

contracts were shunned, and complete creative control of the uniform artwork was

retained by the Crass label. Bands had records released at an affordable price (the

$pay no more than' sticker becoming operative here), thus ensuring access and

showing sympathy with the low incomes many of audience members were

experiencing at the time though unemployment and economic recession. The band

themselves lived on a meagre income derived from record sales and only gave

interviews to DiY fanzines and played only benefit shows. Under its own momentum,

the band quickly established themselves as both Situationist jokers - through a series

of pranks on a number of unsuspecting establishment targets - and more importantly

as the ironic ethical figureheads of the early anarcho punk scene. They found

themselves able to release records and compilation albums of other bands with a

30 While the political actions and music releasesof Crass are too
political edge .

30The actions activities of the band Crass and their now huge legacy is too detailed and wide
and
ranging for the scope of this research. See: Crass Best Before 1984 sleeve notes (Crass Records
1985);McKay (1996); Rimbaud(1998).

Gordon PhD 109

 numerousand wide ranging to documenthere, their subsequentinfluence and legacy

has acted as a blueprint for the operationof subsequentDiY scenes:in this casethe

Leedsand Bradford DiY scenes.The grassroots, political exampleCrasspioneeredin

their groundbreakingearly releaseshad a markedethical effect that cameto fruition in

the numberof political punk bandsthat emergedin the late 1970sand early 1980s.

Compilation RecordsandAnarcho SceneNetworks

The first anarcho punk compilation that demonstratedthe spread of anarcho punk

ethics was the 1980 Crass Records compilation, Bullshit Detector. This featured

twenty-five MY bands from aroundthe UK, and retailed at fl. 35. What this album

achieved was the consolidation of the early underground band network, not least

through such practical devicesas the publication of contact addressesfor the bands.

The second Bullshit album, releasedin 1982 and retailing at E2.75, contained 38

bandsmostly from the UK. The spirit of MY was clearly presentin the sleevenotes

to this double LP:

Ile tracks on this album expressthe real punk spirit of protest, independence,
originality and refusal to compromise,even if some of them do not conform to
the media idea of what punk 'should be'. Punk is about 'doing it yourself and
Bullshit is a compilation of bandsand individuals who have done exactly that - it
isn't going to get anyoneon Top of the Pops,but, becauseit showsthat there are
people who want more out of life than personalgain it offers HOPE that there's
something the parasitic punks and media parasiteswill never give us (Bullshit
Detector Two sleevenotes).

There are two observationsI want to make here. Firstly, the ethical rhetorical

position of anarcho punk becomesblatantly explicit in the phrase the 'real punk

spirit', while the 'originality' and 'authenticity' of DiY anarcho punk resistanceis

registeredas an alternative to the presenceof 'media punks': those out for personal

gain and fame, those deemedto have become the very things punk came along to

challenge. The latter are presentedas a target of resistance,and otheredas 'parasites'

in order to provide a benchmark for where the anarcho punk alternative should

GordonPhD 110
establishits initial foothold: not to aspire to the mainstreamof Top of The Pops, but

to inspire in the anarchopunk conceptionof a political freedombuilt upon bottom-up

hope, trust and solidarity. In broad terms the ethical position is couchedin clear and

definite boundariesof 'them' and 'us'. If one wishesto remain authenticthen such an

ethical path involves shunningthe very things anarchopunks consideredpunk to have

initially rebelled against. Yet, as I shall show later in much more detail, the adoption

of this position has an implicit ironic twist in its tail.

Secondly, by the early 1980s, the examples of Crass had clearly established

themselvesin a strong anarchopunk sub-genrein the UK with its roots firmly set in a

rigid and uncompromisingreading of the core ethics of DiY punk. The 'anyone can

do it' ethos led to inspired 'spin off projects that both cementedpolitical links and

reinforced anarcho punk scenes. The Bullshit compilations were mentioned by

Danbert as an influential DiY blueprint for Chumbawamba'sfirst compilation of

bands known as The Animals Packet, a tape released in 1983 of bands making

statementson animal rights. He statedin 2001 that had

Chumbawamba a track on the

secondBullshit Detector and had alreadymadea numberof contactsfrom this:

The first thing we did was do a compilation tape which was like mail order
which was called 7heAnimals Packet. We did a tape of our songsand then we
did other bands like the Passion Killers, we did everything, we wrote and
recorded all our own songs. We did the artwork, we put the label on the
cassettesand sent them out to people. And from that I meanthe time was about
eighty three we were in touch (with other bands] partly though Crass'sBullshit
Detector 2 which we had a track on and the PassionKillers had a track on. We
wrote to everybody asking if they wanted to be on the Animals Packet and that
brought us in touch with the whole scenearound the country which we weren't
really awareof or weren't part of. And from that we went to Crass'ssquatgig in
London and that inspired us to go on in Leeds and we got invited to play other
ones around the country. And for three or four years we were part of this
anarchopunk underground.
Stemmingfrom the inspiration of the Bullshit albums,the above quotation clearly

showshow the early networksof anarchistpunk beganto come togetherand congeal.

It illustrates how new projects were inspired and developed around political issues

GordonPhD III
and DiY ethical principles with the aboveinclusion of animal rights as a new ethical
31
site of resistance. These recordsstand as a more than adequatedocument of the

early UK DiY punk scene,demonstratingthe far-reaching impact of the DiY ethic

between 1980-84. In total 103 bands and individual performers were included on

theserecords,though this doesnot accuratelyindex the total number of bandsactive

in the UK at the time.

Anarcho punk held sway with Crass and Conflict at the helm until 1984 in the

UK. In previous yearsCrassas a label had begunto releaserecordsby other anarchist

bands such as The Snipers, Dirt, Sleeping Dogs, Zounds, Anthrax, Omega Tribe,

Captain Sensible,The Alternative, Hit Parade,Lack of Knowledge,Honey Bane, The

Cravats, KUKL, Anthrax and MDC. The latter Texan band, MDC, alongside their

predecessorsfrom San Francisco, The Dead Kennedys, made one of the first

transnationalconnectionswith the UK punk scenein 1980. This is the period when

the main anarchopunk bandssuchas PoisonGirls, Flux of Pink Indians, the Amebix,

the Subhumans,Rudimentary Peni and Conflict achieved popularity and began to

form labels of their own such as Mortahate, Spiderleg, Corpus Christi, and Outer

Himalayan records. Thesewere usedas the main labels supportingthe large number

of anarcho punk bands not on the Crass label. Anarcho punk was not the only

subgenreto continue and extend punk culture into the 1980s. Many of the original

bandssuch as The Clash and The Stranglerscontinuedthrough this period, alongside

the streetpunk that included bandssuch as, UK Subs,GBH, Vice Squad,Discharge,

31First raised as an anarchopunk issue on the Stations of The Crass record with track 'Time Out'
where comparisonsare madeto humanand animal flesh. Animal rights becamea central ethical theme
over the next decade. Around the time of the Animals Packet there were numerousanarchorecords
voicing animal rights issuessuch as the promotion of vegetarianism,anti hunting and anti vivisection
themes. See for example Flux of Pink Indians (1981) Neu Smell ep and the track 'Sick Butchers'.
Conflict (1982) It's Time Too See Who's Who, (1983) To a Nation ofAnimal Lovers; Amebix,(1983)
No Sanctuary ep. Subhumans,(1983) Evolution ep; Antisect (1983) In Darkness, There Is No Choke,
in particular the track 'Tortured and Abused'.

Gordon PhD 112

The Addicts, The Varukers,and ChaosUK, to namejust a feW32 The other subgenre
.

of Oi combined the earlier working class skinhead fashion and politics of the late

1960swith punk's uncompromisingposition. Bands such as The Last Resort, The

Four Skins, Sham 69 and The CockneyRejectsstandas examplesof this and also as

testimony to the plurality of competing subcultural distinctions within the wider

definition of punk rock.

As I have already noted, these subgenresand subcultures didn't co-exist in

peaceful harmony. There were numerous clashes between the various scenes.

Divisions betweenthem are emblematicof the conflicts over what constitutesthe real,

basic and durablepunk ethic. This period threw up examplesof violent conflicts, most
33
notably between punks and skinheads and street-punks against anarcho punkS.

Throughout the 1980smany shows were maffed by violence, conflict and fighting

between the various scenefactions within punk. Many street-punksand skinheads

viewed anarchoand peacepunks as middle class hippies and so legitimate targets of

attack. In ethical terms anarchopunk was defined againstthe valuesunderlying such

threats. Mr. R recalls one occasionof attack:

A load of skins came one time when the Subhumansplayed in eighty three in
Durham and erm,just randomly beat the fuck out of the peacepunks. As peace
punks we weren't very united. It was quite a new sceneand we were all a bit
dippy you know we didn't really know how to cope. The copsbustedthe wrong
peopleand all this shit happened.
The rightwing, and often racist, perspective of the skinheads was in vehement

opposition to the anarcho (or peace) punks of this period. Rightwing forces and

32SeeGlasper2004 for a detailedaccountof UK streetpunk and a select number of Oi bandsof this

period.
33ThiS is perhapsan understatement:attacks on what were perceivedto be 'lefty' peacepunks were
often committed by skinheadsand punks against anarcho or hippie punks as they became known.
Some of the most famous examplesof the inter genre venom were the war of words between the
Edinburgh band The Exploited and Crass in addition to the Special Duties (1982) T'record Bullshit
Crass, RondoletRecords. Ile documentationof the skinheadviolence is capturedon the sleevenotes
by Andy T' Whine and Broken Noses' and contentof the Crasslive Perth 1981 CD You71Ruin it For
Everyone,Pomona(1993).

Gordon PhD 113

 tendencieshave proved to be a constantthreat to those involved with the DiY politics

of the punk left.

Broader political factors were of course also highly formative. The political

menaceof the cold war and the threat of nuclear annihilation were constant,almost

thematic political concernsin anarchopunk. This is a central point in relation to the

formation of punk ethics. Rather than examinethe complexities regarding the cold

war and nuclear weaponsand the generalrecessionwestern capitalist societieswere

experiencing during the 1970s, 80s and early 90s, I want to suggest that the

subcultural reactions to such macro factors had a timely and relative effect on the

given subgenreof punks' ethical conduct. This would have been most acute in terms

of subcultural members' social class, ethnicity, gender and geographicallocation in

addition to their age and standing within a given subcultural grouping. As an

example,Crassmade connectionswith CND in the late 1970sand wrote a number of

anti-war songs. The most notable example was the 1980 Big A Little AINagasaki

Nightmare single featuring detailed sleevenotes on cold war issuesand the threat of

nuclear catastrophe. As the above quote shows, anarcho punk became known as

'peacepunk' as a result of theseanti-war activities and the political sentimentsof the

bandsand their followers. Mr. K noted that there was a senseduring this period that

the world was at risk from nuclearweaponsof massdestructionand the only solution

was to protestagainstthis through any meanspossible:

There was a real sense that things were fucked up back then. You know people
actually thought the world was going to get blown to fuck. I mean we can all
laugh at it now, but people actually believed it. I believed it. I was going on
CND raflies, I was in CND and we believed that these people had all this power
taking all our fucking money off us and our parents to build these fucking
weapons, putting us all at risk. It was something I didn't fucking believe in.
What were they putting us at risk for?

Crass and the bands that were released through their label voiced similar

sentiments. Through a series of statements,actions and pranks they were able to

Gordon PhD 114

 createa counterculturalclimate of refusaland dissentwhich resultedin the numbersat

anti-war demonstrationsswelling substantially. In 1982 Crass releaseda series of

records condemningthe 1982Falklandswar: Shee

P Farming in the Falklands, How

Does it Feel to be the Mother of a ThousandDead and YesSir, I Will. During 1984

the miners' strike and the heavy tactics of Tbatcherite policing provided visible

targets for the new punk counterculturesceneto protest against. The main events

encapsulatingsuch protests and also demonstratingthe size of the anarcho punk

movement were the Stop the City actions of 1983 and 1984. Rimbaud describes

them:

Half riot, half carnival, they attractedthousandsof peoplewho in their own ways
protestedagainstthe machineryof wealth and the oppressionthat it represented.
Windows were smashedwhile groups danced in the streets to the sounds of
flutes and drums. Buildings were smoke bombed while jugglers and clowns
frolicked amongstthe jostling crowd. Peoplelinked arms and blockaded access
roadsand bridges,while othersstagedspontaneoussit-ins on the stepsof offices
and bands. City workers were handed leaflets and told to take the day off,
phoneswere put out of action, locks were superglued, wall were graffitied and
statuesadornedwith anarchistflags (1998: 255-6).
Mr. S attendeda Stop the City action during this period and found that they acted

as an ethical meeting ground for people. An arenafor protest that was outside of the

punk concert, this helped to strengthenthe UK network of anarcho punk along

common ethical lines of concern. The Stop the City actions were just one of many

acts of refusal bolstered by the anarchopunk networks. CND benefit concertsand

marches,hunt saboteuring,direct action animal rights protests,prisoner bust funds in

addition to the picket support of the miners' strike of 1984/5, were all political

activities mentionedby the participants.

What can be establishedthus far is a crystallization of an ethical counterculture

that had its scene roots in anti-commercialist autonomy, social protest and

independencefrom related,wider punk subculturesof the time such as streetpunk and

Oi. Here the presentationof anarcho punk music as a vehicle of authentic punk

Gordon PhD 115

 resistancewas set up, with their characteristicpractices managing to enshrine and

integrate themselvesinto punk culture throughout the 1980s. However, as I have

pointed out, this was not without a senseof ethical irony in that it left the non-anarcho

punk feeling unworthy of subcultural inclusion. That the presentationof anarcho

punk was predicated on a rhetorical claim of authentic autonomy presentedother

forms of punk resistanceas dishonestposeurs incapable of conducting real punk

resistance. For theirs

anarchopunk adherents, was nothing but a fashion parade(see

appendix 8). The real/contrivedoppositionaldiscourseinvolved in this worked as a

mode of cultural self-authenticationand moral exclusion, whetherthis was directedat

accommodative leisure habits or oppressive gender politics. As the band

RudimentaryPeni made abundantlyclear on their 1983 Corpus Christi record, Death

Church:

The "Punk Scene"is just a big farce.Gigs are pretty much a total wasteof time. It's not
even as they to
serve createa warm and creative atmosphere. All that is created is an
atmosphereof indifference and isolation. The average"punk" still wasteshis or her time
indulging in the sameold macho, sexist crap. It's just boys and girls out for the night
"getting pissed".
There's nothing I find more tediousthan the rows of identical painted leatherjackets -
how moronic. Nothing changesat a gig. it is still just the sameold world where men are
big and tough and women are just their "birds", with the sickening habit of plastering
themselveswith make-upbecausethey want to look nice and pretty for the boys.
No doubt by now, if you've botheredto read this, you'll be nodding your head in
agreementas if it's someoneelsethat I'm talking about - well it isn't, it's you. You are
a part of all this shit. Why don't you try using your brain and help yourself for once,not
just a prat masqueradingas a stereotype(RudimentaryPeni 1983Death Church, Sleeve-
notes).
Here the boundaries between street punk and anarcho punk scenes are clearly and

starkly drawn through the evocationand severelyironic use of the stereotypeconcept

in that street punk is portrayed as a narcissistic monkey parade,a sexist gallery of

34
peacockpunks incapableof authentic,real rebellion . In ethical terms the traditional

punk show from this band's point of view has collapsedinto 'the sameold world' of

social conformity offering nothing in terms of an authentic punk alternative. This is

34
seeappendix8, section4

Gordon PhD 116

 one of a number of exampleswhere ethical splits betweenanarchopunks and other,

inauthentic punks are drawn out and reinforced. The rhetorical position adopted is

that you can only becomeauthentic if you accedeto and confirm the thinking of

anarchistpunks. A major intersectionfor such thinking rests on debatesover punk,

money and authenticity. It is to thesethat I now turn.

Money and Music

Autonomy, independenceand freedom are ethical watchwords of anarcho punk.

Attempts to manipulate,control and exploit bandsby those outsidethem are strongly

resisted. They are resistedin the nameof the DiY ethic that is centralto anarchopunk

practice. It is to
germane suchpractice that it a
generates sceptical,if not downright

hostile view of the multinational recording industry, especiallywhere labels such as

EMI have links with armamentmanufactureor other ethically reprehensibleconcerns.

This example combinestwo targetsof opposition: the capitalist exploitation of music

for the sakeof profit, and the capitalist productionof military hardwarefor the sakeof

profit. Making money out of punk rock was anathemato the anarchistpunk scene.

Making money out of deathand suffering was equally a sourceof political ire.

Anarcho punk made music central to the disseminationof its moral and political

critique. The central aim was to make this as accessible as possible. Such

accessibility is itself based on ethical principle. For this reason participants have

always tried to make all their productsand concertseither free or as cheapas possible.

The majority of anarcho punk gigs in the. early 1980s were benefits for political

causes. All the intervieweesin the researchstatedthey were unemployedduring this

period. This enabledthem to participate fully in punk music and punk politics. One

of the most striking critical statementscame from the band Conflict on the 1984 The

SerenadeIs Dead single on their London label, Mortahate:

Gordon PhD 117

 A messageto all the parasites,such as agents,record companiesand managers
etc: FUCK OFF!
We don't needyou, you needus. We can function without you, but you cannot
without us and when all people realisethis all your shitlink racket will become
extinct. Punk is not a business,it meantand still means,an alternativeto the shit
tradition that gets thrown at us. A way of saying no to all the false morals that
oppressus. It was and still is the only seriousthreat to the status quo of the
music business.Punk is aboutmakingyour own rules and doing your own thing.
Not about making some pimp shop owner rich. Realise the con in the punk
shops, fuck them up, they're only businessmenexploiting me and you. I look
aroundat the so called punk bandsat the moment and ask this question:- "What
the fuck are they up to?" I seemajor headlinesin kids magazines,wall pinups of
some of the latest punk rockers hair style. They play in shitholes like the
Lyceum for f.3 a time, and they claim to be punks, listen the people who play for
0a time are conning their own people, taking the piss out of their own
supporters.Think. Keep playing in placeslike that and the systemwins....Shove
your contractswhereyou shit (TheSerenadeIs Dead, Mortahate, 1984).
The languageof this piece, in similar terms to the Rudimentary Peni hostility to

fashion punks, is obviously explicit in its venom towards mainstreampromotions and

record companiesthat create a 'false' punk gearedtowards exploitation rather than

political resistance.The uncompromisingstyle of the writing and its underlying ethic

clearly illuminates the ideal of authenticity of anarchopunk and also simultaneously

hails the band in the light of this ideal. The underlying ethical messageis that MY

anarchopunk is the correct method of resistance.Participation in the mainstream,or

in streetpunk subcultures,signalsan inauthenticsubculturalmember. The 'system' is

in league with the 'business' man; they are the peddlersof 'fake resistance'. They

dilute the core ethics of the punk scene as they claim them to be (resistance,

revolution and political change)through the presentationof punk as a politically inert

subculture. This is a centralpoint in this chapter. Thoseaspectsthat are deemedto be

subcultural (those aspectsconcernedwith fashion, style and identity politics, those

that consumepunk culture ratherthan creatingit) are deemedanathemato the anarcho

punk scene,which presentsitself as a countercultureset up in criticism againstthose

membersof punk culture who pursueagendasthat are not political.

Once again we should resist the representationof punk in ethical terms as a unified

bloc, void of internal disputes and differences. We can pursue punk's historical

Gordon PhD 118

narrative in order to offer further illustrations of this. The anarcho punk genre set

itself a time limit: 1984. Indeed all of the Crass record releases,apart from being

accompaniedby a 'pay no more than' price tag, had a catalogue number counting

down to 1984. As promisedby Crass,the band split up during this year, playing their

last show as a benefit for striking miners on 6th July. What the anarchopunk genre

had createdduring the precedingfour yearsor so was a feeling amongstits followers

that somekind of real social changewould be the logical outcomeof its various scene

efforts. The aim was that the structures of power would feel, and indeed be

challenged. Mr. K noted that:

You felt part of something,you would go on demosand there would be fucking

loads of punks there and shit. Like the CND demos,you know there would be
two hundredand fifty thousandpeoplethere. I meanthe first gig I went to was a
CND benefit. I meanI wasn't involved in CND but that got me thinking, got me
into it, got me thinking aboutthings certainly.

The Orwellian prophecy, with its famous dystopian date, provided the senseof

urgency that fuelled the spirit of revolutionary changeprevalent in anarchopunk at

this time. The demonstrationsand benefit concertswere a central part of the anarcho

punk struggle. Both Crassand Conflict beganto push the direct action line, though

bandsremainedethically divided betweenthe methodsof pacifism and violent direct

action. On their 1984album, Increasethe Pressure,the band Conflict stated:'Conflict

are not pacifists and have never claimed to be, we believe and strive for peaceand

freedom but wfll'not let people destroy what little have. 35 Crass made similar
we

statementson their last single You're Already Dead and made token concessions

towards Conflict's position while undermining the solidarity of the band's position.

Mr. K noted how he had once believed in Conflict's direct action approachto social

change,althoughhe is now scepticalof their claims of authenticity:

35See Conflict Increase the Pressure (1984) Mortahate Records for a succinct, sincere and angry
lyrical accountof the cold war, animal exploiters,political apathyand the escalationof the armsrace.

Gordon PhD 119

 Conflict were fooling people,they were raising people's hopesin that they could
changea lot, you know, that there would be a fucking revolution and shit and
they weren't to be believed. I meanI sawthrough them.
While he was likewise doubtful about the validity and viability of what they said,

Mr. R also notesthat a lot of punkstook both Crassand Conflict at their word:

People took them on and I wasjust that bit older and Crass were the ones that
did it right. I think punks, anarchoor otherwise, were looking for a bit of a
leader, they wanted somethingto follow and so Conflict filled that gap quite
nicely I think. And then the backlashagainstthem was the whole samething.
It's like build up, smashdown. The thing is this thing goes on through society
and that we, as anarchopunksshouldknow a bit better really.
After splitting up in 1984, Crassleft the legacy of anarchopunk open to Conflict

and this in
resulted a backlash against them that occurred mainly during the later

1980s. Shortly after the event, Penny Rimbaud ruminated on the ethical minefield

involved in maintaining rigid political views. The fun was removed:

[During Ihefirst couple ofyears of Crass's existence]for all the chaos it was
immensefun, no one bitched about leatherboots or moanedabout milk in tea, no
one wanted to know how anarchyand peacecould be reconciled, no one bored
our arses of with protracted monologueson Bakunin, who at that time we
probably would have thought was a brand of vodka (Rimbaud, Best Before 1984
sleevenotes,italics mine).
What this quotation demonstratesis one of the long-standinglegaciesof divisions

in what is referred to as a unified subcultural grouping. As ethical alternatives

crystallise into daily scenepractices, become

transgressions frowned upon. I shall

make much more of this in subsequentchapters, so suffice to say here that this

is
statement one of the first of
acknowledgements intra-group subcultural tensions

within anarchopunk. Crassendedtheir activities with a seriesof poemsand keyboard

songs,Acts of Love and TenNotes on a SummersDay, that seemedto push them out

of favour with fans of the musical anger they had produced in their previous work.

Conflict continued playing benefit concerts and advocating violent revolution as a

theme. Indeed, though the subject of a huge amount of criticism (including some

from my own interviewees)and the target of general accusationsof hypocrisy from

the last two generations of punks, Conflict remain active, still playing benefit

Gordon PhD 120

 concerts, running their record label, Mortahate, and continuing to make political

statements.Their work has becomesuch a long-standing emblem of anarcho punk

ethical refusal that they deservea book to themselves.

Alternative Media
One of the most popular meansof musical reproduction,alongsidevinyl, was the tape

machine.Through suchmethodsof mechanicalreproduction,punk music was able to

be inexpensively copied,tradedand shared.36 As I describedin the previous chapter,

tapes were central to undergroundDiY punk during the early 1980sand through the

postal system,bands,ideasand lyrics were mutually traded and shared. They were

traded betweenfriends and were (and still are) a useful tool for making contact with

people, establishingacquaintances
and developingalliances. The fanzines sold at gigs

contained reviews of tapes and records, and carried adverts and addressesfor band

tapes. Chumbawambausedthis mode of production and distribution to produce the

4nimals Packet. Mr. R reproducedhis bands demo tapes for mail order in a similar
,
fashion. He recalledthat one of the earliestexamplesof record distribution stalls was

tape- not vinyl-based. When he played a Leeds squat gig in a garage in 1984 with

The Ex, The Three Johnsand the Instigators,tapeswere sold at the back of the venue.

It should be emphasizedthat this was not a money-spinningventure; the price was

intendedto cover the costsof production only. The main form of income for most of

the participantsduring this period was unemploymentand housing benefit. Mr. R told

me of how he was able to channelsocial security money to fund anarchopunk tape

projects:

They usedto give you money for bedding grants and shit and I put that with my
giro and I spentnearly a hundred quid on what now would be a crappy double
tape. So I would copy my band's demo tapeson it day and night. And from that
my bandhad a demo[tapeout].

36 1
will examinethis issuein closer detail in chapter5.

Gordon PhD 121

 From this tape Mr. R's band was able to establish firm connections with the

anarcho,punk scene. This led to them playing more gigs and this in turn eventuatedin

the collectively run Stationvenuein Gateshead,Newcastle.

The break-up of Crass,the centrepieceof anarcho,punk in the UK, may suggest

that the practice of DiY suffereda similar demise. The end of Crasswas certainly a

blow to DiY culture, but a centralargumentof this thesis is that DiY ethics have been

continuous over the past quarter century or so, even through that continuity has

witnessedhigh and lows and been in

manifest variable displays of intensity. The end

of Crass should not be read as the end of DiY countercultural ethics and values,

despite views and intimations to the contrary from McKay (1996) and others. The

continuation of the post-CrassDiY ethic was stimulated by the introduction of US

hardcore. Its subsequentassimilation led to new forms and took on the original

in
anarchopunk genre musical, aestheticand political terms.

Bands such as Dirt, Doom, Deviated Instinct, Extreme Noise Terror, Electro

Hippies, Extinction of Mankind, Hiatus, Health Hazard, Suffer and One By One are

just a small exampleof the bandsthat continuedthe political issuesinitially raisedby

anarchopunk.37 They all played the lin12 Club with some relocating and becoming

centrally involved in the organizationof music and general club activities. It could

also be argued that the structuresof experienceand sensibility underlying anarcho

punk music even intensified as a result of the diminution of political changeand the

continuing political drift to the right. For Mr. R, the music of anarcho punk was

characterisedparticularly by its ethically fuelled anger. The fast, furious and hectic

screamingthat were central to fastcore, britcore of the mid to late nineteen eighties

k
37For detailed accountsof the continuity of UK anarchopunk during this period and beyond see the
UK scenereports in MaximumRock W'RoII fanzine 1984-present.

Gordon PhD 122

and UK hardcore,were assimilatedand becameeven more abrasive, fast and angry.

R noted that this style of music was a clear expressionof the frustration at anarcho

punk's lack of political and cultural achievement. The ethical principles of MY were

sound but nothing seemedto have changed:'As you go on you just get more manic

and more fucking furious and you get angrier as you get older, you know and that's

shit! '

So although the UK anarchopunk scenemay have been in a stateof slow decline

around the mid-to-latel980s, this did not mean that its informing ethos had expired.

Quite the contrary. Its ethos spread, either through anarcho punk music or in

combinationwith relatedmusical forms suchas hardcore,not only in the UK but also,

during the latter part of the 1980sand early 1990s,all over the continent and the US.

A notable illustration of the spreadof anarchopunk was the Minneapolis label and

fanzine,Profane Existence.

Hardcorefor the Hardcore

StephenBlush (2001) neatly summarisesthe ethics of the American version of DiY

punk, known as hardcore,in his first chapteron DiY hardcore.At a tangentialpoint in

time to the emergenceof anarchopunk in the UK, its hardcore counterpartcame to

the fore in the US. The two genressharea numberof similarities and also bring to the

fore the irresolvable argumentof punks' origins: UK or US? In spite of this, with the

UK and US punk sceneshaving related head-of-statehate figures in Thatcher and

Reagan,the politics and methodson both sidesof the Atlantic had a numberof mutual

points of intersection. Andersen and Jenkins (2001) recognize the degree of

between
convergence the DC hardcorepunk sceneand UK anarchopunk (2001: 131,

146). For example, how Crass had managedto galvanise thousandsto gather in

London for the 'Stop the City' protestsof the early eighties was taken as a benchmark

Gordon PhD 123

 for similar anti-Reaganprotestsin DC 1984 (2001:180-209). Of course there were

differencesas well. Americanhardcoredealt with personaland social issuesin equal

to
measure political statements,while UK anarcho punk was largely concernedwith

instrumental, political critiques againstthe cold war, the capitalist state and animal

exploitation. In addition to the more experimentalforms of punk such as Black Flag,

hardcore was also characterizedby a faster tempo and a more energetic stage

presence. Apart from the early visits to the UK by the Dead Kennedysand then Black

Flag, hardcorewas a relatively obscuregenrein the UK in the early eighties. After its

introduction mostly though record and tape trading and the fleeting band appearances

in the UK, the DiY ethic began to co-opt numerous genresinto its aesthetic style.

These included metal, hardcore,and thrash. This also had a reciprocal effect on the

hardcoreand metal genres. All of thesechangeswere to have an effect in terms of the

ethical reproductionof the UK DiY punk scene.

One of the first hardeoreimports into anarchopunk was MDC who played fast

political music which was up-tempofrom its British but

counterparts, retaineda heavy

aestheticlink to many of the anarchopunk bands. For many involved in the British

anarcho scene and the wider genresof punk in the 1980s and 1990s, such records

introduced a whole new genreand style of music that had been eclipsedthrough the

dominance and style of British punk from 1976 onwards. Hardcore has become

firmly cementedinto the culture sincethe early 1980s. However, as Rollins (1995:26-

35) notes,the acceptanceof the American genre was not easy. Initially British punks

were vehemently hostile to the American hardcore band, Black Flag, when they

toured the UK in 1980,1982and 1984,covering them in spit, bottles and verbal abuse.

Through Crassreleasingthe MDC single, Multi Death Corporations on their label in

1983,and the associatedLondon anarcholabel, CorpusChristi, releasingthe debut LP

Gordon PhD 124

 from San Franciscoanarchoband, Crucifix, Dehumanization, in 1984, the political

elementsof American hardcorebeganto reach and influence UK audiences. Mr. R

noted that American hardcorewas beginning to circulate via peer tape circulation

around 1983:

A lot of anarchopunksweren't really into this. I had like a few friends that had
like weird tapesof stuff like DRI and Minor Threat and theseweird new bands.
I was one of the first peopleto get into DRI and it was absolutely,it was as life-
changingasanything in termsof it being fast and political.
As I noted above, Crucifix toured England in 1984 with British anarcho bands

Antisect and Dirt. Mr. R travelled to Leeds to seethesebands and describedit as a

watershedin ternis of influence:

This was like 1984,so it was like Antisect, Dirt and Crucifix. Antisect and Dirt
were pretty good of coursebut Crucifix, they moved, they ran around and they
brought it to life in a lot of ways and it showedus British people [how it could be
done].

Whilst not yet being the mainstayof the British punk sceneduring this period, the

inspiration of hardcorewas clearly becomingevident.

Mr. B and D mentioneda key issuethat emergedin the mid 1980s. As a result of

the influence of Americanhardcore,the overt politics of anarchopunk were viewed as

unimportant and secondaryby these two subjects. Indeed, when asked about the

political influence of music, Mr. D noted that 'it's not affected me a great deal

I
politically and am not really motivated by that sort of stuff, but you know it has in I

supposepersonalways'. Thesepersonalways can be identified as a theme in terms of

the personal politics that Mr. D later became involved in, particularly the 'straight

edge' personalpolitics of abstinence. Mr. B articulated this in specific terms in that

he reacted against the overt politics of this period and was instead concernedwith

personalissues:

The stuff I was into when I first got into hardcorewas heavily political. I mean
the British bands [were concerned] with animal rights and politics in general.
The US at the time, especiallythe New York bandsand the straight edge bands,

Gordon PhD 125

 were a bit more apolitical. It was about looking at yourself and more social
issues.

The conductof personallife can of coursebe said to be political. What constitutes

the political is not the exclusive preserveof 'politics in general'. But if there was

something of a shift here is could be said to involve a move from concern with

politics in a relatively conventionalsenseto ethics in a relatively conventional sense.

While this distinction shouldnot be pushedtoo far, given the overlap and interlinkage

involved, the move changed participants' orientation towards punk, or rather to

mainstreampunk. For B the latter, more social form of politics created a senseof

separationfrom the majority of the punk scene. He noted that he gained a senseof

motivation and confidencein his feelingsof differenceto the majority of the UK punk

and hardeorescenes.

In consideringthe specific themeof authenticityand the peer rivalry this involves,

the claims and counter-claimsfor authenticityand questionsof the valid production of

punk music have been legion. Betweenthe Leedsand Bradford DiY communities, a

generalform of opposition and rivalry exists betweenpunk and hardcore. Mr. G was

in
specific picking up on this issue. In spite of various genre claims and counter-

claims, assertionsand refutations,regardingwhether or not punk is hardcoreand vice

.
versa,Mr. G spokeof his dislike of what he consideredto be the inwardness,nihilism

and lack of vision in the Leedsand Bradford 'punk scenes':

I think that punk is possibly a bit more rowdy than hardcore. The mindset is a
lot more self-destructive:it is not as positive [as hardcore]. It's all about fucking
shit up. I'm not bitching about punk becauseit's all the same thing when it
comesdown to it, but I think a lot of the punks I have met have this kind of fuck
you mentality!
Hardcore appeals to G for the musical diversity it is able to accommodate,

whereasin his view punk is more 'samey' and 'set' in its musical ways. He notes:

I think the punk sceneis traditional. If you look at hardcorethere's all the emo
[and] metal bands,there's all the crazy fucked up shit. I meanif you look at the
hardcoresceneyou could pick five bands that are all under the hardcore label

Gordon PhD 126

 and each one of them soundscompletelyand utterly different. Dilinger Escape
Plan or Canvas? Crazy ass metal, indie rock. In the Clear, fast, old school
straight edge. What HappensNext, fast, fast, thrashypunk; Noothgrush,slow as
fuck. I think it is a bit more setmusically in the punk scene.

Implicit in this evaluativecomparisonis a claim for hardcore being superior and

more outward-looking than punk. Explicit in its discursive accomplishmentof this

comparison are such rhetorical devices as the use of 'traditional' in a pejorative,

negative sense,the carefully weighted exaggeration,the neat balance of contrasts

Cfast, fast'Pslow as fuck'), and the throwaway final sentence. Both this and the

preceding statementfrom G provide a clear indication of how subculturesdevelop,

mutate and move on, as a result of their internal dynamics of interaction and the

consequenttensions and divisions that occur within as well as between different

groupings of is
what nominally the same subculture.

Ethics and Elitism

In contradistinction to this, Mr. C found himself gradually politicized through his

engagementwith punk rock. Viewing his engagementwith undergroundpunk rock as

a seriesof 'building blocks, he statedthat he didn't really know about DiY during

these earlier biographical stages. The connectionswith anarchism and DiY were

made later, though his initial immersion in the punk rock scene has contributed

overall to shapinghis opinions,attitudesand generaloutlook:

The way I have done things in my life, you know, some of the paths, shall we
say, that I have followed, have been linked directly to the beginning of
skateboardingand punk.
The firm connectionswere madefor C around 1986, firstly after he had bought a

personally influential MY punk record, the Bristol band Ripcord's album Defiance of

Power, he becamea vegetariansoon after. For C, vegetarianissuesthen connected

into a much wider awarenessof and involvement in politics that helped him to

connecthim with a broadarray of political issues:

Gordon PhD 127

 The animal rights issuehas beena big issuewithin the hardcorepunk scene. A
lot of people have picked up on that and gone 'yeah, that's fucking right' and
I'm glad that it's still prominent. At the sametime it's notjust animal rights, it's
about a wider perspectiveand should engagehuman rights and I seethem all as
linked. I don't see animal rights as a single issue I see it as a part of a wider
issue.

The pressureto remain vegetarianand ultimately becomevegan formed a broad

political theme in the interview data relating to this period of time. It openedup a

further ethical division within punk subculture and drew on further rhetorical

descriptorsto justify the division and bolster participants' adherenceto one side or the

other. For Mr. Q, one of the downsidesof this division was the production of what he

called a 'holier than thou' attitude. In similarity to the Takunin bores' outlined by

Rimbaud, Q referred to the 'vegan police' and 'politico police' as becoming

predominantin Leedscountercultureat this time. His displeasureand antagonismare

clear in his descriptionof thesepeople as 'middle class arseholesincapableof having

a laugh.
' Mr. C also referred to this rift between vegans and veggies. While he

becamea veganhimself at this time, he objectedto the sanctimonyand intoleranceit

generated:

I'd say I'm fairly lenient, but you know at times there has been a vegan police
elementwhich I've remembered. I remember from the days doing hunt sabbing
that people would be like fucking going into people's kitchens and looking in
people's cupboardsand going "what the fuck is this in your cupboard?" That is
just ridiculous like.

Clearly, the pressure of morally upholding and maintaining veganism. and

vegetarianism,combined with the pressureto convert from the latter to the former,

was in itself a major political issue of the late 1980s. Within the punk scene

generally, the ethics of food, hunting and related mattersbecamea symbolic site for

the politics of cultural elitism. Thesewere manifest, contestedand fought over within

the sceneas part of its own ongoing debateover what constitutesthe true principles

and valuesof punk's counterculturalconstellation.

Gordon PhD 128

TheStraight vs. TheGreat Unwashed
In the late 1980s,a new division opened up within the punk subculture. Anarcho

punk and its subgenreof Britcore mergedwith residuesof the travelling communities

to producethe group categoryreferred to by my intervieweesas 'crusty.' Those who

drank too much, consciously ignored personal hygiene, and begged outside of

concerts were frowned upon by elements in the hardcore and straightedgescenes

during this time. Straightedgeoriginatedon the eastcoastof America in the late 1970s

and early 80s. The major sites of straight edge activity are the east coast cities of

Washington DC, New York and Boston. Later, the west coast (1984-5), then,

mainland Europe, Japan, Australia and the U. K, became involved. Straightedge

culture is now an establishedmicro-cultural phenomenonof most Western capitalist

cities and former Soviet Bloc countries.

The key question that arises is why has straightedgedeveloped? There are a

number of reasons. The main one is a logical progressionof resistance. By taking

UK, Europeanand American attitudes to punk as givens (DIY ethics, alienation and

autonomy), early straightedgeused these sub-cultural forms to take the punk idea to

its ultimate point of resistance:a rebellion against traditional forms of rebellion.

Traditional forms of rebellion are viewed by straightedgeculture as being floored and

hampered by the destructive consequencesof drug ingestion which dilutes and

underminesrebellion. The argumentof straightedgeis that the majority of society is

dependenton the consumption of potentially harmful substancesand this practice

functions as an obstacle in the path of having a clear, critical and positive mind.

Drug, alcohol and substanceculture is reproducedby peer pressure. By turning its

back on the destructive elementsof consumption (drugs alcohol, tobacco etc.), and

rejecting the peer pressure that enforces and reproduces nihilism, oppressive,

Gordon PhD 129

destructive cultural forms and aesthetic practices can be resisted. So goes the

straightedge line.

Unsurprisingly, intolerance is one of the main criticisms aimed at straightedge

culture, usually by those participants in the punk and hardcore sceneswho were

perceivedby straightedgeas weaker and less disciplined as they were. Straightedge

started to become the thing that it once opposed. In the more conventional

metaphoricalsenseof the word, straightedgebecamestraight. As Lahickey notes:

Unfortunately as the Straight Edge scene progressed it became hauntingly

reminiscent of all the narrow mindednessthat hardcore had given me refuge
from. Preachingtook over friendliness. All of the negative issuesbrought to
light by the positive scenedetractedfrom the power of the music. It all beganto
makeme feel I
uncomfortable. was sad to seetheseshortcomings. I fell in love
for the freedom I felt from others. Straight edgebecamejust a different set of
rules. (Lahickey., 1996:XVIII)
Ian Mackaye,the reluctant creator of straight edge culture, has distancedhimself

from some of straight edgebehaviourand no longer prefers to label himself as such.

In a recentinterview he commented:

I think the straight edgething appealsto a lot of jocks which is weird becauseI
am not a jock. I was never down with that kind of stuff. It's weird; I don't know
what the fuck I am. I am really not sure where I fit because I'm not a computer
geek,not ajock, just sort of a normal guy.
Peopleover the years were so hardcore,fucking jump doVMmy throat because
they feel I'm not vocal enough or hard enough. I had guys saying, "I can't
believe you fucking play places that sell alcohol," or, "I can't believe that you
play places where people smoke cigarettes." I had this one kid say to me, "I
can't believe you're drinking iced tea." I was like "What?" and he said, "In my
book, caffeine is a drug." I said "fuck you." Thesekind of people were so hard
and so ready to attack me because they didn't think I was hard enough- where
the fuck are they now? I'm not trying to be so smug about it. But I am 33 now,
and I don't give a fuck aboutall the rumours (Mackaye in Lahickey, 1996:108).
Under the influence of hardcoreMr. B noteshow he felt good in the late 1980sto be

clean-cutand positive. Togetherwith other straightedgepeoplehe statesthat he felt a

kind of 'brotherhood' in being straight and looking down his nose at crusties. He

stated:

It was a nice little clique to be in and there were not that many straightedgekids
about so you had that feeling of brotherhood. It was sort of like the Leeds
mentality as well, I mean going to shows and standingthere looking down at

Gordon PhD 130

 peoplewas good. It was alright. For a while it was like straightedgekids versus
crustiesand there was a lot of shit.
B found a lot of strengthin the hardcorepunk scene. He statedthat he gainedhis self-

confidencethrough realizing that he didn't have to conforin, that 'he didn't haveto be

a regular dickV

At the other end of the spectrum,Mr. K statedthat there was a lot of trouble with

straightedgein the late eighties. Hostilities within the wider Bradford scenebetween

the straightedgeand crusty groupsbecamevery tenseat points:

I had a few problems with some of the individuals who were involved with
[straight edge]. There was a lot of hostility betweenthe two groups. I was like I
don't care about your fucking sceneand they arejust trying to wind us up, those
straightedgepeople. Like the punk scenewas pretty [nihilistic] and fair enough
they were just tying to wind peopleup basically and causeshit and they never
backedit up. Tley were just full of shit basically. [One of them] startedat me
once in a pub and I threatenedto batterhim with a pool cue.
The hardcore and punk scenes have always constituted and reconstituted

themselvesthrough occasionalintra-sceneantagonismand rivalry. While this could

lead to physically threatening behaviour, as the above example shows, the process

was mainly realized through a discourse of moral pietism, authenticity and

correctness. What are the real and proper forms of resistanceto the capitalist social

order? For straightedge,a clear, sober, alert and positive mind was set against the

nihilism of crusty drunkenness

and in
decadence, a sort of latter-day puritanical form

of dissentand nonconformism.

The anarchopunk baseof the lin12 producedthe sameelementsof conflict. The

personal politics of straightedgetogether with its doctrine of resistancethrough a

'rebellion against rebellion' (Lahickey, 1996) congealed further and became more

extreme. From 1991 onwards the militant straightedgedoctrine of 'hardline' had

developed. A zero-toleranceapproach to substanceabuse and intoxication was

adoptedfrom the New York band, Vegan Reich. Those who smokedor got drunk at

Gordon PhD 131

 concertswere frowned upon by thosewho proclaimed a commitment to straightedge.

For the hardline straightedge,the capitalist systemcould only be challengedthrough a

combination of total abstinenceof drugs and animal productsthrough a vegandiet on

the one hand, and direct action against transgressorson the other. Together these

would achievea 'purity' of body and mind.

In many ways the challengingof capitalist values and beliefs was in tandemwith

the politics of anarcho and crusty punk and the lin12 club. Scenedisagreements

aroseover the appropriatemodesof resistance. Theseproved a considerableethical

stumbling bloc. The purist mentality of straightedgehad led a number of anarcho

punks to accuseits adherentsof 'moral fascism', whilst straightedgeviewed the wild,

inebriate dissolution of the punks as counter-revolutionary. In a description dripping

with contempt, Mr. B referred to crusty punks as often 'begging outside shows and

dressedin shitstainedrags'. B's vituperative tone caps his portrayal of crusty punks

as ethical lepers.This antagonisticmind-set becamefully manifest when the first UK

straightedgehardcore bands were becoming popular and establishing hardcore as a

subgenreof punk. Mr. D recalled the heckling of straightedgebands playing at the

I in 12 and the 'resentment'towardsthem during this period. He statedthat there was

trouble in assimilating this new form of politics and resistance. A good deal of the

antagonismwas, in his view, hypocritical:

It never pissed me off but I kind of thought it was a bit fucking hypocritical
coming from people who ran a place based upon a policy that was kind of
acceptingof anything apart from stuff that'was downright offensive or fascist or
whatever. Tlere seemedto be a lot of hypocritical people involved in it [I in 12]
at the time. There always seemedlike there was people that had somethingto
say whereas I went there and never judged anyone on fucking anything.
[straightedge]seemedlike somethingnew for England you know kind of young
outsiderscoming in that weren't involved in the old British punk scene. People
came in [to the club] to causetrouble and go what the fuck is this sort of thing.
People would be at shows fucking shouting their fucking heads off or some
fucking nonsenseto do with the [straightedge] bands playing and people just
didn't seemto get it. The punk scenewas err that way inclined [drinking] and
then suddenly people came in [linl2] with all these straightedge gigs that
weren't into that at all.

Gordon PhD
 The antagonismgradually died down as the straightedgegigs and hardcorebands

becameassimilatedinto the anarchoand lin12 scene. In addition, those subcultural

memberswho cameinto the scenein the metal, hardcoreand crossoverperiods were

younger and more receptive to straightedgeideas. Mr. D talked of the hostility

betweenpunks and straightedgekids and demarcatedthe division along age lines. As

noted previously, Mr. K had problems with the straightedge,but he soon became

frustratedwith the intolerant attitudesshownto this genre:

There was this divide as well; you know we were all scumbags.[A straightedger]
usedto write things like 'freaks' on the club and that used to really piss Joe off.
[However] a lot of the punk kids were up their own arseas well, they are hostile
to it [straightedge]. We had all these fucking gumby punks carping on about
straight edge.I said: "what the fuck are you saying?Shut the fuck up! What do
you know? What do you fucking do? You know, you do nothing!"'
This proved to be a contentious issue based around affiliation to different

subgenresand sceneswithin the wider DiY scene.More fundamentally,the clash of

ethics involved was centred around the antagonismbetweenthe personal politics of

hardcore, which seeks to extend personal politics into a broader struggle for

progressivepolitical change,and the politics of nihilistic punk rock with its approach

to resistancecouchedin the original UK punk proclamationof 'get pissed,destroy.

In addition to this the straightedgeissue had not entirely faded from memory.

Indeeda hardline andpro-life bandplayed one of the I in 12 hardcorefestivals in 1996.

Four of the interviewees mentioned this event and stated that it raised concerns

regardingthe politics of someof the bandsthat played the club. In the recollection of

Ms. W:

Somestraightedgeband played the club and they had somereally dubious lyrics
about abortion. I think they were really naYveyoung men. I think they were
about sixteenor seventeenand they had not really formed their opinions or they
had not encounteredmany women. They wrote somethingcontroversial on the
wall and I rememberfeeling pissedoff about it. We just blastedthem and took a
photocopyof a little pro-choiceposter and put it up over it, becauseI did find it
quite offensive.

Gordon PhD 133

 What this indicatesis that the issueof intolerancein hardcore and punk was still

evident during this time. For W, the issueof abortion tappedin to related debatethat

was a main theme for her and other female interviewees: the lack of women in

hardcoreand punk. All of the intervieweespicked up on this issue. Indeed W noted

that she perceivedwomen, alongsideminority ethnic groups, to be underrepresented

in hardcore.

In terms of motivation, such ethical disputeshave at times led to disillusionment

with the whole punk scene and a diminution in the desire and willingness to

participatewithin it. For example,somepeoplewithin the subculturecameto seethe

long-term nihilism of the anarchopunk and travelling cultures as degeneratinginto a

destructive form of lifestyle characterizedabove all by self-abuse. Mr. S referred to

some of these nihilists as 'jitters'. Working behind the bar in the lin12 in 1995, he

summarisedone such incident where anarchy was misinterpretedby these people as

equivalentto nihilism:

71cre were a load of people over from Manchesterand I had just gone out to
collect glassesand I noticed one Oittcr] leaningover [the bar and helping himself
to free drink] and I knockedhis glassout of the way and he says: "what are you
doing? What are you doing, I haven't got any money, free beer, anarchy!" So I
explained everything about the club to him and how every pint had to be
accountedfor, becauseit was all profit and loss and there wasn't any money
behind this place. And he just went "ahh, fucking working for the system,you
got a job youjust ought to walkout! " We gotridof them inthe end andthat
sceneseems to have died down, but I mean a lot of them, they could say all the
right things, but when it camedown to it was what they could get out of it, not
what they were putting into it.
This is perhapsan extreme example of the nihilism that arose after the decline of

anarchopunk and the defeatof the travellers in the late 1980Sand 1990s. It would be

misleading to say that it was representativeof the anarcho punk sceneas a whole.

This undoubtedly negative incident was more an aberration than a characteristic

manifestationof the views and principles of anarcho,punk.

GordonPhD 134
 The Jinl2 Club
For K the early yearsof the club were depressing.The Leeds sceneof the late 1980s

was starting to decline in popularity and the divisions in the club madefor a difficult

atmosphere.He arguedthat the consequenceof this was a 'siege mentality'. For him

this was brought about becausethe Club did not receive community support and was

losing money. He mainly put this down to a generalhostility towards punks. K was

by New Model Army fans in Bradford 38 Disillusioned, he began to

attacked a pub .

withdraw from the club's activities, spending more time in Leeds during the later

1980s. The issueshighlighted by K indicate a generaltheme of disillusionment and

strugglethat will comemore to the fore in chaptersix:

There was all thesepeople who had thesereal fucking fixed ideas about what
[the club] was. I think there were horsespulling in different directions. There
was a load of theseanarchists,boring old anarchistswho wanted it to be like a
working men's club. And there was all us lot who had the idea of it being like a
Europeansocial centre. 'Causewe had beento theseplaces in Europe and I had
beento loads of squatsby this time and we were inspired by the whole fucking
thing. And I am not on about some fucking crusty pisshole, we were talking
about doing somethingreal good.
Despite featuring the multiple subgenresof hardcore punk, perceptionsof the

club's purpose and rationale diverged. As Mr. G noted, whilst a number of

membersof the DiY community straddledthe differences between hardcore and

punk, such divisions have had an effect on the attendanceof the lin12. The view

of the club as a place of overt politics and a politically correct arenaby someof the

Leedsscenewas a commonreasongiven for not attendingthe weekdayand single

event concertsheld at the lin12. Not only does the frequently circulating rumour

of politically correct punks at the I in 12 inhabit sectionsof participation within the

Leeds scene;I also encounteredit in an interruption of an interview I held with a

long-standingmember of the club (not featured here). The person speakinghere

exemplified the discourseof the bitter, ex-club member,Mr. BS:

38An issueI
will return to in chapternine.

Gordon PhD 135

 Yeah in the early days it [linl2] was set up by the old punks and stuff, yeah
hippies and punks, it were alright. You got all the fucking geeksin there now,
who, you know don't eat meat that have got a little bit of a line with that. But
hey, practice what you preach! They don't know what they've beenpreachingso
they don't even know how to practiceit.
They've got ajuke box there. They have all the old punk songson it and they are
like 'well, we will have to turn that down, it's too loud that stuff. Man, it was
only somethinglike Wire, or something,and they are all sat arounda table, you
know, talking bollocks. And I said, well I'm sorry, but this is why I camehere
to do what I want without being told what to do and you are telling me that I am
upsetting you [He demandeda refund but was refused]. This silly little tart
comesup and she'd been to University 'Euugh, Eughh! I'm called Daisy and I
don't like what you are doing whooh, me mum's a headteacher.' Oooooh fuck
off, fucking arse! Do you want to buy a copy of Socialist Worker? Ohhh!
This commentdisplaysa highly contrastive'then and now' opposition in order to

establish the speakeras one of the older, more authentic 'hippies and punks' who

founded the linl2. The use of vehementlanguageand strong figurative expressions

operatesas a way of demarcatingthe speakerfrom those he denigratesas falling way

short of the ethical mark and being little other than poseursin both their conduct and

conversation (the latter being peremptorily dismissed as 'talking bollocks') His

.
libertarian, live-and-let-live attitude is bolstered by its opposition to 'the fucking

geeks' who have taken over the scenewith their namby-pambyways and political

In
pretensions. contrastto his professedstanceof independence
of mind and freedom

of action, he has only the utmost contempt for them - 'Oooooh fuck off, fucking

arseV- which he expressesin telling, scatologicalterms that prefigure the theme of

I
subcultural.exit. will return to discussthis issuein further detail in chaptersix.

Contemporary Hardcore Sell-outs

Earlier I spoke of transnational connections as if these are an invariable source of

cultural good. This is of course not always the case, or at least is not always

considered to be the case. An example of this within punk subculture is Emo. This

form of music had more in common with indie rock than punk, although the methods

of cultural production were firmly in the tradition of DiY, stemming from its early

inceptions with the DC band Rites of Spring among others. By taking its starting

Gordon PhD 136

 point from the diverse DiY punk music sceneof Washington DC (Anderson, 2001,

O'Connor, 2002b), emo bands adopted a subtle, musically competent,and delicate

musical aestheticthat shunnedthe initial brash forms of punk. Emo embracedthe

personalpolitics of straightedgeand hardcore. Its trajectory of assimilation into the

hardcorescenesof Leedsand Bradford proved a sourceof contention. The emo genre

was associatedmore with the Nottingham and Leeds scenes,with bands such as

Polaris and Bob Tilton becomingknown for playing this form of music. Mr. B took a

cynical view of it, drawing lazily on a stock classstereotype:

There's a lot of peoplesitting aroundon stools playing guitars which I'm not really into.
There seemedto be a lot of indie kids masqueradingas hardcorekids with basin haircuts
and glassessat a round on stools fucking posin' with rosy cheeks,that kind of thing,
which I'm not into.
Hip Hop and macho attitudes in hardeorewere also raised by Mr. G. in taking

issuewith the dominanceof America in the hardcoresceneand stating moral concern

at what he consideredto be the importation of machoattitudes into UK hardcore. He

placed the blame for this on labels such as New York's Victory Records and large

independentband booking agentssuch as Madd in Germany. The lyrical content,the

blatant lack of DiY principles, and the denigratingstancetowards women in hardcore,

were targetedby G as symptomaticof wider ethical problems in the hardcore scene.

In broad terms he describedthe popularity of this as 'chipping away at the old block'.

G statedthat the American bandsdemandinglarge money guaranteesto play the UK

diluted the power and value of UK DiY:

They are a hardcorepunk agency,but I definitely have issueswith Madd. Their

guaranteesare fucking huge! Like I rememberwhen Convergewere playing and
they wanted like L400 guarantee. I mean we haggledthem down, but like they
want massive guaranteesand then [there's] the riders they send out: they are
taking the piss. You know it's like fresh Kellogg's cereal or something [that
they demandbefore playing]. It's like you are a fucking punk rock band,you are
grateful if you get fed whatever and someonegives you a floor to sleepon. You
don't fucking sendout riders, you know what I mean. This is what Madd's all
about. So I am like very dubious about them. Unlessthey had a bandthat I was
like, oh my God I have to put them on, I wouldn't touch them with a barge-pole

G reiteratedthis view in referring to Victory records:

Gordon PhD 137

 Victory, I mean JesusChrist, a can of worms there! It's like there's so many
[incidents]. It's like they allegedly advertised in porn magazines and their
attemptat a completesaturationof the market. They Victory streetteams[upset
me] and just the fact that their records are expensiveand they don't really do
their own distribution anymore.
Mr. R echoedthis generalhostility to major labelsand organisedpunk rock:

There is so much lame hardcorethat goesaroundand passesfor hardcore,passes

for punk. 'Holidays in the fucking Sun', you know. Just idiots and toleranceof
Nazis and fucking goonsyou know, like dressedlike punk or whatever,it's just a
fucking joke. It's not what I ever wantedto be fucking part of. I don't know,
somedays I am more liberal about it. I am like fucking let people get on with
their own thing and at other times I get annoyed'causeit's just, well [why] can't
peoplejust [be] searchingand thinking forward?
The three viewpoints expressedhere reflect a legacy of how the same critical

points of view illustrated in the earlier quotation from RudimentaryPeni and Conflict

are still evident in DiY discourse,albeit in a much more genre-dependentway. Such

viewpoints form a general sensibility in the Leeds and Bradford punk and hardcore

scenesthat acts as a catalyst for DiY cultural production and underpins the ethical

principles of DiY punk. Implicit within Mr. G's argument against Victory is the

claim of a potential American dominanceover UK hardcore. What is evident overall

in the above quotes is the effort to distinguish DiY authenticity from an ethical

standpoint against a business ethic masqueradingas punk or using punk as a

smokescreento conceal this ethic. Through their DIY practice, the Leeds and

Bradford scenesattemptto achievean affordable alternativeto the mainstreamforms

of punk production, and the ethical basisof this alternativestandsat least implicitly as

a critique of multinational capitalism.

Conclusion

As the previous section and the chapteras a whole has shown, DiY ethical principles

exert, in the very effort to live by and maintain them, a continuous pressureto

articulate their presencethrough identification of their manifold negations,whether

theseinvolve temporaryslippage,ambiguousaction, or wholesalebetrayal. The punk

Gordon PhD 138

 discourse of authenticity is predicatedon the relentlessnessof this pressurewithin

such subculturalmilieux as those of Leeds and Bradford. Peer debatesand rivalries

run from the early days of punk in the 1970sthrough to their contemporaryethical

expressionin the various scenes,sub-scenes,genre groupings, factions and splinter-

formations (operatingunder the broaddescriptorof punk subculture)that define punk

today. The conceptual issue of what punk is, or should be, has been underpinned

throughout by 'real us' versus 'sham them' dichotomies that are always mutually

intertwined in their very oppositions to each other. Such points of view will be

discussedin detail in chapterssix and nine.

However varied the different groupsand sub-groupsof the punk scenein my case

study region may be on the ground,they can be identified and categorizedin relation

to two major topical areas: firstly, the overarching, general debatesraised in the

interviews; and secondly, the spatially defined rivalry between the Leeds and

Bradford DiY scenes,an issue I will return to in chapter seven. This should not of

course detract from the sub-divisionswithin each of these areas. As I have shown,

conflicts and disagreementsare evident within the lin12 club between opposing

points of view on a number of different issues. During the period of my fieldwork,

such divides could makethe club a difficult place with which to be associated.

Rivalry betweenthe Leedsand Bradford scenesand movementbetweenthem is a

central themeof the thesis. As I havenoted, distinctions have beenmadebetweenthe

Leeds and Bradford 'sounds'. From a Leeds perspective,Bradford punks are driven

by political anger and chiefly governed by anarcho punk. Alternatively, Leeds is

perceivedas a scenedominatedby emo and pop punk, eclectic versions of hardcore

and more accomplishedforms of musicianship. In my interviews, Leedspeople were

describedas clean-cutand youngerthan thoseassociatedwith the IinI2. Indeed,Ms.

Gordon PhD 139

 G used the popular term, Tadida Leeds', as a point of insult. Bradford people

associatedwith the lin12 were spoken of in interviews as being dirty, crusty and

overtly political. As Messrs.F and G pointed out, they were also regardedas cliquey,

old and argumentative. This descriptionis obviously far too neat and simplistic, but

what lies behind it will be exploredin greaterdepth in chapterseven.

The overarching, general themes of ethical debate that overshadowedthe UK

punk and hardcore be

scenescan. split into three relevant sections. Firstly there is the

long-standingissue of selling out. This has proved to be both a salient and resilient

theme. When questionedabout their views on punk and hardcorethat is not DiY, the

majority of my intervieweesspoke of the major label punk acts such as Green Day

and Blink 182. This was cementedby the views offered on Chumbawambasigning to

EMI and Universal records. These'were not consistently hostile and a number of

possible uses and reasonfor 'selling out' were offered as explanation and reasonfor

recruitment to the punk For

scene. example,reaching a wider audience;being able to

earn a living from their music; and subverting the music industry from the inside.

These views, along with the alternative accusationof betraying core values, will be

discussedfin-therin the final chapter.

Having set up a framework for understandingthe key lines of ethical principle

and practice among the subcultural groupings and related sceneswith which this

researchis concerned,it is important now to go on to examinehow in various ways

they inform lived experiencewithin these groupings, and how in various ways they

are realized as characteristicof the lived experienceof thesegroupings. Responsesto

the ethical dilemmasthrown up by participation in anarchopunk and DiY practice are

involved at every stagein people's involvement, from entry onto the scene,through

Gordon PhD 140

 immersion within it, to (for some) eventual disillusionment and exit. These major

stagesof involvementare the subjectof the next four chapters.

Gordon PhD 141

 Chapter 5: Ethics in Action

Introduction.

VvIat do participants who have chosento become involved in DiY punk rock do?

How and why do they do it, and in what ways can this practice be considered

authentic againstother constructionsof punk rock? Once secondaryinvestigation is

completed and the subcultural participant opts for a deeper acquaintancein tandem

with the ethical framework of punk outlined in the previous chapter, members

approachcore statusthrough interaction with the organisationalpractices of the DiY

punk scenes. In most cases they spend an extended period of time practically

contributing to the production of DiY punk rock. In chapterthree I illustrated how the

practice of subculturalentranceled to the subsequentconstructionof authenticity once

the various aspectsof subcultural knowledge and practice had registered with the

participant as s/he moves through primary and secondary investigation towards a

position of detailed scene understanding. Through this progression, the ethical

frameworks are produced with their associatesensibilities and these crystallise in

what the participant considers their authentic disposition reflected in both their

subcultural tastesand action. This and the following two chapterswill examinehow

in
such practice produced the everyday activities of what I consider to be core
is

membersof the scene.

The chapter will examine my two month field work period at the 1inl2, detailing

the events of beginning a studio project in -the cellar of the club. In this area of

observationthe specific focus is upon daily activity carried out betweennine am to six

pm. The examinationof my daily experienceof working in Leedspunk record shop,

the organization of gigs and their attendanceacross both fields, in addition to the

reciprocal subculturalrelationshipswithin and betweenLeedsand Bradford, I reserve

Gordon PhD 142

for chapter seven. In what follows I shall navigate through the daily practical

activities of the Bradford DiY punk working days.

Club Work 11 -6pm

The inception of the lin12 club is a major example of a British anarchistsocial club.

This group of collectively organised volunteers banded together in the face of

Thatcheristattackson trade unions,the working classesand the unemployedto form a

model and legacy that set and linked DiY punk and anarchist principles as the

cornerstoneof their actions. Prior to the club obtaining a building in 1988,gigs were

held twice weekly from 1981 onwards and this formed some of the bedrock of

fundraising activities which the club would draw upon over the next twenty years.

The twice weekly gigs held in severalcity centre pubs provided the embodimentof the
lin12 "way", providing gigs that were cheap,free from sexist, racist and statist hassles,
the usual promoters and rip-offs, dress restrictions and bouncer intimidation. The
objective was to createa lively and participative social scene,to stimulate a culture of
resistance a space under which the control and direction of the membership for
entertainment,debateand solidarity. (What is the IinI2 Club? 1995)
Under the rubric of DiY the Club released books and records with its own

publishing and record labels during this time which were in keeping with the anarchist

principles of mutual-aid at the club. The link to the participants of this study has

already been mentioned. Mr. S was involved in putting gigs on and Mr. 0 used to

attend these events. Danbert from Chumbawambamentioned how the band was

involved with the OITC in the early years. The first occasionwas not intentional:

They startedslightly before we [Chumbawamba]did. We had beenoffered somegig in

Bradford and when we got there for somereasonit didn't happen,but this other gig was
happeningwhich was aI in 12 gig and we endedup playing it. It just seemedthat what
they were doing and what we were doing were totally in the sameballpark. Since then
we have alwayshad somecontactwith them.
During the 1980sthe club managedto attract a number of people who had been

initially involved with the anarchopunk scene. The latter scenehad attempted on

numerousoccasionsto set up such a club. Mr. R noted the collectively run 'Station

Gordon PhD 143

Club' in Gateshead,Sunderland's 'Bunker' collective and 'the Pad' run by the

Scottish CrassinspiredbandThe Alternative. Thesewere a testimony to this desirein

addition to the numerous examples of squatted autonomous projects throughout

Europe from the late 1960s onwards. In 1980, Crass funded a London anarchist

centre, 'The Anarchy Centre', through the proceeds from the split single benefit

record with the Poison Girls, Bloody Revolutions/Person'sUnknown. After agreeing

to have nothing to do with the centre following a Crassdonation of f. 12,000in order

to avoid accusationsof being 'leaders' of the scene,the Anarchy Centre collapsed.

Rimbaud commented:

Based in London's Docklands,the centrewas open for a year or so before collapsing in

disarray. From the start,conflict arosebetweenthe older generationof anarchistsand the
new generationof anarchopunks. It seemedthat the only common interest,and that only
tenuously, was Crass,but true to our agreementwe kept our distance. We did however
play one gig there before the inter-campbitching left me wondering if the thing hadn't
beena dreadful mistake(1998:124).
Where the 1inl2 differs from the above venture is that it has successfully avoided

closure for over twenty yearsin spite of manifesting thesesimilar divisions and splits

over the years. As the guide to the lin12 explains, these have created serious

problems:

At no stagein the Club's history has the relationship between"ideal" and "reality" ever
been straightforward. Indeed conflict over whose ideals and which reality has often
thrown the Club into deep intemal conflict. The diversity of interests, priorities and
expectationsof the membership,empoweredby the open and active processof decision
making, has often come at a price. Sometimesmembers have left, disillusioned and
occasionally bitter, but this is the uncomfortable reality of taking responsibility and
control. (Op.cit:3)
The field work rangedfrom daily contact and observationwith both of the scenes

with the first sectionbeing chiefly concernedwith the I in 12, although I attendedDiY

gigs in Leedsduring most eveningsdue to the numberof opportunitiesfor observation

and thesewere certainly more frequentthan the occasionalgigs held at the I in 12. At

the lin12 my activities ranged from building the recording studio in the building's

cellar, to soundengineer,to caf6 worker, cleanerand generalparticipant and member.

Gordon PhD 144

Below is an account of how the fieldwork was performed which will also serve to

demonstratehow the DiY punk sceneoperatesdaily in general terms. I intend the

latter to illuminate the daily practices of what can be describedin general terms as

punk culture.

Bradford: Studiosand Daily Activity

On arrival at the lin12 at a matineegig on a rainy Sundayin early June, 2001,1 was

welcomed and informed by one of the 'core' membersthat I would be involved with

the constructionof a recording studio in the basementof the building in addition to

helping out with other tasks. The club functions under the umbrella of a number of

collectives. The list for the collectives is as follows: peasants collective (food

growing), games collective, library collective, gig collective, football team, drama

collective, gig collective and studio collective amongstnumerousothers. In addition

to this there are a numberof committeesgearedtowards financial issues,management

and the daily and

maintenance running of the club. All of the latter operatedunder the

chief ethical bannerof the club: Liberty, Solidarity, Equality.

The weekly running of the club was monitored through the membership meetings

each Sunday in which forthcoming events and day-to-day issues were collectively

discussedand agreedupon. It was at a Sundaymeeting that I presentedmy research

to the memberswith the view to outlining the intentions of the project. During this

meeting it was collectively confirmed that I would be participating in the studio

project. This was deemedto be suitable on account of my previous experienceof

playing in bandsand my understandingof various recording studios. I agreedto be

present at the club from midday to five pm six days a week with mornings and

Tbursdaysset aside for field joumal writing. My main colleague in the building of

Gordon PhD 145

 the studio was the caretaker,Mr. J, who would, when time allowed, assistme in the

preparationsfor building the studio.

UnderlyingEthos of the Studio Project

The generalethic of DiY, self managementand mutual aid is set in the very heart of

the lin12 club and this is why MY punk has becomea stable,though not completely

dominant form of fundraising, entertainmentand identity. Indeed the practice I was

involved within the club is informed by this, though I hasten to add that my

involvement in the studio and music eclipsed my observation of other non-musical

club activities that could have taken the outcomeof the presentwork in various non-

musical tangents. What underpinsthe progressionof projects within and beyond the

club is the DiY ethic of personal and collective responsibility whilst retaining

personaland group autonomy.

As I pointed out in chapterthree,the ethics of DiY have personalautonomy,control

and empowermentas its centrepiece.In terms of action the wider control of recording

and practice rooms by private interestsresults in the majority of DiY musical projects

paying inflated practice and studio costs, thus surrendering control and recording

quality to such interests, impoverishing band members and labels and presenting

added financial pressureon such projects. The chief aim of having a studio in the

is
club primarily to introducehitherto unpractisedrecording studio skills and to enable

bandsto record cheaply. An overarchingreasonis to provide an authenticalternative

to mainstreamstudios where band membersare disconnectedfrom the processesof

recordingtheir music and such skills are off limits to the 'customer'. The project had

alreadybeenpartially realisedthrough the constructionof a practice room from 1998-

2000 which resulted in a cheap-to-rent,secure, soundproofed practice space and

storagearea for bandsin the basementof the club. The practice room and recording

Gordon PhD 146

 studio extendedthe DiY ethic beyond its existing remit of concert promotion, record

label distribution and bands. The walls, power supplies and the false roof of the

practice room were constructedby club members volunteering for shifts, with the

entire project being fundedthroughbenefit concerts,activities and donations39.

The cellar room behind the practice room, earmarkedfor the studio control room,

was roughly eight squaremetresin an L-shapeusedfor generalstoragewith the small

end of the room used to contain the club's floor safe. The aim of my two months of

field work at the club was to:

* Hang doorsto both the entranceand safeareas.

9 To install a soundproofed, sloping roof

* To soundproof all walls, install and cut out a soundproofed control room

window to enable communication between the practice room and control

room. This entailed fixing batons to the walls (drilling and rawlplugging);

cutting fibreglassinsulation to shapeand covering with plasterboard,allowing

for electrical installation of power points, lighting and multicore sockets.

9 Cutting to shape and carpeting the walls once all other tasks had been

completed

Thesetasks beganmid- June and were completed by early August (see appendix 7).

The initial practicewas much more difficult that I originally anticipated.

'9 It should be
noted that, unRe Leeds6 whose houseshave considerable'luxurious' basementspace
for band rehearsals,Bradford musicians had no such space. Indeed the majority of most of the
Bradford musicians interviewed for the project inhabited small flats in Manningharnwhere accessto
the basementwas deniedor, where it did occur,the spacewas too small.

Gordon PhD 147

Doing DiY to BuildA utonomousStudios

As I noted above, participation in Club activities can prove to be a very frustrating

business:'At no stagein the Club's history has the relationship between"ideal" and

"reality" ever been straightforward' the Club guide asserted. Indeed in spite of my

initial enthusiasmI found this to be the casefrom day one. It is no understatementto

assertthat the linl2 to

struggles exist on a daily basis. The lack of volunteersand a

paid ground staff of two meant that I was mostly on my own during the initial stages

of the project with initiative and autonomy becoming my key allies. Audiences and

general punters of the club are rarely seen outside of the Club events. The busy

atmosphereI had witnessed during such events had completely evaporatedto be

eclipsed by a different ethos: one of daily grind, struggle and routine club DiY

business.

Arriving at the club on my first studio fieldwork visit around midday, I expected

to be told what to do. Apart from being advised that I would be involved in the

studio, it was completely down to me to get the project moving. Aware that there

were three other membersof the studio collective, Mr. I, J and X, I suggestedthat we

meet to formulate a strategyto begin work.4o As Mr. J was tied up in the running of

the Club, Mr. I with a full time job and numerous other involvements in the club

including sound engineer, I found that I needed to recruit some help, though this

would take at least a week to realise. Mr. J articulated the overall pressure of

remaining focussedon a single club activity:

J: yeah, it boggeddown a lot becauseit kept going back to the practicalities of people
sort of like people doing stuff, people sort of actually building stuff a lot of people,
becausethey can't, they get ffustrated, becausethey are not very good at it they don't
actually bother coming down like so. It didn't follow straighton from the practiceroom.

40 MiS took
place with generallong term plans discussedand set out, but the three collective members
(with the obvious exceptionof Mr. J) only had input into this project at a distance.

Gordon PhD
 It just carried on with the studio, it was like it just fizzled out a bit. It was good that
someonecamealong and did it.
The first days spent at the club were not involved with work on the studio project.

The autonomousethic of action there means that it is almost completely down to

personalresponsibility to make any activity happenin the club. I initially helpedout

laminating membershipcards, cleanedthe cafd, mopped toilets, washed dishes and

stairs, and assistedwith general tasks: activities that form the backboneto the daily

survival and reproductionof the Club. Indeed,becauseof the lack of volunteersand

staff it became impossible at times to remain focussed on a specific activity.

Members', volunteers' and workers' assistancewas constantly required to allow a

task to be completed. The obvious reasonsfor doing field work at the club, watching

bands, sound engineering,interviewing membersbecameeclipsed by the mundane.

This is an extremelysalientpoint. The reproductiona large scaleDiY activity suchas

the club requires a dedication not to the immediate, visual task of promoting the

event, putting bands on, feeding them or even building the studio, but instead to the

mundane. The thankless tasks of the daily reproduction of the club ensured its

survival and personalautonomy was central to the completion of any task and this

placed additional pressureson the membersand volunteers: issues I will explore in

chapterseven. Here Mr. I exemplified in a diary entry his frustrations at being drawn

into tasksat the club:

Saturday21st Aug 2001

Drop in early at the club to take pastry out of the freezerto thaw, draw some funds from
the PA collective (I'd paid for somecable and connectorsin April with my credit card) -
I needto pay for the truck parts I'm about to collect. As I'm leaving the brewery arrive
with a beer delivery. No one else is aroundso I have to take care of it; as they finish the
bar stewardarrives.They're early, or he's late. But thejob got done anyhow in a spirit of
no panic solidarity. Or something.
In similarity to Mr. I, as a researcherI was drawn to other essentialtasks in the club

and I had either to requestassistance,or becomemotivated enoughto begin the task

Myself Mr. J was askedto show me what the initial tasksof the studio project were.

Gordon PhD
My practical DiY skills were of limited capacitybut I had a determinationto makethe

project happen. J. said that I should begin with hanging a door to allow the safeto be

separatedfrom the main control room. Mr. J was soon called away to anothertask in

the club. I wrote the following in the fieldjoumal once work had stoppedbecauseof

a defectivedrill after my attemptsto fix it becamefruitless:

18/06/00Mr. J arrived back at the club and managedto get the drill going. The problem
was solved by 'banging' the drill on the studio wall. This was not something I was
comfortable with due to the danger of this practice, but after a few 'knocks' the drill
appearedto behaveitself. An interestingpoint to note here was that such activities are
made 'by all meansnecessary'and available and done with the equipmentat hand. In
short a 'make do' operation.Proceedingahead,we managedto make a start on the studio
and drilled the holes in the wooden door frame ready to attach to the door. The most
striking thing herewas that this was MY activity to producethe facilities of DiY cultural
production.
I shall return to the point of building materials and tools shortly. The following

week after the above quote was spent in equal frustration. At almost every turn of

building the studio I found myself either isolated and distracted or struggling to

achieve the task though my lack of practical DiY skills. I began to feel that I was

somehow 'missing' out on the 'real' club activity and that self-observation was

pointless. Mr. J helped where he could as did the volunteer, Mr. H. I even thought I

had recruited a potential volunteer out of an interestedvisitor to the club who offered

his servicesone afternoon and never returned. What was becoming evident to me

whilst I was confined to this dusty basementwas the feeling that I would have to

make things happenif this project was to be of any success. This would involve the

recruitmentof new membersinto the studio collective.

New Members:the Collective

My longstandingrelationshipwith both the Bradford and LeedsDiY punk scenesand

familiarity with the core members allowed the recruitment of two new studio

collective members. During the eveningsI spenttime at gigs, pubs and clubs in Leeds

where a number of the participantsof the DiY scenesocialised. From playing at the

Gordon PhD
 Club on numerousoccasionsI was familiar with one of the soundengineers,Mr. K,

who had helped to both build the club when the building was purchasedand had a

long standing involvement with music. K had moved to Leeds in 1999 and due to

personal issueswith anothermember had reduced contact with the Club. However

when I informed him of the studio project and askedif he wished to be involved he

agreedto put aside personaldifferencesand offer his servicesto build the club. K

was also a studentof soundengineeringat a local university and was thus able to use

this experience during his summer break to expand his knowledge of studio

construction. K lived near myself in Leeds and was able to get lifts from me to the

club at 12pmeachday. He was clear about why he joined in with the studio project:

It will be a good fucking spaceand I meanthe practice room's good enough. I mean it
will be a way, hopefully, of giving peopleskills, again. Hopefully it won'tjust becomea
little fucking, so and so's little recording studio. I do hope people will be able to get in
there and be able to learn the stuff. Erin, and make mistakesand fucking fuck things up
you know and that we'll be able to, you know, gain another rung in the ladder of
production, you know, production sort of thing you know what I mean and it will make
money for the club hopefully. Use the spacethat's there, which is what the fucking
building's for you know.

The secondrecruit, Mr. U, camefrom a club memberwho was involved in the Leeds

squatvenue known as the '120Rats'. He had been heavily involved in the renovation

of that building in the Meanwood area of Leeds from a run-down hovel to a fully

functioning venue with bar, PA systemand living areas. Overhearingmy frustration

regarding the studio project, U immediately volunteeredhis servicesas long as I was

able to give him a lift in my car from Leedsto Bradford.

My reaction to Mr. U madein a reply to Mr. J in interview revealedmy frustration of

beginning the project:

Int: it was totally by fluke. I had no idea how skilled Mr. U was going to be: he wasjust
sat in the cafe one day and I was moaning. I was sat there going 'fucking hell, I have got
to go down that fucking room and sit there. I can't you know lift stuff and get stuff
right., Ilien Mr. U said in one morning said 'I'll come and give you a hand'. And that
was the first time I went 'fucking wowl' You know 'people are willing to help me.
And he camedown and seemedto know what he was doing and that was great.

Gordon PhD
 The project advancedin terms of a team formation and progressedmuch faster than

I anticipated. For the following seven weeks the project worked four to five

afternoonsa week. In addition to this Mr. J fluctuatedbetweenvirtually no contactto

dedicating full attention to the project. The other member Mr. I worked largely in

isolation from us constructingthe studio window at his home. I should also mention

that a number of other volunteers,including band membersand occasionalfriends of

Mr. U, lent a handwhen it was required.41

Tools and Materials

Suitable tools and materialsfor the job proved to be a constantsourceof disruption to

the project. Indeedthe majority of the tools were gleanedfrom various club sources,

were of various levels of quality and were scatteredthroughout the building. The

majority of these implements were in various statesof disrepair and left a lot to be

desired. As I noted abovethe drill was the first stumbling point. With the addition of

Mr. K, he personally supplied his own drill after the initial tool completely broke

down. We had a small amountof money to purchasetools and thesewere procured at

various stagesduring the project.

The materials of the project becamevery interesting and matched the underlying

ethos of the club. Indeed the majority of the wood and other material usedduring the

initial stagesof the project was 'reclaimed'. This was shorthandfor searchingskips

and derelict buildings for the appropriate wood of which there was a large supply.

Large amountsof wood were also sourcedfrom inside the club. The original stageon

the first floor of the club was originally built by Club membersin 1992 for the New

York band, Sick Of It All, to play on. It was only intendedas a temporary measure

but remainedin existencefor over eight years before being replacedby a larger stage.

1Both studio
collective membersMr. U and X politely declinedto be interviewedfor the research.

Gordon PhD
The wood removedfrom the existing stagewas channelledinto the practice room and

studio projects. The recycling of materials is in tandem with the ecological ethical

stance of the club scene. I also noticed a change in myself. I could not pass a

builders' rubbish skip without 'assessing' it for the 'procurement' of potential

building materials. IndeedMr. I, through this sensibility, managedto acquire a large

amount of the studio hardwareout of a skip at the back of one of the local collegesin

addition to personally lending/donating substantial amounts of his own studio

equipment.

Not all of the materials and tools were acquired in this manner. The project had

funds for the essentialbuilding materials. This camefrom four chief sources. Firstly,

Chumbawambadonated E500 for the studio project gleaned from their royalties by

allowing the popular song 'Tubthumping' to be used for a car advert. Secondly, a

number of 'cocktail by
nights' were organised club memberswhich brought in over

flOO; thirdly, a number of benefit hardcore punk gigs produces equal amounts of

money for the project. Finally, one of the central self-generatingfunding methods

was the hourly rate chargedto bandsusing the practiceroom.

The majority of the plasterboard,nails, rawlplugs, screws,fibreglass insulation were

bought at various intersectionsof the project. For larger items, such as plasterboard

for example,this was transportedwith Mr. I's van. The majority of trips were made

in my old VW Beetle. Cashwas taken from the project money stored in the safe and

receiptswere put back so a running total of building costscould be maintained.

Work

The work on the project continued in line with the ethics of the club scene. The

collective organisation of the latter resulted in no single member assumingcontrol.

Gordon PhD
Occasionally, tasks required only two members so inevitably, one of the members

would have to occupythemselveswith generaltasks such as sweepingand tidying up.

I noticed definite changesin my senseof control of the project which tended to

fluctuate where appropriateproblemswere encountered.At the outsetof the project I

was plagued with doubt that the project could be realised, although as the project

progressedmy feelings of confidencegrew and I becameskilled in the use of the tools

and accuratelymeasuringand cutting wood effectively, drilling and attaching it to the

wall with a degreeof accuracy. The senseof teamwork grew in equal strength and

very few arguments occurred. All tensions occurred during particularly delicate

operations such as installing the ceiling. Overall my sense of initiative grew and

rather than being told how to perform a task I went ahead and did it: regardlessof

I
whether was successfulor not. If I struggled with a given task I would ask for

advice and problem-solving then became a collective activity. Occasionally we

would be drawn away from the studio tasks to help with other activities, such as

deliveries of food which required being carried up to the third floor of the building,

due to the building's lift systembeing damagedbeyondrepair.

The sound proofing progressedthrough three main stages. The measurementand

to
cutting shapeof wooden batonsprior to drilling the walls so they could be screwed

and securedto the walls took around two weeks. One person would be measuring,

one drilling and one screwing the batonsto the wall. Fibreglasssheetswere utilised

as soundproofing, cut to shape and placed in the spacesbetween the batons. The

plasterboardswere then measured,sawn to shapeand nailed over the batons. This

was all achieved by carefully taking into account the electrical and light socket

fixings. As Mr. J was a trained electrician, he assumedresponsibility for the overall

wiring of the project, although other membersassistedhim with thesetasks. We had

Gordon PhD
to also cut a rectangleof bricks out of the studio wall in order that the control room

window could be installed to allow visual communicationbetweenthe practice room

and recording studio. This involved fitting a lintel and laying bricks to ensure a

soundproofed'fit'.

Secondly,the ceiling had spacescut for the lights and an accesshatch for the fuse-

box. This proved to be an extremely difficult and demandingtask as I shall discuss

below. Finally the carpetwas procured,measuredand nailed to the walls and ceiling

taking account of the power socketsand light switches. The door was also correctly

hung to bracketoff the Club's safe.

Tea and dinner breaks were collectively voted on and usually occurred when we

deemedthem appropriate. Almost everydaywe were visited by various club members

and friends who came in to check the progress of the project, Occasionally long

discussionswould occur over how the studio could be most effectively utilised as a

club resource; on other occasions, scene and club gossip was the subject of

conversation. At all times the usual distractions would occur. Indeed studio project

members would often not be able to attend to commitments outside of the project.

There.were two memorableeventsthat led to a tenseatmospherein the studio project.

The first was related to the eviction court casefor the squat. This was a sourceof

considerablestressfor Mr. U and an issue I will return to in chapter seven. He was

under pressure to attend the relevant solicitors' meetings, court appearancesand

general squat meetingsto discussstrategies. This had the added pressureof U not

being presentfor someof the studio sessionsand when K had to be elsewhereI was

occasionallyworking on my own on the project.

Gordon PhD
 Secondly,the Bradford riots of July 7th 2001, when the BNP attemptedto march

through Bradford became a memorable piece, in the progression of work on the

studio. Indeedthe club's building on the Saturdayof the riots was a stagingpost for

the Leeds Anti-Fascist action group and the caf6 was open and very busy. Club

security was doubled with members looking out of the top floor before permitting

anyone entrance. We, as a studio collective, had all agreed to be present in the

becauseof threats from the BNP on the club and its membersthrough a race hate

website. On arrival that day, it was discoveredthat there had been an attempt the

previous eveningto set fire to the club by pouring engine oil on one of the walls and

igniting it. Mr. I was explicit here:

in a way the peoplethat are targetingus, causethey have got a long-standinggrudge,that

in a way, helps us, becausethe damagethat was actually done the other day in the riots
was done by people in a momentaryheat, nutters, or rioters, crazinesswhich gave them
enough energy to actually resist and also they were in a mob so they had that mob
mentality, that they gave eachother permission,whereasthe peoplethat camedown here,
like when you are in a mob you don't think anything bad's going to happen to you
whereaspeople aren't afraid they are gonnaget caught. T'hey're not gonna get done for
arson cos that's a heavy rap and they have had time to think about it so they have
probably fucked themselves up by thinking about it too hard, yeah so. You know if they
had driven a blazing car into the fire escapethat would have done the job.

The atmospherein the club that day was tense in light of both the failed arson

attack, and the riots. There were various memberspopping in and out of the building,

returning with occasional reports of what was happening during the run-up to the

riots. Whilst this was happening,

work on the studio proceededas usual, although the

wood was cut in the building as instead of the street as a potential security measure.

The difference to the majority of the previous work on the project was the number of

people who volunteeredto help on the studio for the day. At least four others helped

to complete a large section of the work. However, with some of the most serious

public disturbancessincethe Bristol inner-city riots of 1981progressinglessthan half

a mile from the building, the atmospherewas tense. The audible backdrop to that

Gordon PhD 156

day's project was the soundof police helicopters,breaking glass and police sirens. J

commentedthat we were 'building a studio whilst Romeburned.'

The daily regime of the club had been eclipsed by a tense atmospherethat

penetrated all floors of the building although the club remained inspirational to

newcomers. Here Mr. I is explicit in that people commentedon the value and worth

of the Club:

Here you can ask somebodywhat their favorite twenty albums are. Half of them are
really recent ones becausethey are the ones they rememberthe best. I mean the most
recent thing was just the day of the riots. Cause, loads of people came in. People had
come from London to resist the NF, who didn't turn up, but they were coming in here
and going 'Ohhh, this place is great' and stuff like that. I imagined I was in a First
World War soup kitchen, you know, on this sort of wagon, a few hundred yards away
from the front, causepeople kept coming in talking about what was going on and then
having their burger and going out again. Mobile phoneswere ringing and stuff and I was
just like serving food which is sort of like kind of mundanereally, but it was obvious that
they neededto be fed and they did think that this place was great.
Overall, the riots ironically aided in the studio project's progression,though I have

to admit that fear was very much evident in the general atmosphereof the work

carried out that day. What it also surnmarisedwas the intersection of mutual aid:

membersbandedtogetherin the face of a threat to the club and were there as much to

build the studio asto protectthe building from potential attack.

Mistakes.

During the courseof the studio project a number of mistakeswere made. Wood was

cut to the wrong length, holes drilled in the wrong place and tasks were attempted

either becausea suitable skilled memberwasn't available. It is the ethical sensethat

'by all means' necessarythe task will continue that provided at least two, key

stumbling blocks. The operation of this philosophy often meant that there was no

skilled personpresentto halt the task and inform you that there was a technical error

in progress. Indeed,firstly, myself and K and U installedthe control room window in

.
reverse,meaningthat there would have beena strongreflection obscuring the view to

Gordon PhD 157

the practice room. Mr. I inspectedthe work in our absenceand took it upon himself

to re-install it correctly. Secondly,K and I attemptedto cut, assembleand install the

engineer'shatch in the ceiling. This was, in short, a disaster,althoughwe considered

it satisfactorywith our 'hands on hips' in its presentstate. The following Monday we

arrived to see that it had been perfectly and completely reinstalled by U, who had

come in to work on the project on his own over the weekend.

These two examplesclearly demonstratethat occasionally initiative in the studio

is
project a hindrance to its overall progression. The lack of DiY skills in these

examples led to material, time and efforts being wasted. Equally, with the correct

application of such an ethic the individual effort in tandemwith the appropriateskills

allowed the project to rapidly proceedto the anticipatedstageof completion.

Outcomesand Postscript

The stagesoutlined abovefor the studio were completedby early August, 2001. With

U facing eviction and K returning to focus attention on his college work, the project

stalled for some considerabletime beyond the work we had completed. Without the

time and dedicatedvolunteers,interestwanedbefore being taken up by Mr. I, J and X

later in that year. The next task was to lay the flooring, though this was not completed

until Decemberof that year with the studio equipmentinstalled and fully functioning

by early 2002.

That the studio project ground to halt for this time is testimony to the way that the

Club functions in general. It returnedbriefly to the back of the members' minds until

inspiration surfacedin sufficient amountto advancethe projects' completion. With a

steadylack of volunteersand paid staff, all handswere put to the pumpsjust to keep

the club open. Three years later in 2004, the studio project is now fully up and

Gordon PhD 158

running, replete with digital technology and full 24track ADAT facility, and with a

number of bands successfullyrecording there. These have since been pressedto

either vinyl or CD and standas a testimony to the mutual efforts of all those involved.

The bandsto have recordedthere and releasedrecords are The Devils, Extinction of

Mankind, Ruin and Boxed In.

Throughout the building of the studio the feelings of frustration at the occasional

lack of progresswere counterbalancedwith feelings of successand satisfaction. The

achievement, through collective effort at either getting a section of the work

a
completed, or accomplishing particularly difficult task, resulted in a sense of

fulfilment. When such an accomplishmentoccurredwe would often stand back and

comment on how good the work looked. This was particularly in the eye of the

beholder and on many occasionswhen visitors were gleefully shown some wood

to
screwed a wall or the correct installation of the ceiling joists, we were often met

with puzzled faces and replies of, 'oh, I can see it's taking shape.' However, the

senseof achievementwas not equally sharedby all members. Here Mr. J is candid

aboutthis:

I haven't got the same senseof achievementbuilding the studio as I had building the
practice room because it is like having your second kid or something. It's like you have
done it once. Obviously it's exciting but it's not the first time it's happenedand I think
when I actually heara recording out of it that is when it will hit me the most like.
Whilst J notes the lack of feeling fulfilled, he was enthusiasticthat the freedom and

potential exists in the club to achievethings that were deemedpreviously impossible:

That sensethat you can do what you want, really. Sort of freedom,within reason,to you
know. It's like today we canjust go, right we are going to build a recording studio.

The linl2 provided that specific space and practical application of punk ethics

where these activities can be accomplished if one is prepared to struggle and

perseverewith the project at hand. Its successfulaccomplishmentallows the sharing

of new skills betweenmembers.

Gordon PhD 159

 The euphoric feelings of accomplishmentwithin the group were evident and it is

these feelings that act as a spring to the motivational factors of DiY projects such as

this. Such feelings were revisited and re-occasionedwhen I was informed in 2002,

after I had played the Club with my band, that our set had been recorded live in the

Club studio. On being shown the studio after the show, in full working order

completewith Mr. I the

operating recording technology,I was filled with a huge sense

of achievement. The DiY ethic had been practically extended:Club membershad a

to
chance record cheaply,effectively and to learn new skills. The senseof satisfaction

in terms of DiY cultural productionhad beenextendedfrom merely releasinga record

on a label, getting it distributed and reviewed in fanzines,to the actual control of the

recordingprocess. Mr. R's commentsare accuratein respectof thesesuccesses:

R: I will just start with some of the positive things. I think the practice room and the
studio has definitely improved the club. I am really looking forward to when our band
gets a few songs together is to record in the studio that has been built by friends you
know in a place that we can have. I mean that is everything that I am about with the
band and it was like if we could just have that part of it. If we could havejust pressedthe
fucker there it would have been even better. But I mean that's one amazing, inspiring
growth thing. Just being to
able go and practice in the practice room is a fucking good
laugh aswell. So thosethings are really good.

Overall the frustrations, achievementsand successesof the studio outlined above

standas a testimonyto the attractiveness

of DiY projectsthat extendbeyond the usual

practices of running a label, fanzine, band, distro stall, doing gig promotions and

touring. I'm not belittling the latter, indeedthey are central to the whole remit of DiY

punk. But the extension of the DiY ethic into fresh avenuesof investigation which

results in is
success extremelyrewarding for all thoseinvolved.

The frustrations of the project also serve to illuminate the day-to-day practices and

essential tasks that must be completed in order that the studio can both be built and

continue to exist. The constant reproductive tasks central to the Club meant that there

is an equally high level of member burnout, turnover of volunteers and a lack of

Gordon PhD 160

motivation, especially the completion of essential daily tasks distract and remove

members from achieving goals swiftly. This factor of 'struggle' as the opening

quotationpointed out leadsto memberburnout and sceneexit, an issueI will examine

in chaptereight.

The final point is that in terms of DiY cultural production the creation and

completion of resourcessuch as the studio constitutean act of triumph and resistance

over and againstmass or administeredculture. Whilst such acts are largely ad hoc,

and operate under the anarcho syndicalist badge of mutual aid and 'by all means

necessary',the feelings of achievement,however sporadic they occur together with

the successfulcompletion of a DiY project , are one of the chief motivational factors

of the MY punk scene. The skills that are sharedbeyond the building of the studio

project are in keeping with the generalethos of the Club and the studio project now

functions as a magnetwith which to draw new membersinto the I in 12 Club.

Gordon PhD 161

 Chapter Six: Genre Distinction

The central task of this chapteris to introduce the generalmodel of genredistinction.

This is a transposableexplanatory tool that aids the study of how authenticity is

intentionally/unintentionally used in both spoken discourse and visual gestures. It

operatesthroughout practice, diachronically and synchronically; within and without

the scene; within and without relationships between core, peripheral and semi-

peripheral membership; and functions as an interesting subtext to the analytical

velocity of the ethnographicdatapresentedhere.

My intention is to apply theoretical sandpaperto the glossed surface of punk

authenticity. The result may appear as potentially explosive criticism to those

subcultural. scene members whose vernacular discourse and practice genuinely

operateswithin the ethical guidelines of whatever punk genre they inhabit. The

reasonfor this is that there appearsto be an irony operating right at the heart of punk

culture, which stands for the obliteration of elitism and the adoption of cultural

inclusivity. The core memberof anarcho-punk,fully trained in the politics of DiY, by

default trades in the language of potentially elitist discourse: be it vernacular or

otherwise. I make no apologiesfor what follows.

GenreDistinction

The combinationof primary and secondaryinvestigationproducesa subculturalscene

body of knowledgeand experiencefor the actor. This is usedto presentthe subjectas

authentic through regular use of appropriate discourse in the collation of what

Thornton (1995) calls 'subcultural capital'. The problem with this term is that it is too

wide in referenceand has little to say either about how it operatesdiscursively in the

production of subcultural authenticity within the peer grouping or how it specifically

Gordon PhD 162

locatesan individual in such a position. Instead,I offer the term 'genre distinction.'

Not only does this concept dispensewith the financial implications of the word

4capital'; it also and equally draws upon the aspectsof Bourdieu's (1984) conceptof

cultural capital which invokes how specific dispositions and comPetencesshapeand

inform taste cultures. The concept of genre distinction has specific meaning with

regard to the punk subcultureand serves a plurality of functions in relation to the

construction of subcultural authenticity. The use of genre distinction leads to the

acceptanceof the participant in wider punk peer groupingsallowing them to trade in

the authenticdiscourseof punk rock.

Tbornton (1995:11) argues that subcultural involvement becomes 'hipness,

referring to this as 'subcultural capital', yet she reveals little of how her participants

amassedsuch capital prior to full engagementwithin the subcultural.scene. Chapter

three establishedthe point that the subculturalsceneentrant is chiefly concernedwith

the appropriationof the necessaryskills that allow a participant to contribute to punk

subculture and equally to present themselvesto their peers as an authentic scene

member through primary and secondary investigation. The amassing of such

experience into
transposes authenticconduct: the subsequentsubcultural memberhas

at their disposalknowledgeof previoussubculturalexperienceswhich permits them to

conduct reciprocal authentic subcultural activities and to simultaneouslydistinguish

themselvesfrom inauthenticconduct. Authenticity, or the presentationof oneself as

such within the subcultural scene,is therefore central to the subsequentactions and

conduct within subcultural groupings if one is to be acceptedinto them. It is my

contention that there is a potential subtext to DiY punk that on the one hand views

inauthentic action both with suspicion, scom, jealousy and fear, whilst on the other

hails authenticaction with awe, respectand subculturalhonour. However, the reverse

Gordon PhD 163

of the previous statementis also applicable here in that overly authentic subcultural.

practice may produce scom and inauthentic action, praise and sympathy. Through a

detailed application of genre distinction such processesare renderedvisible on four

clear fronts discussedbelow.

Primary and secondary investigation provides, through heuristic activity, the

subcultural tools of what is relatively deemedto be the approachto authentic scene

conduct. Authentic practice, those activities that reciprocally operatein tandemwith

the ethical frameworks of punk (see chapter three), can be used at a number of

reciprocal levels- discursiveand extra-discursive- to simultaneouslyinterpellateand

hail the subcultural practitioner as a bona fide, authentic member and reciprocal

members as either inauthentic impostors, 'poseurs' or outsider group members

inhabiting a peripheral,insignificant or uninterestedsubculturalstate.

What I am suggestingthus far relatesto the idea of amassingwhat can be considered

genre distinction within a plurality of different levels. The evocationof bands,places,

people, records, venues, fanzines, distros and almost any facet of subcultural punk

activity and knowledge(the list is both contextually endlessand historically relative),

collected through primary and secondary investigation, has a potential rhetorical

purpose to it. When used in the service of an actor's subcultural credibility, such

knowledge can be used as both markers of the subject's authentic and inauthentic

status.

As most of the interviews retrospectively examined participants' subcultural

involvement, most of the genresinvolved in punk and hardcorecould be easily quoted

from a 'knowing subject' subculturalposition within a given scene. Such usageis not

innocent in all casesand in many respectsservesa clear rhetorical purpose. Genre

usageand the demonstrationof this knowledge are central in the construction of that

Gordon PhD 164

subjectas an authenticmemberand participantof the subculture. Suchdevicescan be

used to perform simultaneouslypejorative put-downs in the defence,production and

bolstering of one's own authentic subcultural practice or, instead, to defend the

subject's own version of authenticsubculturalpractice. So this presentsthe question:

how is genre distinction used in the construction, defence and identity of the

practitionerpunk culture?

The central aim of this is to assert how the fine-tuned examination of genre

distinction demonstratesthe long-standingcontinuity of the punk genre(s)as a whole

and thwarts attemptsto place endpoints upon punk while also historically locating

some of the claims and counterclaimsabout competing genresand their contribution

to authentic punk practice. I wish to note that this section is by no means a

comprehensiveoverview of all punk genres over the past twenty-five years (thus

ironically placing myself as the authenticauthorof a fully informed and 'all-knowing'

historical document!). I focus only on the claims madein the interviews regardingthe

initial influence that certain musical genreshad on the interviewees in their specific

forms of subculturalpractice.

What follows is an account of how these interrelated sections of discourse are

played out in the interviewees' statementsof entranceinto punk culture. I take careto

note here that theseare not mutually exclusive,partitioned gcommonplaces' (Billig et

al, 1992: 17) of discourse and instead mutually inhabit each other. Within this

conceptionof genredistinction I presentfour non-mutually exclusive tools and their

subsequentethnographicexamplesto identify how authenticity is constructedwithin

the discourse and practice of punk. These are: the authentic original; membership

badges;genrelocation indicators;and the relatedyet hated.

Gordon PhD 165

 TheAuthentic Original

'Back in the day' was/is a common everyday term used by subcultural membersto

refer back to a 'golden age' of subculture/sceneactivity. One of the most common

examples of this in punk discourse is for participants to refer to a subjectively

considered 'classic' period of punk rock in the 1970s and the associatedebates

betweenUS and UK versions of punk rock or some important subcultural 'heyday',

specific to the participant's experience,involvement and historical, geographical,and

cultural location.

Specifically, the authentic original relates to musical genres that are used by the

informants to rhetorically define what is and what is not deemedto be punk rock.

This operatesalong both a geographical,ethical and historical timeline. As when Mr.

I below talks of the 'pointless wanking' of progressiverock, he sets up punk as an

authentic alternative musical discourse, simultaneously offsetting other, previous

genres as inferior, in
elitist or substandard contrast to the 'honesty' of the punk

aesthetic. This method of rhetorically 'putting down' past, presentand future musical

genresof punk (and other musical genres)is a method of constructing the speaker's

authentic version of punk. The most common form of such discourseis related to

either the origins of punk rock or to the 'classic' period of punk that is said to have

existedfrom 1977-79.

One of the ways in which authenticityin music is defined is by rhetorically marking

out a particular genre in contrastto others,which are deemedsuperficial, pretentious

or sham. This strategy is strongly in evidencein the contradistinction of punk and

progressiverock. It is clearly illustrated by Mr. I:

During the seventieswhen I was kind of a young, middle teenagermy peer group were
all into this kind of Genesisand Yes [music] and I kind of knew it was wrong but I
couldn't put my finger on what it was. Er it seemedlike you had to pretendyou liked it

Gordon PhD 166

 even though you didn't. And I didn't really Re it, I meanboth of thosebandshave the
odd good tune but thereis really an enormousamountof pointlesswanking.
Here, the first claim of knowing there was something wrong with the music is

invoked against the tastes of Mr. I's Peers. 'Pointless wanking' is a pejorative,

descriptively inflated put-down which both articulates Mr. I's unease with the

exclusivity of leading music genresin the mid- I 970s,and preparesthe ground for his

own identification with the inclusivity of punk, which is then set up in opposition to

what is commonly regardedas a self-indulgent, even shameful activity. No one,

exceptpossibly the most abjectmasochist,wants to be defined as, or associatedwith,

4pointlesswankers'.

Paradoxically,though, this is a sharpboundary demarcationthat runs againstthe

notion of punk culture as inclusive since it requires that 'authentic' music be

performatively dissociatedfrom what is construedas 'inauthentic' (pop, progressive

rock, or whatever). Mr. I stated that when Peel first played the Ramonesin 1976

againstthe backdropof the progressiverock of the time, he thought it was a joke, yet

a hugely influential one:-

I thought it was a joke and then I realisedthat it wasn't. I worked out that it was full of
energy. You can namethis record to your mate and say "here, listen to this it's exciting
straightforward and direct." Previously my friends would lend me records and they
would be saying "listen to this" if you don't like it meansthat I am cleverer than you
which wasn't a deal that I wantedto be in. So [I heard] the Damned,TIe Ramoneslike
millions of other people the music they heard on John Peel got me involved in punk
(emphasismine)

Here the specific tool for identifying the construction of authenticity is I's

oppositional self/other depiction of early punk music as initially 'a joke' before

recognition of its authenticity (againstthe implied alienating and exclusive properties

of progressiverock). Suchrecognition is implied within the claims that suchmusic is

'straight-forward and direct', exemplifying how primary investigation is carried out

and interpreted. The referencehere is not so much to the 'pointless wanking' of

progressive rock (though he does refer to status-seeking)as to the rhetorical

Gordon PhD 167

constructionof early punk's musical simplicity, yet the result is the same. What is set

up is an authentic, original marker of distinction against progressiverock and the

perceivedaestheticelitism Mr. I identified with it.

Early divisions were evident over peer interpretations of American and English

punk genresand this reflecteddivisions betweenthe UK and US in the late 1970s. As

Mr. R madeclear, suchdivisions could havealarming consequences:

-

My local like Sid Vicious characterkind of guy modeledhimself on Sid or whatever. I

used to think of myself as a bit of a Johnny Ramoneyou know I had kind of like long
hair. This guy came up to me and he's like wiggling going "the hippy, hippy shake!"
This was on Armstrong Bridge in Newcastleand it's a hundredfoot drop and he cornered
me with his mates 'cause my matesgot away, and he's like giving me shit for being a
hippie, which is ridiculous as I had a Ramonesshirt on. The guy didn't get it you know.
My Chopper [bike] was thrown over and they had basically picked me up and were
threateningto throw me off this bridge. They could have fiicking killed me and I was
terrified.
The above division is made clear from Mr. R's testimony through his

discrimination between'punks at the time who got it and punks who didn't. ' Here the

claims of being into the Ramonescan be identified as 'authentic original' statements

of genre distinction. The Sid Vicious 'look-alike' in this example, in constructed

through both his identification with the 'second hand' look of UK punk and is also

capturedin his misrecognition of what R refers as the authentic original punk look

with what he and the band consideredcentral in the formation of the punk genre.

Those who didn't 'get this' were performatively hailed by R as inauthentic and

indexical to their subcultural ignorance was the potential for misconstruedpractice.

However, what this quotation equally offers is an example of the extra-discursive

businessthat visual subcultural symbols play. Here, R highlights that an authentic

memberof the subculture- one who appliesgenredistinction correctly - would avoid

inauthenticaction such as misreadinghaircuts and t-shirts and 'hippyness' when they

are allegoriesof an authenticreading of US punk. However terrifying, R's assailants

Gordon PhD
were punk parochials. Their transatlantic illiteracy substantially diminished their

subculturalstatusas genuincparticipantsin punk.

What is clear from the above examplesis how the category of 'authentic original'

operatesthrough the award of authentic subcultural credentialsto the speakerwhilst

simultaneously 'othering' inauthentic genres/participants, whose reciprocal

understandingof 'early genres of punk' (Ramones)were initially understood and

presentedas misguided. Through such devices the subcultural past is constructed

along a plurality of potential strategies. The authenticoriginal can be used to either

authenticatethe speaker through their association/first hand experience and long-

standing knowledge of it; it can educate and inform an potentially subculturally

inexperiencedlistener; produce envy, admiration and a plethora of mixed emotional

from
responses/reactions the listener; and finally serve as a marker of the length of

subculturalexperiencea participant has gainedthat is not specifically restrictedto the

boundariesof the subculture.

MembershipBadges

These are the historically and culturally relevant, visible and spoken categoriesand

discourses that interviewees used in order to place themselves, or demonstrate

knowledge of, key historical subcultural intersections, thus potentially asserting

themselvesas authentic subjects. Where the 'authentic original' category involved

mentioning salient and important band names, records, concerts, places, and most

importantly, rhetorical discoursesassociatedwith genres,the intervieweeswere able

simultaneouslyto identify a specifically located punk practice couched in cultural,

social and historical spaceand also demonstratethe extent of their knowledge of the

sub-genresand scenes of punk. Membership badges are both synchronic and

diachronic. For example,the older intervieweesmentionedthe 'classic'punk bandsof

Gordon PhD 169

the 1977-79period. Later bandswere associatedwith different genresof punk that

derive from the international interpretations of either the American, English (as

demonstratedby R in the previous example) or European/USpunk styles such as

hardcoreand straight edge. In addition to this, the use of membershipbadgesactsas a

demonstrationof 'insider' knowledge of both past and presentsubcultural.activities.

By mentioning specific genreswithin the interview setting and through monitoring

general talk and action within the ethnographic field, the confirmation of one's

knowledgeof the culture and statusas a scenememberis either confirmed or at stake.

I have chosenone specific examplewherethe wider argumentsof authenticity in punk

are rehearsedand act as a catalyst for secondaryinvestigation for Mr. J. The adept

articulation of this discussionactsas a membershipbadgeof genredistinction.

Mr. J was involved with the heavy rock subcultureuntil the early eighties when he

beganto feel that the separationbetweenperformer and audiencewas still apparentat

the concertshe attended. The secondaryinvestigation of punk presenteditself as a

solution to this problem. Thus, for J, underground punk genre provided what he

consideredto be the authenticsolution to this problem.

It wasn't until the eighties'till I startedrealising that that all the gigs I was going to were
sort of. us band, you audiencesort of thing. Everything was sort of bleak. As soon as
you got through the door at the venuethey just try to bleedyou dry. After going to a few
gigs at the NEC, just feeling like completecattle. I sort of bumped into a few matesfrom
the heavy rock days and sort of my mate John, who had pink spiky hair and was hanging
out with GBH. We got nattering and I started hanging around and went to see Big
Country. That was sort of a semi punk gig and it had loadsof energyin a little venueand
that was good. I meanthat was it. You know when you get into somethingand go this is
where I want to be, this is like what I have beenafter.
Whilst this sectionof the interview neatly demonstrateshow affiliations with more

suitable peers and peer group scenesare secondarily investigated,sought after and

formed, it also illustrateshow authenticknowledge of the subcultureas a membership

badgeis usedto portray the speakerasthe same. Here J's criticisms of corporaterock

concerts demonstratesand repeats some of the well-rehearsedearlier critiques of

Gordon PhD 170

popular music that punk dependedupon. The separationof band from audience-

'you band, us audience'- is noted alongsidethe high cost of attendingsuch events-

'bleed you dry' - togetherwith the facelessnessof the events-'feeling like complete

cattle'. This is presentedas inferior to, and less authentic than, the status of what J

to
refers as a 'semi punk gig' where 'there was loads more energy' in a 'small venue.

Here is where the authenticity is located for J while repeatingthe wider argumentof

corporate versus small 'semi punk' gig acts as a membership badge. The adept

navigation of sucha debateconfirms J's statusas a subculturalmemberfully awareof

the contentiousdebatesthat underpinthe authenticity of punk rock. The use of 'semi

punk gig' belies the knowledge that J has of what he considersan authentic punk

concert. The use of such additional terms such as GBH as his peer group also

J
establishes within the genreof streetpunk. T'his was achievedthrough the interview

discourse of his recognition of myself as a fellow subcultural member during the

interview.

GenreLocation Indicators

In similar ways to membership badges,these locate the interviewee's authenticity

within a specific cultural

geographical, and historical juncture in punk culture. Such

indicators include visible and spoken referencesto bands/members,records, labels,

venues,fanzinesconcerts,social events,and key figures within a specific scene. The

use of such terms is complicatedsince it can an

either represent innocent recollection

of a time and a sceneand the potential sharing of newly discoveredbands, records,

labels, websites,concert dates etc., or an elitist signal of cultural knowledge that is

usedto demonstrateevidenceof authenticparticipation of the punk genre,rhetorically

setting asideor displacingthe speakerfrom those who are deemed'inauthentic'or ill-

informed membersof the culture. Mr. C mentionedthe 1987 Radio One John Peel

Gordon PhD 171

 sessionsas influenceson his subculturaldevelopment. This surfacesrepeatedlyas a

mainline media supportof DiY punk culture. C notedthat

at that time you had John Peel doing the Radio One Show and he was putting out Peel
sessionswith like Heresy,The Stupidsand Napalm Deathand so you know it was like an
early building block sort of state.
Here the specific knowledgeof John Peel's sessionsare invoked in addition to some

of the key bands mentioned during that time. The dual purpose of this statement

firstly locatesthe speakeras having the specific subcultural knowledge of the period
42
of hardcorepunk popularisedby John Peel in 1987 as 'britcore' Secondly,use of
.
the phrase'early building block sort of state' (my emphasis)locatesthe speakerin the

subculturalpresentdemonstratingthe appropriationof sufficient subcultural historical

knowledge to show they understandprevious genre's roles in the construction of the

present.

However the previous quote fails to demonstratethe use of spatial and geographical

genre location indicators a

within specific scene. In what follows the speakerusesa

number of subcultural colloquialisms as geographicalmarkers in the Leeds/Bradford

hardcoreand punk scenes.

0: basically with a questionabout the I in 12 is like facing me with like a question about
Leeds 6 basically, cause it's been there for years, it's like I was going to I in 12 gigs
before the Club building existed for fucks sake! Erin, I guess I'm a circumstanceof
geographyreally becauseI was born and brought up within [a] close proximity of Leeds
and Bradford.
Here the speakernavigates between innocent location indicators specific to the

Leeds subcultural sceneby using Leeds 6 as a point of geographicallocation and

pejorative 'authentic original' statementsthrough the claim that he attendedthe lin12

club gigs before they obtained a grant for their own building. The innocent term

Leeds6 could be readas a straightforwardgeographicalreference,but the interviewee

is using the term as a mutual scene location point with the interviewer. In this

42SeePeel's introduction Mudrian (2004)

to

Gordon PhD 172

instanceLeeds 6 has an invested subcultural knowledge and value in that if offers

predominantly (but not totally) the potentially informative location of the majority of

participantsin the DiY sceneof that area. Repletewith such knowledge,the speaker

is able to demonstratesufficient knowledge as to render them as an authentic scene

to
member other participants. This is
point also of equal value for the sharing of

subcultural scene knowledge. As I noted in the previous chapter with regard to

primary and secondary investigation, knowledge is subculturally shared though

heuristic investigation. Here genrelocation indicators can equally function to point a

subcultural.peer to a specific subculturallocation of activity, band, label, venue,time

place genreetc. Not only is the sharedelementand aspectof mutual aid in DiY punk

rock made explicit in such examplesbut also it equally illustrates how subcultural

knowledgebecomesa sharedscenephenomenon.

Hated YetRelated

This term refers in discourseand practice to what is deemedby the interviewee as

acceptableand unacceptablesubculturalgenresand scenes,some of which were cited

as key influenceson their entrance. (hated)

Unacceptable genresare legion within the

discourseof musical authenticity. Within this discourse,progressiverock has already

been mentioned. Pop, ska punk and mainstreamversions of punk (Blink 182 and

Green Day are key examples) have been spoken of in my interviews in terms of

vitriolic animosity and were largely judged, with the exception of Mr. V who has a

predilection for ska punk, to be inauthenticgenresof punk rock. Such acceptanceand

hostility in the discourse of punk serve to locate authenticity within the accepted

frames of genre distinction. The 'hated and related' is of key importance to those

bands decried for having 'sold out' (see chapter nine). Those subcultural practices

that have shifted attention from the core ethical values of DiY punk attract vitriol,

Gordon PhD
scorn, and stereotypical othering and are generally treated as distasteful and

unattractive practices from those members who view them as counter to their

subculturalsceneaims. Mr. R presentsa rather telling and lengthy exampleof this in

his discussionof what he considersto be the practicesthat contravenehis version of

DiY ethics:

R: You know I can't claim to have a monopoly on punk you know what I mean it is all
over the shop. I find that the history is reinventing things which is, and I'll conclude
with this, but history reinventing stuff and you really notice it as you get older is that
things get misrepresentedand you realise no it wasn't like that: what are you on about
you know? You realiseit and I dunno,that whole strain of stuff that I have beena part of
with Flat Earth [records] and that whole anarcho stuff through the nineties and the
British, northern hardcore scene and the label and the stuff that you are involved in
yourself and that whole part of it, I would say it is not really getting its dues, it is not
really getting recognised. It's like all these other things have kind of overtaken it.
Becausewe haven't got the big marketing tools and we are not marketing our shit you
know like PhD [distribution] or someone'sjust like swamping. You know somewankers
like that: Victory Records you know these are people that I particularly despiseyou
know. These are peoplewho arejust cynical businesspeople you know. They are just
cunts,you know, I haven't got a betterword for them I'm afraid. I hatethem. And I hate
what they stand for and they standfor bullshit and capitalism and nothing else. And the
fact that people like me, who are trying to make a change,trying to fight against this
bullshit they arejust being swampedby this and I find that that is the case. ButIthinkas
long as I have got a breathin us we will still exist and we will just do our own thing. But
my perspectivehasdeflinitelychangedfrom a big, world changingthing. A big explosive
thing like the Crassand the whole anarchopunk thing was big enoughto ensnarea lot of
people into it and then you have got this very localised, very small undergroundthing
that you are part of causethat is just how it is at the minute. Err, I don't know, DiY does
not have to be small but for me it is what I considerworth it. Errm and it's just that there
is so much bullshit out there.I fucking hateeveryone[laughter]. I think I'll just quit.

What R is castigatinghere is what he considersto be the biased rewriting of punk

history, with the activities of northernDiY hardcoreand punk rock being ignored. He

is specifically pointing to what he seesas a rewriting and abandonmentof someof the

core ethical practicesaroundwhich he has run his record label for the best part of two

decades:his present subcultural scenereality has been eclipsed and ignored by the

practices he stands counter to. That corporate marketing strategies of the PhD

distribution company or the larger independentrecord labels such as New York's

Victory recordshaveobscuredthe core reasonsfor being involved in punk rock, for R

meant that the political and ethical dimensionshave been equally excised. R feels

animosity towards this - 'I hate what they stand for and they stand for bullshit and

Gordon PhD 174

 capitalism and nothing else' - and this in turn increasesthe pressurefor him to

continue running his small DiY record label 'as long as I have a breath in us then we

will still exist'. A central point here is that through the hated and related [other] the

energy is generatedfor the DIY punk to carry on regardlessof the strugglesinvolved

in the maintenanceand reproductionof the DiY project.

There is an unwelcome,yet essentialreciprocal relationship betweenthosepractices

deemed 'un' DiY and the practices described below. Authentic DiY production

requiresthe other wider non DiY scenesof punk rock as a benchmarkin order to both

construct and identify itself. This is not applicable in all cases,yet the catalyst for

action, in this caseDiY, has to be activities that are deemedoppressive,part of the

system,major music industry, racist, homophobic,sexist etc. Without such, the DiY

scene loses the anchor of its identity. Yet the reverse can equally be the case:

animosity is aimed at what are often deemedpolitically correct club members,from

those participants of the non-DiY punk scenewho have equal claims on their punk

reality. Here this position is articulatedby Mr. BS, a punk in a pub in Bradford who

interrupted one of my interviews when he found out I was associatedwith the One in

Twelve.

B: the early days,yeah it was set up by the old punks and stuff, yeah, hippies and punks,
yeah it were alright. You got all the fucking geeksin there now who you know, don't eat
meat, that you know, got a little bit of a line with that now. But, hey, practice what you
preach! If that comesinto it, practicewhat you preachfor Christ's sake. And they don't
know what they've beenpreachingso they don't evenknow how to practiceit.
Apart from the obvious and interesting evocation of the authentic original category

of 'the early days' those who run the club 'now' are castigatedas 'fucking geeks'.

What is interestinghere is that there is scorn placedupon the I in 12 from thosepunks

who see their version of punk rock tainted by perceived newcomersto the scene.

Equally I surmiseClub memberswould respondwith equal vitriol. It would be easy

here to replace 'hated yet related' with the term counterculture,but the transferability

Gordon PhD 175

 of the present model allows the negation political impositions in order that the

rhetorical strategiesbe unveiled.

The hated yet related is an exceptionally poignant issue that drives the practice of

DiY punk: the needto remain autonomousand independentfrom what is deemedun

DiY, the needto retain control over the cultural production in order that political and

artistic statementscan be authentically producedwithout the appropriation of capital

for personal gain. The MY punk sceneis chiefly constituted though its reciprocal

Other. It strives to be what the other is not, yet at times they become difficult to

distinguish from each other. To the untrained observer,whose interests lie beyond

those things punk, such issues may appear trivial or insignificant, yet to those

involved the maintenanceand reproductionof the MY culture becomesan extremely

rewarding,taxing and equally frustrating pursuit.

Together these four analytical categories allow the investigation and analysis of the

symbolic production of subculturalauthenticityand the struggle for independencethat

are the subtextsof the following ethnographicaccounts.

Conclusion

This chapterhas sought to illuminate and establishthe transposablemodel of genre

distinction and its four non-mutually exclusive sub-sections that illustrate how

authenticity is conveyedin subcultural discourse,gestureand cultural action. I shall

exemplify the practical value of this model in the following chapter in relation to the

reciprocal activities within and between the two subcultural scenesof Leeds and

Bradford. This model will also prove its analytical worth when the subsequent

dilemmasof 'selling out' are discussedin chapternine.

Gordon PhD 176

 Chapter Seven: Authenticity in Action

Cops and Robbersis a publication that attemptsto encouragethe MY ethic. This is a

term that hasno fixed definition and meansdifferent things to different people. The gigs
advertisedin Cops and Robbersare all DiY to some degree. That is all door takings go
to cover the costs involved in promoting the event. The promotersdon't take a cut for
themselves. Not all the bands are necessarilyDiY, some may have managers,have
major label involvement or music pressconnections,but at least by playing a DiY gig
they are forced to prescribe to this idea for one evening at least and your money isn't
going to support an industry basedupon competition and back-stabbing. MY is about
taking control of your own life and shunningbig business,corporateattitudesand all the
bollocks that you have to put up with from people who think that money meanssuccess
(Cops and Robbers# 9, October 1998).

Introduction

This is the second chapter dedicatedto the practical activities in the ethnographic

work in Leedsand Bradford. It is organisedinto three sections.

Firstly, participant observationfrom l0am-6prn at the Out of Step record shop in

Leeds will be outlined, paying specific attentionto how the previous model of genre

distinction is evident in subculturalscenediscourseand gesturewithin the record shop

setting. I shall also expand one the issuesof punk ethical dilemmas as they relate to

the commercialactivities of the DiY punk record shop.

The second section is concernedwith evening 'concerts', bands, and promotion

under the rubric of DiY sceneorganisation. A large proportion of the organisational

activities prior to the successfulcompletionof the gig occursright acrossthe temporal

spectrumof DiY punk practice. The majority of the gigs I attended/playedduring the

four month fieldwork period took place from approximately: 6pm - 2am and beyond.

The exception to this was the matinee festival and the 'early start' gig; such events

generally began around 12pm with matinees finishing around 6pin whilst festival

endingswere relative to the venue'slicence curfew.

Thirdly, the ethical similarities and differences between multi-sited Leeds and

single-siteBradford sceneswill be examinedpaying specific attention to the points of

Gordon PhD 177

departure where the identity of DiY punk becomes diffuse. This final section

represents the reciprocal relationship between the adjacent cities and will present an

examination of the similarities, and occasionally contentious differences, between

members of the two scenes along the lines of the differences previously outlined in

chapter four. Indeed the two groupings occasionally negotiated and constructed their

own authentic position within the subculture through and between their relationship to

the opposite CitY43.

Leeds: 'Out ofStep' With the World

The secondplacementI was involved in was at the Leedsrecord shop Out of SteP44.

Establishedin 1999by two friends Mr. V and Mr. Z (not interviewed), the shop was

realised after the pair (both of whom had gained experienceworking both inside of

the music businessand in chain record stores)bought the remains of a distribution

stall of a friend in Manchesterwho no longer wished to sell records at gigs. Mr. V

recalled how the shopbegan:

I worked for Polygram for a bit and stuff Re that. And I just startedtalking to people
I
really and spoke to one of my friends I knew in Leedsand he said Mr. Z is working in a
record shop, he's still working in Virgin, he used to work in record shops up north and
stuff, maybe you should give him a ring. I phoned him I was like well do you fancy
openinga shop and it was like, yeah. And erm, I spoketo him in Manchestera few times
it
and seemed like a good idea. Then a mate of mine in Manchesterdid a big distro I
always used to buy records off gave up doing the distro. He just said right well my
girlfriend's said we're moving house and I've got to get rid of it all causethere's no
room for it, it takes up too much time, here's a list of stuff you can buy. He was just
giving them out to everybodyin Manchestersaying, and I was like oh right, I was going
through it and going, oh that's a good record and that's a good record. I was like 'how
much for the lot?' And he like gave us a really cheapprice and I bought all his distro off
hirn. Then becauseMr. Z knew peopleat Revelationand different record labels like that
and they had stuff over here at different distros and we just started getting stuff a bit
cheaper.I think they were just helping us out really. In the end we got quite a lot of
stock really cheapand we searchedround for a shop. We got in touch with the Wisdom
[skateboard shop] who had this shop in Bradford that wasn't doing too well, but they

43seeappendices4,5,6,7 in
relation to this chapter.
44Out of Step (With the World) is a 1983 song by the Washington D.C hardcoreband, Minor 11ireat,
whose lyrical intention was to detail the struggle of living a straight edge lifestyle in a culture wholly
colonized by hedonistic practices. The singer, Ian Mackaye, is often popularized as being one of the
originators of the anti-hedoniststraight-edgehardcore. See,for Example Lahickey (1998) for a robust
accountof the first fifteen yearsof this culture. Seealso Blush (2001)

Gordon PhD 178

 were up for moving over here (Leeds]so we were like we'll do the shop together. Half
the rent, half the electric, half the everything. So we just did it like that. (Emphasis
authors)45
I was a participant observerat the collectively run shop for just over six weeks.

Entrance was securedthough my familiarity with both V and Z on account of my

band playing Leedsand Bradford DiY showsand through my customat the shop over

the previous years. Unlike the studio project there was no real goal other than to sell

records, though this view was soon counteredthrough observation. On many points

this was an entirely different mode of operationto the Iinl2 club. The businesswas

by
privately not collectively owned two people although decisionswere made on an

equal footing. The I in

skills procuredwere terms of stock control, ordering and retail

organization. I also learnedhow to take credit card paymentsand operatea till. In

short this was a retail placement. However there were salient points of departure.

The LeedsDiY scenein 2001 was a vibrant and well-populatedsubculturalscenewith

a broad spectrum of DiY punk and hardcore genres in clear evidence. This was a

multi-sited and facetedsubcultural.arena. Bradford in comparisonhad the Club as its

centrepieceof DiY activity: Leeds had numerous examples of this activity. I will

return to theseissuesduring the final sectionof this chapter.

Unlike the feelings of initiative and integrity evidently observedin the Club, I was

mostly told what to do and also capitalized on my previous experienceas a retail

assistantin Nottingham in 1998. Long term goalshad beeneclipsedwith quiet times,

where one talked to the people from Wisdom, hung out in the street, smoked or

ordered cups of tea and coffee from the Turkish deli two shops down the street.

Situatedat the back of the Corn Exchange- the Leedsintersectionof once bohemian

stalls which also formed the weekend 'hangout' for primary and secondary

45RevelationRecordsis
one of the original New York straightedgerecord labelscurrently operating out
Los Angeles. SeeLahickey (1996).

Gordon PhD 179

 investigation teenage subcultures- Out of Step merged with a number of small

second hand retro clothing businesses,tattooists, body-piercing emporiums, head

shops, cafes and general bric-a-brac boutiques. However, together with the

skateboardretailer in the shop at the time, the shop presenteda social arenaripe for

primary and secondarysubculturalsceneinvestigation.

The shop usually turned aroundE250 a day and more at weekends. I worked there

from 10 -5pm four days a week and worked to a rota system with both V and Z

shadowing me in the early stagesof the placement. The shop held well over three

thousanddifferent punk and hardcorerecordsand CDs in addition to fanzines,t-shirts,

stickers, band videos and various subcultural 'trinkets'46. DiY music was held there

from all over the world and sold as cheaply as possible. My role was to serve,play

recordsthe customerswanted to hear, keep the music aisles in alphabeticalorder and

return sold record sleevesand CD casesback to the aisles if they were still in stock,

to
otherwise place the storagecardsin the reorderbox.

The backboneof this shop under the bannerof the MY ethic of independenceand

self-managementwas the production of genre distinction. I would have struggledto

have worked in this shop had I not had a working knowledge of punk and hardeore

music. This is an extremely salient point which I will discuss in more detail below.

The shop appearedvoid of such ethical concerns,though I will assertbelow that this

was not the case.It took the form of three observeddilemmas.

1) TheEthical ConsumerDilemma47

46 The shop
also sold badges, patches, plastic figures of famous band members, such as Ozzy
Osbourne,Kiss AC/DC etc.
47Horton, D (2004).

Gordon PhD 180

As I noted the shop could be read as any other business. With both Z and V

committed to the practice of DiY, both at the shop and in their extra shop 'activities',

this was certainly not the case, though it dramatically shifted between these two

planes at various junctures. The precursor to Out of Step is the distro stall, a self-

managedrecord stall of various sizesfound at most DiY gigs in tandemwith the DiY

ethic of accessibility and low prices. The latter is chiefly concerned,with selling

records to the subculture. Here the shop was attempting to increasethe range of

music for sale by encompassingthe multitude of genresthat not only exist within

punk and hardcorebut also metal and select forms of rock music. Such punk genres

did not instantly appearin the shop and this only happenedthrough a gradual period

V
of negotiation. expandsupon suchissues:

when we first talked about doing the shop, cause obviously I didn't know what was
involved in doing the shop and neitherdid Z. I was saying right we'll have all the CDs at
four quid and no major label stuff and all this. People,when we first opened,and a lot of
the kids, were coming in - literally three or four a day - saying, 'got anything by
Sublime?Got anything by these' and they were all on major labels. And we didn't stock
it. Then after like four, five monthsor somethingone kid come in and asked[for a major
label record] and he said 'have you got it?' and I was like 'no we haven't got it. Out of
interestmate how much is it?' and he said loh, I'll get it in HMV it's alright I'll get it in
there'. And I went 'how much is it in theremate? ' and he went 'twenty two pound'. We
looked at the list and we knew we could get it cheaperand if we stocked it, causeit is
still the samesort of music, it's just that some of those bands are on a major label. And
it's like we can do it for five, six, seven,eight pound cheaperthan that. And it's like well,
so what do we do: we say we're not going to stock it because it's on a major label or, are
we gonna stock it and save loads of money. At the sametime while they are picking up
that there might be somethingon the stereoin the shop where they go 'what's that? That's
really good', 'Oh it's a band from Leeds does the same sort of thing, it's four quid mate if
you want it'.
The latter is an exampleof the dilemma of selling-out or compromisingthe ethical

concerns at the centrepiece of the DiY scene. Issues touching on the

commercialisation of punk, profiting from it and competing with other record shops

are the concerns at stake here. Indeed these are hotly contested debates within the

global punk and hardcore scenes and I will afford much more attention to these issues

in chapter nine. That said there was a constant trade-off with these issues whilst I was

a participant observer in the shop. This is not to say that there was a constant debate

Gordon PhD 181

 but keeping costs low was a persistent and repetitive concern in order to maintain

credibility and integrity within the wider subcultural community48. Such a dilemma

also representsone of the difficulties that is at the heart of what can be termed ethical

consumerismand the dilemmatic balancebetweenprivate and community interests.

2) ThePC

What became obvious within the shop was the occasional un-politically correct

comment that came from a Wisdom shop worker through his derogatory use of the

words 'gays' and 'faggots'. V had points of concern in tandem to the DiY ethical

issues of tolerance and behaviour that challengedsuch engrainedcultural forms of

to
prejudice, yet was also at pains renegeon his criticism of those who make such

commentsfor fear of both strained,daily working relationshipsand being considered

as part of the 'punk moral police.' The majority of thesecommentsI observedwere

made outside the shopwhilst one was on a cigaretteand tea break, and were aimed in

generaldiscourseto behaviourdeemedun-masculineor 'weak" in some non-specific

way. In similar ways to the club, suchviews were actively challengedby V. Here he

is explicit:

a lot of people in the scenethink it's a cool thing is to call someonea bendera faggot or
whatever and [other shop worker] used to say it loads and causeI kept sort of shouting
at"[other shop worker]" telling him he was out of order and in the end he's suggesteda
happy medium now wherehe now calls someonea 'bandit'. Well I can't say anything to
that you see, I know what he's saying but I can't say to him "[other shop worker]," and
he'll go "what? I didn't meanthat" It's like ok, well fuck it, I'm not gonnabother do you
know what I mean?
Such languagewas toleratedas a compromiseon the bounds of good humour and

working relations. My observationsat the time consideredthis to be a reciprocal

relationship. The shopworker knew he had oversteppedthe mark with V in someof

his commentsand occasionallythey were employedto 'wind' him up as he intimated

49With occasionally limited success,in

a recent phone conversationwith V (01/12/04) he statedthat
they were still boycottedby certain membersof the Leeds MY community over the issueof what are
consideredby them to be high prices.

Gordon PhD 182

when I questionedhim on the intentions of his comments. This was frequently the

case in a number of settingswhere inappropriate commentswere challengedon the

DiY ethical groundsof tolerance,inclusiveness,liberty and solidarity, though as Mr.

BS demonstratedin the previous example this has the potential to also generate

further intolerant behaviour in order to present a 'challenge' towards the perceived

control of the in
challenger: short a resistancetechniquegearedtowards 'challenging

the challenge.'

Prejudicedviews were not just confined to the occasionalskateboardshop worker's

homophobic and sexist comments. Not all subculturalmemberswho visited the shop

espousedDIY, indeedthis is somewhatof an understatementand a plurality of views

was witnessed. One specific instanceof hatred towards the lin12 and its members

to
was conveyed me by a male customerin his early thirties over the counter in the

shop. He had come in to enquireas to whetherthere were any grindcore gigs coming

up in the near future. I informed him of such an event coming up at the club. The

responsewas telling, he said that 'there was nothing but a bunch of lefty politically

correct, dirty anarchistsand feminists that inhabited the place' and it wasn't 'real'

grindcore if it was held at the Club. I made an attempt to counter his view, stating

that that was a particularly 'heavy' point of view to espouseand asked if he'd ever

beenthere, to which he replied 'no'. I left it at that. This customer'suse of the term

'real' highlights the consistentand competingdiscourseswithin DiY punk concerning

themselves with the authentic scene. My experience at the shop proved to be

revealing in that; views heavily critical of the DiY ethic of both Leedsand Bradford

sceneswere occasionallyencounteredalong the lines of authenticgenredistinctions.

Such points of view made by this customer obviously articulate the hated and

related categoryI detailed aboveand are in tandem with the commentsmade by Mr.

Gordon PhD 183

BS used to illustrate this point in the previous section. I questionedV about this

customer,asking whether he'd had similar encounters. V statedthat such responses

are common and to make suggestionsthat might alter such points of view: for

exampleby playing the grindcorebands' CDs scheduledto play the club assertingthat

they are worth checking out. My attempt to share information with this person

it
regardlessof whether or not was acceptedbecamea familiar practice in the shop.

Overall it was evidentthat there was a constanttrade off betweenthe ethical rule with

respectfor co-workersand customers.

3) Social or Retail Space? Information Points and the 'LatestRelease'..

Beyond the retail role of the shop Out of Stepproved to be an important intersection

of information sharingbeyond the web, gig postersand information flyers passedout

at gigs. The shop had two racks full of gig flyers and leaflets detailing mostly DiY

gigs and political activities, demos etc. in Leeds, Bradford and surrounding areas.

Large numbersof postersfor gigs also decoratedthe entranceto the shop. Another

dilemma arises in this section, again in the form ethical consumerism: is the shop

primarily gearedto the production of a social spaceconducive to information sharing

to
or retail business? Can a balancebe achieved? Such issuesare at the heart of an

sharing
ethical consumerism, its values with many of the ethical stancesoutlined in

chapter four. Information sharing is key to the survival of the DiY network and the

shop took its role very seriously in this respect. Two free UK fanzines, Cardiff s

Fracture Magazineand the LeedsbasedEuropeanfocusedfanzine,Reasonto Believe,

amongst others, were neatly stacked up at the side of the counter and copies were

offered to customersin addition to posters,gig and political demonstrationflyerS49.

49Both thesefree fanzinesare now sadly defunct because

of similar lines of burnout detailed in chapter
eight. See Duncombe(1998) for an excellent account of fanzine culture in the US. For a theoretical
accountof fanzineproduction seeAtton (2002).

Gordon PhD 184

Indeed out of the two fanzines,RTB was particularly gearedtowards a 'strict' DiY

political line. 5o

The age rangeof the shop customersrangedfrom early teensto retirementagewith

the dominant agebeing teensand twenties. Genderrepresentationwas in tandemwith

the subcultural dynamic of male dominance in terms of numbers with ethnic

minorities being wholly underrepresented. Customer involvement slotted into the

model detailed in chapter three of peripheral, semi-peripheral and core scene

members. Inquisitive customers keen to advance both primary and secondary

investigation used the shop as a vehicle for such investigation. Peripheralmembers

occasionally,nervously, lurked in the shop, unsurethat their record selectionswould

be in keeping with the popular genresof their associatepeer grouping, although we,

as shop staff, always made an attempt to if

see that person was alright. They

hesitantly held back from the counter,keento be seento make the 'correct' purchase.

Some of the younger teens visited the shop with their parents who stood anxiously

waiting for their nervousyoung offspring to make a (correct) purchase. All appeared

eager to make a swift exit. Semi-peripheraland core members made enquiries

regarding the latest record releases,detailed on a whiteboard behind the counter.

Suchenquirieshelpedto equip and aid the newcomersand establishedmembersin the

quest of secondaryinvestigation, therefore facilitating their eventual assumptionof

authenticgenredistinction.

These examplesalerted me to the potentially intimidating situation for newcomers

to both the shop and the subculture. Core and semi-Peripheralscenemembersused

the shop as a social resource,both to catchup with the latest DIY sceneactivities and
50Indeedone the workers for Wisdom frequently
of commentedto me that RTB was void of a senseof
humor, stating that no one was really interestedin 'feminist physiotherapy'. He also describedmy
article in issueone on the origins of Mayday, sarcasticallyas a 'laugh a minute.' He statedthat it was a
pamphlet'specifically gearedto ftirthering the educationof the miserableand humorlesspunk police'.

Gordon PhD Iss

gossip and to make purchasesof records. More specifically this was also one of the

potential routes to swell one's own authenticity in terms of genre distinction. The 'in'

talk and gestures made around the counter of the shop whilst 'new releases' were

playing, prior to the appropriate purchase being made, were concerned with the

appraisal of new bands, records, expressions of taste, band performances and past and

previous gigs, and who or what is involved in the present scene. Indeed the four key

areas of genre distinction were frequently heavily invoked at repeated intervals of

over-the-counter subcultural discourse. This can be summarised as inadvertent

'counter snobbery' in that thoseestablishedsubcultural scenememberswho frequent

the shop counter can often involuntarily intimidate younger members engagedin

primary and secondaryinvestigationwith their displays of subcultural knowledge and

genredistinction.

MY specific role here was to select and play such potential purchases,often being

asked questions like 'what's this like mateT Here one's own genre distinction is

brought into play. Not only was my own personaltaste compromisedhere; I also had

to offer a critical review and appraisalof a given record often very much at odds with

my own personal taste. Obviously, at the retail end of this dilemma, castigating a

customer's taste was not conducive to selling records in spite of how 'bad' I

personally consideredit to be.

On occasionthe shop becameso crowded around the counter that it was difficult

to serve customers.This presentedrole strain for myself, V and Z. On the one hand

there is the role of core subculturalmember,whose chief aim is integral to the ethical

reproduction of the MY scene,being friendly, informative and having much valued

opinions on sceneissues;on the other, the professionalismand customercare attached

Gordon PhD 186

 to these duties proved to be an occasionally uneasy 'fit. V spoke of the potential

difficulties in striking sucha balancewhich were causedby the lack of shop space:

Yeah like in someways it's hard. I meanwhat I would love if we could do it. I meanwe
have spokeabout all the different things that you can do. We could have sofasand stuff
and you could in someways Re open it up into more of a social areaand you know. I
mean I wantedto have a fridge and sell like drinks and stuff and have coffee and people
come down and read the fanzines and put 'em back if they don't want them and stuff.
Erm causeat the minute becausethe shop'sjust not big enough.Like you want to chat
with people and it's like peopledon't always appreciatethat sometimes. Recently it's not
beenthat busy, but sometimesyou got a lot to do and you can't spendan hour chatting to
someone. And becausethe shop'snot that big and they can'tjust have a seatand like sit
down with you sometimesit's actually quite an hindrancein someways to have loads of
people hanging round in the shop. Like, especially on a Saturdayyou get people all
round the countertalking to me and you and we're trying to servepeopleover the top, do
you know what I mean? I meanif it was a bigger shop then maybe we could do it, but
Re at the minute it's good 'causepeople do come in and it's like what are you doing and
what's on tonight and erm, and you can discussstuff and peoplecan meet. I meanpeople
will often come in the shop andjust standaround and you don't know who they are and
it's like 'alright thereT 'Yeah it's alright I've just arrangedto meet someonein here'.
And they'll [fricnd]come in and they'll be wearing a Misfits shirt or whateverand it's like
whoa, so the obviously, people [meet here] whether it's to talk about somethingactive or
whatever,or whether it is just as a meetingpoint, peopledo use it. And in someways it
would be really nice to really encourageit but at the minute we just can't do it because
the shop'sjust not big enough. But yeah, people definitely meet here and obviously we
have got free fanzineslike RTB and Fracture which we have always got loads of and we
always actively try and push it out to people. And obviously postersand shit like that.
But surprisingly there are a lot of peoplethat you considerto be actively involved in DiY
don't come in and you never ever see,and err, you think, it's not a 'big headed' thing to
say we are really important causereally we are nothing. I mean it's all relative and we
are not but, I still find it surprising that a lot of people haven't botheredto check us out.
It's like you don't know, you don't know what it's like there and, even if you hate it, come
down say it's shit and tell us and well you should do this and you should do this. They
don't and a lot of peoplehaven'teven turned up and it's like, I think it's quite weird. Not
making the most of the resourcesyou got know what I mean.
V clearly establishesthat Out of Step makes an active attempt to function beyond

that of simply a retail outlet and more of a social and critical space. It is a key

distinctive factor that they, as owners of the shop, can permit such gatherings even

though they clash occasionallywith the interestsof salesrevenue. Secondly,and here

V through his identification of his DiY critics invokes a genrelocation indicator. He

is aware that some members of the DiY scene will view the shop as a capitalist

enterprise,clashingwith their DiY ethical standpoint. To restatethe earlier point this

is the recognition of a dilemma: striking the balancebetweena retail outlet and an

autonomouszonefor sharinginformation.

Gordon PhD 187

 The periods so far discussedrevolve around my experience of a shop full of

customers. This was not always the case and long periods of inactivity were also

experiencedmidweek. Here due to the sheernumber of records, fanzines and flyers,

one took on the investigation of genres and records not previously heard, thus

amassingone's capacity for subcultural genre distinction. Indeed, I traded on over

twenty years of subcultural sceneexperiencewhen I began observationof the shop,

yet on exit, consideredmyself far more knowledgeablein terms of subcultural music

issues, people and fanzines: in short, activity in general. Therefore periods of

inactivity in the shopwere rarely redundant.

What I have establishedthus far is that there is a series of dilemmas attachedto

participation and practice within the punk subculture. This will be afforded detailed

discussionin chapternine.

Tlirough the daily reproduction of, and consistent, constant engagement and

involvement with the subculture,one easily progressedto a stageof core membership.

As numerouspeople involved with the various punk subcultures in Leeds used the

shop as a resourcebeyondits retail function, the occasionaldaily senseof community

shone through within a plurality of different punk scenesbeyond that of the evening

919.

In this section I have sought to establish and illuminate the ethnographic

experiencesof the Leeds shop. Within the latter account I have describeda social

space that is replete as a vehicle for the furtherance of primary and secondary

investigation, the subcultural trade in genre distinction and the occasional 'counter

snobbery' it invokes. The second key observationof this section has outlined the

dilemmatic statusof authenticpractice within the MY community, whilst this wasn't

so evidentat the Club discussedin chapterfour (due in part to the lack of contactwith

Gordon PhD 188

either bands,recordsetc.), it was amplified in terms of the correct forms of knowledge

in terms of the evocationof genredistinction aroundthe daily activity of the shopand

also in terms of the practice of ethical consumerism: the trade off between the

provision of a social spaceand the effective managementof a retail outlet.

What was evident in the daily discourseof the shop and the numbersof flyers and

posterson the walls was the amountof gigs and festivals that occurred around Leeds

and at the Club. The practice of the DiY punk gig is the arenato which I now focus

the ethnographiclens of the following section.

Gigs, EveningsandAfternoons

In chapter four and the previous section I mentionedthat the lin12 and Leeds have

long-standing punk scenes,existing from the late nineteen seventies.These have a

long-standing and detailed history that is beyond the scope of the present work.

Suffice to say, in the broadestof brushstrokes,the I in 12 club was promoting concerts

in the pubs from the early 1980s,and by 1988had managedto securea council grant

to purchaseits own building, finally opening its doors in 1990: it still exists at the

time of writing in 2004. Equally, Leedshas maintaineda thriving punk scene,on an

equal footing to Bradford, though this has mainly been located within a multi-venue

scenario. Although one of the most popular venuesin Leeds at the time and a regular

venue for mainstreamand hardcore

independent and punk was the now demolished

pub, The Duchessof York, with its relatedpromotions organisation'Flame In Hand',

most of the city's punk eventswere held in a number of city pubs, squats,university

studentunions and nightclub settings.

Within the window of my ethnography,the venues may have changed and the

subcultural scene populations fluctuated over the years, but since the 1990s,

Gordon PhD 189

B, t,
es,
ý, "Co py

Available'

VariablePrint Quality
Bradford's focus for DiY has been the linl2, while Leeds has remained centred in a

multi-venue scenario. During the fieldwork I went to and played over eighty shows in

a single four month period. These gigs were unequally spread (in the order of Leeds,

European tour, Bradford) across a number of venues and can be compartmentalized

and detailed as follows.

The I in I 2Club. (Capacity 150)

Rio's (Capacity 1,000)

Packhorse (pub) (Capacity /u)

The Primrose (pub) (100)

The Royal Park (pub) (Capacity 100)

The Fenton (pub) (Capacity 100)

Gordon PhD 190

The Cardigan Arms (pub) (Capacity 100)

r, ý, CýýXjý I.lz ý I-ý"?

-. -";:,,, I-

Brudenel Social Club (Capacity: 200)

120Rats (Squat venue) (Capacity: 70)

The Bassment (Nightclub) (Capacity: 300)

Joseph's Well (Capacity: 300)

Cellar, Basement gigs (Shared houses in Leeds 6) (Capacity:

10-50 depending on available space)

From the venue distribution of the above table one needn't labour the point of Leeds

as a multi-sited subcultural scene enclave. The DiY gig will now be examined, along

with various aspects of DiY cultural production.

The Mechanics of Promotion

As the epigraph at the start of this chapter dernonstrates, the central underlying

principles outlined in chapter four that operate under all of the following mechanics of

the DiY concert is mutual trust between promoters and performers, freedom from

wider external corporate controls, and the enjoyment and satisfaction frorn

successfully organising such events. This is a direct parallel to the studio prQject.

Indeed, what distinguishes such events from their mainstream counterparts is that

there is no legally binding contract supplied by the band, no guarantee of payment for

Gordon PhD 191

the bandsor, indeed,that promotion will be carried out, and the venuewill be booked.

If this soundsrather ramshackleand disorganised,the benefits greatly outweigh the

rather loose natureof the organisation. All the associatedactivities are carried out by

the sceneparticipants,without payment,and for the benefit of the community. This is

of central importance. It is a key identification marker of the DiY concert. DiY

promoters are not interestedin making a profit from the proceedsof the gig. Any

money made will be channelled across three potential destinations: to the bands

playing on the night; to a charity or a suitably deemed political cause; into the

promoter's fund it
where will be to
used supportand finance less well attendedor less

popular future events.si The DiY promotersthat existedbetweenLeedsand Bradford

during the fieldwork were numerous. To name a small number: Sakari Empire,

Punktured, Raw Nerve, Bingo Handjob, Infinite Monkey, Armed With Anger,

Enslaved, Heavier Than Thou, Devil Rock, Flat Earth, Kito, Cops and Robbers,

Collective AKA. Thesepromotersusually spannedfrom ten to between one or two

members. Somehave existed for years such as Cops and Robberswhilst others may

only exist for one or two gigs.

The whole event is run on a senseof trust betweenthe promoter, band, venue and

audience. The central considerationof putting on the music event for its own sake,

devoid of the profit motive, for the satisfactionin creating a DiY event, is the motor

that drives the DiY hardcorepunk ethic and this practice operatesin tandemwith the

ethical frameworksI outlined in chapterfour. It follows from the underlying principle

of trust that DiY concertsare madefinancially accessibleto the audience.

51This is
a rather optimistic and untainted view of DiY gig promotion, but nevertheless one that was
reflected in the ethnographic data. Both from my own previous experience, and that of my
counterparts, some of the DiY gigs I have been involved in have been badly promoted, bands have not
been paid, and some of the more unscrupulous promoters the benefit have occasionally lined
of concert
their own pockets with the proceeds.

Gordon PhD
Booking

In terms of booking the DiY gig is a central aspectof practice within DiY hardcore

punk culture and forms a central componentof the social fabric of the scene. In spite

of the plurality of differences in genres, there are a number of common features,

running acrossthese events that allow the general organisationalmechanicsof DiY

practice to be unveiled. Such eventsare initially organisedand arrangedwithin the

national DiY network through a phone call, message,band website, and email or

socially through reciprocal word of mouth arrangementto one of the promoterslisted

above.52 On a numberof occasionsa band's tour will be organisedby one individual,

usually a band memberof friend (not a booking

manager), on behalf of a band making

use of existing contacts within the UK and EuropeanDiY network. Alternatively,

either from reading a favourable fanzine review and gig reviews, a band will be

by
contacted one of the promotersand askedto do a show. During the majority of

such instances,
a representativeof the band is contactedthrough one or more of the

abovepoints of contact and askedif they want to play a show on a given date. After

a
agreement, date is set up (usually, though not necessarily,as part of a tour) and a

potential venue selected for the estimated audience number. During the time of

fieldwork, there were at least twenty smaller DiY promotersoperatingbetweenLeeds

and Bradford.

Promoters, Venuesand Gigs

The lin]2

52Adverts for 'gigs

wanted' are occasionallyplaced in the regular fanzine publications of the time of
researchsuch as Fracture and Reason to Believe. Also, rising to popularity at this time was the
Fracture Magazine website forums: a clear and, presently, well establishedway of publicising MY
gigs.

Gordon PhD 193

The gig, under the umbrella of DiY promotion ranges from the individual to the

collective. Events are offered to the lin12 from members,collectives,individuals and

private promoters. Bandsare bookedthrough the gig collective which takesall events

to the Sundaymeetingsfor collective agreement. On Club agreement,the gig venue

is then booked for which a hire charge is incurred for the PA while all the door

to
proceedsare used pay the bands. Bar staff are scheduledon a rota-basisand the

is
caf6 openedup so that bandscan be fed.

Gigs at the lin12 fluctuate in terms of attendance.During the weekdaysthere are

a number of problems for those in Leeds to travel to the gigs. This is an issue that I

to
will return at the end of this sectionon DiY gigs. The lin12 owns its own PA and

the alcohol licence offers later drinking opportunities than the pub. There are two

bars in the club, one in the venueand one on the secondfloor. The bandsare fed in

the cafd on the top floor where food is also available to those attending the gig.

Attendance at the club can approach two hundred and fall to as little as single

numbers,excluding staff. The well attendedevents tend to be the hardcore festivals

that have run since 1990 running for three days and attracting the heart of the UKs

northern DiY community. Sucheventsact as an opportunity to socialise,watch bands

around the and offer an opportunity for newcomersto be introduced to the DiY ethic

asMr. G pointed out

I can't rememberthe exact,time I first went the I in 12, it was like a festival in February,
March or something. It was Bob Tilton, StampingGround. It was back in the day when
emo kids went like that [gestures,laughter],exactly and that was like the first time I went
to the I in 12, and I went there and I was like, HOLY FUCK! There was like all these
stalls with like CD's for like 16 eachand I was like you are joking me. You know I was
usedto paying like whateverf. 15 in HMV and I rememberspendingmy food budget for
the entire month on Chokehold CD's at the I in 12 the first time I went. And I just got
more into it from there on, you know I went to more and more shows and then I started
travelling out to shows as well and just got involved with more and more people, then
eventually it was like, I'm gonna' put on a show and I think I was like seventeen,I was
like just seventeenwhen I put on my first show.

Gordon PhD
 Here this importanceof the lin12 festival is outlined in terms of how newcomers

can gradually approachcore member status. Equally interesting is the way Mr. G

invokes the use of the authentic original and badgesof membershipin terms of the

'back in the day' and use of band genres,'emo'. This importantly signifies how genre

distinction operatesbeyond languageuse with gesturedimpressionof how the emo

kids danced at the festival. The lin12 festival operatesas a focal point to the

Northern DiY scene. The majority of intervieweespoke favourableof theseeventsas

R points out:

It's usually on a Sundayat a festival. There is a general,or there usedto be, this feeling
of unity. You had a lot of people that you liked from everywhere. I am looking at early
to mid-ninetiesand you'd havepeoplefrom Manchesterand peoplefrom Glasgow would
come down and people would come and go. You know my girlfriend now was one of
those people that used to come over from Manchester. We would have a lot of people
coming over and staying at our house and then you'd be going for Special Brew on a
Sunday morning with. And then getting up going to the 1in12: and going "let's get
fucked up" and then getting fucked up with friends down the club again for anotherday
of the festival and seeing loads of friends and it being a nice day.

This quotation summariseshow the networks of punk operatebeyond the localities

of the Leeds and Bradford scenes. The lin12 festival operatesas a meeting point: a

critical space where socialising, record trading/buying, bands playing and new

contacts projects formed in addition to drinking having a good time. These were

deemedto be the good times at the I in 12 and why all the hard work the membersand

promotersput in to both the building and the eventspay are deemeda success.All of

the intervieweesspokeof the linl2 festivals in a favourablelight. From a promoter's

perspective,Mr. H was explicit in terms of the feelings of satisfaction once a DiY

festival had successfullypassed:

It's the cleaningup after it that you have got to do as well. But I mean,going back to the
heavy fest thing. We were tidying up afterwardsand I wasjust pushing a broom round
the floor, half drunk, totally stonedout me head, collecting glasses,brushing the floor.
And I am doing, oh God, filthy, mundanetasks and I am fucking on cloud nine doing it.
But it is part of the whole, what's involved in doing it, but you haven't finished yet and
then it's like: the room is cleaned;all the glassesare put away. You are stood at the door
and the room is empty and it looks exact, it looks like nothing has happened,but again,
like you say, you can't take away the things that you have done and you lock the door,
turn your back on it and have a fucking grin a mile wide.
 These accounts underline the feelings of satisfaction I illustrated regarding the

completion of a stageof the recording studio in chapterfive or succeedingin getting

the record shop up and running above. This feeling of satisfaction was a general

theme of the interviews. However, whilst the festivals are well attended,there are a

number of lin12 eventsthat suffer from a lack of attendance. This is an issue that I

will return to at the end of this section.

The overall mechanicsof gig organisation at the lin12 operatealong the lines of

what I will articulate below in terms of the organisationof the Leeds shows. The

points of departureare the self-managedand owned building; the autonomouscontrol

of the spaceand accessto the other facilities, such as the caf6, in the building. That

said the lin12 suffers as a result of the popularity of the Leeds shows and an exodus

of membersto that city. The is issue of subculturalexit will be discussedin chapter

eight

Leeds: ThePub Gig

There are a number of similarities betweenthe lin12 gigs and the Leeds DiY events

held in the back and upstairsrooms of pubs. Such venuesare detailed above in fig I

and all continue in operationin 2004. The degreeof control is reduced,though all of

the venues I visited desistedfrom employing door staff or intervening in the DiY

In
event. spite of this, the promoter has to operatethe event within the openinghours

of the pub and adhereto the general rules of the venue. The pub gig itself usually

beginsits activities from 5pm.

The promoter arrives with the food for the bandsand the PA has beenloaded in by

the promoter or, if no transportis available, it is picked up by one of the bandswith a

van at their disposal. As the bandsplaying the bill arrive, their equipmentis loaded

Gordon PhD 196

into the venue and a discussionon equipmentsharingand order of the bandsplaying

is collectively settled. There are two avenues of possible activity depending on

whether there is a full or vocal PA being used at the pub gig. In the case of the

former, the sound engineer sets up and tests the PA and proceedsto set up all the

microphonesfor the musical equipment. The processof soundchecking then begins.

The sound check usually occurs in reverseorder with the last band playing checking

first. In the caseof the vocal PA, the band uses their backline as the only form of

amplification. The vocals and, on occasion,the bassdrum of the kit are put through

the PA. This type of PA is mostly usedin the cellar, pub and squat shows I attended

in Leeds.

In terms of equipmentit is not always convenientor possible for a band to bring all

their equipment. It is usually the casethat in the caseof a touring band playing will

have brought all their backline53 In the case of local bands one band will usually
.

agreeto lend the drum kit and speakercabinetsto the other bandsplaying in order to

savetime changingthe kit over.

The order of the bandsis settledby the sequencein which they are advertisedon the

poster and flyer but is also dependent

upon what time the bands arrive. On a number

of occasions I observed bands arriving immediately before they are due to play.

There are three main reasonsfor this: band members' work commitmentspreventing

them from leaving in sufficient time to arrive early for the gig; lack of clear directions

to the venue; and mechanicalfailure or traffic problems. I also observedthat bands

often feel uncomfortable with the headline spot due to the ideological connotations

andnegativeimplications of 'rock star'.

53The
collective word usedfor drum kit speakercabinetsand amplifiers.

Gordon PhD 197

 Occasionally,it has not beenunknown for an advertised,headlineband to play first

or secondon the bill in order to disrupt the assumedhierarchy and importanceof the

last band to play54 The period of sound checking also allows band members,
.
promoters and friends the opportunity to meet and socialise. Indeed,I observedthis

space to be central in the future planning and sharing of ideas for future DiY

activities. It also provides a chanceto familiarise oneself with local developments

and political issuesand gossipcurrently debatedin the scene. Coupledwith this there

is also the opportunity for touring bandsto explore the city with local band members

who leave the venueafter the soundcheck for this purpose.

The majority of touring bands will bring a distro stall with them. Short for

distribution, this stall contains a number of the current bands' recorded output and

previous DiY 55
record. releasesin addition to fanzines, flyers and band merchandise

(hand printed T-shirts, badges,patchesand stickers) with some of the bigger stalls

carrying well over a thousand CDs and records. In keeping with the DiY gig

admissionprices, all the items sold on the distribution stall have their prices kept as

low as possible. Such stalls, asidefrom the sound checking and promoter activities,

are anothercentral focus of activity throughoutthe temporal zone of the gig. They act

as a point of interestfor the bandswaiting to play. Records,CDs, tapes,fanzinesand

7" vinyl are thumbed though, discussedand inspectedby band membersand those

presentat the soundchecksand throughoutthe gig and on many occasionspurchases

are made. In addition to this, the discussionof the latest releaseswith the stall-holder

acts as an opportunity for subcultural.membersto familiarise themselves,bolstering

54 This
scenario occurred in August, 2001 in Hilversum, Holland, when the well-known DiY band,
Seein' Red, insistedon playing before my band and donatedtheir pay that night as they heardwe were
struggling financially on that tour. They summedthis up through their actions that night for the all of
my band why mutual aid in DiY deservesrespect.
55 See
the Scorched Earth policy website for further details of how distros operate.
http://Www.scorchedearthpolicy. de/ http://www. letbulletsrain.de/

Gordon PhD 198

their genre distinction with the latest'releases or find a record they have been

for
searching or to securetrades 56
of recentreleases .

Overall the distro stall also functions as a back-up for touring bands to accrue to

lighten the costsof being on the road, or in generalfor the non-touring bandsto make

some money for their respectiveband funds. The presenceof the distro stall, in both

of the field I
settings observed,numberedfrom none to over eight (usually at 1in12 or

all day festivals in the UK). Occasionally,when there are a number of bandsplaying,

there is competition for a pitch for the stall and this can generateinter-band tension.

Bands arriving late, when the venue is small, often struggle to find spacefor their

stall. Overall the distro, stall operates in very similar terms to Out of Step genre

distinction in similar termsto the instancesI discussedin terms of counter snobberyin

the shop. The stall asthe site of potential new subculturalknowledgealso tradesupon

the existing knowledgeof the sceneparticipant.

From around 8pm the audiencebegins to arrive. Audience numbers are dependent

upon what I have identified as three inter-linked issues. Firstly, the thoroughnessof

the promotion for the event is a key factor in the latter's success. If there have been

enoughflyers and postersdistributed and handedout in the correct places,then there

will be someinterestin the gig from a potential audience.

Secondly,the popularity of the band is a key factor. If one of the bandson the bill

has received good reports in fanzinesand record reviews and has the word of mouth

reputationof being a good act, people will turn up and supportthe event. Also, if the

band has built up a large, local baseof friends, this also acts as a catalyst for support.

Thirdly, specific to the Leedsscene,there are, on occasion,more than one DiY gig in

56Trading is key
a activity on the distro,stall. This is how a numberof new DiY recordsare distributed
and sold. However, not all tradesare agreedand trade priceshave to be negotiated.

Gordon PhD 199

the city. Competition will be utmost during this time. The collision of gigs was

unavoidableat weekendsin Leeds. I observedon at least two occasionsthat there

were up to three separateDiY events on one night. In addition to these three core

factors, there are a number of other circumstancesthat affect audiencenumbers,such

as lack of financial capital, other personal commitments, and the summer months

when studentshave left to return home.

Overall, the dedicationof the core membersof the sceneultimately meansthat there

is always some audiencefor most of the bandsplaying. In DiY culture, I observed

that gigs will be supportedspecijlcally becausethey are DiY. In terms of audience

numbers for specific bands, I observed this to be both genre-dependent. Many

participants will attend events due to their familiarity, not with a specific band but

instead with a band's associationwith a specific musical genre and scene. It is not

for
uncommon audiencemembersto have not heardthe bandsplaying. Attendanceis

largely inspired through an identification both with the genresconcernedand with,

to,
and adherence supportof the DiY ethic.

Audience numbers I observed ranged from fifteen people to over three hundred at

the bigger events organised by both Cops and Robbers and Collective AKA in Leeds

and the Bradford festivals (although a lower, maximum turnout during the field period

of 150 can be reported). The DiY pub gig usually contains anything from five to over

a hundred people. An important point to note here is that the scene in both settings is

male-dominated though not in the patriarchal sense of male domination: women are

respected and play key and central roles within the MY 57

scene .I observed this as a

constant feature. I estimated that female participation both in audience promotion and

band membership was in the minority with an estimated 1-5 ratio of female-to-male

57SeeLeblanc(2001).

Gordon PhD 200

 representation.Additionally, I also observedthat people from ethnic minorities were

in this culture.
underrepresented

The main activities of the audience,promoters and band membersbefore the gig

begins, are concentratedin the bar. Whilst there is a representativenumber of

straightedgepeople within this culture, soft drinks are consumedand the activity of

socialising around the bar is common to both Leedsand Bradford. A number of the

smaller venues in Leeds have a separatebar from the concert venue and this is a

contributing factor in the amount of people who attend the gig. I observeda small

number of people who would just socialisein the bar and not pay to get into the gig.

Common to the majority of gigs attendedin the field setting the doors openedaround

8pm. As I noted abovethere were exceptionsto this with the late arrival of bandsand

occasionalproblems with either technicalproblemswith the equipmentor last minute

sectionsof backline having to be brought in. In all casesthere is a table set up at the

door of the venue. On the table are variousflyers and fanzinesadvertising future DiY

events. On a piece of paper, written on with magic marker is the entry price as

documentedabove. The money is taken and placed in a 'cash box' and in return a

hand stampor marker imprint is madeon the back of the hand. Paymentat the door is

also a contentiousintersectionof discussionat the DiY gig. If the promoter sets to

high a door price then accusationsof selling out and 'cashing in' can be levelled at

them by those membersof the community that consider this a betrayal of core DIY

values. Complaintsregardingdoor price from punterswith excusessuchas 'let me in

free, I'm skint', tend to occur frequently at weekendshows;often later in the evening,

when people are more likely to be drunk. When the venue is full or the time

approachesfor the first band to play the event.begins and proceedsin much the same

way as I described above. The pub gig encompassesthe wider, organisational

Gordon PhD 201

activities of all the porters and venuesdescribedin this section. There are, however,

smaller DiY eventsthat are consideredto be the most authenticversion of the DiY gig

by core members.I will now focus attentionon theseevents

Small, DIYPromotions and Gigs

The smaller promoters were core membersof the Leeds and Bradford subcultures.

Often they would have beenpersonallybooking a sectionof a bands' tour, played in a

band themselves,or had previously releasedor distributed a record for the band

amongstother reasons. Thesegigs rangedfrom the all dayer hardcorefestivals at the

lin12 that ran from the mid nineties, promoted by a multitude of different DiY

promoters such as Armed with Anger, Flat Earth, El Sub, Enslaved to Infinite

Monkey and Heavier Than Thou. The smallerDiY promoter usedeither the 1in12 or

the pubs in Leeds,housecellars, front rooms or the squat,previously identified as the

120Rats.

Regardlessof the size of the gig, the promoter of the event is deemedresponsible

for publicising the event through the use of posters, flyers and adverts. Flyers are

generally constructed following punk tradition utilising 'cut and paste' and xerox

methods although the word processorreplete with printer and internet accesshas

somewhat changed the aesthetic of these flyers over the last decade". Such

advertisementswill generallyfeature:venue cost, time, descriptionsof the bandsand

an information contact phone number. At any given gig there will be a number of

bandsplaying and this rangesfrom one two to ten bandsdependentupon the for the

concertstakes(either single gig, two-dayer,matineeor festival).

58 Turcotte
and Miller (1999) have written an excellent historical account of the US punk flyer
tradition.

Gordon PhD 202

 The flyers and promotion of the eventsis the responsibility of the promoter although

the bandsmay make their own flyers. I observedin both the field settingsthat flyers

and posterswere placed in all the key sites such as shops(Out of Step, Jumbo and

Crash and the flyer racks at the linl2) in addition to the venuesa month to three

weeks before the event takesplace and are placed there by the promoter. Fly posting

is occasionally used in addition to the promoter attending DiY eventsprior to their

own event and either handingout flyers or placing them on the table where money is

paid to gain entrance.

In the Leedssetting the Cops and RobbersDiY listings guide is utilised and usedas

a key resourcewithin the DiY scene. Failure to placea listing or to advertisean event

in this free publication can have a marked effect upon attendancerates at the show.

Within the two fieldwork sitesthe band is occasionallyfed a basic meal and provided

59
with an optional sleepingplace . As I noted above, in terms of money the band and

promoter operating under the rubric of DiY do not ask for 60.
a guarantee The core

DiY ethic of keeping events costs low and accessiblefor the low waged operates

simultaneously with the practice rejecting the profit motive as the sole factor for

putting on the event. Indeed regardlessof playing the event the bandsinvolved will

usually have their costs covered. In the majority of instancesI observedbandshave

their transport and fuel costsmet in addition with a small amount if any money after

the gig. Gig entranceprices range from the Leeds pub and linl2 gigs at E2-4 to the

larger Collective AKA gigs at a top rate of E-7 pounds.

59The
practice of feedingbandsand providing sleepingplacesto touring and bandsthat are playing in
Bradford and Leedsis a DiY tradition that seeksto producea senseof support and community to those
on the road. This practice did not occur at all the gigs observedbut was occasionedat the ma ority.
Vegetarianand veganfood was provided in all cases. SeeV's dilemmabelow.
60 With
the exceptionof Collective AKA describedabove.

GOrdonPhD 203
 The cost and conductof both the promoter and bandsand audienceat DiY gigs is a

major intersectionof dilemmasover authenticity and with in the Leedsscenethere are

a number of difficult questionsrelatedto the issueof authenticitythat I shall consider

in the relevantsectionbelow

Within this sectionI shall accountfor eachof the venuesand gigs I visited and what

specifically occurredat theseeventsat specific intersectionsof the fieldwork.

Aside from the larger Cops and Robbers and Collective AKA gigs, the smaller DiY

gigs held at the 120Rats and the squat can be described as a 'temporary autonomous

zone' (Bey, 1985; McKay, 1996: 156,1998: 139). Bey and McKay use this term to

refer to the spaces for countercultural activity that are independent of official control

and surveillance. Such spaces operate beyond the control of the established authority

of the gig held in a licensed venue. Whilst the lin12 Club could once have neatly

fitted into such a definition, with its C&R-esque style gigs in a series of pubs and

public spaces, its TAZ status is revoked by its adoption of a permanent building,

along with its legal connections to the independent breweries and alcohol licence

provision. The three TAZs I identified, during the field work in Leeds, were the front

room and cellar show, the 120Rats squat, and occasional gigs in addition to the Aspire

collective gigs and rave events (not covered in the field work or discussed in the

61
present work).

Cellar showsare specific to Leeds,although in the global DiY community they are a

common phenomenonand have been well documentedby O'Connor (2002a) and in

61 Whilst the Aspire

collective is central to DiY political resistancein Leeds, there was no activity
evident from them during the fieldwork period. They describetheir practicesas an 'occasionalvenue.'
Where large buildings in Leedsare squattedfor brief time and transformedinto a multitude of different
political spacesand activities. One of their most famous, previous activities was the squatting of the
large church in 1999on WoodhouseLane, decoratingits steeplewith an huge anarchysign. Four days
of partying and gigs took place. See,www. a-spire.oriz.uk for up to date information on their projects
No Aspire eventstook place during the fieldwork period.

Gordon PhD 204

visual terms by (Carroll & Holzman, 2001; Sorrondeguy, 1991; Glantz and Noe,

2003). The domesticenvironmentof the living room and the functional setting of the

cellar are briefly transformedduring theseeventsinto a public and subversivespace.

Occasionalpolitical messagesare spoken by the bands between songs.62The cellar

show may occur on a core member's birthday or a similar anniversary,but it mainly

reflects the intense competition for booking venues in Leeds. Most of these are

booked up for months in advancedue to the popularity of the scene. Last minute

cancellationsor the unavailability of any venue resultedin the DiY solution of a cellar

gig. The areasof Royal Park, Burley Park and Headingley have large amounts of

terraced,rentedhousesrepletewith large front rooms and more importantly, large and

spaciouscellars. Not only are they cheapand accessiblefor bands to in

rehearse (a

point I'll return to in the final sectionof this chapter),they also provide spaceswhere

small DiY eventsand partiesmay occur. During the field work I attendedat leastfour

such events. Ratherthan having a pay-on-the-doorarrangement,a bucket (in one case

a mesh-backcap) was passedaround for donationsto cover the costs of the bands.

Bands often sold their merchandiseout in the street,while people brought their own

ccarry-out' alcohol and often congregatedin the street waiting for the gig to begin.

Around thirty to fifty people attend such gigs and more (occasionally approaching

100) during the caseof houseparties.

Every precaution is taken to ensurethat neighbours are forewarned of the noise

potential. For weekday gigs, a number of the neighbourswere duly alerted. There

appearedto be no objections,although a police car drove past one of theseeventsat

62Specifically here I
was at a Creation is Crucifixion cellar show in late September2001, where they
were discussingthe dangerof a rise in surveillancetechnology. When I spoketo the guitarist outside,
he informed me he was very into reading Foucault and gave me two of the bandsCDs; one containeda
200 pagebooklet on how to rewire a game-boyas a hacking device.SeeCreationas Crucifixion: Child
asAudience: WhereTechnologyandAnarchy Fuck. Rtmark, AutonomediaCollective.

Gordon PhD 205

 least once. Cellar gigs tended to begin around 7.30 prn with four or five bands

playing short sets, and end before Ilpm in conformity with licensing laws, though

people did sometimeslinger the vicinity after the shows. The actual playing of the

gig was a very crampedand sweatyaffair with upwardsof thirty peoplein a cellar.

The intensity of loud, amplified punk music in a cellar instilled an exciting senseof

risk. Whilst the band played, core members nodded at each other in

acknowledgementof the quality of the music; descriptions and evaluations are

shoutedin eachother's ears,though suchdiscussionmay not be specifically relatedto

the band at all. When dancing occurred,the intensity of the music increased,though

those who did so took account not to hurt other people in the crowd, while people

shoved at the back of the room tended to take this is good humour. There was no

need for a full PA becauseof the confined and crowded area. This was a face-to-face

event. The lack of division between band and audience, more often than not

evaporatedany potential cultural hierarchy. Mr. B was very explicit in terms of

describinghow suchcellar showswere indeed'proper hardcore':

[John Brown's] basement, 1995. Tronsideheadlined it with a bunch of other bands.

Probablyabout thirty people squashedin to this little basement. And peoplejust started
passingthe mike aroundgoing nuts. Proper,proper hardcoreshow. (Pseudonymmine)
Mr. G was equally enthusiastic speaking of a front room show seven years after

Mr. B's event:

G: It was Pete's 25th birthday and we had a flyer on the door. He went out for a meal
and I madean excusethat we couldn't go and we set it all up: we hired a PA and then he
turned up and there was a band playing and 30 kids in our front room and it was fucking
awesome.
Int: shouldtherebe more front room shows?
G: Definitely, they are brilliant! You can't beat gigs with small atmospherescausethey
are just so intimate. SometimesRe when it is your friend's bands and stuff, you get
stoked on seeingthem play to a lot of people at big shows and stuff, you know what I
mean,but you can't beatthe intimacy of small shows,definitely. (Pseudonymmine)
As G enthusiasticallynoted, the cellar gigs are highly regardedand respectedin the

Leedsscene. They are usually very well-attended,having beenmostly publicised by

Gordon PhD 206

word of mouth. During my time at Out of Step,a numberof peoplewere informed of

theseshowswhen they enteredthe shopand news spreadthrough text message,phone

call, email, website and word of mouth. Overall, theseshowsstandas a testimony of

what can be achieved when the conventional spacesfor playing music in Leeds

become unavailable. The element of spontaneity and feeling of satisfaction when

such an event succeedsstrengthensthe subcultural status of the cellar show, and

heightensthe generalsolidarity of the sceneand its core members.

The secondarea that operatedunder the TAZ banner was the120Rats squat on the

MeanwoodRoad in Leeds. This was a squatthat existed for over eight yearsand was

host to a large numberof DiY gigs in the Leedsarea. In many ways it was the closest

venue in Leeds to the linl2. There are a number of mutual points of association

betweenthe Club Members and the squatters(as mentioned in chapter five; further

elaboration follows in the final section of this chapter). The squat was a clear

example of what can be achieved through the DiY ethic. They held gigs most

weekends(and occasionalweekdays)with its own, unlicensedbar establishedthere.

As Ratus,one of the squatters,pointed out in 1995:

Bands who come to play the I in 12 can come to play here, too. Most squatsin Europe,
the way they do it is, like, if you play in a band you get a drink and food and
accommodation. We have the spaceto do that too. Bandswho tour England have a shit
time - no food, no money. At least here all the money will go to the band and we'll
makethem food. (Wakefield and GnTt, 1995)
The squat hosted both hardcoreand punk gigs during its existence.Most of these

were friendly, yet chaotic and often drunken events. As with the cellar shows,there

was a sharp intensity and raw integrity, although the venue only held around seventy

people and there was no elevatedstage. Audiencesfacedthe bandson an equal level,

while the acousticsof the low ceiling gave an excellent sound to the bands. The

painted mural walls and run-down, yet somehow holding-it-together aesthetic, all

gave the impression that one was not actually in the UK but based somewherein
mainland Europe. The gigs I played and attendedthere during the field work were all

benefit concerts for the pending eviction.63 As with the cellar gigs, people

congregatedoutsidethe squat on old setteesand also in small groups in the adjacent

courtyards that serviced a number of factories and warehousesin the vicinity.

Occasionally,there was a fire in a large oil drum with people standingaround it, the
64
off-licence (also a squattedproperty) did fair trade from those arriving for the gig
.
All the bandswereprovided with a basic veganmeal and somecansof beer. The gigs

at the 120Ratsdirectly embodiedDiY values, and so attractedthose core members

who presentedthemselvesas most stringent in their invocation of the DiY ethic, as

outlined in chapterfour. The majority of thesegigs were very cheap,often costing as

little as fl. 50 entranceand El a drink. These were in sharp contrast to the other

Collective AKA and C&R gigs I shall describebelow. Drinking and partying often

went on into the early hours and beyond at the squat. Here is an account from my

pilot field-work diary of FebruaryOh 1997.

Gradually, as the evening progressed,people beganto arrive. Mat was once an empty
room beganto be filled with people awaiting the night's entertainmentwith the average
age ranging from sixteen to the late forties. Various stalls beganto be set up in which
DiY hardcoreand punk records,CD's and fanzineswere sold well below the established
price of the mainstreamrecordsshops. As the two other bandsarrived and one after the
other, they plugged in and began to play. Even without a large PA systemthe music was
loud and people beganto settle into the night's entertainment. Around the bar people
gatheredsocially, whilst otherssat on the sofas. The room wherethe bandswere playing
was beginningto get full.
The entrance fee for the nights was L2, well below the established price of a
mainstreameventwhich runs from L7430. This would be usedto pay the bandspresent
and any remainingmonieswould be usedto pay for the promotion and upkeepof similar
events. Whilst milling around,I estimatedthat there were approachingseventypeople in
this small building. When we took to the stageafter I Ipm, the dancingbeganin earnest.

63This feeling
wasproducedthrough the experienceof the FrenchCanadiansquatterswho were mostly
responsiblefor the maintenanceof the building. They had extensiveexperienceof the EuropeanDiY
punk squattingnetwork of which the 120Ratsis a reflection of. SeeWakefield and GM-t (1995)
64 The
squatting tradition in Leeds is known as the Lawton Loophole, named after a landlord who
disappearedin the late eightiesleaving numerouspropertiesaroundLeedsopento squat. This allowed
people to live rent free. A number of these people have now legally inherited the buildings. The
120Rats,including the block of over five large houses,takeaways,off-licensesand shops,are all part of
this loophole. However one member of the Lawton family sought the repossessionin 2000 of a
number of thesepropertiesand the squatwas evicted in Oct 2001. It is in 2005 still presentlyboarded
up.

Gordon PhD 208

 Playing without a stage with the audience inches from your face is an amazing
experienceas the distanceis minimal. You really get a real feeling of closenessas you
look into the audience'seyes. After eachsongthe audiencecheeredloudly in addition to
heckling us. Our singer recountedthe tale of a recent friend who had sadly died and
dedicated the song to him. After the set the audience demanded an encore, not
somethingwe felt comfortable doing. "More, more! You bastards,it's still early!" the
crowd shouted;some demandedBlack Sabbathsongs,others, drunken with excitement
just cheered. We didn't know any more songs so decided to begin the set over. The
atmospherein the building was electric and the senseof unity and achievementfor me
was unbelievable. No corporatemusic heretonight. After the bandsfinished, peoplejust
hung around drinking, socialising and discussingthe night's entertainment. No trouble
had occurred, no police had been called and all involved were happy. We loaded the
bands equipment into the van whilst others stood around outside of the squat talking.
The usual commentsof "great gig mate!" were passed. I left the squatthat night with a
firm senseof what could be createdwithout the use of established,mainstreamnetworks
and venues. This show had been 'by the kids, for the kids' to coin a clichd. No profit
was madeexceptin termsof a profit in unity and excitement.
Though not intendedat the time, this accountseemsretrospectivelyto perfectly sum

up the ethic and aestheticof the DiY gig at the squat. The bandsthat played there in

2001 ranged across the genres available in the Leeds and Bradford, though the

traditional punk and hardcoredistinction I outlined in chapter four mostly remained

intact. This division was most evident betweena benefit show comprised of eclectic

hardcore bands and a series of squat benefit gigs strictly comprised of punk bands

heading the bill. The punk/hardcore opposition, whilst occasionally fluctuating,

remainscentral to the Leedsand Bradford scenesaswell as acrossthe UK.

Overall, the above examples demonstrate the possibility of a self-policed

autonomouszone wheremusic can be both sharedand madeaccessiblefinancially, in

line with core MY values. Theseshowsdo not haveteamsof machismobouncers,or

large PA systemsrepletewith soundengineers'roadiesand paid bar staff. They allow

those in the DiY community to contribute to and control their own space. During the

field work core membersrepeatedlyreferred to both 'Rats gigs' and cellar shows as

truly authentic DiY punk, yet there other interpretations of DiY worthy of

consideration.

Copsand Robbers

Gordon PhD 209

In Leeds,due to the plurality of venues,promotion operatesat a number of levels and

the size of the promotion groups is broadly reflective of club bookings. There are,

however,at least two, larger DiY collectives in Leedsgearedto booking showswhich

I will discussin turn: Copsand Robbers(hereafterC&R) and Collective AKA.

C&R is run by a collective of ten people: eight men and two females. They have

existedat the time of writing for sevenyearsand promote gigs at numerousvenuesin

Leeds. To namea select few, the Royal Park, Brudenell Social Club, The Packhorse,

The Fenton,Joseph'sWell and their gigs mainly operatewithin the pub gig remit I

describedabove.Their point of departurefrom DiY punk per se, however, is that they

also work both with larger non-DiY promotion agenciesand bands from outside the

punk genre (indie, emo, country, electronica,avante garde )

etc. and also with larger

independentand major labels althoughthey insist that the band operatesunder a DiY

framework for the duration of the show. This ethosis illustrated frequently repeatedly

in their monthly, free LeedsDiY gig listing guide:

The gigs advertisedin Cops and Robbersare all DiY to some degree. That is all door
takings go to cover the costsinvolved in promoting the event. The promotersdon't take a
cut for themselves. Not all the bands are necessarilyDiY, some may have managers,
have major label involvement or music pressconnections,but at least by playing a DiY
gig they are forced to prescribeto this idea for one evening at least and your money isn't
going to support an industry basedupon competition and back-stabbingsuccess(Cops
and Robbers # 9, October 1998).

Here legal contractsadvancedto bandsare ignored. They usually get the payment

required (within reason)while those insisting on large guaranteesare not booked by

the collective unless they can reasonablypredict that the gig will generateenough

money for such large coststo be covered. In the event that costscannotbe met these

are made up from either the kitty drawn from the more successfulgigs or from

potentially well attendedfuture events:

We always try to cover bands costs as much as we can. Unless of course there's no
money at the gig and even then we give them money as much as we can and we get it
back from the later gigs.

Gordon PhD 210

 C&R have also distancedthemselvesfrom the direct sloganeering of punk and

hardcore,extendingtheir remit describedabove. Indeed,this is also an intersectionof

criticism both within the punk and hardcore and Bradford sceneswith members

levelling the sell-out criticism, an issue I shall discuss below. C&R advance DiY

ethics beyond punk and hardeore in terms of transgressingtraditional forms of

resistanceand direct political sloganeering. They consider this ineffective. Instead

they choose to build the DiY ethic into the fabric and practice of the event. In

contrast to the linl2, political sloganeeringis not a regular feature of a C&R gig.

This goes to the heart of some of the reciprocal perceptionsbetweenthe Leeds and

Bradford DiY scenes. During a focus group interview with the collective one of the

membersmadethe following commentwith regardto the organisationof a DiY event.

As one memberpointed out:

You have radical, protest groups or whatever pushing the boundaries and changing
society in one way and well you know making you know just pushing the boundaries
basically. Then they seemto isolatethemselvesa lot from the rest of society becauseand
there is like a massivekind of gap that needsto be bridged. I'd like to think of C&R
maybe as kind of making and bridging that gap aptly and working from the bottom up
maybe. I don't know whetherit will ever get us anywhere.
Such distinctions penneatethe discourseof the Leeds and Bradford scenesand this

is an issue to which I will return in the last section of this chapter. For now their

different approachesneed to be noted as a significant difference between the two,

respective scenes. Beyond the aesthetic and political differences of the bands

promoted, C&R is
organisation similar to that of the lin12. For example,promotion

tasksare allocatedon a volunteerbasis:

when it comes down to putting on a gig erm, like err, like someonewithin Cops and
Robberswill be askedto do a gig or the C&R will be emailedand someonelike me, Bert
or John will take up the role of like organising that gig and this just involves asking
people to do various stuff. I meanI am usually askedto do the PA. Maybe Rebeccaor
Walter or someonewill be askedto drive. I dunno the person that's kind of given or
taken it upon themselvesto organisethe gig and organisethe postersand makesthe food
and gets all the peopleto help out and ask people to you know do their bits and pieces.
But they are generallythe personin chargeof doing that.

Gordon PhD 211

 At the time of fieldwork, C&R were organising three to five eventsa week. They

produced a small booklet of the same to

name advertisenot only their gigs but any

other DiY event in the area.Their popularity and influence in the Leeds sceneis high

and their eventsare well attended. Though they promote and stagea number of the

larger DiY eventsin Leeds,they are not the only large DiY promotions collective in

Leeds.

Out ofSpite to CollectiveAY,4.

Five peoplewere involved in Collective AKA: four malesand one female. This is the

other main DiY collective promotions agency in Leeds. Formed in 1995 as Out of

Spite, before amalgamatingwith Mr. V and a friend moving over from Manchester

three years later, they changedtheir nameto Collective AKA. At the time of the field

work, they organised gigs at the Leeds venues Joseph's Well and the night Club

known as the Bassment. Mr. V from Out of Step, at the time of interview in 2001,

hadjust resignedfrom this punk promotionscollective due to his commitmentsto the

shop and through feelings of a distanceover core ethical issuesof control and DiY.

Unlike Cops and Robbers,the collective agreedto use legal band contracts and pay

use
guarantees; venuesthat employ bouncersand chargehigher admissionprices than

C&R. Whilst not overtly DiY, a numberof their ethical punk principles are enshrined

in Out of Spites' promotional practices, such as feeding the bands vegan food only

and not buying products such as Coca Cola, providing, instead,generic alternatives;

and not chargingextortionatedoor prices.

However, Collective AKA also attractedcriticism from those who consideredDiY

to be an issue of completeethical control and are consideredby some core members

to be removedfrom the DiY ethic in terms of the authenticityof the smaller eventsof

Leeds and lin12 events. At the time of writing they were mainly promoting large

Gordon PhD 212

gigs (with genresloosely describedas melodic pop punk, emo, ska punk and post

rock, also attractingscorn from DiY core memberswho viewed such genresand their

associatescenesas 'not punk') with averageattendanceof over three to four hundred

people and the door prices of around f.5-8 reflected this. On the ethical position of

this collective, V's resignationwas also over issuesof artistic control. He considered

the booking agentsof the large bandsthey promotedto be determiningthe majority of

the collective's output, not a practicehe felt comfortablewith:

I associatethe politics and the outlook on life so much with the music and they are both
intertwined and to say oh hardcore'sfucking bollocks, I'd be a fucking empty shell. But
I am starting to. Like with the gigs, I meanyou get a load of bandscoming through the
tour bookers. They say do you want to put this band on and you go 'no I don't' but if I
don't put theseon I can't put the next band on that I do like, therefore you are kind of
forced into doing it. And then when you turn up to a gig no bandsyou want to seeand
people will turn up, pay in, watch the band and go home. And you think fucking that's
not punk. I meanwhat's that, that's fucking, it could be Oasisor somethingelse, it's not
what I enjoy. I've beendoing it for quite a while now and you get great gigs in-between
but there's too much of that and you think well, my time could be so much better spent
becauseI come home I don't eat any dinner, I go straight to a gig err, I often put up a
band,go to bed late get up for work. Do you know what I mean,It's like well no I've got
to stop doing it becausethere are so many people that are doing it, I don't make a
difference really do you know what I mean, anybody can do it. And if worse case
everybody stops doing it then someoneelse can say right well I'm gonna put on gigs.
It's like well there's always going to be someoneto fill the gap hopefully. Well it is like
realistically that is something I don't need to do. I mean I achieved the only thing I
wanted to do in Leeds, which was put on a couple of bands that I know weren't gonna'
play here, and I though no I'm gonna do it then. And also erm, the fact now that a lot
more bands are being offered, previously been offered the bigger clubs, and becausewe
are getting the bigger crowds we can afford to. I mean like it's a whole thing really. I
meansomebandssay we are only going to do two datesin the country. Oh there's this
band, New End Original, and they did two datesI think, London and Leeds causethey
weren't even gonna come to the UK. But because they said well we can do it but we'll
need E350 per gig to cover the ferry and all that. I was like yeah well we can do that
causeit was two membersof Texas is The Reasonand a member of Chamberlainand a
member of Arc, and I was like yeah we can come up with that do you know what I
mean?
Such dilemmasare difficult for those concernedand V was visibly anxious over this

decision when discussingit. As I describedthe squat show above, my contrasting

field notes of the Hot Water Music Collective AKA show illustrates the stark

differencesbetweenthe large and small punk gig in Leeds.

16/06/011join our drummer,Mick, and a few othersin the queuefor this sold out show.
I note that this is the first time I have had to do this for a hardcoreshow in someyears.
The queueis comprisedmostly of young, white people. And the majority of the 'kids'
are obviously into hardcore. Ile dresscodesare baggyjeans, short, cropped hair, band

Gordon PhD 213

 logo T-shirts, facial piercings and rucksacks. Stereotypically,the uniform of hardcore.
There is also a small contingentof punks in the queuedisplaying the standardmohican
and studdedleatherjackets. On arrival at the door we were met by a bouncerdressedin
hardcoreattire. I was somewhatshockedto seethis as it is not the normal situation. In
his hand he had a 'clicker' to measurehow many punters were admitted. It felt strange
and awkward to be under the immediateadmittancecontrol of sucha person. After being
admittedthrough the door we facedanotherblock before being paid. We were right next
to a sign stating that the 'management'have the right to conduct random searchesupon
entry.
After being charged L5 for entry (well above the door prices for a DiY concert) we
were in the gig. Around the entranceway, there were various stalls selling the bands
wares. I made for the first friendly face I knew. Here Mr. G at his distro stall, From
here I noticed that the prices for the band merchandisewas well above the usual DiY
prices (LIO for a CD, usually ES 46 at the DIY pricing level). G told me that he was
hereto sell stuff on his distribution stall and commentedthat the Hot Water Music (main
bandplaying) stall had alreadysold E350worth of merchandise. He also estimatedthat,
due to the event being sold out, that someonewas making a lot of money, and not all of
that would be going to the bandsplaying. It is this kind of analytical comment that is
central to the DiY ethic that money is being made for non-DiY purposes:and this seeks
to discreditand underminethe authenticityof the scene.
When Hot Water Music went on stage, the main act for the night, the crowd went
berserk. This band were obviously the main reasonfor the large audience. It is worth
stating that the popularity of American hardcorebandsdoesbring in the crowds and the
issue of why British hardcore bands largely fail to attract such audience's demands
further scrutiny. The music this bandplay works under the rubric of what is called 'post-
rock' which has its roots in the emocore tradition of American and Europeanhardcore.
By mobilising a strong and powerful soundcombinedwith catchy chorus's HWM, drew
the audiencein. The band had the audiencecaptivatedand the dancing was largely good
naturedand lively. The ring of the audiencesinging along with the songsrang out above
the PA and addedto the bandspower.
At the end of the set,the bandleft the stagebut the audiencewanted more and the band
returned with membersof support band, Leatherface,to perform three more songs. It
was interesting to note that the house lights remained on during this time, spelling out
that the ownershipof the club did not completelyapproveof the band running over time.
The last song the band played was obviously popular one and drinks were thrown into
the audience,adding to the atmosphere... My eyes focusedat this point not on the band
but on the lager dripping onto the crowd from the ceiling. No one seemedthat bothered
about getting wet as they were generally having a good time. After the gig the audience
generally filed out and the club turned into a heavy metal disco. In the spaceof about
twenty minutes the band's equipmenthad been cleared away by roadies and the show
was now over. The venue'sbouncerspatrol the venue in an intimidating manner. It was
interestingto note how the changein people and age rangesdramatically changedfrom
the attire describedaboveto the wardrobeof eightiesheavy metal.
This lengthy quotation illustrates the stark differences between the DiY event

describedat the squatabove. The points of departureillustrate the differencebetween

the two. The high door charges,inflated merchandiseprices and rip-off beer prices

are illuminated in comparisonto DiY prices of less than half the amountscharged.

The bouncers,through their presence,compromisedthe freedomof the venue:people

were policed insteadof being self-policed. All of the bouncers,venues,DJs, bar staff

and venue overheadshave to be paid for and this results in higher ticket prices. The

Gordon PhD 214

stage times were set, so there was no chancefor the band to play for as long as it

chose. The band was paid a guaranteeand employed staff such as, road crew, driver

merchandisepeople,and rode on a tour bus. The performancewas separatedfrom the

audiencewith a pit of intimidating bouncersand, in view of the number of people at

the gig (estimatedat 350), the intimacy and familiarity of core memberswas swept

away. The audience was chiefly made up of semi-peripheral and peripheral

subculturememberswith core DiY membersin the minority, most of them choosing

to boycott the gig and attendother DiY events.

In summary,the progressionof pub to cellar to squatto nightclub has beenoutlined

and the contrastsnoted togetherwith the organisationalminutiae. In whatevervenue,

or whatever means are drawn upon in setting up a DiY musical event, the most

damagingdepartureoccurs when the ethic and aestheticardently representedby core

members becomes dispersed, sidelined, or removed through core members' self-

exclusion from gigs they regard as fake and inauthentic. The further and abiding

problem is then createdby the absolutist definitions of authenticity that reside at the

core- which brings us back to the key thematic of the whole thesis

The 'Noneat Gig'Issue.

From its inception in the early 1980s,the lin12 experienceda constant struggle to

recruit and retain core members. From the late-1990sthe popularity of the Leeds

scenedramatically expanded. With the exceptionof the 120Rats,who maintain close

affinities with lin12 members,the number of Leeds gigs has created a knock-on

effect for the club. Aside from the club hardcorefestivals,the club facednear closure

Gordon PhD 215

 in 199965. Members were leaving in droves. Having become tired of the badly

attendedgigs in the midst of the wider, perceived contextof what they often described

as a depressing,industrial Northern city, they were attractedto the cosmopolitanand

multi-sited Leeds scene.Bradford gigs, more specifically the weekday club events,

and those where the sameband had a duplicate show in Leeds,sufferedbadly. Mr. I

felt aggrievedwhen he saw those I in 12 membersforegoing a club event and instead

attendingthe 120Ratsgig:

sometimesyou try to arrangean event here, I'm not like that causeI never arrangean
event here 'cos I hate doing it and I am not that good at doing it. SometimesI'm
involved in an event here and you need some of the familiar facesto help out and you
kind of go "can you do something?" and they go "oh no, you know there's a cider party
at the 120Rats tonighf', And you think that everyone's going to some burned out old
building to get pissedwhen they could do that in a town wherethey live. So, you know,
if I am honestthat pissesme off a little bit, But you know there must be enoughpeople
in Leeds already to have a cider party of their own without sucking all of our people
away.
In short, multi-sited Leedssappedthe energiesof both the organisersand audience

at the lin12. Lcedsmemberswho attemptedto show solidarity and attend club events

often found themselves due

stranded, to the relatively early times of the last trains and

busesback to Leeds. They often had to forego the last band in favour of a bus or train

journey. This proved frustrating. Those who remainedoften had to find lifts back to

Leeds from thosewho had driven to the club. Car use was a relatively limited luxury

for a lot of Leedsscenemembers.

It was statedby a large number of Leeds people during interview that it would be

beneficial to move the lin12 over to Leeds: all of its problemswould be solved. Mr.

G makesthis clear:

G: I always walk past derelict factories in the centreof town and I just look at it and go.
If only: you know, so the I in 12: a fucking brilliant club, but the problem it suffers from
is that it is in Bradford. If it was in Leeds, causethere's so many more kids in Leeds,
than In Bradford, it would do so much better, but people, a lot of the time, people don't

6-1Such issues
are afforded closeattentionin chaptereight. It cannotbe understatedthat this is just one
issue that brought about the crisis at the Iinl2. Wider issues of costs and maintenanceof an
increasinglyageingbuilding addedadditional pressuresamongmany others.

Gordon PhD 216

 want to travel to Bradford, causeit adds on so much time and then you've got trouble
getting back and then you get back into Leedscity center at like 12.30am,lam and then
you gotta' get back from Leedsccntre to whereveryou live. And it's like, if you have a
show at the I in 12, like this show on Thursday,if it was at the I in 12, and erm, not at the
Packhorseit would hardy turn out. I mean it is a crime becauseLeeds is only ten miles
away, but like a lot of peopledon't travel and won't travel that far. And so while I would
love to be able to put the shows on at the I in 12, to support the Club and causeit's a
cooler venuethan a pub, a lot of the time I can't becausethey just won't get the turnout.
He them ruminates on the causesof why the Iinl2 suffered from a low turnouts

during this period.66

G: I think to be honestit probably stemsfrom going to too many gigs there wherethere's
no one, with a really low turnout and as a result the gigs tend to be boring, and probably
too much time spentnot doing anything. I meanwhen you have beento a lot of festivals
or, 'causeI mean shows at the I in 12 always seemto start really late as well and if you
get there on time Spmand the show doesn't start 'till I Opmyou end up hanging around
for a couple of hours and the amount of time I spent hanging around. I mean you can
think of a lot of worse places to spendhanging around, but when you go to somewhere
for a show and you are looking forward to seeingthe band you know what I mean, it's
like any time you have to wait once you get there is kind of like an agonisingwait time.
It's not like WOW I'm in a cool club I could go use the library like you might do
normally, it's just a bit like there's this band on I wanna seeplaying in two hours and it
puts you in a different mindset I think to an extent. Erin, and I think just the amount of
time I spentthere, sometimesit just feels like the I in 12 is boring. And I feel bad saying
that becausethe I in12 has so many good things going for it and I love the club, it's just
becauseit is in Bradford I think becauseI havebeento that many deadshowsthere.

I will develop the issue of why lin12 members exit the club in the following

chapter. The quotes from Mr. I and G illustrate a larger issue that loomed large in

DiY punk discourseand action during two yearsleading up to the fieldwork period of

2001. The identities and perceptionsof the Leeds and Bradford scenesbeganto take

on somevery interestingissuesthat were informed by both inter-and intra-perceptions

of both of the scenes.It is on those issuesthat I now focus attention.

Ladida Leedsvs. the Bradford Scum.

The Leeds and Bradford scenesrepresenttwo related yet distinctive approachesto

DiY punk ethics. The history of the lin12 is connectedto the anarcho,punk ethical

tradition. The Leedssceneis bound up with the American hardcoretradition although

there are significant areasof similarity such as the 120Rats,Punktured promotions

66The
club has recoveredsomewhatsince this period of crisis. There have been a large number of
successfulshowsthere during the last three years,althoughthe occasional'dead-show' does,inevitably
occur.

Gordon PhD 217

 67
and the punks picnic gigs in Leeds and the hardcore festivals at the lin12 .

Neverthelessthere is a significant reciprocal polarisation betweenthe two scenes. I

outlined in detail both of thesepositions in broad terms during chapter four and also

illustrated the wider differencesbetween straightedge,emo, punk and hardcoreand

how identification with such genresservesto provide both membershipstatus and

authenticateits respectivemembers. Migration within and betweenthesescenescan

often be viewed as problematic. To subculturally shift from a punk to a hardcore

is
scene occasionallyviewed by core membersfrom both of the respectivesidesas a

sign of lack of authenticity,of a sell-out.

What follows illustratesmy model of genredistinction in significant ways. Relying

mostly on criticisms of placing responsibility on those who left the Bradford scenefor

weakeningthe strengthof the club, they equally cast scorn upon those Leeds members

who never attendthe club's weekdayevents,or who visit the club and misinterpretthe

core beliefs of the place. During the interviews, six core members of the Bradford

scenereferred to themselvesas 'The Bradford Scum', whilst the Leeds scenewas

describedas 'posh', full of 'poseurs,' 'posy', 'expensive' and 'beautiful'. The catch-
-
all term for the scene was 'Ladida Leeds.' These two membership badges, 'Ladida

Leeds' and 'Bradford Scum', are relative to the wider economic contexts of the two,

respective cities. Bradford was conceived as 'run-down', 'a bowlful of shit', a

decrepit city in permanent recession by the Bradford interviewees, whereas Leeds was

observed as cosmopolitan, trendy, nice and clean. 'Me scope of the research and

insufficient space restrict full discussion of the wider economic and cultural status of

the two cities, yet it is obvious that such status is of central importance in shaping how

subcultural members construct their identities. Perhaps most significantly, this is

67There
notedhere were
was significantoverlapbetweenthe specificscenes. The observations
betweenthecoremembersof the I in12,andtheir counterparts
in Leeds.

Gordon PhD 218

 embodiedin the self-ironic reclamationof the word 'scum' by Bradford membersin

contrastto the way they refer to people on the Leeds scene. By using this term as a

badge of membership, a deliberately paradoxical elevation of Bradford 'scum' is

achieved over Tadida' Leeds pretensionsand self-deceit, so that punk credentials

becomeonce again fully burnishedand bright: you can't be a properpunk if you listen

to jazz and wear cleanclothes.

The differences between anarcho punk and hardcore were outlined in detail in

chapterfour. As a reminder,anarchopunk was chiefly concernedwith the anarchist

politics of liberation, solidarity and challenging social oppression. In short, its chief

statusis countercultural:vegetarianism,animal rights, anti-war and anti-globalisation

achievedthrough the DIY politics of the club. Leedswas perceivedas I noted above

as posh: its well-populated, multi-sited and multi-genre subcultural scene offered a

huge array of potential activities. The hardcorescene(as I noted above, specifically

C&R) distanceditself from the overt sloganeeringpolitics of anarchopunk, instead

choosing subtle methods that avoid direct political preaching. The difference was

perhapsbest summarisedas: 'keep it fluffy or keep it spiky' (McKay, 1996:174).

Such divisions are clearly reflected in musical genre differences. Bradford was

associatedwith basic thrash, crust and grind music that was fast, noisy and 'pissed

off' in approach(seeMudrian, 2004). Leeds,on the other hand, was associatedwith

technical proficiency, subtlety, and complicated arrangementsthat transcendedthe

traditional boundariesof punk and hardcore. Equally important is the Leedshardcore

umbrella with its multi-genre and quirky approachthat has proved to be very popular

there.

Gordon PhD 219

 The reciprocally reductive descriptions of the Leeds and Bradford scenesclearly

operate along the lines 68.

of the stereotype Such hard-and-fast distinctions can

potentially harm the diversity betweenand within the Leedsand Bradford scenesand

obstructrecognitionof their numerouspoints of similarity. There are too many points

of similarity to warrant employingthesestereotypesto full effect. The stereotypesare

not in any casejustified, whateverthe circumstances,yet they were frequently drawn

on and reproducedby both Bradford and Leeds subcultural members. We shall now

in
see more detail how this occurs.

TheBradford Scum

As I noted above,thereare important differencesin musical terms betweenboth of the

scenes.Mr. C surnmarisedthese through his use of genre location indicators and

membership badges whilst also echoing Leeds as a subcultural boomtown and

Bradford as a scenein decline:

becauseLeeds is quite metropolitan, you know a sort of beautiful place like you know
where the beautiful people congregate,but ugly people congregatein Bradford and like
err, all the ugly people lived in Bradford like so the other people were punks, I suppose,
Re you know, erm crusties,whatever like you know and all the clean-cut kids lived in
Leeds,but, apart from a few exceptionslike, and anyway like so it sort of clips Bradford.
Bradford'sgone down the pan, erm which is fairly contentiousbut I know some people
would agree with me, and Leeds has got a really good, vibrant sceneRe you know.
The stereotypicaldescriptionhere is abundantlyclear, and goesconsiderablybeyond

any conventional blason populaire. Bradford is definitively presentedas a place

where the 'ugly' people congregateand Leeds where the 'clean cut kids' live. The

opposition itself, however, is not clean-cut. C recognisesthe difficulty of invoking

the stereotypeto maximum effect by stating, as a form of repair work, that 'a few

exceptions'have left Bradford for the subculturalscenedestinationof Leeds. He also

indicatesthat Bradford containsthe 'punks' andthe 'crusties' by his use of descriptive

68SeePickering, M (2001) Stereotypes:ThePolitics

ofRepresentationLondon: Berg, for an excellent,
detailedand critical accountof the stereotype.

Gordon PhD 220

membershipbadges.The practical application of such opinions often made linl2ers'

feel discomfort when visiting Leeds. C often experiencedfeelings of difference and

uneasewhen he attendedLeedsshow:

Bradford peoplehave said that they feel excludedin Leeds. They felt that it's very kind
of maybesnobby,but I counterthat kind of view with the fact that you can go anywhere,
any pub, any place any town, any gig and you'll feel the same. I think iVs about the fact
that if you know someonethen you're comfortable if you go somewhereand you don't
know someonethen youll feel slightly uncomfortable. Uhh and there's inroads, get to
know someone,get to know someoneelse. Get to know them ... you get to know their
friends, get to know you and whateverand that'show it works you know it's interaction I
supposeand that could be the one thing. I might have felt it at times but I know, I know
a lot of the old people, older people that have been involved in the Leeds scene and like,
you know form the out set, the DiY element like. So therefore I've never felt really
excluded because I go way back so I don't feel I've got to prove myself any of the new
kids like and if they don't know me I really don't care It's not I really don't care it doesn't
bother me like. I'm not, I do my thing and I'm not, not really. It's a bit difficult
sometimes with what I do. I don't know there could be more fast bands I suppose,you
know, I dunno, it's expensiveLeeds,posy. Uhhm, it's not Bradford erm, it's big it's too
far to walk (laughter) erm, beer prices are fucking extortionateerr, the record shopsthat
were good have all closed down, Duchess closed down.

Here C argues that familiarity with the Leeds scene reduces such feelings of

unbelonging, yet the stereotypesare resiliently evoked: Leeds is 'posy', beer prices

are 'fucking extortionate' and there aren't enough fast bands there. Such views are

presentedagainst the backdrop of the lin12 which is, by default, set up as notposy

with its remit of cheapbeer and its gig bliss full of fast, honestbands.

During the field work period, the linl2ers' that attendedgigs and parties stuck

togetherboth at the gigs and the partiesthat occurredat the weekends. Here C, again,

makes direct reference to the distinctions between the two scenes through his

discussionof a Leedssceneparty he attended:

It was like Bradford scum on the stairs (laughter), Leedskids in the houseand stuff and
like you know on the seatsand stuff and us lot outside, fucking, oer, argh oer like this
(gestures)and we werejust throwing each other off the stairs like andjust hanging each
other off the top of the stairs and throwing eachother aroundand that and falling all over
the place and singing Black Flag songsand fucking being idiots really.
Here the sharp distinction of 'clean-cut' Leeds and Bradford Scum presents the

civilised Leeds scene as adopting the correct position of using seats whilst the

Bradford scum were banishedto the stairs. They distinguishedthemselvesfrom the

Gordon PhD 221

 Leeds scene through a display of drunken and unruly behaviour. Through these

distinctions, lin12 members establish their authentic status as rebels within the

confonnist Leedssubculture. Throwing eachother off the stairsis in direct contrastto

the bourgeoisconventionof 'using the seats'.

However, there were spaceswithin the Leedsscenewhere lin12 membersdid feel

at home: at the 120Rats. With the exceptionof Mr. I who explicitly raised concerns

over club members neglecting the lin12 for the 120Rats, the majority of the

interviewees stated that the squat was the most comfortable Leeds destination for

them as it directly reflected the core DiY valuesof the lin12. Ms. G was clear on this

matter:

The squat. I just love the squat,becauseyou can go there and everyonegoes heeyyyy!
You know. It's similar to Bradford people and you'll walk in and it's just great. And
everyone at the I in 12 is just so up for what they are doing. It's a really cheapnight out
and it's always a good night out. You know it's really: the squatbasically
With the rest of the LeedssceneI don't like going to strangepubs and getting kicked out
at stupid times and having to pay loads for drinks. I really don't like that and I don't
think there's any needfor it and that's part of the reasonpeople like us set up and run the
Club. Not wanting to harp on aboutthat too much. I just hate going. I don't like going
and trying to be quiet and not putting my feet upon chairs and. I just really hatethat sort
ofthing. Ijustwantto goto agig and do whatever I want.
The scene beyond the 120Rats is described in similar terms to Cls: 'strange',

governed by rules and expensively priced drinks. The 120Rats chimes with the

sensibilities of the club members' sensibilities:the TAZ statusof the building allows

licensing laws, bouncers,high beerprices and generalexternal laws and controls to be

effectively banished. For the lin12 memberand the squat,the rejection of such rules

is interpretedas a wider freedom and autonomy unavailable within the wider Leeds

scene.

There are lin12 memberswho do not visit Leeds and create an equal measureof

unease among the 'posh' Leeds people as the Bradford scum experiencedwhen

visiting gigs and parties other than the 120Rats. H statedthat he rarely, if ever, visits

Gordon PhD 222

the Leeds scenealthough he can 'spot' 'Leeds people' when they attend gigs at the

linl2:

You know what I was saying earlier about image and about how people look? Err, it's
quite funny. It's like who's more hardcorethan you, you know. He must be hardcore,or
he's far more hardcorethanhim. But then when you see,if there's a gig here [I in 12] and
loads of people come over from Leedsright. It's a bit cynical probably, but you could
probably pick 'em out. You know, and what the fuck do they carry around in their
rucksacksall the time! [laughter]. They have got their walkman on. They are wearing a
coat, and big fucking rucksack.
Leeds people are distinguishedand recognisedat the lin12 through their style of

clothing. They are consideredto be neat and tidy rather than dirty and crusty. Such

views createa mirror image of eachother. This is illustrated by Mr. J, who described

the Leeds kids who visited the lin12 as 'rather yuppie and younger', whilst Ms. M

statedthat thosepeopleand gigs in the Leedsscene:

tendedto be more emo, I think. I'm not really sure what emo is but. It seemsto be more
into musical things rather than the more punky stuff. I think they get a lot more peopleto
their gigs 'cause it's like a massivecity with a big studentpopulation. And they have
gigs in different pubs around town. So it's easier for people to go because it's not this
club down a dingy alleyway. It's in pubs what people drink in anyway. I think one of
the best things aboutLeedsis the 120Ratswhich unfortunately is getting evicted isn't it?

LadidaLeeds

As I noted earlier, a selectionof Leedsscenemembersviewed Bradford as a decrepit

and rundown northern city. For the majority of them the only decent subcultural

attribute the Bradford scene had was the lin12. There were, however similar

problems in terms of reception when those Leeds members visited the linl2: they

were perceivedas 'posh', 'emo' and 'clean-cut' to namebut three of the stereotypical

descriptors. In return, the lin12 was viewed by the younger Leeds sceneas 'crusty"

'punk, ' 'aging', 'dirty' and 'cliquey'. As Mr. G points out

Ile vibe I always got at the lin12, and even still do to an extent is not that it is not a
young personsatmosphere,but I don't feel as comfortable there maybeas I do, because
the age rangethere is a lot higher then it is in Leeds. And a lot of other showsand for a
long time I always felt that it didn't feel comfortable dancing 'causeeveryonewas like
old and stood there and you didn't dare dance. It's not so much like something that
anyone'ssaid or I think peoplereally feel, causeI obviously it's blatantly whateverage it
doesn't really matter, but you know how you get vibes about places and the I in 12 just

Gordon PhD 223

 has a vibe that show-wise doesn't always fill me like with anticipation. Just because
there's been that many shows with no-one there or virtually no one there becauseit's
locatedin Bradford.

linl2ers were perceivedas 'old' and 'punk' by the younger membersof the Leeds

hardcoresceneand the 1in12 was viewed as a place where one couldn't danceor feel

comfortable at the shows. Mr. C statesthat a lot of the Leeds people think that the

club is politically correctand they can't relax as a result of this:

You know a load of people think that the club is really politically correct and I really
have a lot of problemswith this PC type of mentality and tag that people attachto other
people who they perceiveas being, you know someonewho will get all high and mighty
aboutparticular usesof languagelike you know, erm.
What is at stake here are two contrary impulses within punk: on the one hand

breaking down barriers and challenging conventions, while on the other adopting

behaviour that is ethical, non-exploitativeand considerateto others. Thesetwo punk

impulses often clash, leading to argumentand dissensionabout what are taken to be

the core ethics of anarchopunk ethics and the traditional 'get pissed, destroy' punk

mentality. One of the C&R memberssummedthis up in simple terms:

I think a lot of it boils down to the divisions betweenLeedsand Bradford of what is and
what isn't punk or hardcore. That's why I have always seen,well not always seenbut
recently seenthat the Leedsscenecelebratesmore about a way of producing things than
of sticking to rigid punk genres.
Here I can return to one of the earlier points I made above in relation to the I in 12

experiencinga lack of turnout at their gigs. One of the reasonsthat someof the Leeds

people don't go to such shows is that they feel intimidated with the cliquey

atmospherethere. They choose to remain in Leeds unless there is a really popular

event occurring at the lin12. This is similar to the way that the linl2ers chooseto

frequent the squat rather than the Leeds scene as a whole. A related yet separate

reasonfor this is down to the single site of the lin12 and its lack of variety. Mr. G

pointed out:

There's a lot of the old 'timers' should I say within Bradford, you know a lot more of the
establishedpeople. When I think of the younger kids that go to shows,like there's Mr. F
from Bradford and there's like a couple of others, but there really aren't that many kids

Gordon PhD 224

 from aroundBradford area,and when you compareit to Leedswhere there's an awM lot
uhm I think Bradford struggles. I mean,you know it's really good that the I in 12 is there,
I love the I in 12 but I think it would do so much better if it was in Leeds. If you could
uproot the I in 12 and move it acrossand out it in LeedsI think it would go from strength
to strengthto strength,'causethere'sthat many more shows in Leeds. If you could put it
in a similar city [the problem would be solved.] (emphasisauthors).

This is a solution that is often aimed at the irresolvable situation of Leeds versus

Bradford yet only concentrateson the musical activities of the club. As I noted in

chapter five, music is only one of the activities that the Club participatesin. Those

members who are involved in non-musical activities and provide a valued

contribution to the club would be left strandedby such a move. They would be

deprivedof a valuablecommunity resource.

The proposalis typical of misunderstandingsbetweenthe respectivescenes,though

it is not shared across the board, nor are the activities of the Leeds scene badly

received when they are introduced to the Club, as one of the of C&R members

articulated:

I have never really understoodthesedivisions. I got kind of got disillusioned with it. I
went to Bradford and I thought it was cool, certain key people that were involved and I
felt encouragedand supportedwith my bands.

Suchquotesrevealthat there is also a wide amountof mutual respectbetweenLeeds

and Bradford scenesalthough such divisions are recognised. Such acceptanceis an

equal part of the politics that exist between the two scenesalongside the mutual
interestof DiY. However,the advantagesof the Leedsscenefor one memberof C&R

are obvious:
I think basically there's more of us and it's not just that there's more scope for things
becausethere's more venuesthere's more there's different gigs going on, there's a bigger
social circle. It's like causethe thing that I think the thing that got to me about Bradford
was becauseit were basically incestuousit was kind of everybody knew everybody's
business.

Thesepotentially gossip-freeattractionsproved too tempting for many in the Bradford

scene,and from the mid-to-late ninetiesthere was a steadystreamof ex-club members

moving across. During the fieldwork period, the move to Leeds by core members

placed additional stresseson the remaining members of the lin12. The 120Rats

Gordon PhD 225

 amongstthe plurality of other punk venuesoffered a wider social circle, a senseof

distanceand a comfortablecontext in which to exist. But in gaining this, it raisedthe

question- do they retain their authenticanarchopunk-status,or as Mr. R put it in an

email to me in 1999,inherit the label of 'another rat leaving the stinking shit'?

Conclusion

In this chapter I have covered the contradictions between the Leeds and Bradford

scenesin terms of the Out of Step shop, where genre capital is invoked in order to

bolster authenticity,and the gig settingsand experiencesthat operatefrom the Leeds6

front room and cellar to the city-centre nightclub. The latter raises important

questionsabout where the boundariesof the core DiY ethic lie and how far practice

can move from them without becoming seriously compromised. Finally I have

discussedthe mutually oppositional depictionsof the Leeds and Bradford scenesand

how this ultimately places additional stresson the core linl2 club members. For

them, the continual pressuresof running the building on a diminishing basepresents

unbearablestressand can lead to burnout. Membership depletion is just one factor

that can lead to aI in I 2er leaving the scene.

Gordon PhD 226

Chapter Eight: Exit

Don't worry you'll get over it

You'll grow up, you'll calm down
Another youth, anotherfashion
You'll get over it you'll calm down.
(Dick Lucas, Subhumans,1982)

Introduction

I demonstratedin the last chapterthat the pressuresgeneratedfrom the blossoming

Leeds DiY scenepresentedproblems for the lin12 member. For a large number of

members,this resultedin a move to Leeds. This connectsup with one of the assumed

central tendenciesof DiY music that its participants sooner or later exit the scene.

That there is a large age spectrumwithin this culture (intervieweesrangedfrom 20 to

42) standsas testimony that the scenemanagesto both retain the majority of its core

membershipand recruit younger members. The common interpretation of sceneexit

can be broadly outlined in terms of the member ceasing active participation and

instead adopting new interests,concernsand general life activities that arrest future

involvement and participation in the DiY scene. This assumptionis prevalent in the

interview transcripts from core subcultural members, yet they demonstratedlittle

intention of leaving the sceneby using generalrather than specific examplesof exit

strategies.

That the words sceneand subcultureare readily and repeatedlyused as descriptors

throughoutthis chapterrequiressomeclarification. The lexical term sceneis usedby

the author, participants and interviewees in tandem with O'Connor's (2002b)

empirically driven methodology.It is usedby the author in the sameway as the punks

of the study use it. To remind the reader how this term is applied and operatesin

punk culture, O'Connor notes:

Gordon PhD 227

 When punks usethe term 'scene' they meanthe active creation of infrastructure
to support punk bandsand other forms of creative activity. This meansfinding
places to play, building a supportive audiencedeveloping strategiesfor living
cheaply,sharedpunk houses,and such like (2002: 226).
Tberefore the term scenein the present work describesthe local corpus of both the

Leeds and Bradford DiY practices the participants are engagedin and equally the

overarching,similar, yet different practicesof relatedDiY punk scenesacrossthe UK

and beyond.

The term subcultureis both a general and specific term of referencefor a plurality

of related and non-related musical/non-musical arenas or networks in which

participants of DiY scenesmay find themselves. For example, it may relate to

corporatepunk rock, rave parties,new age travellers, goths etc. that do not have DiY

punk and hardcore as their ethical centrepiece. Thus subculture operatesas both a

general and specific term that can relate to a whole cluster of scenes,practices and

genresand also to more situation-specificaspectsof these. It can equally be used to

describepunk culture in generalterms. It should also be reassertedthat this term is

not being usedin tandemwith the rhetorical and ideological baggageof its label mate,

counterculture:it is simply usedas a descriptivetool.

The central aims of this chapter are twofold. Firstly, I want to establish the claim

that most core membersof DiY culture do not leave the sceneper se in terms of

ceasing involvement. Indeed this is clearly evident from close scrutiny of the

evidenceof the numberof linl2 membersnow presentlyactive within the Leedsand

associate UK and European scenes. In short core member exit runs along

geographicallines: membersexit a scenethrough such lines, they do not necessarily

alter the learnt practicesof DiY culture, they merely perform and adapt to new DiY

tasksin different geographicallocationsand subcultures.Secondly,I wish to examine

the discourseof sceneexit for evidenceof how authenticityis constructedfrom a core

Gordon PhD 228

membership perspective. I shall argue that members' claims to subcultural

authenticity are bound up with, and constructedthrough, the general and specific

descriptions of scene exit. I will discuss how such claims to authenticity have a

dilemmatic quality in that any form of sceneexit can be read as an index of either

disillusionment with the scene or the dilution of authenticity expressedthrough

statementsof guilt.

The presentchapterwill be split into four sections. Firstly, I will considerthe broad

themesof sceneexit. The majority of the interviewees,when askedthe reasonswhy

people left the scene, presented a number of interesting commonplaces that

specifically function as explanatory linguistic devices for why people exit the scenes

but at the same time act as devices that both 'other' those who are not core scene

members and also serve as devices to constitute the participant's authentic scene

status. Secondly,the scopeof the argumentwill be reducedby specifically examining

exit from the I in 12 club and introducing the issue of subcultural burnout to establish

the claim that scene exit is more prevalent from the lin12 in Bradford than from

Leeds. Thirdly, I will briefly examinethe Leedsscene,accountingfor how the rise in

numbersand its multi-sited DiY framework acted as a magnet for lin12 members.

Additional attentionwill be paid to the low levels of sceneexit from the Leedsscene.

Finally, I concludethis chapterby restatingits central claim that the core membership

of hardcore punk constitute a group for whom scene exit means: either remaining

within the given environment or by utilising their geographicalcontacts within the

wider punk subculture to move onto fresh DiY punk and hardcore related scenes.

Here I will also restatethat the issueof authenticity is central to both hardcorepunk

culture and scene exit. From the original UK inception of punk rock the level of

participation and its flipside, the lack of understandingand 'true' involvement, have

Gordon PhD 229

 beendescribedin terms of 'real' punks and 'posers'. I shall first turn attention to the

general, reasonsfor exit referred to in the interviews and the specific issuesof this

issuewithin the DiY scene.

A number of common responsesto the question 'why might a person leave the

scene'becameevident from analysis of the interview transcripts, although exit was

referredto in generalterms and a gap becameevident betweenhypotheticaland actual

exit patterns of member exit description. Reasonsfor exit can be situated within a

common typology of scene exit: vanishing people; careers and education; age,

children and death; and fmally issues regarding the local scene and site of

participation.

It should be noted that virtually none of the core intervieweeshad exited the scene

by totally removing themselvesfrom wider subculturalactivity. They were all active

in DiY practice at the time of the fieldwork. What underpinsthe typological themes

associatedwith subcultural exit is a stake in the core of authenticity. Through their

statusas core members,exit by other scenemembersis 'othered'and describedas the

actions of peripheral and semi-peripheral members not core activists. Exit is

interpretedas the oppositeof authenticinvolvement.

The VanishingPeople

Core membersmade mention of those participants who 'disappear'from the scene,

thosepeoplethat are seenat gigs, are socialisedand engagedwith duly at a superficial

level. In short, such participants are marginal, yet centrally linked to the general

populaceof the DiY social arena. Mr. R noted that there are 'hundredsof examples'

of such people he has experiencedover the years and statedthat he 'largely did not

have a clue where they went, they simply disappeared! Indeed Mr. D described

Gordon PhD 230

himself in theseterms, statinghe was part of the 'vanishing people'after he found the

lin12 club's attractionsbecame,for him, stale: he left Bradford to join a band in the

south of the UK. Within the interview data, similar terms usedto describeexit were

that people 'vanished', 'disappeared'or 'left' the scene, that they were no longer

'visible' or 'active' as members,yet the exit of the vanishing people has a knock-on

effect within the DiY scene. For core members,the 'vanishing people' will continue

to arrive and leave and perhapsbecomemarginally involved before they exit. This

the
reduces numbersattendingand supportingDiY music events. As an observerand

participant of the DiY scene,myself, for numerousyears, the scenecan be described

as one trading on a high turnover of semi-peripheraland peripheral membership:in

short the sceneexperiencesebbsand flows. As attendancefluctuatesat concerts,this

affects core membershipmotivation. For this the

reason, first categoryof generalexit

is established as a device that is reflexively linked to, and constitutive of, the

commitment,dedicationand, most importantly, authenticity of the core membership.

Core authenticity is reinforced when contrastedwith semi and peripheral members

who leave the scene. Mr. D statedthat people who briefly engagewith the scenemay

not find it to their taste:they marginally experimentwith the scene'sactivities before

making the decision not to fully participate and find anotherless-authenticcoursefor

their lives. This assumptionwas also madeby Mr. C when he claimed that a general

reasonfor exit is that people'go normal', they 'get into football and start reading The

Sun'. Or, as another interviewee suggested, they become involved in wider

subcultural activities such as rave culture, drum and bass or DiY hip-hop or other

subcultural genres more suited to their musical tastes. In defence of his own

authenticity, Mr. C statedthat he had no plans to exit the scene:that he 'kept his hand

in' and hadn't resortedto 'wearing Calvin Klein aftershavejust yet. Claims such as

Gordon PhD 231

this invoke a stereotypeof what one might do, or is perceived to do, post-exit.

Wearing of expensiveaftershaveor reading The Sun, are assumedto be sure signs of

no longer identifying with, or ceasingto hold a firm commitment to, the values and

practices of DiY music. From the point of view of the present ethnographicdata,

leaving the scene for core members remains a preserve of semi and peripheral

members of the DiY scene. This createspressureon core membersto reflexively

establish their commitment against a section of the DiY community that is in a

constantstateof flux through subculturalexit.

Careersand Education

The most likely cause of scene exit cited in the data is the adoption of a career.

Described in the interviews as 'getting a job, ' 'doing the nine to five', 'starting one's

own business'
and 'getting the
a career', underlying implication was that such activity

would take priority over involvement in DiY activities. The lack of careerintentions

exhibited from core membersagain servedas a badgeof authenticity. Dedication and

commitment to DiY punk would becomea casualty to choosing a career. Such a

choice is viewed as a lack of commitment to the scene, although many of the

intervieweesheld full and part-time jobs of mixed statusand responsibility, ranging

from postal to bank workers. The reasoningimplicit in the interviews is that such

employment allows the individual to both work for a living wage and participate in

the DiY punk scene,while the generalview of a careerper se is couchedin the idea of

work as total commitment, leaving little time to set aside for DiY activity. Waged

work is seeneither as a meansto continueparticipation in the scene,or as devotion to

a career,propelling the personon to a new life course,shifting and eclipsing previous

DiY concerns,leadingone to abandontheir previous life activities. This distinction is

identified as dilemmatic. To adopt the later courseof action is bound up with the

Gordon PhD 232

 potential to surrenderone's claims of authenticity as a sceneactor. That all of the

core membershad no careerat the time of writing, and were insteadeither involved

with part and full-time work and education or receiving benefits, enabled them to

continue authentic participation within the punk sceneeven if this meant that such

participation stretchedthe memberstime resourcesto the limit and sentthem towards

a possiblestateof bumout.

As a related point, education was cited by the interviewees as a possible avenue

leading to sceneexit. Education was used in one instanceto state how inauthentic

peripheraland semi-peripheralmemberswere in using their student-statusas a means

of involvement in the sceneprior to leaving and adopting careeristlife choices. Here

Mr. Q is explicit when discussingpeoplewho left the Leeds scenein the late 1980sin

that he views suchtransgressionsas inauthenticand shallow:

As far as I can tell they fucked off 'causethey had finished their university coursesand
got jobs got suits, and I know one who got into record managementand I think worked
for a big label. A lot of them I met finished their university courses,took their piercings
out, got a nice fucking suit and went and got ajob.
There are two points that can be raisedin relation to this quote. Firstly authenticity

and commitmentremain central. Suchexamplesof sceneexit activities were usedto

illustrate how semi-peripheral members in higher education were in fact

masqueradingas core members. Thus education both allowed the resourcesfor

participation in the scene but also provided the potential resourcesfor scene exit.

Secondly,and a point I shall discussin further detail below, the discourseof 'selling

out' is implicit here. That one memberof the said grouping 'worked for a big label'

can be read as implying that core principles of the scene,previously adheredto, have

beenabandoned,leadsto assertionsof selling out, of abandoningsuchprinciples. The

uncompromisingly harsh tone of Tucked off and 'nice fucking suit' illustrates the

hostility aimed at those who abandonthe core DiY values. Taken together, both

Gordon PhD 233

 points demonstratehow claims of authenticity are made in contradistinctionto use of

DiY sceneas an identity vehicle before eventualexit. The contradistinctionbecomesa

benchmarkto establishone'sown claims to sceneauthenticity: one re-establishesfirm

views against selling out and having a career. That a number of intervieweeswere

involved with education (both further and higher) and remained active within the

be to
scenecan used show that those who are involved as core membersdo not fall

foul of inauthenticity. Exit in generalterms is used as referencefor reinforcing the

virtues of sceneauthenticity.

Age, Children and Death.

Aging, children and deathwere all cited by the intervieweesas reasonsfor sceneexit.

I shall take discusseachof thesein turn. Age was discussedat three different levels.

Firstly, advancedage propelled some of the interviewees towards rethinking their

position and dedication towards the scene. Mr. E noted that as he agedthe priorities

of hardcorepunk beganto decline in importance. He expressedthe fear of 'being left

on the shelf at thirty five years of age'. This is an important point as it suggeststhe

dichotomous relationship betweenage, participation and goals. In a scenewhere I

the
observed averageage to be located in the early twenties, not teens,such concerns

and fears in
were expressed relation to feeling the pressureto leave a scenethat had

large numbers of younger people participating in the scene. Mr. K pointed to this

by
unease stating that he often felt like he was 'an overgrown kid in the extended

' As the scenebecameyounger he felt old and alienated,

playground of adolescence.

but still determinedto be involved. He statedthat he was often questionedby non-

punk peers on his continuing subcultural involvement: for K, his involvement is his

life:

Gordon PhD 234

 It's all "what are you gonnabe like when you are fucking sixty with all your tattoos?" and
I say I don't fucking care you know. Did I still think I would still be into punk when I
was thirty-five? No! You don't know. Things happen. I mean you never know what's
going to happenin your life. I might be deadtomorrow, you know what I mean?
Far from suggesting scene exit will occur, K advances the point that he merely

continues with his life in the traditions learnt through lengthy involvement. This

serves to establish that, whilst he is advancing in years, lengthy participation and

dedication to the scene operatesboth as a badge of authenticity and a symbol of

to
personalstruggle achievean advancedage in a subculturalgroupings. However, on

the other hand, it also raisesthe dilemma of feeling old in what could, ostensibly, be

describedas a youth scene. To be young in such a sceneis one of the central sources

of solidarity. My observationsof levels both

of acceptance betweenand through the

DiY sceneson age lines suggeststhat the case of DiY hardcore working under the

descriptionof a youth subculturerestson questionablefoundations.

SecondlyE was also keen to point out that his concernsand subcultural dedications

shifted ground after his father died and he felt obligatedto care for his aging mother: a

in
shift priorities had taken place relative to his age. He was equally keen to point out

that, in careerterms, working low paid jobs that enabledparticipation in DiY, proved

to be more stressfulashe got older. He expresseddisdain at sometimesnot being able

to feed himself properly due to his low pay and as this stateof affairs progressedhe

found himself questioninghis involvement in DiY punk, though he still found it so

enjoyableand stimulating that he had no immediateplansto exit.

Thirdly, age provided the elder membersof the scenewith the choice of exit from

certain sceneactivities. Indeed, Mr. I (aged 42 at the time of interview) noted that

DiY bandsand gigs no longer held his attention, yet he still wished to be involved in

the production of sucheventsin the role of either a soundengineeror van driver. Part

Gordon PhD 235

of the reasonfor this partial exit from the immediacy of the proceedingswas down to

his physical condition and length of time spentin the scene:

I've reachedthe agenow and the circumstanceswhere I don't particularly enjoy gigs very
much. I'm going a bit deaf and I can't be arsedwith people shoving into me and all that.
I want to sit down and pay attention,not be deafenedand pushedarounda lot. I'm short,
I can't see what's going on at the front. If there'sa crush, I meanto me a gig is a place
where you can't seeproperly, you cant hearproperly, so why would you want to go there,
so I tend not to.
For 1, the concert is a place that no longer holds appeal, yet he managesto be

involved in the practical end of the organisationand the mechanicsof the event. This

be
can explained both in terms of his relatively advancedage as a scenememberand

also in terms of health issuesrelated to his,perceiveddeafness. However, what Mr. I

assertsabove all is his continuing dedicationto DiY culture. This in turn upholds the

argument that scene exit is not a clear-cut issue in terms of direct and total

disconnectionfrom the scene.

The issueof children was mentionedby all intervieweesas a possible generalreason

for sceneexit. In spite of this only one out of the twenty-five interviewees was a

he
parent and was estrangedfrom his child at the time of interview. The generalview

espousedby the intervieweeswas one of abstinenceand viewed the world as 'too

fucked up' to have kids. Bringing more children into the world to contribute to what

they consideredto be the pending economicand ecological disasterwas consideredto

be unfair on the child. That said the relatively small number of intervieweeswith

children was not overly reflective of the membershipof the IinI2. Lots of lin12

members do have kids. During my observation there were a number of children

presentduring club activities, yet thesebelongedto membersof the other collectives

in the lin12 not studied for this project. Children also involve a shift of

responsibilities arrest participation but it was made clear in interview that having

Gordon PhD 236

children did not ultimately mean exit from the scenemerely evoked a brief hiatus

from the scene.

The final areaof generalsceneexit discourserelatesto relationshipsand involuntary

exit. A number of the intervieweesmentioned subcultural exit as a consequenceof

failed personal relationships. Mr. G stated that his ex-partner lost interest in the

hardcore scene in Leeds and no longer wished to participate. He was explicit in

stating that the relationship broke up shortly after this with her not being seen at

eventsafter this break. Many similar examplesof this can be found in the interview

responses,though the finer mechanics and intimate details of such issues were

withheld by the interviewees. Secondly,death is an irrevocable causeof sceneexit

that was not gained from the interview data but from my own personalexperienceof

the DiY scene. During the period this study was carried out, eight core membersof

the UK DiY scenemet with tragic, early deaths. This is the ultimate form of scene

in
exit, although many respectstheir activities and lives continue to be celebrated

through the activities of the DiY sceneand tradedon as a badge 69

of true authenticity .

SceneIssues

Within this subsectionthe broadissuesof potential exit arising from issueswithin the

DiY hardcorepunk scenewill be considered. Again the issue of authenticity looms

large as the intervieweesraise issuewith activities which force them to considerexit

strategies. It should be stressedthat these are only suggestedstrategiesas to why a

person might leave the scene,not actual accountsof this practice. I shall split this

sectioninto threemajor themes.

69 Indeed, there have been

eight tragic deathsof membersclosely associatedwith the UK punk and
hardcorescenesduring the four yearsof this research:seemy openingacknowledgements.

GordonPhD 237
 The first general theme related to scenepolitics was an abiding concern with the

lack of rewardsfrom input into DiY punk. In a sense,this precludeswhat will be said

in relation to burnout in the linl2 club. The commonplacesof why a participant

might leave the scenewere generally articulated though statementssuch as 'when it

stopsbeing fim and you feel you are wasting your time'; 'when the pros outweigh the

cons' and 'when it becomesmore negativethan positive.' In spite of thesestatements

being used to constitute how exit might occur, there was very little evidence in

support of such disillusionmentbeing translatedinto full exit from the subculture. As

I will articulate below, when participants' expectations are no longer met by the

scene,they move on, althoughthis doesnot act as a rule that they will exit the wider

subcultureto adopt a new life plan. As I noted above, Mr. E beganto prioritise his

activities but this did not lead to his exit, only a reconsiderationof it. In similar terms,

Mr. D found that the Bradford scenehad become'stale',though this merely led him to

pursue wider subcultural DiY sceneactivities in the South of England. He noted that

those who exit or vanish from the sceneoften reappearwith a new band, label distro,

fanzine or promotion activity. Exit from the scenein thesecasesis usedas a spaceto

reassessand take stock of one'sactivities before embarkingupon fresh projects and/or

returning to the original sceneor moving to/starting a new scene. Mr. R noted that

after running a DiY record label, promoting bandsand being involved in the I in 12 for

sixteen years,he eventually moved out of Bradford. In spite of this he continued to

play in a band and remain involved in promoting gigs. He statedthat the reasonfor

him winding down his concernswith the label was becauseof money being owed to

him and he was constantlytrying to recoup money owed to the label. R statesthat

UY doesnot work' for him and the lack of honestyof thosethat owe him money has

led him to consider exit as an option. He wound down his label as a result of this.

Gordon PhD 239

 The issueof burnout is suggestedhere in that the aims and intentionsof R!s label have

been usurpedthrough unforeseenand difficult obstacles,forcing him to evaluatehis

commitment to the label project. R stated that he was much more comfortable

pursuing work in his band than being constantly frustrated with the intricacies of

running a DiY recordlabel.

Taken together,what this collection of commonplacesassertsis that sceneexit does

not occur per se, it merely shifts to other activities within the DiY sceneor wider

subculturealong the lines of either shifting location or the choice of activities one is

involved in.

A further illustration of this is related to the scale and pace of genre progression

within the hardcore DiY punk scenes. As a participant observer of the Leeds and

Bradford scenesI attendedand played nearly eighty concerts within the field work

period. Indeed, certain weeks in Leeds there were eight hardcore related shows

available to attend and up to three at the linl2. In tandem with this the amount of

monthly record releases from bands was bewildering. Within MRR, Fracture and

RTB, I counted for one month on the global DiY hardcore and punk subculture 580

record reviews and 99 fanzine reviews across the three DiY publicationS70 Mr. K

made explicit mention of the effort required just to keep in touch with the minimum of

this output. He noted that if one does not attend concerts or buy records for a

relatively short period on time, one may find 'oneself outside' of the current debates

and musical styles of hardcore. Genre distinction has to be constantly maintained.

One interviewee was keen to point out that as hardcore punk genres change and

releases multiply, there is a possibility of alienation: that 'one day you will wake up

and find yourself outside of the scene.' What underpins this particular point is an

70Takinginto
accounttheevidenceof duplicatereviewsof recordsbetweenthethreefanzines

Gordon PhD 239

 adherenceto the idea of authenticity: it requires constanteffort to maintain levels of

knowledge about developmentswithin this particular music scene,yet remaining up-

to-date with such developmentschimes in with claims of subcultural authenticity.

This leadsto counterclaims and criticism from within the scene. K noted that one of

the faults he found in the Leeds DiY scenewas that it had a predilection towards

becomingcolonisedby 'recordcollecting nerds'.This practice had usurpedwhat punk

be 'raw ,71
to
was originally supposed be about,to and spontaneous.

Finally, I wish to deal briefly with the issueof selling out and also to argumentsand

disagreementswithin the punk scenes. In selling out, the band in question leavesthe

fold of DiY punk rock and embracesthe world of corporate music subculturesas a

career through engagementwith a major record label. This involves relinquishing

control of certain aspects of their artistic practice. In many respects this

is
commonplaceof selling out similar to the discourseof 'career and education as

I
selling out'. shall saymuch more on the discourseand dilemmas of selling out in the

following chapter, presently I wish to note here a band like Chumbawamba,who

signed to EMI in 1997, used their new position to advance the cause of their

subterraneanconnectionsand support of DiY activities. At the time of the fieldwork

not only had this band aided the funding of the recording studio at the I in 12, they had

also funded a number of political organisationswith money gained from deals with

multinational corporations. Whilst Chumbawamba had exited the DiY and

independent music scenes' in favour of more lucrative practices, they remained

involved at the level of funding practicescentral to the politics of DiY scenes'. This

did not prevent the band from being chastisedand criticised for 'selling out' and

turning their backson the 'authentic'or 'real' scene. As in other cases,such criticisms

71Seethe
record sleevefor PoisonIdea (1984) Record Collectorsare PretentiousAssholes.Bitzcore.

Gordon PhD 240

of exit serve to bolster the credentialsof core scenemembers. This is a rhetorical

strategy which I have shown occurs across the general and broad discourse DiY

criticism of others is integrally is bound up with claims of self-authenticity. It also

supportsmy counter claim that whilst a band may have left the immediate cultural

practices of MY, their future actions and support of it may simply proceed from a

fresh and wider subculturallocation.

'Make it StopP The lin]2 and MemberBurnoutlExit

The ethnographicdata provides strong supportive evidence for exit from the lin12

club sceneduring the 1996-2001period, though it is by

counterbalanced a number of

core membersremaining completely dedicatedto the building and the general DiY

project it houses. Within the fieldwork period evidenceof sceneexit aroseout of the

linl2 club with little suggestionand evidenceof exit from the Leeds scene. Through

interviews, observation notes and general conversationswith past club members

during the field work period, and my long-standingassociationwith both the Leeds

and Bradford scene,a large number of people(I estimateat around fourty) had ceased

daily involvement with the lin12 and had moved away from the city, either around

the country or to the adjacentcity of Leeds. Indeed, over half of the intervieweesof

the study had left Bradford prior to or during 2001.

The lin 12 club faced a crisis meeting in November of 1999 in which the issue of

closureand thus its own exit from the subcultural map was seriously debated. What

becameevident from this meeting was the issue that member exit, and a lack of

participation and use of the club, (as I pointed out in the previous chapter)presented

strains on the decreasingpool of core memberswho found themselvesfaced with an

increasingnumber of tasks. This proved to be a difficult set of circumstances. The

commonplaceaccountsgiven in interview to describethe approachto club activities

Gordon PhD 241

 of the time were that there was simply 'too much to do', the feeling of 'fighting a

losing battle' and of 'bangingone'shead against the wall'. As the morale of the club

fell during this period, so did attendanceat concertsand other 1inl2 events. The club

managedto argue with itself againstclosure and the crisis meeting helped to sustain

the will to continue by formulating strategiesto increaseinvolvement. By the time of

the fieldwork in 2001, the morale of the club had lifted and it had managedto tum

itself around, chiefly through the recruitment of volunteers and new members72
.
However, although the crisis meeting stavedoff the motion to close and sell off the

building and return the linl2 to a free floating organisation, operating as a multi-

venue concern,one of the aims of the is

presentsection to explore and establishwhy

exit occurred and why membersmigrated away from Bradford to the most popular

destinationof Leeds. It is to theseissuesthat I now turn.

Exit

The primary reasonfor sceneexit given in interview, and also in generalconversation

with the author during this period, was burnout. There exists a large body of work

related to this phenomenon,chiefly revolving around the work of Maslach (1983, in

Schaufeli, 1993). The majority of this and related work concentrateson professional

employee burnout in the caring professions and also utilises a quantitative

methodological strategy with the 'Maslach Burnout Scale' (Maslach and Jackson,

1981). However Pines (1993) has conversely argued, through qualitative research,

that burnout 'tends to afflict people with high goals and expectations'(1993:34).

Broadly speaking, Pines's thesis holds that people burnout when they enter an

organisation with high expectations and are met with constant and frustrating

72This
was achievedby allowing well-attendedraves to be held in the building. Those who attended
theseeventshad to be becomeaI in 12 memberin advanceor entrancewould be denied.

Gordon PhD 242

 blockadesof varying impact: through constanttask frustration the person bums out.

Although the club is by majority a voluntary organisation,it holds many similarities

to the burnout factors of professionaldomains yet also establishesnew examplesof

how bumout may occur.

Within this section I will outline and explore an empirical five-point typology of

factors that are central to memberburnout and exit from Bradford and the lin12 club

I
scene. consider the above crisis meeting as broadly reflective of the levels of

burnout experiencedby club membersduring the ethnographicperiod. The key issues

outlined as factors for burnout are outlined in the following typology:

1) Theadoption oftasks and multi-tasking andfrustration

2) 'Core'member exit, isolation and the declineofa senseofcommunity

3) Maintenanceofpolitically correct, single issuepolitics

4 Fallouts and disagreements

5) Accessto time and resources

I shall selectively debate each of these sections before moving on to the

consequencesof exit both from the club member'sperspective and the politics of

maintaining a single building.

In tandem with Pines' claims above, the majority of membersinterviewed stated

that on initial involvement they had high expectationsof what could be achieved in

the spaceof the I in 12 club. Mr. J stated:'when I got here I was like trying to change

everything, I was totally enthusiasticabout doing everything.' He went on to describe

his future plans, but stated that he became de-motivated when the plans were

criticised by members. Referencesto attempts to change the lin12 club were

common in the interviews and are similar to Pines' suggestionof repeatedlyfrustrated

Gordon PhD 243

 high expectationsbecominga catalystfor burnout. As I noted in the previouschapter,

involvement in the 1in12 club allows the potential freedom and scopefor membersto

make their choice of club activities their own and mutually support other membersin

their activities. However, exit is hastenedwhen such activities become frustrated.

Thesefrustrationsoccur along threeinterrelatedlines.

Firstly, on the adoption of a task, the membermanagesto make the task their own.

Ms. G spoke of how she re-organisedthe office and took over the membershipcard

administration. She encountereddifficulty and frustration when she discoveredthat

by
she was now expected other membersto be solely responsiblefor this task and

duties.
associated This distractedher from other ideal
chosen, tasks in the club. Once

such tasks have been I

adopted observed that they are difficult to relinquish:

frustration builds asun-negotiatedexpectationsgrow.

Secondly,within this period, the numberof membersleaving the club meant that the

relative number of tasks steadily increased and became more difficult as the

organisationaland practical skills, built up by and practiced over the years by the

migrated members,were lost. Skill loss presenteda 'lag' where members had to

assimilatenew tasks,thus adding to the frustration by membersfaced with new tasks.

Core membersof the club beganto find themselvesunder pressureas daily taskswere

neglectedor reluctantly even ftmctorily

per: carried out. Rather than leave them, there

is a tendencyto adopt such activities on the back of an already full schedule. This is

done out of necessityrather than through a genuine wish to accomplish such tasks.

As a consequence,the aims of the building as a spacewhere projects can be carried

out becamediluted as I illustrated in chapterfive. The central DiY principle of 'if you

don't like somethingchangeit', becomeshostageto the increaseddaily, organisational

pressuresof tasks. Mr. I related how frustrated he becameworking in the caf6 when

Gordon PhD 244

 he would much rather have devotedhis time to more interesting club activities that

suitedhis skills:

The sort of work I would rather be doing is physical things 'causewe are talking about
the best things I am good at and I can do [them] and be useful, and also get a senseof
satisfactionwhen you look at it. But you can flip burgersall day long and people come
in while they go shoppingand go out again and that's good becausethat's a useful thing
for them. Obviously they are going to forget aboutit.

This quote illustratesand introducesa third line of frustration: that membersbecome

diverted from, or are unable to give full attention to, the tasks and activities that

inspired them originally to becomeinvolved in the I in 12. Mr. I statedthat there were

countless examples of projects that had been started in the club that remained

abandonedor unfinished due to the lack of core membersand the distraction away

from the tasks at hand. Mr. S noted how frustratedhe felt when membersof the bar

collective cancelledtheir shifts or failed to turn up. This meant that occasionallyhe

had to work double shifts or was left with the difficult task of trying to cover the shift

at such late notice. Multi-tasking was a major, reason for burnout. Apart from the

two paid workers at the club (bar stewardand caretaker),the rest of the core members

were balancing club involvement with either families, part-time work, or music

projects. Their frustration lead to periods of crisis as those who work at the club

cannot always take the addedpressure. Within the crisis period memberssaw the

attraction of multi-sited Leedssceneas an opportunity to releasethemselvesfrom the

continuing frustration of the Club.

The secondlevel of the lin12 exit typology directly leads on from my previous

feelings loss 73
of community . The exit of core membershad
point and points to of a

for thoseleft at the club. For the purposesof brevity I shall restrict this
consequences

discussionto three of them. Firstly, Ms. G and Mr. S referred to a previous club

caretakerwho burnedout by taking too much on in the club and becoming angry with
73Here
the term community is usedinterchangeablywith scene.

Gordon PhD 245

 other members for failing to support him. Both interviewees noted how this

individual becameisolated and shoutedat other membersin meetings.They viewed

his exit as a good thing both for himself and the club, even though they would

struggle to replacehim. This suggeststhat not all core membersceneexit is viewed

negatively; there is the potential to recognise the levels of distress burnout may

in
produce a member. Secondly,the general core member exit during this period

reducedand arrestedthe potential levels of enjoyment within the social dimensionsof

the club. Mr. R recalled how the creative input of the French Canadiansworking at

the club, on their exit to Leeds,reducedthe 'fun 74

value' of participating at the club .

Here R produces a central point in relation to exit. As the social groupings are

gradually reduced in the lin12 through member exit, the capacity for meaning,

solidarity and enjoymentare reduced. Against a backdropof a decline in fresh input

during this period, thosemembersleft behind endeavouredto maintain and reproduce

club activities with smaller numbers. Thus the third consequenceof exit, isolation,

becomesa factor that impactedupon club activities and memberexit. R. noted that as

club members left Bradford, the housing communities in Manningham.began to

dwindle and the senseof community was lost. R, K and W mentionedthat the street

they lived on in Bradford once contained12 flats with over fifteen individuals living

in the immediate vicinity in housing association flats, As the majority of these

members left, the increasedisolation within club activities, and externally in the

community housing, intensified feelings of the urge to also leave Bradford. R. noted

that his mental healthbeganto suffer through the isolation of living in Bradford on his

ovvn:

I have got respectfor anyonethat is still there man, becauseit is hard work man. it was a
poor time for my mental healthand I had to leave. I endedup in this flat on my own and

74The FrenchCanadians
went on to provide creative input at the Leeds 120Rats.

Gordon PhD 246

 I had my friend Petedownstairs,fair play but the walls were thin as fuck. I had people
stomping about aboveme and I was on my own. My girlfriend was like living away for
a year. I mean I was depressed,I was seriously depressed.I had to fucking get out of
there.
In conjunction with this, R made explicit that such isolation was reflected in the

daily interaction of the club. He ran a record label out of the basementof the lin12

and he stated that the daily repetition of being isolated and stuck in a 'cold cellar'

packaging up records for mail order, collating records (folding sleevesand covers)

and performing administrativelabel tasks,merely amplified his feelings of wishing to

exit. Years of cold winters in the cellar and freezing nights spentat the computer in

the club, organising DiY music distribution and band activities, eventually took their

toll.

Early in 2000, R left Bradford scenefor Leeds citing burnout as a specific reason.

This leads into the third point of the typology: the dilemma of exit guilt. Those who

reduced involvement in Bradford were occasionally viewed as 'leaving the sinking

ship'especially thosewho left following the crisis meeting. Both R and W mentioned

that there was some scepticismfrom existing club membersand he felt that he had

distanced himself from some of them when he stated he felt a 'bit of the cold

shoulder.' As he had formed new networks of friends in Leeds, such contactswere

occasionally referred to by existing club membersas 'your new mates'. In similar

circumstances,W madethe sameobservationsand expressedthe feelings of isolation,

depressionand anxiousnessoncethe numberof familiar people she knew at the I in 12

had begun to dwindle. The feelings of guilt at leaving were also oriented to the

insularity of the I in 12 club. She describedher guilt in terms of 'leaving her family'.

Shealso felt someresentmentfrom thosewho remainedat the club:

There was a bit of resentment.I just felt that you were getting resentedbecauseyou were
leaving a sinking ship and they were kind of like "ahh, Bradford is not good enough for
you then?" Nothing was actually said but [I felt this to be the case].

GordonPhD 247
 Overall, the consequences
of a group of friends leaving the I in 12 sceneled to feelings

of increasedisolation both inside of the I in 12 and also in the wider housing and social

communities. Taken in tandem with what I described in the first section on

multitasking and burnout, the fragmentationof social groupingsthrough memberexit

of increasedisolation enhancedthe likelihood of memberexit.

and the consequences

The lin12 can be describedas a residue of 1980sand 1990ssingle-issuepolitics.

Single-issuepolitics and the pressuresto remain politically correct were describedin

at least three of the interviews as a potential factor of burnout. Indeed, the

in
maintenanceof strong views and politically correct positions, conjunction with the

factors outlined above had proved to be a contentiousissue inside of the linl2. Mr.

C, a member who exited the club in 1999, spoke of the difficulties of maintaining

such views. Underpinning these views under the banner of the club's guiding

principles of 'Liberty Equality and Solidarity', should help to provide an atmosphere

in the club gearedto such concerns. However, what clasheswith this is the punk

ethos of 'get pissed destroy' and its anti-conservativeideas of rejecting rules and

barriers. C describedhis time at the club as being constitutedby 'calling people over

their shit.' Any language use that was deemed offensive or oppressive was

challenged. C stated that this position of 'constant fights' proved to be one of the

factors leading to sceneexit. He statedthat he had becometired of constantly falling

out with people over what he consideredtrivial issuesand this in turn depletedhis

energiesto remain involved in club activities. What the interview with C highlights is

the inherent senseof irony that weavesits way through the club's existence. The

clash of the politically correct with the rebelliousnessof the punk sceneat the heart of

club affairs tends to lead to occasionalinfighting and membersbeing bannedthrough

a transgressionof such languageuse. IndeedI have previously discussedthis issuein

Gordon PhD 248

 chapter four and six in relation to genre distinction although its incorporation into

issuesof burnout and exit securesits place in terms of member exit. A clear example

of the challengesof suchlanguageusebecameexplicit in Mr. S's interview transcript:

The quiz team were down hereon Tuesdayand a couple of people came in, a man and a
woman and were playing pool. This lad who doesphotographyhad beentaking photos
for his college courseand therewas one of this woman and someonegoes "have you got
a bird?" Nothing happenedand then as the man and woman were leaving, this woman
laid in about the foul and abusivefascist languagethat had been used [by us]. And we
went What?!", and we'd forgottenwhat we'd said, OK iVsnot a nice thing to call women,
and it endedup with this bloke [with us] saying "fuck off you languagefascists!"
What this quotation servesto do is outline that the lin12 is both an arenawhere

politically correct and un-politically correct language use are both used and

challenged. The maintenanceof suchviews and the challenging of digressionstrades

on a dense intersection of views that connectsup politically correct practice with

vernacular language usage. Through observation at the club, there are frequent

betrayalsof un-politically correct language,although blatant transgressionsare either

dealt with through a direct challenge or more serious examples of transgression

through the Sunday meeting where the member faces being banned from the club.

The reproductionof the Club's value systemalong theselines, as Mr. C points out, has

a tendencyto draw energiesandthis often resultsin membersfalling out.

Transgressionof the core valuesis a further reasonfor exit from the linl2. It can

lead to a personbeing bannedfrom the club for a prolonged period of time. During

the field work period one memberwas bannedfrom the building for ignoring repeated

warnings over smoking cannabisin the building and compromising the club's policy

on this issue. Also in both K and Q's interviews, they made mention of a friend with

mental health problems banned for making fascist statementsand salutes in the

building in a vane attempt to attract attention. Such decisions are often not popular

and in the latter instance,K and Q both felt that it was an unfair decision to ban the

personconcerned. Whilst full exploration of this example is beyond the scopeof the

Gordon PhD 249

 presentwork, it servesto show that there are tensions over club decisionsthat often

lead to fall-outs and frustrationswhilst also demonstratinghow involuntary exit from

the club may occur through collective decision. It should be added that in all

instancesof a member being bannedfrom the club, they are invited to the Sunday

meeting to arguetheir caseto fellow members.

The issue of memberfrustration has been illustrated at a related, yet separatelevel

of club activity. However,in sevenof the interviews carriedout with lin12 members,

the issue of preciousness over the club building became explicit. The word

'preciousness'in the interviews was usedinvariably to illustrate the lack of separation

club membersfelt betweenthe club as a work and social arena. Linked to the issueof

multi-tasking, core membersdescribedhow they found it difficult to relax in the club.

For examplewhen the presentcaretakerattendedeventsand saw peopledropping ash

on the floor, or visited the toilets only to find a water leak, he found that it was almost

impossible to relax. He experiencedfeelings of both hostility and frustration whilst

still caring intensely about the club. Core club membersspokeof taking the rubbish

out and finding themselves asked to work on their nights off if the club was

particularly busy. Taken against the backdrop of external responsibilities, the

potential for relaxation can be drastically reducedthrough and the lack of established

boundaries between the club's working and social life. With such a heavy self-

investment in the club feelings of preciousnesscan be very difficult to avoid. Mr. I

outlines this neatly as he noted in his diary the urge to visit the club on his way home

from work, only to be facedwith a large amount of unfinishedtasks:

(13/07/01)1finished work in Halifax at 8.00 and dropped into the club on the way home
to seehow the punk'spicnic was going on. Passingthe gig floor it was clear that sound-
checking wasjust starting. In the cafd, band food was ostensiblybeing prepared. What
was actually happeningwas that a massof peoplehad occupiedthe seatingareaand were
in the process of variously spilling and/or drinking a range of low-grade alcoholic
productswhich they'd bought elsewhere.A lone representativeof the putative organisers

Gordon PhD 250

 was dishing up dodgy looking grub. A sensationalamount of washing up was piled on
the draining board.
To visit the club only to be facedwith a multiplicity of tasksproved frustrating for

the above diarist. He explicitly noted in his account of club activities how such

selfishness,irresponsibility and lack of respect for other club members drove him

towards burnout. Here is his accountof the taskshe performedat the club before he

retumed home:

Before putting the room back in order, a place had to be clearedfor the cups and plates
scatteredall aroundthe place.I rolled up my sleevesand got stuck into the kitchen chaos.
After a while somekind of equilibrium was achievedin the kitchen and I gatheredup the
dishes from the room and startedon those, and then set to scoopingup the empty cider
cansand Buckfastbottles(ibid).
This diary entry clearly demonstrateswhere frustrations can build whilst also

serving to demonstrate how the space in the I in 12 for core workers can be sidetracked

from its original purpose. Mr. I finds it increasingly difficult to pursue the club tasks

he really wanted to be involved with such as working on the studio project. The

collision of the work and social arena is always a potential catalyst for member

burnout.

As most of the core club membersduring the field work period either held down full

and part-timejobs, had children, attendedcollegecourses,or were involved with other

MY projects (recordslabels, playing in bands,running distros and promoting gigs),

anotherreasonfor lin12 exit is an overarchingconsequenceof theseissues. It is no

coincidence that the loss of unemploymentbenefit and Income Support under the

Conservative government in 1996 had a marked impact on the participation of

membersin club activities. The introduction of Employment Training, Job Seeker's

Allowance and the Labour Government's New Deal' as a replacementof the earlier

benefits, invaded and restrictedthe free time available for membersto participate in

DiY and club activities. They were forced into 'training' schemesforjobs. In spite of

Gordon PhD 251

 this Mr. I notes that the uncompromisingsensibilities of many club membersmeans

that they often find themselvesback at the club after short spells of employment:

(10/07/01) Over the years the lin12 demographichas shifted from unemployed-and-
pissed-off-about-itto employed-andpissed off about it. Those linl2ers who present
themselvesat employmentagenciesor job interviews don't, on the whole, seemto stay
employedfor too long. We'reall a bunchof misfits and that'swhat gluesus together.
On the face of it, it might be consideredthat the changesin the benefit system

would have madethe lin12 unworkable. However, in spite of this, core membersstill

volunteer and still remain involved and this is a salient point: there are thosemembers

who continue to remain in Bradford and strive to be actively committed to the club in

spite of the significant numbers of member migration. Against the backdrop of

member frustrations migration, and member exit (at the time of writing) the lin12

continuesto exist on the strengthof its dedicatedcore members. As an overarching

point, the changes to the benefit system were not a recurrent interview theme

mentionedas a possiblecatalyst for memberburnout. The lack of resourcesand the

constantstrugglefor money presenteditself an equally important issue. At the time of

the fieldwork, the reports that came through the meeting in conjunction with my

participant observationssignalledthat the club was breaking even,althoughthe above

crisis meetingwas called as the club had found itself in deeperfinancial trouble than it

usually faces (the club runs at a deficit over certain periods of the year). Apart from

the initial grant to buy the building, describedin chapter five, the club is dependent

upon beer salesand the revenueit derives from these,donations,the activities of the

collectives, renting out the club's space,and the caf6 and bar income. The constant

strugglefor money impactsupon core membermorale and addsto the frustration and

burnout documentedabove.

However as I noted in chapter five and as a final point, the physical fabric and

resourcesof the club act as a constant source of anxiety and frustration. Such

Gordon PhD 252

 resourcescan be split into two separatesections:macro and micro. At the macro

spectrum, Mr. I noted in diary form that the roof of the building required urgent

attention as did the lift motor. As a consequenceof the latter, all loading of heavy

equipmenthasto be carried in throughthe winding staircaseat the left of the building.

At the micro (as I noted in chapter five) I observed,whilst working on the studio

project, that the majority of the wood usedwas either recycled from other areasof the

building or taken from skips aroundthe city. The tools used were brought in by the

membersas thosethe club ownedwere in various statesof disrepair. On a numberof

occasionsthe to
studio work ground a halt on account of the tools breaking down.

Taken as a whole these four factors, lack of benefits and time, financial problems,

macro and micro resourceproblems,amplify the frustrations of the club membersand

in somecasescontributeto exit.

Overall, what has been broadly documentedabove provides a catalogueof reasons

for member burnout and sceneexit from the 1in12. From the multi-tasking and peer

expectations,the consequencesof peers leaving Bradford and the sheerenormity of

the task of running the building in the face of constantfinancial pressure,to the lack

of resourcesand fresh volunteer input, all ultimately place pressuyeson the core of

dedicated members left to maintain and enhancethe building. The fact that the

building remainsin existencestandsas a testimony to those who remain dedicatedto

the core ethics of the Iinl2. The slogan from the twenty years anniversaryof the

lin12 was 'twenty years of constantstruggle'. This illuminates and supportswhat I

have arguedabove. Indeed,I haveoutlined both in chapterfive and abovea selection

of some of the possible reasonsthat might contribute to member burnout, although

such pressuresdid not prove to be a uniform catalyst for exit. As an adjunct point,

those members who did leave Bradford and cease daily input in the Iinl2,

Gordon PhD 253

 neverthelessremainedactive in DiY punk culture within other UK sceneswith Leeds

being the most populardestination. It is to this city that I now turn.

LeedsHardcore: TheAttractive Iinl2 Burnout-Receptacle.

In the previous chapter I articulated the, occasionally venomous, views and

perceptionsreciprocally exchangedwithin and betweenthe Bradford and Leedspunk

subculture communities. Leedsbecamethe receptaclefor thosein Bradford who had

either burned out or wantedto becomeinvolved with the thriving and diverse Leeds

scene.

'Bradford's a bowlful of shit', a 'shithole', and a 'depressingNorthern town'. These

were some of the hostile descriptionsusedby ex-club memberswho presentlyinhabit

the Leeds scene,yet all of them appearto still support the club at a distancethrough

occasional attendanceand voluntary work. As I have noted in the previous chapter,

the Leeds scene is constituted by its plurality of genresand a healthier context in

which to live. Nearly all of the ex-lin12 club memberswho presentlyresidein Leeds

spokeof Bradford in the detrimentalterms describedabove,citing Leedsas a far more

favourable and less depressingplace to live. Whilst there were examplesof residual

guilt over leaving the linl2, all of the intervieweesstatedthat they were better off in

Leedsand this contentmentis duly reflectedin the lack of evidenceof sceneexit from

Leeds. The four examplesI wish to briefly discusspresentsupport for the argument

that the Leedsscenemanagesto retain its subculturalmembership.

Firstly the promoter of one of the gigs I played with my band at the 120Ratssquat,

was an active memberof the LeedsDiY community during the field work period. He

left the sceneto return home in the south of the UK becausehe was unable to gain

funding for his degreecourse. He left the city reluctantly. Secondly, Mr. G, one of

Gordon PhD 254

 the younger interviewees,left Leedsin June2001 to travel to Russiato do voluntary

work. He statedthat he usedmany of the skills he had learnt within the Leeds DiY

community as a tool to achievethis, and notedthat he was determinedto return to the

UK and continue work with record label and concert promotions. Thirdly, the long-

standingsquat,the 120Rats,was evicted in late September2001 after a long-standing

court battle. Post-eviction,two of the squatmembersrelocatedto a social centre in

Belgium, using the resourcesand contactsthey had made during their involvement

with UK DiY. They informed me that they had no immediateplansto return. Finally,

as discussed in chapter seven, Mr. V ceased work with the promotions group

Collective AKA. V statedthat this was due to his time being totally dominatedwith

other sceneactivities such as being in a band, running a DiY record shop and record

label. It is to be noted that his exit from this organisationdid not meanthat he made

firm Plans to totally exit the scene.

Against the backdropof the large numbersof ex-lin12 memberson the Leeds scene

the relatively small numbersof exit from Leeds presentsa picture of a vibrant and

healthy music scene.

Conclusion

Implicit within the typology of sceneexit I have offered is the assertionthat in spite of

fluctuations betweenall three of the scenemembershiplevels, the latter reproduces

itself along the lines of continuity that I havepreviously arguedin chapterone.

There are three important points of interest that can be drawn from this typology.

Firstly, there is little doubt that an exodus occurred from the lin12 from 1996

onwards and this contributed to rise of activity in the associateLeeds scene. This

migration supportsmy argumentthat sceneexit, does not necessarilymean that the

Gordon PhD
 wider subculture is abandoned,merely that similar activities are continued and

connectionswithin the DiY sceneare utilised elsewhere. Those that left the scene

transposedtheir skills to fresh projectselsewhere. Secondly,I wish to assertthat the

input of core membershipacts as a driving force for both the cultural matrices in

question, but is, at the same time subject to and dependent upon the input of

peripheraland semi-peripheralscenemembershipand participation. In the caseof the

linl2, the gradual decline of core memberswas exacerbatedthrough the relative

reduction of input from semi and peripheralmembers. This in turn led to financial

stress, burnout and fallout among some of the core membersleading to their exit,

leaving an increasingly smaller core membershipto continue running the club. In

Leeds, the lack of evidence for subcultural exit suggeststhat the multi-cited and

multi-genre variety of the sceneallows the DiY subculturesufficient breathing space

and reducesstress. In the caseof the linl2's single building, the problemsof burnout

and the concentrationof activity there make for a more acute senseof frustration

when the scene loses membership. To put it in simple terms, the turnover of

peripheral and semi-peripheralmembersand the decline in the core has a greater

effect in Bradford than Leeds.

Finally, there is the perennial question of authenticity. There are two levels of

authenticity attached to exit practices: othering for the constitution of self-

authenticity, and exit dilemmasand the compromiseof authenticity. For the former I

have shown how generalinterview descriptionshave used exit as a category for the

establishmentof authentic membership. Examples are used of both factual and

hypothetical instancesof sceneexit that serveas a device to constitute the memberas

authentic. I have shown how this occurredin the generalrealms of career,education,

the reproductionof subculturalknowledgeand selling out. In the caseof the latter, I

Gordon PhD 256

 have shown how geographicalsceneexit provides a dilemma for the member: that

leaving the sceneto travel to a 'new`or different one rendersone opento criticisms of

inauthenticity and selling-out from those remaining. This was graphically described

in the example of the 'your new mates'criticism levelled at Mr. R from a remaining

club member. Not only doesthis provide a level of guilt for the leaving member,it

also reflexively invokes the former category,that those remaining are authentic and

hold a valid position from which to criticise thosewho exit. The dilemma of guilt is

thereforeinvoked as a consequence
of a decisionof subculturalexit. This showsonce

again that issuesof authenticityare of central concernto any explanationof the DiY

hardcorepunk subculture. Such issuesare both constituted by claims towards what

elementsof DiY practice are deemedas part of authentic scenemembershipagainst

what are not. This considerationproducesthe concomitantdilemmasof surrendering

such authenticity and how ascertainingthis is to be reconciled againstcriticism from

those who wish to assertthemselvesas authentic. It is to theseissuesthat I now turn

my attention.

Gordon PhD
 Chapter Nine: Dilemmas

HMV, in their moral righteousness,refuseto sell recordswhich contain four letter words
as they are regardedas obsceneand in bad taste. Yet Thorn-EMI, their parent company,
manufactureand export weaponsof war and instrumentsof torture worldwide. Doesthat
causea public outcry? Doesit fuck! (Chumbawamba,Revolution, 1985)
Disaffection and disapproval is the weapon of the authentic punk. This createsa

number of dilemmas. Chief amongthese is the drive to remain 'authentic' and not

succumbto the temptationsto 'sell out'. While thesepredatedpunk, they are central

to its practice. Since the 1970swell-trodden debateshave raged around the Sex

Pistols, Clash and other first-wave punk groups'selling out' and so losing the cardinal

value of authenticity. Suchdebatesrepresenta complicatedintersectionof views and

remain a constantsourceof subcultural tension. By dropping the Sex Pistols from

their label in 1977, EMI inadvertently established a suspicious link between

themselvesand punk culture. This has now becomea long-standingissue, with a

spate of perceived sell-outs to EMI over the last 75

twenty years . This multinational

companyhasa bad ethical track record. Zero (1996) points out:-

Thom EMI was, and is, a major defensecontractor;they manufacturedcomponentsfor

such missile systemsas the Pershing,Cruise and Trident; they supportedthe nuclear
industry; and they would not divest from SouthAfrica when therewas a public outcry for
companiesto do so. One of the industriesthat EMI has connectionsto is the record
industry - they own EMI Music, Virgin Records,Capitol, Chrysalisetc. Recently,Virgin
RecordspurchasedCaroline, a record production and distribution company,effectively
making this once independentcompanya part of a sprawling multinational (1996:2).

Similarly, Profane Existencecriticized EMI in 1992:

EMI is typical of major labelswith its links to the most evil parts of the capitalist system.
T'horn EMI the parentcompanyis a major investor and constructorof weaponssystems,
nuclear weapons,guidancesystems,vivisection and security control equipmentfavoured
by countries like Chile and South Africa. They are also major contributors to the
ConservativeParty (ProfaneExistence,23,1992).
As the thesis so far has clearly established, critical opposition to capitalist values

and institutions is centralto DiY punk, but as we have seenfrom the outset,there is a

continual tension between political activism in punk, which involves directly

75See
appendix8 for examplesof the documentsof selling-out in punk.

Gordon PhD 258

 challenging such values and institutions, and cultural production in punk, which

involves expressingopposition to such values through music and/or organisational

practice. This can lead to a dilemma betweenon the one hand, utilising capitalist

products (guitars, drums, shops, studios) or becoming annexed to capitalist

institutions (signing a recording contract, doing promotion) for the sake of a wider

audience, and on the other, rejecting these strategiesin favour of localist cultural

autonomyand a more purist senseof identity, practice and solidarity. Both sharethe

same end-result,however. They leave the actual political and economic institutions

of capitalism intact. This does not mean that neither path as in

represented the

dilemma should be followed, and many honest, well-intentioned people have done

both. But it doesperhapsguard againstinflated subculturalself-regardand what we

might call punk hubris. Many of the interviews and observationsin the fieldwork

have raisedexactly this or other relateddilemmas,and they seemcentrally contingent

on what it is that DiY punk genuinelytries to achieve. DiY punk is a cry for a return

to making music for its own sake,for its intrinsic pleasureand satisfaction,rather than

for the sakeof profit aboveand beyond any other value. It is equally about creating a

senseof trust and concordbetweenpeople,rather than reducingthe social relations of

music to what is allowed or not allowed in the small print of the recording contract.

Since the whole issue of 'sell out' is central to DiY punk and what it opposes,

attaining the quality of dilemma for so many of its practitioners, and affecting

passagesof entranceand exit as well as practice, it is appropriateto explore it in

greaterdetail. This is what I shall do in this short, concludingchapter.

DiY punk is the production of music by the artist and label with no links to a

major label organisation. Under the DiY rubric, the writing, recording, promotion and
 distribution is done by the bands and labels themselves76 At the level of
.
performance, shows, tours and promotions are also done in this manner though

networks of likeminded people. In terms of the literature (reviews in fanzines)there

are safeguardsin place to ensurecorporatemusic finds no mouthpiece there. For

example,MaximumRock and Roll statesin its review submissionguidelines:-

We will not accept major label or related ads, or ads for comps and eps that include
major label bands(MRR, 174,1997).
And at the start of the reviews section:

Don't send wimpy arty metal corporaterock shit here. Don't have your label give us
follow up calls as to whether we received and are reviewing your record. Specific
it be
criticisms aside, should understood that any independent
releasesdeservecredit for
all the work and moneythat goesinto it (ibid)
Likewise HeartattaCk [sic] state:-

We will not review any record with a UPC or bar codeor UPC bar codesticker on it, and
we will not review any record that is financedby one of the so called independentgiants
as in Dutch East India, Caroline, Cargo [ ......] We are only interestedin supporting the
undergrounddo-it-yourself scene,and it is our opinion that UPC codesalong with 'press
and distribute' (P&D) are not fitting with the do-it-yourself ethic of hardcore
(HearlattaCk, 7,1995).

Such asseverationsare not confined to MY zines. Labels, distributors, distros and

promoterscan all experiencea reactionshouldthey walk towardsthe corporateworld.

But the price of apparentauthenticity may simply be anonymity, while so-called

selling out may have the benefit of bringing punk valuesto a much greaternumberof

people. What's involved in the dilemma is nothing like as straightforward as is

sometimesassumed.Let us turn to someexamples.

In 1985, Bradford band, New Model Army, signedto EMI after four years of DiY

and independentrecordreleases:

76 Distribution is further
a area of dilemma for the DiY label. Since a number of independent
distribution companiescollapsed in the early 1990s(Red Rhino, The Cartel, Revolver) major labels
have soughtto control distribution in the UK. Alternatives arosewith PhD, and Shellshock. However
thosededicatedto MY in a strict senseview distribution of recordswith the latter a sell-out. One of
the most respectedMY distributors in the UK is Active. Seewww.activedistribution.org

Gordon PhD 260

 We were approachedby all the majors. The reasonwe went with EMI was becausewe
decided that we had the best record deal. Erm we were offered total control of the
producers,total control the productin invertedcommas. It's a hard word to say. Erm we
were basically, we were basically signedby a guy called Hugh-Stanley-Clarkewho was
less than sort of compos-mentisreally at the time. And all record companieswere
looking for U2 the next U2. 'Mis wasthe thing, they wantedto get their band, we didn't
know. They hatedus. We madea horrible row, which we did up until we split, err, 'till I
left. We madea horrible noisebut; 'causewe were selling out gigs they wantedto sign
us. So the EMI thing camealong, we were offered the greatestamountof freedomerm,
after researchinto all the other major labels,where the money came from all the rest of
it, we decidedthat everybodywasasbad as eachother.

NMA's signing prompted the London anarchistband Conflict to releasea record

entitled 'Only Stupid BastardsuseEMIV as a commenton the perceivedhypocrisy of

the signing. This was a play on NMA's 1984 anti-drug statement'Only Stupid

Bastardsuse Heroin!' It resultedin NMA shows being picketed and boycotted. A

leaflet handed to me at a NMA concert in Guildford in 1987 cited the band as

'supposedly an anti-establishmentband' and accused them of having 'sold their

credibility when they signed to EMP. Yet as Robert Heaton (late NMA drummer)

said to me in a 2001 interview:

You weren't even aware that you were affiliated with a band anyway from a point of
artistic freedom. You know that's your only connection. I don't know fuck all about
Conflict, I mean,I have never met any of them so I don't know what to fucking say: but
from the aspectof what we were talking about earlier, the punk thing as long as you are
doing what you want to do then that's, you know, then that's the essenceinnit. You
know Conflict. I presumeConflict's view would be that if you are signed to a global
conglomerate,you know corporatenightmare,then you are helping to destroythe world
which is a fair point. But how do you remain separatefrom that? In any aspectof your
life? You know there's one well known band from Leeds [Chumbawamba]cameto see
us and they used to boycott our gigs and you know they were giving out leaflets outside
and you know, we said come andin chat to us, you know for fuck's sake! And they, I
hold my hats off to them becausethey were doing their damndestto not be part of the
system. You know I'd 'I
go admire you totally', but the weak link was you know we
don't make recordswe don't we make our own clothes,we don't do such and such. We
releasetapes. So who makesthe tapes? Now there are like four companiesin the world
that maketapes.
Similar targets of abuse have been the US, Orange County punk bands Rancid, Social

Distortion, The Offspring and Green Day in addition to Bad Religion, L7, All, DRI,

Jello Biafra, NOFX, and the UK's Blaggers ITA and Back to the Planet77 . These

bands all signed to the majors in the early-to-mid nineties and felt the wrath of the

77SeeArnold (1997) for

an accountof GreenDay, Rancid and the Sexpistols selling-out punk.
 DiY scene. Perhapsthe most notoriouscaseof a band chargedwith selling-out is the

Leedsband, Chumbawamba.

After a significant period of DiY production very much in a similar vein to Crass

with their DiY label Agit Prop records,Chumawambasigneda distribution deal firstly

with Southern Recordsbefore moving to former Flux of Pink Indians bassplayer's

label, 'One Little Indian Records', from 1991-7. All of Chumbawamba'srecords

continued with the theme of refusal and DiY although

anarchistresistance, they had

considerably shifted position from their original DiY intentions with the 1985 record

Revolution (as cited in the epigraphto this chapter). After over 15 yearsas DiY and

independentanarchists,they signed to EMI Europe and Universal Entertainmentin

America. Most of the respondentsin the interviews commentedon this when asked

about what they consideredas sell out.

Chumbawambahavebeenresponsible,alongsideCrass,for producingmusic framed

in anarchistpolitics. After becomingnotorious for throwing red paint over late Clash

front man, Joe Strummer,and for their critiques of Live Aid with the record Pictures

of Starving Children Sell Records,their. credibility was damagedwhen they did the

unthinkable: sign to EMI in 1997. Since then they have used their position to rally

people to the anarchistcause,among other things through their hit Tubthumper. A

series of stunts ensuedincluding the changing of the latter's song lyrics to 'Free

Mumia Abu Jamal' at the 1998 Brit Award ceremoniesand throwing a bucket of

water over the Deputy Prime Minister, John ('Two Jags') Prescott. Anne

Widdicombe also receiveda creampie in the face. They have donatedlarge sections

of their earningsto political causes,including the studio I helped to build during the

field work at the I in 12. In spite of these stunts, they have come in for some serious

criticism from those who claim they have sold out. Maximum Rock and Roll simply

Gordon PhD 262

 reran an old interview wherethey were quotedas saying: "The time has come to take

a choice, stop taking orders from his master'svoice!" Churnbawambaput their first

record under DiY principles, financing, recording,producing and screenprinting the

covers themselves.Their record Revolution concentratedon the theme of EMI and

their retail outlets HMV. A Chumbawarnbaflyer distributed at the time of the

record's releasein 1985 made the point that 'every time you buy from Thorn-EMI

you put your cross in their money box, you support the death-lines'. They believed

that 'we have to start delving deeperthan the glossy high streetpacket- start reading

the small print'.

When I interviewed DanbertNobaconon I OthOctober2001, he took up the issueof

signing to EMI:

Ideologically, it was a massiveleap to go onto a major label, cos' for yearswe'd said we
would never,ever do it and we neverwould.... but we had to
come a point where we just
thought you know we havedoneour own label, we've beenwith indies,small indies,big
indies, why not give it a chanceand wejust thought. I mean,we, we talked about it for
like a month, going backwardsand forwards and in the end we thought we shouldjust do
it and we'll probably have a really good year where they throw loadsof money at us
...
and we'll just have a great time and you know we'll get our recordsout and then they'll
probably dump us. So it actually lasteda bit longer than that to our surpriseand er that
didn't happentill' after the next record. But I think becausethey knew, and peoplein the
businessknew, that that song [Tubthumper]was going to be a hit, then it was a really
safe bet for 'em. It meantthat we could finance stuff like that and finance projects by
other people again ... so for a time there was anotherideological thing. We got offered
an advert and we had always said: no way! And we would never let our music be on an
advert, but we'd neverever beenoffered one and suddenlyRenault in Italy said ohh, you
know, we'll give you twenty thousandquid or whatever. If you let us use Tubthumping
and in the end we said yes and gave the money to two pirate radio stations, which
financed them for like five yearseach,you know and for a while, while all the hype
...
was going on we got a few offers like that ... and we were able to, you know, finance a
lot of things for a coupleof yearsafterwards. You are suddenlypresentedwith all these
opportunities which you never ever think'11come your way, and you just have to take
eachone as it comes... Err, we got quite a few letters. Err, just saying, you know, how
could you do this, we supportedyou all theseyears and you just throw it back in our
faces. I know in America we got into someargumentswith somepeople in Philadelphia,
and they'd beento the gig and that, but they werejust ahhyou know, thus, but ahhh. Yer
appealingto ten year olds.
Chumbawarnbahas been one of the loudest voices in the anarchopunk community,

raising issuewith EMI's arms manufacturingconnections,but their move to this label

Gordon PhD
 was met with mixed views by membersof the lin12. For example,Ms M had this to

say:

I know them and I totally respectthem becauseeven though they did sign for the major
label and everything,they stayedin this sceneas well But they have given money to
...
this place [I in 12]. They've helpedbuild this place. Erm Alice [Nutter] having a party on
Friday, everyonefrom hereis invited, no matterwho you are,you know it's the I in 12
...
You know they sing aboutEMI, slag 'em off... it is really hard, it's not black and white
is it? you can't say I'm never going to do it uhh, it 'ud be good if people could get the
messageacrosswithin the DiY scene,but maybethat's just too idealistic.
K and H both took this up:
TheEMIthing? Yeahallthat. It's just them trying to pull a stunt isn't it and it backfired
on them ... Well Danbert's thing about that was that they felt that they were somewhat
being exploited by One Little Indian, so and becauseof the level and the amount of
coveragethey were getting. If you aregonna' be exploited, be exploitedby someonethat
can do it efficiently. What pissed me off though was their whole slagging of punk
subculturejust, fair enoughbut then to turn around and do somethinglike that is sort of.
You know, if you got somethingto say, I think the punk scenedoesn't stand a lot of
criticism. I was their whole kind of like, you know, they did havea lot of shit off crusties
and all that whole fucking sceneback in the late eighties and early nineties, you know.
And they would get attacked,they got attackedand stuff a coupleof times.
Alice Nutter got bit in the fucking face or something,you know and they wrote articlesto
the papersslagging crusties and travelers and punks off. They basically said they are
nothing and propagatedtheir messagewas more important. Our medium is the message,
you know, we are gonna' go to EMI we're going to get this messageacross,whetherthey
did... The whole fucking contradiction is political. You know it's like the samething
with the Clash isn't it, fucking brilliant I think I agreedwith a lot of what they had to say
and then they turned into a bunch of twats. Whether they signed to CBS is fucking
incidental, cos' every fucking punk band aroundat the time was doing the same.
Chumbawambatotally went out on a limb and signed to EMI, um. Fuck knows why
EMI signedthem. I could never understandwhy it's kinda' like they were co-opted or
something.
Yeah it was again, I think. It's like allowing you. The whole DiY thing is that us three
are in a band, we do everything DiY, we're in total, you know. IMe only executive
decisionsare madeby us right? Er, you get to sign to someonelike EMI, or any of these
big record companies. All of a suddenour band actually is no longer three people its
twenty, it's a crew of twenty-five an the decisionswe make then becomevery difficult.
Here's our record, "well I'm sorry you can't say thaV, eh what? "No, no you can't have
that picture, no I'm sorry, you will have to do this." What the fuck is this?
This whole commodification thing is well, which is like you know, killing the fucking
band and a band is an expressionof our culture, isn't it, and then to have that expression
of your culture taken by someoneelse and sold as an expressionof culture ceasesto
becomean expressionof our culture. It becomesa contradiction.

These responsesreveal, in full discursive detail, many of the ins-and-outs of the

dilemma facing Chumbawambaas this was taken up, debated,and turned around from

every conceivableangle by DiY punk subcultural members. Each member faced the

dilemma themselvesand actedit out vicariously. This was a measureof how deeply

Gordon PhD 264

 it struck into the heart of what DiY punk is about,ethically and politically. The final

point can be madeby Mr. C:

For a bandthat sells out and doesn'thave anythingto say why am I going to be bothered?
I'm not. It doesn'taffect me at all. GreenDay? Who cares? Chumbawamba,different
story, you know it is a different story. I am saddenedby what they did. I think the best
thing I can do is pity them becausethat is a harsherhuman emotion to lay into someone
with. At one time I would have beenangry. Chumbawambahad a long history with the
anarcho,punk sceneand did the dirty. They went on Top ofthe Pops.
For any self-respectingpunk, going on TOTP is the ultimate sell-out, even the Clash

refused this opportunity. Nothing could be calculatedas a worse way of 'doing the

dirty' - that is, not acting 'cleanly' in respectof ethics and politics. This raisesthe

questionwhy.

The key point to be made in their defenceis that Chumbawambausedtheir post-

EMI-signing period to fund DiY activities acrossthe political and cultural production

spectrums. They made donationsto pirate radio stations,gave E70,000to Corporate

Watch, and put money into the Iinl2, so helping to fund the studio project I worked 78
.
The actions of Chumbawamba in signing to a major label encapsulate the tug-of-war

that pulls people in DiY punk in contrary directions.

The justifications offered by artists for signing with a major record label can

reduced to two popular arguments. Firstly to gain a realistic income ('I am sick of

being poor and putting all this effort in, we can't afford to do anything') though this is

highly unlikely for the vast majority of musicians who sign to labels and remain

unsuccessfU179.

Secondly, in terms of artistic recognition and progressionthere is the desire to

transcend the already converted autonomousspacesand enter new and previously

unexplored spacesin order to reach (and duly inspire) a wider audience. From this

78SeeTle Observer27/01/02 I- 'Chumbawamba'sTune Turns the Tables US Car Giant.'

pl on
79SeeAlbini, 1994,in MRR # 133;Frank
and Weiland, 1997for a realistic account of the negativeside
of the major record contract.

Gordon PhD 265

 perspectiveDiY Punk is, by default,consideredto be inward-looking. To become(in)

famous and subvertsuchnew spaceswas Chumbawamba'sstrategy:to manipulatethe

music industry as noted above, to voice previously unheard or suppressedpolitical

views (for example showing videos made by the striking Liverpool Dockers at the

Brit Awards) and spreadtheseviews arounda much wider basethan that achievable

by the DiY punk purist.

However successful such attempts may be, responsesfrom the hardcore DiY

adherentsoffer inevitable scorn,resentmentand angerafter a band that was once DiY

band is regarded as having sold out. As Mr. C stated above: 'Green Day? Who

cares? Chumbawamba,
different story, you know it is a different story.' The hostile

side of the dilemma level suchaccusationsas: they 'did the dirty', are 'not punk', are

'hypocritical money grabbers'(ChumbawarnbaboycottedNMA showsthen went and

signed themselves),and represent'mainstreamsell-outs that have becomepart of the

system'. Selling out to a major label often meansfacing a boycott and the withdrawal

of support from inside the DiY community. As previously outlined aboveby Heaton,

the boycotts and pickets by Chumbawambaoutside their NMA shows in the late

1980s,provided bad publicity, yet he maintainedthat they had never beena part of the

DiY philosophy to begin with. NMA were not dedicated to that philosophy, had

never held the anarcho punk torch, and simply viewed the transition from DiY to

independent to major as a natural progression that allowed them to spread their

subversivemessageamonga wider audience. The justifications he offered were that

the band cost the label more than they signed for and that they were a 'thorn in the

side of EMI' by negotiatinga record deal that allowed them total artistic freedom: in

short, they retained their integrity; at the least, an argumentbasedon the retention of

their artistic integrity could certainly be mounted. This may be a legitimate argument
 but the view from the DiY campcan be unforgiving and austere. A very dim view is

taken of any contactwith major labels. Suchcontactis seenas diluting the power and

solidarity of undergroundculture. Here Boff from Chumbawambais explicit:

They [MRR] stoppedreviewing our recordsbecausethey decidedthat they weren't punk

anymore. That's sucha bizarreproject - to judge punknesson the basisof style (Boff in
interview, Sinker 2001:124).

However, not all of the interviewees were as militant on the matter of

Chumbawambaselling out. Mr. S&H both statedthat they could totally understand

in many ways why they had signed. They said that Chumbawambahad been

exploited by a numberof independentrecord labels and, as a consequence,were tired

of being ripped off. The only solution was to sign with a major and be exploited

effectively. This offered the bonusopportunity of being able to subvertthe company

from the inside. Mr. I also revealedsympatheticviews towards bandswho sign to

major labels:

If bands are important, if groups and music are important, which they might be, then I
think it's obviously better if they do it themselves.But I meanif somemajor corporation
band rang up and said you know, we're fucked on a Wednesdaynight, the gig's fallen
through and we want to play at the I in 12 club. ProvidedI knew they weren't a bunch of
sort of sexist, racist assholes,if I thought they were going to say somethingreasonably
interesting,somepeoplewant to be here, I'd be more than willing to bring them here and
go: look this is how you can do it without the major corporations.
It's like doing a DiY label, but still driving around in your Mercedestruck, filling up, or
risking driving past Shell. It didn't make that much difference, you're still filling at
some major petro-chemicalcorporation, you're still totally up to your neck in sort of
deepenvironmentaldeath,kind of ecosystem.

This is the centralkey to this dilemma. The majority of the systemis controlled and

monopolisedthrough corporatecontrol, so the spacesfor potential political subversion

are shrinking. They exist only in small pockets. Mr. I similarly suggeststhat DiY

activity is necessaryyet there are few spaceswhere one can be completely DiY, from

the oil used to produce the vinyl, through the chemicals in the plasterboard and

insulation used in the lin12 studio project to the technologypatents in the

recording

GordonPhD 267
 equipment, there are very few spaceswhere everyday contact with multinational

corporationscan be avoided. As Zero (1994)points out:

A percentageof every CD madeis paid to the Phillips Corporationbecausethey have the

copyright on the format. Doesthis meanthat everyonethat makesCDs is bad and part of
the evil arms making empire? If I drink coke, wear Nike shoes,drive a Volvo or any
foreign car shouldI be chastisedfor it? Is it worseto supportarmsbuilders or destroy
...
the environment by wasting paper or driving my car? This politically correct stuff is
usually too dogmatic and, believe me, fighting with peoplewho useCaroline to distribute
independentrecords is fighting with your own team. Know your enemy. Plus once
again, where is the punk rock rule book and does everyonehave to play by it? (1994,
MRR # 133)
Neverthelessthe MY spacesthat operatebeyond corporatecontrol and funding are

extremely valuable and play a central role in offering a space virtually free from

corporatedictum and control, wherepolitical voices can be raised free of control. Yet

becausethis spaceis delimited, the effectivenessof thesevoices is questionable.

As I noted in chapterfour, there is a distinct ironic elitism involved in the dedicated

practice of DiY. Claiming that DiY cultural production is the only authentic form of

culture, means that exclusivity is just around the comer: 'only' quickly becomes

translated into 'elite'. Creating a set of scene rules (not signing to majors, not

working to contracts, keeping )

prices cheap etc. and applying these in an absolute

manner in the production of DiY, flies in the face of the original intentions of such

core punk rock freedoms as breaking down the rules and challenging boundaries.

Anti-elitism can end up, via an awful loop, in the position it so radically opposes.

There is an equally absolutist reaction to those who are deemed to have sold-out

above and againstthosestill practicing and involved in DiY. This presentsa fiercely

unforgiving critique by thosewho cling to stringent DiY ethics. Such an unrelenting,

inflexible stanceis itself condemnedby others in and around the scene. 'Cliquey',

'PC' and 'elitist' were someof the denunciationsexpressedin interview towards this

stancein the DiY community. As Mr. S, BS and the customer in the Out of Step

statedduring interview and observation,they (linl2ers) are a bunch of 'punk police'

 and 'language fascists'. Such views were often aimed at the linl2. Although I

observedon many occasionsbehaviourthat were far from what could be describedas

PC, the club was viewed as a bastion of political correctness. Indeed, Mr. D

provocatively describedthe I in 12 as often populatednot by hippies but by a crowd of

'footie hooligans'. However, the open-endedstatusof the DiY ethic maintainsthat if

there is a perceived problem with being DiY, then being negative towards it will

achieve nothing. The preference instead is get involved, think positive and do

something about it. With DiY there is always the opportunity for anybody to get

involved in activities and to changethe existing state of affairs from within. In

reality, due to the lack of available funds and the relatively small numbersof people

involved, the capacity for large-scaleDiY action in the UK is limited and the knock-

on effect is that attendance fluctuates at DiY functions. The justification for

Chumbawarnbain signing to EMI was that they could increase their financial

resourcesin order to properly fund DiY projects. As Boff noted:

Obviously we could say "No we won't havean advert with our music on if' but when we
are offered forty thousanddollars for thirty secondsof music every day for four weeks,
then what we do is give that money to an anti-fascist organisation, social center or
community group (ibid: 128).
Turning their money towards small-scaleDiY projects has allowed Chumbawambato

retain their moral and ethical integrity even though the DlY community remains

divided over their actionsgo.The positive and negativeviews of their signing to EMI

remain largely irreconcilableinside of the Leedsand Bradford DiY scenes.

There are those who are militant on the non-DiY front and hail DiY purists as

hypocrites. Jello Biafra, onetime singer with the San Francisco band, The Dead

Kennedys, and whose record label, Alternative Tentacles, has been the second

so It
would be unfortunate for me to present Chumbawambaas'disconnectedfrom the I inl2. They
havemaintainedconstantcontactwith the club since its inception. The last event they played there was
an acousticshow,November2004

Gordon PhD 269

 longest-running independentlabel in the US, was severely beaten up in 1990 by

'crusty punks' for allegedly selling-outpunk rock (Schalit and Sinker, 2001: 33). He

chastised the American fanzine Maximum Rock n Roll as 'little ayatollahs' for

creating a new set of divisive rules in the punk community and called those who

criticise musicians who sign to major labels 'small-minded and righteous.' The

interviewer and Biafra said in their exchange:

Int: Mxrimum Rock n Roll seemsdeadset on this line of sectarianpurity, where anything
that createsa basefor masssupportis looked upon with suspicionand ultimately rejected
as a sellout
Biafra: It's the same kind of fundamentalist mind-set that makes fundamentalist
Christians so dangerous,and the samemind-set that has isolated the animal rights and
vegan movements. You take one step out of line and they bite your head off. Young
people who are curious about the politics spendten minutes with people like that and
they decide that they would rather be apathetic. This is what has turned a lot of people
off punk politics (ibid: 44).
Such harsh criticism reflects the often polarised views that exist in punk on selling

out. The problem is at the centre of DiY politics. DiY purists have been accusedof

being inward-looking, preachingto the convertedand being subculturally elitist with

little chance of ever reaching to the broader body of people whose support would

make DiY a significant political tool in

of empowerment. -The purists turn accuse

those who defect of intellectual slack-mindedness,political populism and ethical

bankruptcy. The dilemmasstrike deep.

This thesis has attemptedto establishthe basis for these ethical dilemmas in lived

subculturalsceneexperienceby providing a closely detailedethnographicoverview of

the complex world of DiY punk as it existedin and betweentwo cities in the North of

England in 2001. Whilst this world was shot through with divisions and peppered

with elitism both in its rhetorical use of genre distinction and its badges of

counterculturalauthenticity,what it achieved,albeit unsungand unnoticed out of the

mainstream,was of immensecultural value. It was a rare example of what can be

createdbeyond the confines of an administeredculture. In some ways the scenesin

Gordon PhD 270

 describedformed a virtual minefield of arbitrary rules of conduct. On the other hand,

there was a felt senseof achievementand empowerment:whether it was through

making a studio, startinga recordshop,settingup a record label, putting on a show at

the squat or in someone'sfront room, or through sheerdeterminationin making some

venture succeedagainstthe odds, the subcultureprovided certain distinct spacesof

freedom. Suchspacesarerare andimpressive.

The dilemmas describedin this thesis retain a sharp, at times corrosive quality

which helps to shapeand inform subculturalconduct. Such conductis fraught with a

collection of thorny issueswhich will not be readily resolved or made amenableto

any off-the-hook remedy, not least becausethey are bound up in wider issues of

global monopoly capitalism and its stranglehold over (mass) popular culture.

Whether or not resistanceis bestproducedfrom inside the major labels, or from the

temporary autonomousspacesof small-label records, squats,DiY gigs, and bands,

describedin this thesis,remainsan openquestion,especiallyin relation to the abiding

issue of cultural authenticity. The entrancerequirements,practiceethics and points of

exit of a DiY scenehave been abundantlydescribedand analysedin the thesis, and

these have thrown up someenduringly difficult issues. Do you chooseDiY anarcho

direct action punk, or DiY cultural production? Are thesemutually exclusive or can

they be madecompatible? Can effective political statementsor actions be made from

within the culture industry? Perhapsthe most difficult issueof all is whetherthere has

ever been,or can ever be, an authenticpunk. In the 'true spirit of DiY', the response

to this issuemust finally residewith the reader.

GordonPhD 271
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Shepppard,J. (2002): Small TownPunk.- A Novel, New York: Writers Club Press.

Silverman, D. (2000) Doing Qualitative Research:A Practical Handbook, London:

SagePublications.

Simonelli, D. (2002) 'Anarchy, Pop and Violence: Punk Rock Subculture and the
Rhetoric of Class, 1976-78', ContemporaryBritish History, Vol. 16. No.2. London:
Frank Cass
Sinker, D. (Ed.) (2001) We Owe YouNothing Punk Planet: The CollectedInterviews,
New York: Akashic Books.
Skelton, T. Valentine, G. (Eds) (1998) Cool Places: Geographiesof Youth Cultures,
London: Routledge.
Spitz, M. Mullcn, B. WeGot the Neutron Bomb: The Untold Story ofL. A. Punk, New
York: Three Rivers Press.
Snowden,D. Leonard,G. Make the Music Go Bang. TheEarly L.A. Punk Scene,New
York: St. Martin's Griffin.
Spradlcy, J.P. (1980) Participant Observation, New York: Holt, Rinehart and
Winston.
Spreecher, L. (1994) Sister Safety Pin, Ann Arbor: Firebrand.
Stevenson, N. Stevenson, P, Vacant. A Diary
of The Punk Years 1976 -79, London:
17harnesand Hudson Publishing.

Gordon PhD
278
 Storer,J. (2003) InventingPopular Culture, Blackwell Publishing.
Strauss,A. Corbin, J. (1990) Basics of Qualitative Research: Grounded Theory,
Proceduresand Techniques,London: SagePublications.
Thornton, S. (1995) Club Cultures: Music, Media and Subcultural Capital, Polity
Press:Cambridge.
Thrasher,F, M. (1927) TheGang,Chicago:University of ChicagoPress.
Topping, K (2003) TheCompleteClash, London: Reynoldsand Heam Ltd.
True, E. (2002) Hey Ho Let's Go: The True Story of the Ramones,London: Omnibus
Press.
Tsitsos, W. (1999) 'Rules of Rebellion: Slamdancing,Moshing and the American
Alternative Scene,' Popular Music Vol. 18 No.3. Cambridge:Cambridge University
Press.
Turcotte, B. Miller, C. (1999) Fucked Up and Photocopied: The Instant Art of the
Punk RockMovement,New York: InternosBooks.
Unterberger,R. (2000) UnknownLegendsofRock and Roll, London: Backbeat.
Vale, V. (Eds) (1996) SearchAnd Destroy: TheAuthoritative Guide to Punk History,
Vol. I. SanFrancisco:RE/Search.
Vale, V. (Eds) (1997) SearchAnd Destroy: TheAuthoritative Guide to Punk History,
Vol. 2. SanFrancisco:RE/Search.
Vaucher, G. (1999) Crass Art and Other Pre Post-ModernistMonsters, Edinburgh:
AX Press,Exit Stencil Press.
Vermorel, F. Vermorel, J. The Sex Pistols: The Inside Story, London: Tandem
Publishing.
Wakefield, S. & Grrrt. (1994) Not For Rent.,Conversationswith CreativeActivists in
the UK, London: Evil Twin Publications.
Walser, F- (1993) Running with the Devil: Power, Gender and Madness in Heavy
Metal Music, Hanover:University Pressof New England.
Weinstein,D. (2000)HeavyMetaL TheMusic and Its Culture, Boulder, Colarado:Da
Capo Press.
Weinstein, D. (1991) Heavy Metal: A Cultural Sociology New York: Lexington
Books.
West, M. (1982) TheLife and CrimesofIggy Pop, New York: Babylon Books.
Whyte, W.F. (1943) Street Corner Society: The Social Structure of an Italian Slum,
Chicago: University of ChicagoPress.
Widdicombe, S. Wooffitt, R. (1990) 'Versus 'Doing' Punk: On Achieving
Authenticity as a Member,Journal ofLanguage and Social Psychology,Vol. 9, No4.
Widdicombe, S. Wooffitt, R. (1995) The Language of Youth Subcultures: Social
Identity in Action, London: HarvesterWheatsheaf.
Willmott, G. (2003) The Jam: Sounds From the Street, Riclunond: Reynolds and
Hearn Ltd.

Gordon PhD 279

 Willis, P. (1977) Learning To Labour., How Working Class Kids Get Working Class
Jobs, Farnborough,Hants:SaxonHouse.
Willis, P, (1978)Profane Culture, London: Routledge,Kegan & Paul.
Willis, S. (1993) 'Hardcore: Subculture American Style', Critical Inquiry, Vol. 1
No. 19. Chicago:University Of ChicagoPress.

DVDIVideos

Carrol, J. Holzman, B. (2001) BetweenResistanceand Community. The Long Island

DiYPunk Scene,Traffic Violation Records,Walklor Productions
Glantz, P. Noe, N. Lightning Bolt: ThePower ofSalad Providence,Load Records
Letts, D. (1999) TheClash: Westwayto the World, Sony Music Video
Sorrondeguy,M. (1999) Beyondthe ScreamsMas Alla de los Gritos, UK, Flat Earth
Records,LenguaArmada
Temple, J. (2000) TheFilth and the Fury. A SexPistols Film, Film Four.

Newspaper Articles and Magazines

Kerrang. (2000) 'Noise Pollution: The Punk Magazine'.

Mega Metal Kerrang (1985-87).
Mqjo: TheMusic Magazine(February2001) 'New 'fork Punk '76'.
Mqjo: TheMusic Magazine(October2001)'100 Punk Scorchers.'
NME Originals Punk 1975-9 (2002.Vol. I Issue2) 'The GenuineArticle: Interviews,
Reviews,RarePhotos.
Punk's Not Dead andPunk Lives (1981-83).
Q Magazine: SpecialEdition (April 2002) 'Never Mind The Jubilee, Here's the True
Story of PunkV.
Q Magazine(June2002) 'From Gob to Glory: Punk's Lost Years'.
TheGuardian (28/05/02)Williamson, N. Face it-Punk TFasRubbish.
TheIndependent(31/05/02)Mulholland, G. After the Anarchy.
Terrorizer Magazine(January2002) 'The Punk Issue.'

Fanzines & Pamphlets

Copsand Robbers# 9, October 1998.

Ripside
Fracture

Gordon PhD 280

 Heart AllaCk (sic)
Hit-List
MaximumRockn Roll (1992) # 184.

Maximum Rock n Roll (1994) # 133 Major Labels: Some of your Friends are This
Fucked.
MaximumRock n Roll (1997) # 174.
Punk-Planet.
PunkShocker.
Hughes(2001) Direct Hit: Dffhardcorepunk. Issue 1.
Mclard, K, (1998), Heart Attack 23.
Raisin ' Hell.
ReasonTo Believe.
Whatis the lin]2?: (1995)1in 12 Twelve Pamphlets.

Discography

Accept (1979)Accept, BreakerRecords.

All (2000) Problematic, Epitaph Records.
Andy T (1982) Wearyofthe Flesh, CrassRecords.
Anthrax (UK) (1982) Capitalism is Cannibalism,CrassRecords.
Anthrax (NYC) (1984) Fis(ful ofMetal, Mega force Records.
Antisect (1983)In DarknessThereis No Choice,SpiderlegRecords.
Amebix (1983) No Sanctuary,SpiderlegRecords.
Back to the Planet(1993) Mind and Soul Collaborators, Parallel: London Records.
Bad Religion (1993)RecipeFor Hate, Epitaph Records.
Black Flag (1983) My War, SST Records.
Blaggers ITA (1991) Fuck Fascism, Fuck Capitalism, Societies' Fucked,
Knockout/NightmareRecords.
BlaggersITA (1993)AbandonShip, EMI ParlophoneRecords.
Bob Tilton (1999) TheLeading Hotels ofthe World, SouthernRecords.
Bold (1989)SpeakOut, RevelationRecords.
Boxed In (2003) Diverse Totality, Crime SceneRecords.
Canvas(1998) Canvas,HouseholdName Records.
Canvas(1999) Lost In Rock,HouseholdName Records.
CaptainSensible(1981) This is Your Captain Speaking,CrassRecords.

Gordon PhD 281

 ChambcrUn (1998) TheMoon My Saddle,DoghouseRecords.
Chron Gen (1982) Chronic Generation,SecretRecords.
Chumbawamba(1985)Revolution,Agit Prop Records.
Chumbawamba (1986) Pictures of Starving Children Sell Records, Agit Prop
Records.
Chumbawarnba(1997) Tubthumping,Universal Records.
CockneyRejects(1980) GreatestHits, Vol.1, ZonophoneRecords.
ConcreteSox (1985) Your Turn Next, COR Records
Conflict (1982) It's Timeto SeeJVho'sno, CorpusChristi Records.
Conflict (1983) To a Nation ofAnimal Lovers, CorpusChristi Records.
Conflict (1984) Increasethe Pressure,CorpusChristi Records.
Conflict (1984) TheSerenadeis Dead, MortahateRecords.
Conflict (1985) Only Stupid BastardsHelp EMI, MortahateRecords.
Converge(2001) Jane Doe, Equal Vision Records.
Crass(1978) TheFeedingof TheFive Thousand,Small WonderRecords.
Crass(1979) TheFeedingofthe Five Thousand:TheSecondSitting, CrassRecords.
Crass(1979) Stationsofthe Crass,CrassRecords.
Crass(1993) You'll Ruin itfor Everyone,PomonaRecords.
Crass/PoisonGirls (1980) Bloody Revolutions,CrassRecords.
Crass(1980) Big A Little alNagasakiNightmare,CrassRecords.
Crass(1982) SheepFarming in the Falklands, CrassRecords.
Crass (1982) How Does it Feel to be The Mother of a ThousandDead?, Crass
Records.
Crass(1983) YesSir, I [Vill, CrassRecords.
Crass(1984) You'reAlready Dead, CrassRecords.
Crass(1984) TenNoteson a SummersDay, CrassRecords.
Crass(1984) BestBefore 1984,CrassRecords.
Creation as Crucifixion (2001): Child as Audience: Where Technologyand Anarchy
Fuck, Rtmark, AutonornediaCollective.
Crucifix (1984) Dehumanisation,CorpusChristi Records.
Dead Boys (1977) Young,Loud and Snotty, Sire Records.
DeadKennedys(1980) Fresh Fruit For Rotting Vegetables,Cherry Red Records.
Deviated Instinct (1986) Welcometo The Orgy, PeacevilleRecords.
Deviated Instinct (1988) RockAnd Roll Conformity, PeacevilleRecords.
D&V (1983) TheNearestDoor, CrassRecords.
D&V (1984) D& V, CrassRecords.

Gordon PhD 282

 Dirt (1981) Object,Refuse,Reject,Abuse, CrassRecords.
Discharge(1980) Realitiesof War, Clay Records.
Discharge(1982) Hear Nothing, SeeNothing, SayNothing, Clay Records.
Doom (1988) War Crimes,PeacevilleRecords.
DRI (1982) ViolentPacification Ep, DRI Records.
Electro Hippies (1987) The Only GoodPunk is a Dead One,PeacevilleRecords.
Extinction of Mankind (1995) Baptisedin Shit, Skuld Records.
ExtremeNoise Terror (1988) Holocaust in Your Head, HeadEruption Records.
Fear(1981) TheRecord,SlashRecords.
Flux of Pink Indians(1981) Neu Smell, CrassRecords.
GBH, (1981) No Survivors,Clay Records.
GreenDay (1987) SweetChildren EP, Skene!Records.
GreenDay (1997) Nimrod Reprise,Records.
Gorilla Biscuits (1989)Start Today,RevelationRecords.
Health Hazard(1994) TenInch, Flat Earth Records.
Heresy(1985) Face Up To It, In Your FaceRecords.
Hiatus (1993) From ResignationTo Revolt, SoundPollution Records.
Hit Parade(1982) Bad News,CrassRecords.
Hit Parade(1985) Knick Knack Paddywhack,CrassRecords.
Hit Parade(1984) Plastic Culture, CrassRecords.
Honey Bane(1979) YouCan Be You,CrassRecords.
Hot Water Music (1997 Finding TheRhythm,No Idea Records.
In Tlie Clear (2000) Out ofOur Past, SakariEmpire Records.
Iron Maiden (1980)Iron Maiden, EMI Records.
Jello Biafra (2000)Becomethe Media, Alternative TentaclesRecords.
JudasPriest(1980) British Steel,Epic Records.
Judge(1989) Bringin'It Down, RevelationRecords.
KUKL (1984) TheEye, CrassRecords.
KUKL (1985) Holidays In Europe, CrassRecords.
Lack of Knowledge(1983) Grey, CrassRecords.
L7 (1990) Smell TheMagic, Sub Pop Records.
L7 (1992) Bricks Are Heavy, SlashRecords.
Metallica (1983) Kill 'EmAll, Music For Nations Records.
Minor Threat (1981) Minor Threat,Dischord Records.
Minor Threat(1983) Out OfStep, Dischord Records.

Gordon PhD 283

 Motorhead(1977) Afotorhead,Chiswick Records.
Napalm Death(1985)Scum,EaracheRecords.
New End Original (2001) Thriller, JadeTree Records.
New Model Army (1984) Vengeance,Abstract Records.
New Model Army (1985) No RestFor The Wicked,EMI Records.
NOFX (1994)Punkin Drublic, EpitaphRecords.
Noothgrush/Deadbodieseverywhere
(1996) Split 7", Bovine Records.
Obituary (1989)Slowly WeRot, RoadracerRecords.
OmegaTribe (I 982),4ngry Songs,CrassRecord.
One By One (1992) World On Fire, Flat Earth Records.
One By One (1993) Fight, Flat Earth Records.
OnslaughtPower From Hell, COR Records.
Penetration(1978)Moving Targets,Virgin Records.
PoisonGirls (1980) ChappaquidickBridge, CrassRecords.
PoisonGirls (1980) Statement,CrassRecords.
PoisonGirls (1980)All SystemsGo, CrassRecords.
PoisonGirls (1980) Hex, CrassRecords.
PoisonIdea (1989)Record Collectorsare PretentiousAssholes,Bitzcore.
Rancid (1995) And out Comethe Wolves,EpitaphRecords.
...
Rimbaud,P (I 984)Acts ofLove, CrassRecords.
Ripcord (1985) DefianceofPower, COR Records.
RudimentaryPeni (1982) Farce, CrassRecords.
Rites of Spring (1986)Rites ofSpring, Dischord Records.
RudimentaryPeni (1983) Death Church, CorpusChristi Records.
Sacrilege(1985) Behindthe RealmsofMadness,PowerageRecords.
Samson(1980) Head Om Air Raid Records.
SeeinRed (2003) 7his CD Kills Fascists,Peculio Discs.
Sham69 (1978) Tell us The Truth, Polydor.
Sick Of It All (1992)Just look Around, Relativity Records.
Snapcase(1991) Comatose,Victory Records.
Social Distortion (1996) "ite Light, U%iteHeat "ite Trash, Epic Records.
Stampin' Ground (1997) DemonsRunAmok, We Bite Records.
Subhumans(1982) TheDay The Count?y Died, Bluurg Records.
Subhumans(1983) Evolution Ep, Bluurg Records.
Suffer (1995) First EP, Flat Earth Records.

Gordon PhD
284
 SpecialDuties (1982) Bullshit Crass,RondoletRecords.
Sublime (1996)Sublime,GasolineAlley/MCA.
Suicidal Tendencies(1983) Suicidal Tendencies,Frontier Records.
SSD (2000)Power, TaangRecords.
Texasis the reason(1996) Do YouKnow no You.4re21RevelationRecords.
Ile Adicts (1981) SongsofPraise, Dweed Records.
The Alternative (1982) In NomineesPatri, CrassRecords.
The Buzzcocks(1978) Love Bites, United Artists Records.
The Cravats(1982) Rub Me Out, CrassRecords.
The Clash(1977) The Clash, CBS Records.
The Damned(1977) Damned,Damned,Damned,Stiff Records.
The Devils (2003) How Learnedto Stop Worrying and Forget About TheBomb, In At
The DeepEnd Records.
The Dilinger EscapePlan (1997) TheDilinger EscapePlan, RelapseRecords.
1"heEx (1980) Disturbing DomesticPeace,Verrecords.
The 4-Skins (1982) The Good, TheBad and The4-Skins,SecretRecords.
Ile Instigators(1985) Nobody ListensAnymore,Bluurg Records.
The Last Resort(1982) The- Skinhead,CaptainOi records.
The Tliree Johns(I 984).4tomDrum Bop, Abstract Records.
The Scorpions(1980)Animal Magnetism,EMI Records.
The Sex Pistols (1977) NeverMind TheBollocks,Virgin Records.
The Stranglers(1977) RattusNorvegicus,United Artist Records.
The Stupids(1986) Peruvian Vacation,COR Records.
The Snipers(1981) ThreePeaceSuite, CrassRecords.
The Varukers(I 984).AnotherReligion Another War, Riot City Records.
Tygers of PanTang (1982) TheCage,MCA Records.
UFO (1970) Ufo, BeaconRecords.
UK Subs(1979)Another Kind ofBlues, Gem Records.
Vardis (1981) The World's Insane,Logo Records.
Vegan Reich (1990) Hardline 7 ", Hardline Records.
Venom, (1982) Black Metal, Neat Records.
Vice Squad(1981) No CauseFor Concern,EMI/Zonophone.
What HappensNext? (2000) Hollow Victory,Not A ProblemRecords.
X-Ray-SpexGerm Free Adolescents,EMI Records.
Youth of Today (1986) Break Down The Malls, Wishing Well Records.

Gordon PhD 285

 Zounds (1980) Can't CheatKarma, CrassRecords.

Vinyl, CD and Tape Compilations

Various. (1980) Bullshit Defector,CrassRecords.

Various. Bullshit Defector VolumeTwo, CrassRecords.
Various. Bullshit Defector VolumeThree,CrassRecords.
Various TheAnimals Packet,Sky and Tree Tapes.

Websites

de/
htip://www. scorchedearthpolicy.
http://www. letbulletsrain.de/
http://www. arancidamoeba.
com/nuT/

Gordon PhD 286

Appendices

Appendix 1: Interview Questions.

Questionnaire

Ethical statementto be provided to the interviewee

Age?

Sex?

Education?

Family?

Background

1) Do you live in Leeds?

2) Do You Live in Bradford?

3) Do you attendDiY eventsin both scenes?

4) Can you tell me how you first got into punk and hardcore?

5) How old whereyou?

6) Tell me how this haseffectedyou.

Leeds

1) Tell me aboutthe punk/hardcorescenein Leeds?

2) Tell me what you do in it?

3) Have you recentlyparticipatedin the scene?

4) What is the most memorableoccasionfor you?

5) What do you Me most aboutthe scene?

6) What do you dislflceaboutthe scene?

Bradford

1) Tell me about the punk/hardcorescenein Bradford?

2) What do you do in it?

3) Do you go to the I in12 club?

4) Tell me aboutwhat you do there?

5) What is the most memorableoccasionfor you?

Gordon PhD 287

 6) What do you Ile most aboutthe club?

7) What do you dislike most about the club?

Commitment

1) How long do you intendto remain in the scene?

2) Do you known anyonewho hasrecently left?

3) What might the reasons/issues

be for leaving the scene?

Authenticity

4) Tell me aboutyour view on punk and hardcorethat is not DiY.

Gordon PhD
289
 Appendix2: ResearchConsentForm.

Informed ConsentForrn

77zank
youfor agreeingto takepart in this project

My nameis Alastair Gordon and I am a postgraduatestudentat LoughboroughUniversity. I

am engagedin a researchproject called DiY Cultural Production. My Supervisor, Mike
Pickering, is directing the project and can be contactedat email address(aNni.
com shouldyou
have any questions. Alternatively, you can contact me at mePemailaddress.com or on
(mobile telephonenumber)

01 would like to emphasisethat

0 Your participation is entirely voluntary

0 You are free to refuseto answerany question

0 You are free to ask questions

0 You are free to withdraw from the discussionat any time

You are free to withdraw any commentsyou makewithin two week s of the interview

The interview will be treatedwith the utmostconfidentiality. The tape recording I shall make
of our discussionwill not be heard by anybody but myself and the researchteam. Excerpts
from the results may be used in researchreports,conferencepapersand or/publications, but

under no circumstanceswill your nameor any identifying characteristicsbe included in any

written or verbal useof the data.

Pleasesign this form to showthat you understand,and consentto what is written above.

(pleasesign)

(pleaseprint name)

(date)

Thank you,
Ref Interview Number

Gordon PhD 289

 ,4ppend&3: TheParticipants.

T= pilot interview

Ages presentedwere at time of interview in 2001.

Mr. A: (male) Revealedhis age as mid 20s. Moved from Bradford to Leeds 1999.
Participatedin various bandsin the 90s whilst running a DiY record label and distro

stall. Presentlytravelling the world. T

Mr. B: (male) 27. Has played in numerousUX hardcorebands. Left Bradford for
Nottingham in 1995. Now employedas a body piercer. T

Mr. BS: (late 30s) Rudely interrupted an interview with Mr. K and offered some
rather unsavoury views on lin12 punk in addition to hailing himself as Bradford's
most knowledgeableand authenticpunk. Currently undera rock somewhere.

Mr. C: 28. Ran a DiY distro, and record label until 2002. Left Bradford for
undiscloseddestination(1999). He returnedto Bradford 2003 to be involved in the
lin12. Presentlysings in a bandand is employedas a graphicdesigner.IF

Mr. D: Revealedage as late twenties. Playedbassin various straight edge bands in

the early 1990s. Left Bradford for Nottingham in 1996. Now works as a tour
manager.

Mr. E: 33. Left Bradford in 1990for Nottingham. Sangin DiY bandsand promoted
hardcoreshowsin Nottingham. Presentlylives in London, is still singing in hardcore
bands. Works at a large recordshop.T

Mr. F: 20. He left Bradford for Leedsin 2001. Plays in various Bradford crust bands.
Runs a fanzine, MY website and is centrally involved with booking bands at the
lin12. He is still active at the lin12.

Ms. G: 23. Core memberof the I inl2. Involved in the cafd, gig booking and general
day-to-day running of the club. Presently lives in Bradford and is still
closely
involved in the I in 12.

Mr. G: 21. A native of Leedsuntil 2001. Ran DiY record label, was a core
member
of the Reasonto Believe Collective, promoted gigs acrossLeeds. Left Leeds2001 to
travel world. Presentwhereaboutsunknown.

Gordon PhD
290
 Mr. H: revealedage as late twenties. Volunteeredat the lin12 from 1999to present
and participatedin various bands. He promoted various heavy music festivals at the
lin12. He still lives and works in Bradford and still volunteersat the club.

Mr. 1: 42. SoundEngineerand generalhandypersonat the club. Played in a classic

anarchopunk band for ten yearsbefore leaving and moving to Bradford in 1999. He
still performsvariousroles at the I in 12.

Mr. J: 37. Caretakerat the I in 12. J also drummedin one of the key 'britcore' bands

of the eightiesand nineties and plays on in a number of bands. He was a memberof

the studio collective and built the club practice room. J resigned from the club in
2003 but maintainscloseconnectionsthere.

Mr. K: 35. One of the soundengineersat the club and studio collective member. K
has a long standing relationship with the linl2, helping to build the place in 1988.
There are few roles in the club K has not been associatedwith. Moved FROM
Bradford to Leeds in 1999. He is presently involved in DiY promotion and playing
guitar in a band. Currently unemployed.

Mr. L: 38: Robert Heaton, drummer with Bradford band,New Model Army. Played
the lin12 in the early 1980swhen it was hostedgigs in various city pubs. He co-
wrote and released ten albums with them before leaving in 1999. After the band
focussedhis attention on recording and promoting bandsand live music in Bradford,

externalto the DiY scene. Tragically, Robert died of cancerNovember 4th2004.

Ms. M: 25: Cafd Worker and volunteer at the lin12. Promoted a DiY hardcore
festival at the club in 2000. She was a part-time degree student at the time of the
field-research. Currently lives in Bradford.

Mr. N: Interviewedfor EuropeanMY tour research,not included herein.

Ms. N: Interviewedfor EuropeanMY tour research,not included herein.

Mr. O: 34. Zine writer and distributor, generalsceneparticipant.Moved from Bradford

to Leedsin 2000 and back again in 2003.

Mr. P: Interviewedfor Europeantour research,not includedherein.

Mr. Q: 34. Drove bands on DiY tours, general scene participant. Moved from
Bradford to Leeds in 1999. Currently makes guitars in the basementof his house
when he is not driving bandson the road.

Gordon PhD 291

 Mr. R: 37. Ran a record label and distro stall for 17 years before winding it down in
2001. He moved from Bradford to Leeds in 2001 after over a decadeactive at the
lin12 to which he still retains firm links. He remains active as a drummer for a
touring DiY band and is currently unemployed,though this has never stoppedhim
being busy.

Mr. S: 39. Bar worker at the club. Alongside Mr. J, S was the only otherpaid member

of staff at the lin12. He is involved in the daily running of the club bars. Moving to
Bradford in 1982 for a university degree, he became involved with the lin12

promoting the early gigs and neverceasedinvolvement.

Mr. T: 40. DanbertNobacon,singerwith Leedsband Chumbawamba.Togetherwith

his band he was responsiblefor a seriesof statements,actions and pranks throughout
their existence. Part of the early DiY Leeds squatting scene. Agent-provocateur.
Campaignedagainst EMI and multinational before the band signed a contract with
them in 1997:at the 1998Brit Awards he threw a bucket of water over Deputy Prime
Minister, John Prescottas a protest in defenceof the (sackedfor striking) Liverpool
dockers. Presentlyhe is still causingtrouble and still residesin Leeds.

Mr. U. Declined to be interviewed for the research. 120Rats Squatter. Studio

collective member.

Mr. V: 23. Partnerat the Out of StepRecordshop. DiY gig promoter, band member
and record label. Moved from Manchesterto Leedsin 1999. Currently still working
at the shopandplaying in bands.

Ms. W: 28. Worker at I in 12. Gig promoter, I in 12 cafe and bar worker. Left Bradford
for Leedsin 1999. Whereaboutsunknown.

Mr. X: Declined Interview. Studio collective member.

Mr. Z: 30. Out of Step Recordspartner. Moved from Manchesterfrom Leeds in

1999. Not interviewed for this research. Runs a DiY record label, plays in two UK
hardcorebandspromotesgigs. Still works at the shop.

Cops and Robbers are still active promoting gigs in Leeds.

Gordon PhD 292

Appendix4: fanzines

ö1fl 1b.
i-io2
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TOCZ-F
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reviews
MAMMALS
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Gordon PhD
 Appendix5. LeedsFlyers

"ýMwmffs". Jx
SokadEmpirepresents...

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*NWOBHM - 215T CENTURY STYLE"

MANG
"APPARENTLY STONER--. PEB SLES.
WTONES.- rrS ALL JUST ROCK TO MEI"

J*R
'ROCK AND INDEED ROLLI"

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AUDC, KISS, WHITESNAKE
AT 120RATS LEEDS DTHEMTOTHE LIST['
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L2.; O STARTS AT 8.30 IEUY FIGHT THE EVICTION.
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PUKXROSSfiOV@HOTMARO.

Gordon PhD
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NýMOW) fol-ImcInfol-

;' ý- ýýedish thrash I, iblý hý, d,

fukk J,, '-, i, 2-ýOý
uLy

D.S.
713 Old

2--c' .. g- ". 1.

(jordon NO
 Nppendix 7: Photos

ject I in 12 Aug 2004 (Pholo: Mr. J)

Recording Studio prOj
tý

\md,: I letersens Arinc pI ýiýing, at Brad 1'0rd I lin 1: 0 1 (P h otos: II obby Vii I Ito)
151102,,
.

Out ol Stvp I t:cds

Gordon PhD
 Appendix 8: Selling Out

THEY'KE IN-_!
JovK LIVINCr VE K'-)
1ýý-
All the products li: ted o.n this page are owned by (81141 thus make profit for)
Thorn-EI-11 Ltd. The o"any's 1983 trading profits were 9400.4 million. -%...

Jý

itd
Thorn Emr Lighting td
D
orn EMI Domestio. Appliance orn EMI, Fql, ýgusson d Videoreoorder
Ltd (Gas Division) Thorn. 331-11 video films Ltd
Thorn *
MILPrerecorded Video casettes,
Thorn EMI Domestio'Applidnoe
11td (Electric Division) EMI Records nvailabieir-o-; a
ShoPs Ltd
Tborn, MTI Fergusson Ltd T*V Thý b0atlest Duran Duran, David
130,wiei Kate Push, Queen, Vice Sound,
owned by Thorn-EMI) Gang -o-f-rotCi-W--F1r1X141,
Itaclio Rentals Ltd (to name. but a, fow). *
DER Ltd Harvqat Re. cords
Rumbelower Ltd ý6'rsl: ana "Records
N. 'Future Records
0 living room& builý by orn-i: MI Record.
Technology Ltdj P# Thorn--%'MI Mach. Lne Classicii-ftjý 'Plea sure Records
tools Ltd; with Thorn-04I Industrial
Supplies Ltd; protected by AFA
Minerva Ltd burglar alarms...

Meanwhile, in the. kitchan, thereve Thorn 3DUC domestic Appliances Ltd and
Kenwood Ltd. Mi3ters fxn4 blenders. In the h(%Il is a Thorn Errionon telecom Ltd
telephone for the us, needing to go outside
... and more adventurous aamLigst -
Centras (in Halls)
Vr. orn EMI
-Social
Ltd othftr words, Bingo p or Thorn 11TVII Vilms
r. t W111x Elxtree Studios Ltd, and shown at Thorn EMI's Cinemas Ltd (A330
mads

The Thorn-04I success otoz7, TUXIITG. A KILLING% Thor -are over 40 ware
going on Jn the world today - and how many of tho 1', ^ coountries that %"iorn
<
: XI exports to are fighting each other? I wonder.

------------

THORN E"

Leaflet written ani printed by Sky & Trees, Dox 4,59 Cookrides St, Leads.

Chumbawarnba:Anti Emi Flyer (1984,Authors Collection)

Gordon PhD
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Anarcho punk flyer, Critical of New Model Anny signing to EMI in 1985(1986,Authors
Collection.

Gordon PhD