Page 1 of 18

DAMODARAM SANJIVAYYA
NATIONAL LAW UNIVERSITY

SABBAVARAM, VISAKHAPATNAM, A.P., INDIA

PROJECT TITLE- ECONOMIC SYSTEM DURING THE DELHI

SUBJECT - HISTORY

NAME OF THE FACULTY - DR. VISWACHANDRA NATH MADASU

Name of the Candidate – DEV ARORA

Semester 1st
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

I'd want to take this time to thank my History teacher, Dr. Viswachandra Nath Madasu, for
providing direction and assistance during the project. I couldn't have finished it without him.
Because he was the main force behind the project, it is difficult to say whether or not it would
have been finished without his leadership and contribution. I would want to offer my heartfelt
appreciation to him for all he has done for me. In addition, I'd want to take this time to thank
my parents, friends, and the youngsters a year or two older than me who inspired me to take
on this challenge. I owe them a big debt of gratitude for directing me in the proper direction
and assisting me with my endeavor.

REGARDS,
 Page 3 of 18

DEV ARORA
1st SEMESTER.
TABLE OF CONTENT

1. Acknowledgement …………………….……………………..……………..…2
2. Abstract………………………………………….……….…………………….4
3. Synopsis………………………………………….…………………………….5
3.1. Objectives of the Study……………………………………………………5
3.2. Significance of the Study………………………………………………….5
4. Economic Conditions Before 1200…………………………………………….6
5. Agrarian Economy……………………………………………………………..8
5.1. Agricultural Production……………………………………………………8
5.2. Rural Classes………………………………………………………………9
5.3. Agrarian Taxation……………………………………….…….…….…….10
5.4. IQTA’S Distribution of Revenue Resources Among the Ruling Class…...12
6. Non-Agricultural Production ………….……….….………………….….…....15
7. Outcomes of the Project………….………….…………………….….……….16
8. Conclusion…………………………….….…………………….….…….…….17
 Page 4 of 18

ABSTRACT

The Delhi Sultanate, an Islamic Empire with Delhi as its capital, ruled over a major area of
South Asia for 320 years (1206–1526). After the Ghurid Dynasty invaded the subcontinent,
five dynasties in turn ruled the Delhi Sultanate: The Mamluk Dynasty (1206-1290), the
Khaliji Dynasty (1290-1320), the Tughlaq Dynasty (1320-1412), the Sayyid Dynasty (1414-
1451), and the Lodhi Dynasty (1451–1526). It comprised much of what is now Bangladesh,
Pakistan, and India, as well as southern Nepal.
The Ghori conquest of Northern India and the establishment of the Delhi Sultanate not only
altered the pre-existing governmental order, but also brought about economic transformation.
The conquerors brought rather well-defined concepts and methods for taxation and collection,
coinage, etc. with them. The Iqtadari System, a system of revenue allocations, supported
large centralised empires. Iqtas, Khams, Jaziya, Zakat, Nazranas, and other taxes were also
sources of revenue collection during the Delhi Sultanate period. These were initially added on
top of the earlier system, and numerous Sultans continued to make modifications and
additions up until the end of the 15th century. As a result, only partial changes to the current
system were allowed. The new rulers wanted luxuries and comforts in line with their tastes
and lifestyles. Therefore, providing these was considerably assisted by the slave labour.
This study provides a thorough overview of the Economic System During the Delhi Sultanate
Period using data gathered from a plethora of sources. The economy and economic structure
that were in use during the Delhi Sultanate are projected in this study. The project offers a
comprehensive examination of the various aspects of trade in mediaeval India, including how
the early sultans of Delhi ruled the economy, the primary financial sources, the medium of
exchange, and other relevant topics. The major goal of this research is to comprehend the
economy of the Delhi Sultanate. This research will help us comprehend the changes the
Mughal emperors presided over while in power.
 Page 5 of 18

SYNOPSIS

Objectives of the Study

When you have finished going through this lesson, you will be able to:

 Analyze the evolution of Delhi Sultanate under different rulers

Significance of the study

There are not a lot of books that cover this subject. Therefore, the completion of this project
will satisfy their requirements.
 Page 6 of 18

ECONOMIC CONDITIONS BEFORE 1200

It is usually assumed that the early Middle Ages were a time of overall economic
deterioration in the Indian subcontinent's north. There are significant similarities between the
changes that occurred in India during this time and the phenomenon of social rearrangement
in the face of limited resources and deteriorating communications that occurred in Western
Europe over the same ages. “The northern Indian recession, though possibly not so severe,
was equally prolonged. Global historical factors which appear to have contributed to the
decline in prosperity of both areas include invasion.”1
Landholding became the primary foundation of social and political prestige throughout this
time period. Under what has been variably referred to as "the Samanta system" or "Indian
feudalism," there was a growing fragmentation and hereditarization of local control. A
growing share of the agricultural produce was seized from the peasants to support military
vassals and religious grant-holders, whose tenure typically lasted through changes of
overlords.
Power fragmentation reduced the flow of both internal and external commerce, and roadways
degraded. The monetary economy contracted, as it had in Western Europe. Gold coins were
seldom minted following the Guptas' demise, and even silver and copper coinages are
uncommon and in poor condition. This occurred despite the large amounts of precious metals
that reached India and were either hoarded or used to ornament religious institutions, palaces,
and members of the dominating classes.
Nonetheless, the trade slowdown was not complete. In locations like Ujjain and Varanasi,
urban life continued uninterrupted. The royal courts, like the vast religious institution,
flourished in luxury. Significant labour was spent in the building of mediaeval India's major
temples, and we discover in certain regions the construction of massive irrigation ponds.
Certain foreign goods, most notably chinmasuka or Chinese silk, seem to have circulated to
remote parts of northern India, and it is possible that the finer types of cotton textiles were
also transported from far-flung locations to other regional markets. Food, especially grains,
was carried across long distances.
The Pallava and early Chola kingdoms of Coromandel, as well as the Pala dynasty in Bengal,
both owe a major amount of their growth to the trade that took place with other nations. a

1
Dharma Kumar and Tapan Rayachaudhri, The Cambridge Economic History of India, Vol. 18, No. 3 (Apr.,
1984), pp. 395-397 (3 pages).
 Page 7 of 18

lessening of the cultural influence of Hinduism in Southeast Asia and Indonesia. There has
been a tally kept of the proportion of Hindu merchants who engage in maritime trade. Until
the twelfth century, Gujarati and South Indian activities were not noted by Hindu merchants;
however, in the thirteenth century and subsequent centuries, these activities were observed.
Hindu merchants abroad during the thirteenth and later centuries was
Noticed.
 Page 8 of 18

AGRARIAN ECONOMY

Agricultural Production

Peasants, who often lived in communities, were responsible for farming. It is believed that
there were between 200 and 300 males living in each community. Individual peasant farmers
were responsible for cultivating the land, and the amount of land that each farmer was
responsible for varied greatly, from the expansive holdings of the khots, also known as
village headmen, to the small plots that were owned by the balabars, also known as village
menials. There must have been a significant number of landless people living below the
peasants, who were members of the "meretricious" classes.
In the majority of regions, wells were most likely the most important source of controlled
irrigation. Peasants were given loans so that they might expand their farming during
Muhammad Tughluq's rule (1325–1351). These loans were used to dig wells. In some areas,
an additional source of irrigation was the water that was made available when streams were
dammed using structures known as bandhs. Some of them were constructed by the
community members, while others were constructed by the government
It is not until the fourteenth century that we first find mention of canals. It was under the
reign of Firuz Tughluq (1351-1386) that the largest network of canals was constructed. was
not something that was known in India until the eighteenth century. He made two cuts. two of
the Yamuna river's canals, the Rajab-wah and the Ulugh-khan, transporting them to the city
of Hisar. He hacked another, known as the Firuz-shah, off the tree. Sutlej, as well as another
one from the Ghaggar. From the river Kali emerged one canal. in the Doab toward its
eventual confluence with the Yamuna close to Delhi. Because of the excellent irrigation in
Hisar via the newly constructed canals, which, when before only the rain-watered fall crops
(kharif) were planted here; currently, however, spring crops (rabi), particularly, are grown
here. Wheat is another crop that might be cultivated. The local residents and landholders were
accountable for the digging of public canals as well as their maintenance and upkeep. The
farmers of the Delhi sultanate were responsible for the production of a very wide variety of
crops. Ibn Battuta provides a reasonably in-depth account of the several agricultural products
that were produced in India.
Sericulture, also known as the nurturing of the mulberry silkworm in order to produce real
silk, is said to have been introduced somewhere during the fourteenth and fifteenth century.
 Page 9 of 18

Other kinds of silk, such as tasar, eri, and muga, have very certainly been gathered in India
ever since the country's earliest recorded history. Sericulture, on the other hand, took a very
lengthy time to make its way to India from China and may have done so by a circuitous path.
Ibn Battuta does not include silk as one of the products of Bengal anywhere in his writings.
However, in 1432, the Chinese sailor Ma Huan wrote in his description of the same area that
they had "mulberry plants, wild mulberry tree, silk worms and cocoons, all of these."  The
Tarikh-i Rashidi, which was finished in 1547, is the first document that provides conclusive
proof of sericulture in Kashmir. Earlier allusions to silk-weaving within Kashmir may be
found in Kalhana (about 1150) and Srivara (fifteenth century); however, they do not
necessarily suggest the presence of sericulture, since it is possible that the silk was
transported from Khotan or perhaps China.
Regarding the cultivation of fruit in India, Ibn Batuta's report seems to be the most
illuminating. The mango was the most highly sought fruit; yet, it was fully cultivated from
seed, and the method of grafting was not explained at any point.
Grapes were very uncommon and could only be grown in a few few locations in addition to
Delhi. It is possible that they were grown by peasants, since we see that Muhammad Tughluq
advocated encouraging people to switch to growing grapes rather than other crops.

Rural Classes

To start, it appears that the possibility of the peasants asserting property rights over any
particular tract of land was quite remote. Because there was a plentiful supply of land, the
peasant was often able to tolerate being denied his claim to the land that he farmed. On the
other hand, what he dreaded was a claim from the higher classes over his produce, and much
more so, over his person.
A soldier by the name of Zia'uddin was given charge of a village, and the ruler granted him
the authority (haqq) to collect the poll tax (jiziya) and the tax on cultivation (zira at) of that
village. The sovereign did this so that Zia'uddin could use the money to pay for himself and
his military equipment. The peasants, on the other hand, abandoned their designated
community and established themselves in neighbouring communities whose maliks were
ruled by Thanesar's Qazis (literally, proprietors). Zia'uddin was adamant that the villagers
should welcome their former residents back into their community. The Qazis responded by
arguing that the peasants were "free men by birth" (hurr as), and as such, they could not be
 Page 10 of 18

coerced into returning against their choice. This led to the explanation that nobody was
claiming "ownership of their people," which was drawn from the previous point. The right to
collect the poll tax (also known as jizya) from the peasants was the issue that was being
emphasised. This was the sovereign's right, and since it was a tax on persons, it could not,
despite the fact that the people who paid it had moved to other villages, transfer from the
assignee of that right to the maliks of those villages. As for the kharaj, also known as the land
tax, the income of that village had decreased due to the fact that these peasants had left the
land ('arz-i-kharaji) on which the tax was collected. Their continued residence in the village
was therefore a necessary condition for the collection of the land tax; and for this reason, as
well, they were not to be intrigued away by the other maliks whose responsibility it was now
to return them to their initial village. Their residence in the village was therefore a necessary
precondition for the collection of the land tax.

Agrarian Taxation

The ancient system or systems were not instantly eliminated after the Ghorian conquests and
the establishment of the sultanate; rather, they continued to function despite the imposition of
the requirements of a new ruling class. This was due to the fact that the Ghorian conquests
established a new ruling class.
The nobility of Balban (1266-86) were always deeply indebted to the city of Delhi's most
powerful merchants and moneylenders. It was unavoidable that attempts would be made to
increase revenue by collecting taxes modelled on those imposed in the Islamic world, with
which the new rulers were familiar, as time passed and the power of the sultan's government
grew. This was because the new rulers were acquainted with the Islamic world's tax system.
Barani provides the definitive report of 'Ala'uddin KhaljI's measurements. The sultan issued a
proclamation that the peasants would be subject to the following three taxes: the kharaj (also
known as kharaj-i-jiziya), which was a tax on agriculture (zira at); the charai, which was a
duty on milch cattle; and the ghari, which was a tax on homes. As for kharaj', anybody who
participated in agriculture, regardless of the size of the cultivated area, was required to
comply with "(the method of) measuring (masahat) and (the fixing of) the yield per biswa
(wafa'-i biswa), and were, without any exception what so ever, to pay half."
 Page 11 of 18

Following the measurement of the land that was cultivated for each crop, the yield was
determined per unit of area (biswa). Finally, the total production had to be calculated by
multiplying the cultivated land by the yield.
According to Barani, the Sultan gave orders to the revenue collectors to demand the tax with
such vigour and severity that it pushed the peasants to sell their products as soon as
possible. This suggests that the tax collectors insisted on being paid in cash only.
One can only reconcile the fact that the tax was normally collected in cash; and that it was
only as a special measure that Ala'u'ddin Khailji encouraged collection in kind in some of the
khalisa areas so that he could obtain corn for his granaries to serve as reserve stocks against
scarcities. This is the only explanation that makes sense.
According to Barani, the new taxing system was implemented within a fairly short period of
time. Huge area spanning from Dipalpur and Lahore in the Panjab to Kara in the Sindh
province
& Katehr (both in the state of Uttar Pradesh), as well as Nagaur and Chha'in (both in the state
of Rajasthan). While it is undeniable that 'Ala'uddin Khalji was a vigorous and stern leader,
contributed to the passage of the bill, but the measure itself was definitely an extension of
what was really already in place in some locations rather than a completely new law.
than the creation of a whole new system. Because of its close relationship to the traditional
Islamic system, The kharaj was the primary tax, accounting for the vast majority of the
agricultural revenue. The excess cannot be concealed any longer.
'Ala'uddin Khalj's revenue system was arguably the one organization from his rule that
survived the longest, extending well into the nineteenth or even the twentieth century. It was
possibly the organization that lasted the longest because it was the most complex.
Ghiyasu'ddln Tughluq (1320–5) gave significant concessions to khots and muqaddams in an
effort to "alter" Ala'u'ddln Khalji's system. He was unsuccessful in this endeavour.
Muhammad Tughluq (1325—51). First and foremost, during the reign of this sultan, the
whole kingdom, which included the regions of Gujarat, Malwa, the Deccan, south India, and
Bengal, was subjected to the same stringent system of taxation that was in place in the
villages of the Doab.
According to Baran, new and extra imposts (also written as abwab) were imposed on the
peasants. According to Yahya, the three primary taxes were evaluated and collected with a
greater level of vigour:
Both the Ghari and the charai were enforced in such a way that it became necessary to mark
the herds of cattle and to tally the number of dwellings inhabited by the peasants. They
 Page 12 of 18

measured the fields, took the legally prescribed yields (wafa'-ha-i-farman), and did the math
with the officially determined prices (nirkh-ha-i farmani).
The peasants who were vulnerable and without resources were entirely subjugated, but the
wealthy peasants who had both resources and means rebelled against the government.
Devastation spanned throughout whole areas. There was no attempt at cultivation at all.
When the peasants of distant areas learned of the disaster and destruction that had befallen
the Doabite peasantry, they abandoned their allegiance out of fear that the same instructions
would be given to them as had been given to the Doabite peasantry. As a result, they fled into
the forest. Due to the rigours of revenue-demand and the multiplicity of abwab [extra cesses],
the land of the Doab was ravaged during the two years that the Sultan was in Delhi (1332-4).
The Hindus set the grain mounds on fire and completely destroyed them, and they also drove
the livestock away from their homes. The Sultan gave orders to the shiqqdars and faujdars,
who are tax collectors and commanders, to ravage the land and loot its resources. They were
successful in blinding and killing a significant number of khots and muqaddams. Those who
were able to flee the country formed bands and took refuge in the jungles; as a result, the
nation was destroyed.
Before the reign of Firuz Tughluq, the land tax was variously referred to as jiziya or kharaj-
jiziya; nevertheless, it seems that there was no distinct tax imposed under the name of jiziya
that was collected in addition to the land tax. However, a record dating back to the period of
Firuz Tughluq has made its way down to us. This document makes it quite clear that the
jiziya was now being collected from the peasants as a separate tax. . Firuz also took a water
tax (haqq-i shurb) from villages served by canals.

IQTA’S Distribution of Revenue Resources Among the Ruling Class

“The Iqta system emerged in the tenth century against a background of change in the
economic and social environment of the Abbasid Caliphate as it evolved in response to the
state's dominant need to finance its operations and pay its civil and military officers.”2
The iqta was a geographical assignment, and the title of muqti was given to the person who
held it. Muqti's who possess iqtas need to be aware of the fact that they have no claim on the
subjects or peasants (ri'aya) other than that of collecting from them in an appropriate way the

2
Daljit Kaur, Iqtadari System and the Growth of Towns in Medieval India, Vol. 46, No. 2/3 (April-September,
1990), pp. 188-196.
 Page 13 of 18

due mil (tax, land tax) that has been allotted to them (the muqti's). After the money has been
collected from them, those subjects or peasants shall be protected against [any claims by]
them [the muqti's] in regard to their persons, riches, women and children, cultivated fields
ziya), and commodities. There are no [further] claims that can be made on them by the
muqti's. If the subjects and peasants so choose, they are free to appear before the [king's]
Court and give their account of the situation. They should not be stopped from carrying out
such a task. If any muqtf commits something that is not his, then the kings take his authority
away from him (literally, they chop off his hands), restore his iqta, and visit their anger on
him. This is done so that others may be warned by his example. They (the muqti's) need to
come to terms with the fact that the Sultan is the true owner of the land and the peasants
(ra'iya), and that the muqti's are [just] positioned at the top of the peasantry.
The iqta, Notwithstanding this, it inherently entailed, in exchange, a number of
responsibilities on the side of the  muqti to the Sultan, the primary responsibilities of which
are to maintain soldiers and supply  them at the sultan's beck and call. The muqti was thus
responsible for collecting taxes and serving as the army's paymaster.
The fact that Sultan Balban appointed a khwaja (accountant) in addition to the
muqti  indicates, most likely, that the sultan's administration was now attempting to learn
what was really gathered and spent inside the iqta'.
During the reign of 'Ala'u'ddln Khalji, there were several significant changes (1296-1316). It
was during the reign of this sultan that there was an effort made to impose the whole land tax
on the peasants of the older areas, while at the same time there was a significant increase in
the boundaries of the empire. This enormous expansion in the wealth of the ruling elite was
followed by a number of significant initiatives that affected the organisation of the iqta.
The Diwan-i Wizarat, which is the Finance Department, came up with an estimate for the
amount of tax revenue (kharaj) that would be collected from each iqta. The department
continued to keep a vigilant lookout for any possibility that may result in an increase to this
estimate. The'mawajib' salary of the soldiers 'hasham' put under the command of the muqti' or
waili was allocated a fixed percentage of the 'iqta's expected revenue. It seems that the Diwan
designated a separate space for the region that was projected to provide such a sum. The
balance was considered to be the muqti's own personal iqta, which meant that it was used to
pay for his own salary as well as the costs associated with his own personal institution of
officials. He was required to deposit into the treasury any earnings that were in excess of the
sum that was permitted for the payment of the troops as well as for his personal salary.
 Page 14 of 18

Ghiyasuddin Tughluq was unable to make any significant adjustments to this system; all he
could do was advocate for moderation.
During the reign of Muhammad Tughluq (1325–1351), we saw an even greater expansion of
the sultan's government's sphere of influence. The two distinct responsibilities of tax
collection and military upkeep started to become more distinct at this point.
Under the Lodi rule (1451–1526), the structure of the government did not significantly
change, although there was some rearrangement. The name iqta' is no longer used; instead,
sarkars and parganas are used interchangeably in their place. These were administrative
divisions of the land, with a certain number of parganas constituting each sarkar. It would
seem that the word sarkar had its start when it was being used to refer to the 'establishment' of
a noble. A set of parganas that were put under the sarkar of a noble (and hence, his iqta' in
earlier terminology) would be termed, first, his sarkar, and later just a sarkar after some time
had passed. Each sarkar was given a jama, which is an estimated income, the goal of which
could only be to establish, to some degree, the military and other responsibilities of the noble
who held the sarkar-assignment.
 Page 15 of 18

NON-AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTION

The Sambhar Lake was such a significant supply of salt in northern India that the word
namak, which means salt in Hindi, was added to the name of the lake. Salt is the least
expensive mineral.
Iron ore of an extraordinarily high quality was among the metals that were mined in India.
This iron ore was used to manufacture damascened steel, which had a widespread reputation
around the globe. The mining regions were dispersed over the hilly terrain starting with
Gwalior and continuing all the way to the farthest southern point of India.
Gold and silver were the only two precious metals that were mined commercially in any
significant quantity in India. It would seem that all of the easily accessible seams in the
goldmines of Karnataka have been mined out by now. The sands carried down by the rivers
that originate in the Himalayas could only have contained trace amounts of gold at most.
There doesn't seem to have been any significant mining done for silver. As a consequence of
this, India was nearly totally reliant on foreign suppliers for its gold and silver requirements.
The Deccan was home to the mining of a variety of valuable stones, including diamonds.
Gondwana was another location where they were mined in the sixteenth century. Marco Polo
writes about the pearl fishery that is located off the coast of Tuticorin in south India.
After the mines and before the crafts, the most important industry was, without a doubt, the
textile industry. We have very little information beyond the names of the many types of
fabric that are produced. Pat was the name given to a coarser kind of cotton fabric known as
kamina that was worn by "the impoverished and the dervishes." Even though a trader
bringing it to Delhi was urged to deal in better [mahini] fabric, which was worn by 'the Turks
and soldiers,' Delhi received supply of this from as far away as Awadh (Ayodhya). Calico
(kirpas) was a kind that was somewhat superior to this one; the price of the fine (bank) might
be twice as much as the cost of the coarse (kamina). Then there were other types of muslin,
such as shirinbaft and salahati (both types of muslin produced in Sylhet), as well as Bhairon
and Devgiri (from Devagiri)
The textile sector had the widest variety of workplace structures and organisational models.
The cotton-carder referred to as naddaf was most likely an entrepreneur who sold or rented
out his skills. At home, women (including female slaves) were responsible for spinning yarn.
Weavers, like merchants, often worked out of their homes, on their looms (called kargas),
 Page 16 of 18

producing fabric for sale (typically out of cotton that the weavers themselves had bought).
They would also weave clients' yarn for a fee after receiving it from such consumers. The
labour that was done in karkhanas required costly materials (such silk, gold, or silver wire),
and the end goods were luxurious clothing. There were four thousand silk workers in
Muhammad Tughluq's karkhanas in Delhi. These artisans wove and embroidered various
types of material for robes of honour and clothing. It is stated that Firuz Tughluq's karkhana
making fabric (also known as a jamadarkhana) was able to fulfil requests for a total of
600,000 tankas worth of cloth each and every winter. The firm that specialised in carpet
weaving (farrash-khana) successfully completed orders totaling 200,000 tankas per year.
 Page 17 of 18

CONCLUSION

People living in mediaeval India engaged in a wide variety of economic pursuits in order to
provide for themselves and their families. Their activities ranged from agricultural output to
artisanal manufacture, trade and commerce, and allied commercial and financial services.
Their scope of activity was rather diverse. During the course of this time period, these
activities went through a number of different transitions. For the purpose of maintaining its
existence and expanding its territory, the state collected several kinds of taxes to mobilise its
resources.
Throughout the course of this project, we gained knowledge about the many methods and
techniques of production, as well as the different ways in which the state might mobilise its
resources and conduct its business. Throughout the course of the research, we gained
knowledge on agricultural production. This included a discussion of the area under
cultivation, the crop pattern, as well as the means and techniques of irrigation. In the context
of the taxation system, consideration was given to the land revenue administration, the
function of landed intermediaries in the revenue administration, and the burden on the
peasants. You and I learned about a broad range of mediaeval Indian crafts, as well as the
production techniques and organisational practises that were involved in their creation. This
information was presented in the chapter on non-agricultural production.
 Page 18 of 18

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Book:
 Indian History by Dr. Mata Prasad
 History of Medieval India by V.D. Mahajan

Journal
 Iqtadari System and the Growth of Towns in Medieval India by Daljit Kaur
 The Cambridge Economic History of India by Dharma Kumar and Tapan
Rayachaudhri
 Numismatic Evidence and the Economic History of the Delhi Sultanate by Shireen
Moosvi