2068 5954 1 PB

Nyakato et al.
Maternal Healthcare and Women‘s Land Rights
ORIGINAL RESEARCH ARTICLE

Women’s Land Rights and Maternal Healthcare in Southwestern
Uganda: Exploring the Implications of Women’s Decision-Making
Regarding Sale and Use of Land on Access to Maternal Healthcare
DOI: 10.29063/ajrh2020/v24i1.7
Viola N Nyakato1*, Charles Rwabukwali2 and Susan Kools3
Mbarara University of Science and Technology, Uganda 1; Makerere University, Uganda2; School of Nursing,
University of Virginia, USA3
*For Correspondence: Email: [email protected]; Phone +256-772-982535
Abstract
Most traditional land tenure practices among developing economies are opposed to protecting and promoting women‘s land
ownership rights. In Uganda, land tenure practices are largely customary and patriarchal in nature, in most communities women‘s
land tenure security is dependent on marriage. This paper builds a body of evidence on how gender biased land tenure negatively
affects maternal healthcare decision-making for family planning, antenatal care services and skilled care during childbirth. A
cross-sectional mixed methodology was used to collect household survey data. Qualitative data from individual and focus group
interviews were analysed using thematic content analysis. Land was found to be an important household factor that shapes
women‘s maternal healthcare decision-making, not only through land ownership, but also through land‘s role as a source of
identity, gendered land use decision-making patterns, and the allocation of resources that accrue from work on land. Most of the
land-owning households are headed by men. More women than men expressed insecurity of tenure, despite the household‘s land
ownership status. Land use decision-making, including its sale was significantly associated with maternal healthcare decision-
making. Feeling secure on land was significantly associated with maternal healthcare decisions for planned pregnancy and use of
antenatal care. Land purchasing was found to significantly determine place and skill level of providers for childbirth. In
conclusion, women involvement in land purchasing decisions demonstrates more control and agency in the number of children.
Women‘s land insecurity undermines their prospects for positive maternal health behaviours. (Afr J Reprod Health 2020; 24[1]:
62-80)
Keywords: Land ownership, decision-making, gender, maternal health care and Uganda
Résumé
La plupart des pratiques foncières traditionnelles dans les économies en développement sont opposées à la protection et à la
promotion des droits de propriété foncière des femmes. En Ouganda, les pratiques foncières sont en grande partie coutumières et
de nature patriarcale ; dans la plupart des communautés, la sécurité foncière des femmes dépend du mariage. Cet article établit un
ensemble de preuves sur la façon dont le régime foncier sexiste affecte négativement la prise de décision en matière de soins de
santé maternels pour la planification familiale, les services de soins prénatals et les soins spécialisés pendant l'accouchement.
Une méthodologie mixte transversale a été utilisée pour collecter les données des enquêtes auprès des ménages. Les données
qualitatives issues d'entretiens individuels et de groupes de discussion ont été analysées à l'aide d'une analyse de contenu
thématique. La terre s'est avérée être un facteur important pour les ménages qui façonne la prise de décision des femmes en
matière de soins de santé maternelle, non seulement par la propriété foncière, mais aussi par le rôle de la terre en tant que source
d'identité, les modèles de prise de décision en matière d'utilisation des terres selon le sexe et l'allocation des ressources qui
découlent du travail à terre. La plupart des ménages propriétaires fonciers sont dirigés par des hommes. Plus de femmes que
d‘hommes ont exprimé leur insécurité d‘occupation, malgré le statut de propriété foncière du ménage. La prise de décision
concernant l'utilisation des terres, y compris sa vente, était significativement associée à la prise de décisions en matière de soins
de santé maternelle. Le sentiment de sécurité à terre était significativement associé aux décisions de soins de santé maternels
concernant une grossesse planifiée et l'utilisation des soins prénatals. L'achat de terres a permis de déterminer de manière
significative le lieu et le niveau de compétence des prestataires pour l'accouchement. En conclusion, l'implication des femmes
dans les décisions d'achat de terres démontre plus de contrôle et d'agence sur le nombre d'enfants. L‘insécurité foncière des
femmes compromet leurs perspectives de comportements positifs en matière de santé maternelle. (Afr J Reprod Health 2020;
24[1]:62-80).
Mots-clés: Propriété foncière, prise de décision, genre, soins de santé maternelle et Ouganda
African Journal of Reproductive Health March 2020; 24 (1): 62

Nyakato et al. Maternal Healthcare and Women‘s Land Rights
Introduction Land Tenure, land ownership is through

inheritance following a patriarchal system17.
Since the 1970s, which saw the advent of literature Women‘s land ownership protection depends on
on Women in Development, many researchers marriage and kin relations and lacks a clear
have continued to document close links between consistent practice in joint ownership among the
women‘s empowerment and the health outcomes married18. It is husbands and male family members
of their families and communities1-3. The 2015 that define women‘s land ownership, which makes
United Nations Millennium Development Goals women‘s land claims weaker19. Since the 1990s
and the 2030 Sustainable Development Goals can land reforms, efforts to provide for joint ownership
both be seen with an agenda to put gender equality by women of their husbands‘ property, land
and maternal health at the centre of global inclusive, have remained controversial20. The
development strategies5, 6. In most developing benefits of ownership/control of land at the
countries gender inequities in the areas of household level include women increased
education, social and political participation, economic strength and ability to bargain21.
gainful employment and income continue to According to Kabeer‘s (2008) conceptualization of
negatively limit progress in the attainment of choice, the ability to exercise choice incorporates
positive maternal health outcomes7, 8. In a recent access to resources and claims to material, social
study of fifteen developing countries by and human resources22.
Ravnbourge et al (2016) on land governance and Land is a physical asset on which almost
gender equality, it was found out that while land all of Uganda‘s rural populations depend for their
legislation on promoting gender equality, the livelihood. Land is both a source of income and
practices have remained informed by traditional food. In Uganda, land ownership provides ultimate
norms and discriminative against women9. security for one‘s socio-economic status23. Land is
Whereas land is a prime economic resource and a also a measure of income security and people who
determinant of one‘s status in most of these do not own land ranked in the lower income
countries10,11, women are faced with social and quintile24, 25. Land is owned through inheritance
economic barriers to accessing and owning and the common practice is that land is passed on
land12,13. Traditionally land rights and ownership to the boy child commonly after he is married. In
are embedded deeply in social norms and some societies, land ownership by women is a
customary law, including those related to marriage taboo; women‘s only accepted form of land
and inheritance14. The 1995 Constitution of ownership is when they are married26. Women‘s
Uganda and the 1998 Land Act recognise four land tenure rights are fragile; customarily,
tenure systems: Customary, Mailo Land women‘s land ownership is for other purposes,
(introduced as a result of the 1900 Buganda such as cultivating food for family consumption,
Agreement where land was divided between the not necessarily to give then property rights27.
Kabaka (king) of Buganda and the British Women‘s claims to land are justified solely
Protectorate Government), Freehold and through the recognition of their essential
Leasehold land tenure systems. The customary contribution to food production28 the use of land
land tenure system, whereby land is owned and for a woman is to produce food for the family.
disposed of in accordance with customary Women provide most of the labour for agricultural
regulations, is the dominant system across and food production. According to the 2006, 2011
Uganda15. Customary land ownership is especially and 2017 Uganda Bureau of Statistics (UBOS),
predominant in south-western Uganda, the region Uganda is predominantly an agriculture-based
where this study was conducted16. economy and women provide over 75% of
The customary land ownership tenure agricultural labour29-31 yet legally own less than
system upholds male superiority over women‘s 10% of land32,33. In Uganda, the 1998 Land Act
property rights. For example, under Customary provides for spousal co-ownership of land, and

protection of land rights is largely through gender. Focus Group Discussions and Key
family34. For instance, the Land Act states that a Informant Interviews were conducted by the first
wife is entitled to 15% of the spouse‘s estate after author, with assistance of a research assistant field
death. notes were recoded. Through community leaders,
However, in practice, all arrangements of appointments and place for group discussions and
land inheritance by women depend on intra- key informant interviews were secured. The
household family dynamics35. Most widows lose interviews and group discussions were conducted
their property to their husband‘s family through in the local language and then transcribed back to
grabbing by family members who feel entitled to English. Since this study assessed gender-related
it36. In practice, where customary law and written attitudes, all married men and women of
modern laws conflict; the customary takes reproductive age (18 - 49 for women and all men
precedence37. Defence of tradition and custom as above 18 years) were eligible for the household
opposed to co-ownership of land has continued to survey questionnaire. Using Krejcie and Morgan‘s
frustrate activities geared towards promoting (1970) Tables for Determining Sample Size42, a
women‘s land rights38. Women‘s access to land representative sample size was determined at
through their husbands does not gain them full approximately 310 people, given N=160,152
ownership39, as evidence shows, women land people as per the 2002 Uganda Housing and
access insecurity increases with divorce or death Population Census and annual population growth
of a husband40. Women‘s rights to use, own and of 3.2%, a rate that has remained the same as per
sell land, depend on their male counterparts41. the 2014 Population Census43,44. Approximately
92% of men and women (N=283) agreed to
Methods participate.
The data used in this paper are from field research The statistical analyses are based on cross-
carried out between September 2010 and April tabulations, bivariate correlations and Analysis of
2011 in Kashari County in Mbarara District, Variance (ANOVA). Both Analysis of Variance
Uganda, augmented by literature review, and Chi squared tests  2 were used to determine
interviews and focus group discussions conducted the significance of the relationships between the
between November 2018 and January 2019. The intra-household relations and willingness to utilise
setting for the research is Mbarara District in selected maternal health services. All statistical
South-western Uganda. In Mbarara District 53% tests were carried out against a benchmark level of
of the population is under age 19. Most people in significance of α = .05. Analysis considered
the district depend on substance farming for their disaggregation of data according to different
livelihoods. The study participants for the survey categories of the specific variables in order to
were households with married couples. The allow the applicability of a Chi-square test as an
population was largely from the same tribe and the approach to determine the association
land ownership practices of the community are between land use and ownership decision-making
traditional and patriarchal in natural. Mbarara dynamics and women‘s maternal healthcare use
district has over 50 functional health facilities that and behaviours.
include those that are government aided, private Qualitative data from individual and focus
not for profit and private, the District is also home group interviews were analysed using inductive
for a regional referral hospital for southwestern thematic content analysis. The two qualitative data
Uganda. sets i.e. 2010 and 2019 were compared to check if
We used a cross-sectional mixed there have been changes in community attitudes
methodology. Both qualitative and quantitative towards women‘s land rights to use or sale land. In
data collection and analysis methods were used. 2010, 10 in-depth interviews (6 local council
For the household survey, a stratified sample was leaders and 4 elders of which 2 were women and 2
obtained to determine a random sample based on were men) and 8 Focus Group Discussions (1

FGD with community leaders, 1 FGD mixed skilled delivery care by women in south-western
group of married men and women, 3 FGDs with Uganda. The study was conducted among
married women and 3 FGDs with married men) communities within a radius of about 15
were conducted, in 2019, there were 2 focus group kilometres from a community health centre
discussions (1 FGD for married women and 1 (government health centre IV). A Health Centre
FGD for married men) 4 in-depth interviews (3 IV is a mini hospital which serves a county or a
individual interview with Local Council Leaders parliamentary constituency. It is a lower level of
and 1 with community elder) from the same care from the district hospital and structured to
community but with different people. For adequate offer inpatient maternity services including
recording, coding, analysis and interpretation of cesarean section. Most of the study respondents
the descriptive unstructured data, explicit recoding (67%) were found to have utilised the community
and coding instructions were followed as a basis health centre as their first place for medical advice
for setting reliability requirements for thematic and care for the last pregnancy. While almost all
analysis following the guidelines of (Krippendorff women (98%) reported to have attended ANC at
1980)45. All the interviews and FGDs were least once, most of them had their first ANC visit
conducted by the first author with assistance of 2 between 4- & 7-months gestation (51%), and only
research assistants who took notes and transcribed 36% had their first ANC visit during the
the recordings. Before analysis, the first author recommended first trimester. These findings are
read both transcripts to ensure they were consistent not different from the national statistics: 65% of
with the field notes. Transcripts from the 2019 urban women and 58% of rural receive all the four
interviews and FGDs were read concurrently with recommended ANC visits. At the national level,
those of 2010, to identify consistence in the the 2016 UDHS Data estimated the average timing
categories and themes over this time. of the first ANC at the national level at 5.5
To achieve adequate validity in the coding months.
and interpretation process of the qualitative data, The other variable used in this study to
we followed Stemler‘s (2001) inductive and evaluate access to maternal healthcare was the
thematic content analysis steps by first analysing number of women assisted by skilled healthcare
field notes in relation to the research questions and personnel during the last childbirth. Thirty-three
emerging categories and themes, directly quoting per cent (N=93) reported that the last childbirth
people‘s expressions was used to add to the was at home, 26% (N=73) at a private clinic and
strength of the generalised findings46 that 40% (N=113) in a government-aided health
explained women‘s land rights in relation to sale facility, indicating very low access to skilled care
and use. The categories were presented into broad at birth. At the national level, there is a reported
themes as they emerged and in relation to the increase in the number of women who seek skilled
quantitative findings on women‘s land tenure care during childbirth. For example, the 2006 DHS
security and maternal healthcare access. The data reported that only 42% of the deliveries were
themes included women‘s maternal healthcare assisted by a skilled personnel47 as the 2016 DHS
decision making, gendered land use decision estimated that 74% of women who had a child 5
making, allocation of household resources that years preceding to the survey utilised skilled
accrue from land. Women‘s land tenure security care48.
was the major theme. Not only that, but we also assessed use of
modern contraceptives including birth control
Results pills, condoms, coil Norplant, sterilisation, and
In this paper we present findings on the Shots (Depo-Provera). By the time of the survey, it
implications of household-level land use and was found that only 48% (N=136) of the
ownership of land and how they relate with use of respondents were using at least one form of
antenatal care (ANC), family planning and use of modern contraceptive to control for pregnancy.

Fifty-two per cent (N=147) were not using any both married men and women can buy land, there
modern method of family planning. When asked if are gender biased exceptions of who has authority
the last pregnancy was intended, 62% (N=176) to sale the purchased land. Husbands were found
said yes, 25% (N.71) said no, though they did not to have reserved authority as heads of the
mind that they became pregnant. When they were households to sale off land and it does not whether
further asked if they did not all intend to be it is him or his wife who bought the land. This was
pregnant, 13% (N=36) said yes. It was found that expressed across all the FGDs and individual in-
the common family planning method used is depth interviews.
Depo-Provera, a three-month hormonal shot given During both interviews and focus group
to prevent pregnancy. These responses indicate discussions with community members, men
that there is an obvious unmet need for family expressed mixed feelings towards women‘s rights
planning. For those who responded that though to inherit their marital or household land. While
they had not planned to be pregnant but don‘t men agree that culture provides for a girl child to
mind (25%), this could be interpreted to mean lack have a share of family property in particular land,
of choice on fertility decisions which is a form of they do not approve of married women having
unmet need. As far as the national trends on family equal say and right on to use and sale of land.
planning are concerned, the changes in unmet need There are attempts by women to buy land and also
for family planning are minimal. The 2016 DHS those who cannot buy; they hire pieces of land
data puts unmet need for family planning among where they plant crops for food and sale to earn
married women at 39% which is not so different income. In the survey we found out that most of
from the 2011 DHS figure estimated at 34%. The the land that households own is unregistered, 97%
contraceptive prevalence rate among married (N=275), only 3%) (N=8) have registered land and
women was estimated at 30% and 51% all this was in the names of the men/husbands.
respectively. Women generally agreed that they cannot control
In this study, when both men and women or own land that their husband inherited, such land
were asked if their households owned land, 94% is family property that they do not have control
(N=266) replied in the affirmative. Only 6% over. Culturally its men and a boy child who
(N=17) said they did not own land at all. inherit land and this cultural practice continue to
According to the national statistics, 75% of guide women‘s land tenure. These finding are
Ugandans claim to own land, although only 10% supported by the following verbatim
have land titles (UBOS 2012). At national level, expressions…
individual ownership for land is estimated at 43% [I] n Ankole we know that land children
for men and 17% for women47. In this study, more inherit land from their parents, if you are
than 75% of the people who said their households five children they divide into five and this
did not own land were women as compared to less is equal to both boys and girls….in some
than 25% who were men. The main method of families girls do not get equal share as
acquiring land is by inheritance, mainly land boys…if it land that has been bought by a
passed on from father to son. Increasingly, we women, the land is registered in the man’s
found out that daughters can inherit family land as names….there are men who change the
well as wives inheriting their husbands/marital names of the land titles and sale
land. Restrictions were expressed on women‘s agreements from their wives to theirs…if
rights to inherit their marital land. The expressions not we have found it a source of marital
below also show children and relatives can deny conflicts….if a woman wants her names on
their mother the right to directly inherit family the sale agreement, she can have it but it
land. Another form of ownership or access to land is difficult… (FGD – Men Rwebishekye
by both men and women is through buying, while Village January 2019)

―.... [W]omen have no authority on our child is considered in the will of the father
land because it is reserved for our sons, to own land…this is because some parents
when she goes to her home, she gets her have seen that their children’s families are
share.... I paid dowry; she cannot share on breaking and they plan to give them
my land.... the government has given property including land…this is because
women authority.... but the land which I you can understand todays marriage, you
got from my parents is mine alone...‖ just hear that so and so got married and
(Individual interview, 44-year-old man, after some time, you hear that they have
Kashare, May 2011) divorced. (Elder – In-depth Individual
Interview January 2019)
On the other hand, married women also
strive to own land mainly through Importantly, land is an indicator of the social and
purchase as a way of improving their land economic status of a family. Families with secure
tenure security as here quoted: land tenure were associated with capacity to
produce enough food and so food security. Only
…. As a woman I can also work get my 38% (N=106) said they felt they had enough land
own money and buy land without waiting for family food production as compared to 62%
to obtain it from a man. I can plant my (N=175) who said their land was not enough for
beans, harvests them next time buy my pig, their family food production. Because one of the
it gives birth, I sell it and buy a piece of women‘s sole responsibility is to ensure their
land. There I also have land over my families have food, their land needs for secure land
land….I know women often deny tenure were found to be justified on the basis of
themselves their rights you refuse to being able to have enough land to produce food.
accept the property is yours, let’s say you However, there were fears that the undefined land
found a man with a piece of land which he ownership status gives men the authority to decide
inherited and he decides to sell it, it’s on how the food that is produced is used whether
because you kept saying it’s his land, even for family consumption or sale. The man is a
when she is going to dig, it’s a man who family head and has authority to making decisions
shows her where to dig…men hire out the on family resources land inclusive. The following
land to other people when their wives do quotations from the open-ended focus group
not have where to put gardens for discussions and interviews show how women‘s
family….if you want to inherit land you go land ownership status compromised performance
to your family where you were of their role of securing family food security:
born….some men even claim land a
women has inherited from her family …. [T]he men who drink alcohol, you find
(FGD Women Rwebishekye Village them at times stealing and selling the food
January 2019). the women has produced for family
…. [T]he woman getting the land among consumption…. they also sell the animals
the Banyankole, it’s not easy…. if married like cows which women who have sold to
women from her husband there are no find money to pay school fees for the
guidelines to secure her land rights, unless children….as a leader I am charged with
they go to courts of law, this is where they the responsibility of protecting woman’s
will say that now this portion is for so and land rights and other property (LC II
so, this one is for the children, or else if he Chairperson -Male, Rwebishekye,
marries another wife, that’s when the January 2019).
challenges arise…. in the Ankole context,
land was never accountable to any …. [It’s like when she buys a cow, if it is
woman…were seeing cases where the girl reared in your farm, there is no evidence

to show that it’s for the woman. Because by another finding which indicated significant
people who stay there know that the cows gender difference in fear of land insecurity.
are for the family head. But who brought Married women depend on their husbands for all
the cow? ´ ―All say it’s a woman,‖ so if the choices to use of sale land. The government of
she decides to sell it you also refuse. Do Uganda requires that spousal consent is obtained
you understand me? Both of you must for sale of land on which a family lives and
agree, maybe if you decide to take it by depends for their livelihoods whether it was
force (FGD Men January 2019) inherited or bought by either the husband or wife.
Culturally, it is also required that a married woman
.... [Even when they do not have enough
secures land tenure it is on the family land she
land, some men go ahead and sell land
performs her role of producing food to feed
without asking their wives, women fear to
family. However, the requirements to these
talk and just sign the
requirements cause tension and conflict among
agreement...otherwise she is beaten ....
couples. We found out that men and women
women fear to be divorced‖ (Women’s
experiencing violence at the household level are
Group Discussion, Omukatoma, May
more likely to report insecure land tenure of which
2011).
women are affected most. Although most people
….[Buying this land, sometimes is joint, said they felt secure on their land (87%, N=237),
both a husband and wife contribute money five in every seven women felt insecure on their
towards purchase…when you marry a family land as compared to two in every seven
woman, for more than… four years, men. There following are some of the direct quotes
whether wedded or not wedded, provided regarding land tenure security for women:
she is your wife and they know that you if
got her from her home and her parents ….. [I]n most cases when you hear people
know about it, whether you have children say men sell land, it is when a woman
or not, if she is willing you share on your doesn’t care, and in this case the man will
land…the law also protects the the family land piece by piece and finish
women….the challenges have been with it…. but when a woman becomes tough as
when the land is sold and women want to a man, you cannot sell that land. If I tell
ask where the money from sale has been my wife to sign and give me authority to
put …Where did you put the money you sale land and she refuses, as a buyer, you
got from my land? You also ask her, ―was cannot buy….in some cases women say,
the land yours?‖ so the violence he was let the man sale, he inherited the land and
talking about starts from here… ... (FGD I have no right….in this case the buyer
Men Rwebishekye January 2019) had the leeway …. this is why I am saying
a woman needs to be tough in these
In addition, women‘s land ownership remains a processes…but 50:50; a woman has a
source of conflict, as narrated in the following right over this land, one of you, even when
expression: you want to buy and a woman refuses you
―.... [I]n case my wife has land that she also do not buy. If I also come, and you
inherited from her father, .... I make sure refuse, this person can’t buy, and you
she sells it and we buy another one on cannot sell. So, they are balanced. 50:50.
which I can have control (Men’s Group because the government showed them and
Discussion, Rwebishekye, April 2011). opened their eyes…. (FGD Men January
2019)
This assertion, and others like it, shows that the
community is still restrictive of women‘s land ……[T]he other problems we have, when
ownership. These assertions are further evidenced you stop a man from selling land, when he

wants to sell to use this money for resource allocation decisions. The implication of
something else, to eat it,‖ someone adds, this finding is that whereas women contribute
to re marry‖ …when ―bird singing‖ you highly to farm labour, which is the major source of
stop him, now he comes up with a loan. income, men control decisions in relation with
―bird singing‖ when you refuse the loan, household income. In the following direct
let’s say they have old children, there is no quotations, we present voices emphasising
way you will reject a loan because your difficulties in securing women‘s land tenure and
child needs to go to school. You decision making about sale and use family
understand me...? (FGD Women January property and women‘s limited control over how
2019) the family income is used:
...... [Maybe if she buys her own cow, or a ―… [W]hy should a woman own land,
goat, she can own them, people do have does she know where I got it from,.... it is
them, she can own her domestic animals, unbelievable to let the women go and
buys her own cow or goat, if the husband share on their father’s property‖
can cooperate with her, he will say this is (Individual Interview, 60-year-old man,
for the wife, because someone else will say Kashare April 2011)
that you bought it in my own land, and he
will be like do graze it in your own land? ―…[W]omen own family land and apart
And he takes it away from her. (Elder In- from selling, they can do anything with it.
depth Individual Interview 2019) The only problem comes when a man
wants or marries another woman...land is
We found out that land remains an important divided or even lost to the newly married‖
household resources that does not only shape (Male and Female Mixed Focus Group
couple relations also but affects maternal Discussion, Omukatoma, May 2011)
healthcare decision-making. Land related decision-
making range from ownership to use. At the …. [S]hould your husband approach you
household level, over 93% of all decisions that you accept that he sales the land to
regarding the purchase of land, 78% decisions pay school fees and you refuse, he will
regarding sale of land and only 5% of gardening leave the child to drops…when you are
related decisions are by men. Majority of eventually tired, you allow him to sale the
household gardening decision-making (95%) is by land. He can then choose to use the money
women. In Uganda, agriculture that mainly from the sale of land to do other things….
subsistence and rain-fed is the major land use byou have then to find another place
activity for most people48. In this study, we found where to plant food…when you have some
that 73% of households depend on agriculture and money you buy yourself some
sale of farm produce as their main sources of clothes…those women who have animals
income. Thus, the importance of food production like cows and goats kept on the family
bespeaks the importance of women‘s gardening land, the man is interested, when you have
decisions. some property…. That makes him feel bad,
Going beyond land decision-making to he will make a to ensure you get rid of
explore land use, this we found that although men them…some men stop their wives from
and women are likely to spend close to the same selling their cows they say women have no
amount of time on farm work – 62% of women‘s authority to sell anything…. some men
time is spent on gardening as compared to 58% of when there is a function, it is the cow
men‘s time -- women have the added which belongs to the wife that must be
responsibility of housework and related care roles. given up for slaughtering first…. (Women
Husbands influence 92% of family income and FDG January 2019)

In spite of the significance of secure land tenure to names on the agreements as if they have
both men and women, there remains limited bought the land…. (Women FDG
options to improved women‘s land tenure security. January 2019)
Men are the sole heads of the family and they
control income and property related decisions. The above expressions indicate that land which is
Women‘s claim of authority is limited to inherited through the man‘s parents cannot be
gardening and when they harvest men takeover the claimed by a woman. Women‘s inheritance of land
responsibility to control income. As expressed from her parents is also difficult because when she
below, apart from gardening, women have limited is married, she moves away from her natal land to
claims and land rights especially over land; another family with limited opportunities to move
women‘s say on family land that is inherited by back and forth to her home, where her inherited
the husband from his family is much more land is located. Men are not comfortable with
restricted: women owning land since this may threaten their
status and limit men‘s control of over the women‘s
―…[I]t is okay for a women to have equal decisions.
rights on land, but it only has to be that In this paper we present household level
which she has bought with her husband land sale and use decision-making as an important
and not that which has been passed on determinant of social position, quality of family
from her husband’s parents‖ (Women’s relations and maternal healthcare decision making.
Group Discussion, Rubindi, December The basis of this finding it the centrality of land as
2010). a resource to the status and welfare of its members
specifically married men and women. Gender
―...[S]ome parents have started to give differences in land sale and use decision-making
land to their daughters, but when their was found to affect maternal healthcare access.
girls get married, they find it convenient to The influencing factors relate are land ownership,
sell the land because they will not be availability of land for food cultivation and overall
allowed to keep moving back and land tenure security.
forth…some women sell land and buy In Table 1, there are associations between
things like a cow to give them income and land use and maternal healthcare decision-making.
security‖ (Women’s Group Discussion, Land use related decisions were found to have a
Mishenyi, May 2011). significant relationship with women‘s maternal
…[W]hen the land is yours either you healthcare access in Kashari County, Mbarara
have bought it or your parents have given District (see Table 1&2). Making land purchase
it to you as your inheritance, the man will decisions was found to have a crosscutting
ensure you sale it or he will stop you from relationship with most maternal healthcare
using it. In many cases this land is far services, significant relationship were found with
away from your marital home…he may place of birth of the youngest child (Pearson Chi2
convince you to sale the land and you but 0.009), use of antenatal care (Pearson Chi20.000),
a closer one which he tricks you and you and who decides the number of children a family
put it in his names....so he takes over the can have (Pearson Chi20.005). Sale of land and
land like that, it doesn’t matter because land use decision-making which are predominantly
the land is already in his decisions by husbands were significantly
names…Stupidity, Laughs I think its associated with use of antenatal care during the
failure of women to understand …some last pregnancy and who makes most of the
women have learned, when they are decisions for a wife to attend antenatal care
buying they only call their husbands to be (Pearson Chi20.000 and Pearson Chi20.000
witnesses of the purchase, not to put their respectively).

Table 1: Land Use Decision-making Dynamics and women‘s access to Maternal Health Services in South Western Uganda
Deciding on gardening Deciding on Deciding on family income Deciding sale of land

purchase of land resources
Currently uses any Wife Husband Wife Husband Wife Husband Any Both Wife Husband Both Any
method to stop or control Yes 122 5 11 113 10 102 5 8
becoming pregnant No 130 7 8 130 7 105 8 18
Pearson Chi2 (.648) PearsonChi2(.338) Pearson Chi2 (.214)
how often contraceptives All the time 4 40 5 38 35 5 2 2 3 29 4 5
were used during the last Most of the 1 40 3 36 30 3 4 3 0 24 10 4
12 months time
Somet1imes 1 15 1 15 15 0 0 1 0 10 3 1
Rare1ly 1 27 1 26 25 1 0 1 1 23 2 0
Ne1ver 0 2 0 2 2 0 0 0 0 0 1 1
Pearson Chi2 (0.696) Pearson Chi2(0.78) Pearson Chi2 (0.697) Pearson Chi2 (0.079)
The last pregnancy was Yes 165 10 11 163 10 140 7 17 8 116 28 10
intended No(But Not 69 1 3 65 4 50 6 10 3 45 17 1
Mind)
No 33 3 6 30 4 29 1 1 3 20 6 5
Pearson Chi2 (0.232) PearsonChi2(0.054) Pearson Chi2(0.0265) Pearson Chi2 (0.135)
Who decides the number M other 56 3 10 47 11 40 3 4 7 32 9 2
of children the family Father 87 6 5 86 1 79 5 7 2 65 12 7
should have? Both 119 5 4 121 5 97 6 17 5 79 30 7
None 1 0 0 1 0 1 0 0
Pearson Chi2 Pearson Chi2 (0.005) Pearson Chi2 (0.00) Pearson Chi2 (0.118)
(0.873)
Attended antenatal care Wife 18 84 18 84 18 72 6 8 9 51 19 14
during the last pregnancy Husband 2 172 2 172 0 145 0 8 5 129 31 2
(0.48)
Who assisted in delivery Doctor 17 4 2 18 3 18 0 0 4 8 4 3
during last birth? Nurse 142 7 9 139 6 116 7 19 6 96 27 9
Mid wife 16 1 0 17 0 15 0 1 0 12 2 1
TBA 9 0 1 8 1 7 1 0 1 8 0 0

Relative 80 2 7 74 7 62 6 7 3 56 16 3
(0.035)
place of birth of
youngest child Hospital 105 7 5 104 8 86 3 14 6 65 21 10
Clinic 66 5 5 67 1 58 4 7 4 48 12 3
Home 90 2 8 83 9 70 6 7 4 64 17 2
Field/way 1 0 0 1 0 0 1 0 0 1 0 0
Other 1 0 0 1 0 1 0 0 0 1 0 0
(0.035)
type of hospital where Gov‘t 94 7 7 91 9 81 2 8 6 60 16 9
youngest child was Private 60 5 4 61 0 54 4 6 2 45 10 3
delivered Pearson Chi2 Pearson Chi2 (0.85) Pearson Chi2 (0.05) Pearson Chi2 (0.521)
(0.853)
who makes most of the Wife 110 4 18 84 18 72 6 8 9 51 19 14
decision regarding wife Husband 165 10 2 172 0 145 8 20 5 129 31 2
going for antenatal care Pearson Chi2 Pearson Chi2 (0.00) Pearson Chi2 (0.00) Pearson Chi2 (0.00)
(0.479)
Can you decide the Yes 125 5 17 112 16 93 4 16 8 81 26 7
number of children you No 80 2 3 79 2 67 7 5 4 49 16 7
would like to have? Pearson Chi2 Pearson Chi2 (0.021) Pearson Chi2 (0.010) Pearson Chi2 (0.812)
(0.577)
Did you decide on the Yes 64 5 10 59 8 56 3 3 5 43 13 3
current number of Not sure 15 0 3 12 2 11 0 1 2 7 3 1
children you have? No 29 0 0 29 0 24 2 3 1 17 7 0
Still prod 138 7 7 135 8 114 7 14 5 97 24 12
(0.361)
* Pearson Chi2 is significant at 0.05 level. The values presented in the table are the significance values of Chi-square tests

Table 2: Land Ownership, Decision-Making and Maternal Health Behaviours in South Western Uganda
Who has
Form of
sale and
My family
in
enough to
say over
of
I Feeling
secure on
ownership
household
owns land
the home
produce
family
food
land
land
land
The
has
use
Customary
Registered
Quite a bit
Extremely
A little bit
Not at all
Husband
Wife
Both
Any
Yes
Yes
No
No
Currently uses any Yes 117 131 32 82 115 3 82 6 20 9 105 11 2 5
form of No 9 7 59 68 129 3 86 7 31 6 118 7 6 3
Contraceptives to stop (0.481) (0.003)** (0.889) (0.481) (0.242)
or control becoming
pregnant
Use none of the Yes 78 5 28 49 77 1 51 6 18 3 72 1 6 2
contraceptives in the No 2 .0 0 1 2 0 2 0 0 0 1 0 0 0
last 6 months (0.938) (0.569) (0.987) (0.984) (0.196)
How often All the time 41 2 13 28 87 4 29 3 4 5 37 3 0 3
contraceptives were Most of time 39 2 10 25 42 2 24 0 10 4 35 4 1 1
used during the last 12 Sometimes 13 3 4 10 8 0 10 0 1 1 13 1 0 0
months Rarely 28 2 2 22 20 3 23 1 1 1 26 2 1 0
(0.375) (0.185) ( (0.190 ) ( 0.57 ) (0.517)
The last Pregnancy Yes 162 12 59 96 158 4 116 8 28 10 151 11 6 2
was intended No (didn‘t mind) 67 5 34 33 66 1 45 3 17 1 62 2 1 2
No 34 1 3 31 33 2 20 3 6 5 24 5 4 3
(0.657) (0.00)*** ( 0.44) (0.135) (0.007)**
Attended antenatal Yes 258 4 95 3 252 7 178 14 49 16 232 18 11 8
care during the last No 17 1 0 1 4 0 2 0 2 0 4 0 0 0
pregnancy (0.002)** (0.176) (0.96 ) (0.57 ) (1.00)
Who assisted in Doctor 19 2 5 14 17 1 8 4 4 3 1 1 1
delivery during last Midwife 140 11 54 81 137 4 96 6 9 18 11 4 5

birth? Nurse 16 1 4 4 15 1 12 01 2 1 12 1 0 0
TBA 8 1 2 2 8 0 8 0 2 0 7 0 0 0
Relative 77 3 30 46 77 1 56 3 16 3 69 5 5 0
(0.773) (0.595) ( 0.705) (0.073) (0.905 )
Place of birth of Hospital 103 10 36 64 97 5 65 6 21 10 95 7 3 3
youngest child Clinics 69 3 2532 41 69 1 48 4 12 3 61 5 2 2
Home 85 5 0 52 85 1 64 4 17 2 77 5 5 2
Field 2 0 0 2 2 0 2 0 0 0 2 0 0 0
Type of hospital where (0.746) (0.864) (0.533) (0.870) (0.997)
youngest child was Government aided 92 10 29 60 87 4 60 6 16 9 84 7 3 3
delivered Private 62 3 18 41 62 1 45 2 10 3 55 5 2 3
(0.222) (0.791) (0.649) (0.521) (0.823)
* Pearson Chi2 is significant at 0.05 level

In Table 2, there are statistical comparisons starts spoiling everything, he starts taking
between ownership and use of land and access to them to sex workers, so you find these
maternal healthcare. It was determined that have rights getting lost (LC II Chairperson,
enough land to produce food enough for the family Rwebishekye, -Male, January 2019)
was significantly associated with use of
contraceptives (Pearson Chi20.003), whether the …[I] don’t know that, but land is different
last pregnancy was intended (Pearson Chi20.000) from the domestic animals, the domestic
and use of ANC during the last pregnancy animals die and the land stays, the mango
(Pearson Chi20.003). Feeling secure on family tree will be uprooted but land will stay, so
land was also found to be significantly associated it can’t be equated to the domestic
with if the last pregnancy was planned (P-value animals. Even if it’s the banana
0.007) and use of ANC (P-value 0.007). Having plantation, it will be lost but land remains.
attended antenatal care during the last pregnancy (Elder In-depth Individual Interview -
was significantly associated with if the family Male, January 2019)
owned land (Pearson Chi2 0.002)
.... [W]omen do not have land ownership
The qualitative data agree re-echoes what
at all.... there are cases where women
is indicated in the quantitative data to show that
even hide their harvest if not the husband
land rights are associated with one‘s state of the
will sell and she will never know what the
marital relationship specifically women‘s fear of
money from the harvest has been used
their husband‘s marrying another woman. The
for‖ (Women’s Group Discussion,
following assertions from qualitative data affirm
Rubindi, - Females, April 2011).
the centrality of land use and ownership to men
and women‘s livelihoods in south-western ...[W]hen women own land they tend to
Uganda: become stubborn.... the wise man is one
who convinces her to sell it and then buy
.... [L]and is becoming scarce, some
something like a cow...this you know that
families do not have any land left to pass
it will be easy to sell off‖ (Individual
on to their children.... some have resorted
Interview, LC chairperson, Rwembabi –
to selling their small plots of land to be
able to move where there is still room for Male, April 2011)
expansion and food production‖ (LC II Discussing land with married men and women was
Chairperson, Rwebishekye - Male, May found to raise contentions and conflict sentiments.
2011). While traditionally land is inherited by men or
passed on from father to son, daughters and
…. [S]he loses this rights in about two
women own land through perchance and in some
ways, one is, you find a man who wants to
families, they inherit land from their parents.
marry another woman, for those who like
However, findings in this study indicate that
women, and when he marries another
changing women‘s land ownership practices could
wife, things start getting spoilt, what they
affect gender relations among couples. This is
had started developing, they start
evidenced by these direct quotations:
reducing, so the man starts pulling
towards the other side and the woman also …[S]ome women are starting to own land
starts pulling towards the other side, the but actually hide it from their husbands,
family starts pulling towards the other there is no man who can feel comfortable
side and things start getting spoilt. with a woman who has land‖ (Individual
Another thing, you find a man becoming interview, Local Council Secretary for
a drunkard, and when he gets drunk, he Women, Rubindi, - Female, April 2011).

….[I] cannot allow my wife to own land, it The findings in this paper also agree with previous
is that that she has inherited from her findings by Jackson, 2003 which has indicated that
parents, I try as much as possible to land is owned for both identity and masculinity
convince her and we sell and buy another purposes, and so it is their responsibility to
piece which I can control. You cannot do purchase land. Although the sale of family land is
much if it is ancestral, but I try and we sell protected by the requirement of spousal consent,
the land‖ (Individual Interview, 44-year- men are often not culturally obliged to inform their
old man, Mishenyi – Male, May 2011). wives about their decision to sell land53.
Wyrod‘s (2008) study on masculinity and
While analysing community attitudes towards shifting discourses of gender inequality in Uganda
women‘s land rights, it is indicated that both men argues that patriarchal powers remain prevalent
and women desire a land tenure system that puts amidst promotion of women‘s rights and so retain
into consideration women‘s needs and roles. cultural notions of innate male authority54. As
However, the narrative voices in the above Amartya Sen (1987) observed, intra-household
paragraphs, show gendered limitations where male allocation of resources coexists with extensive
respondents fear to lose their patriarchal power conflict and pervasive cooperation55. Sen further
embedded in land inheritance, as females worry to argues that domestic power imbalances owing to
lose their land rights when their husbands marry property rights and gender inequalities generate
other women with who they have to share the pervasive cooperation, shedding light on why
limited land to the worst lose the land completely. women do not use maternal health care56.
According to Rao (2012), access to land
Discussion drives women‘s access to financial resources and
is an indicator for social status and so cannot be
None of the studies promoting the protection of left out of the debate on maternal health care
women‘s land access have made attempts to decision making57. While this research does not
explore the linkage gendered land tenure could disregard the importance of the quality of
have on maternal healthcare access. The findings healthcare in improving maternal healthcare, it
in this study agree with previous on Uganda and contributes to the social and economic analysis of
similarly in other countries in the region that barriers to women‘s health. Land use and
report a higher dependence of women livelihood ownership decision-making are central to the
on land. household‘s wellbeing and constrains women‘s
Accordingly, the common way land is prospects for better maternal healthcare because it
acquired in Uganda is through customary tenure49. affects women‘s decision-making and access to
In this study we also found out that that while resources. Therefore, to improve women‘s
women continue to gain access to land through healthcare access, the value and governance of
their husbands, they do not gain ownership of the land as a source of livelihood is a central
land50. In most rural Uganda, land tenure is mostly determining factor.
secured and governed by customary and family- Land ownership confers direct economic
based regulations. Also in this study, we agree benefit as a key input in agricultural production, a
with previous studies which have concluded that source of income from rent and sale and also
food production and gardening are the only collateral for credit that may be used for
conditions under which women can make land consumption and investment58, but very little
claims51. This study‘s findings on land decision- attention has been paid to the intermediary effect
making dynamics are consistent with other of land ownership on women‘s healthcare. Tenure
research which concludes that Uganda‘s land law and agency in land that is bought by couple as
specifically has failed to protect women‘s land opposed to land that is inherited. We found that
tenure of which widows are the most affected52. spousal co-ownership and consent requirement in

case of sale of land as guided by the 1998 Land by women‘s dependence on male choices and
Act contracts the male authority over inherited desires. Fear of losing land rights, the risk of
land and instead increases household level gender divorce and the ever-present threat of domestic
based violence linked to property sharing and violence leaves women with minimal choices but
related decision-making59. The findings agree with to follow the choices of men.
the work of Hannay, L., 2014, which conclude that In closure, it is necessary to assert that if
customary rules play an important role in land is the sole source of household livelihood,
determining women‘s land rights60, in Jackson‘s women‘s land ownership practices cannot continue
work of 2003 and 2007, it is concluded that to be embedded in marital, patriarchal
marriage is key safety net for women‘s land rights, relationships. Rural women‘s very ability to
land inclusive and thus agrees with findings of this survive – eating and obtaining maternal healthcare
study which indicates that women who are able to – is at the mercy of men. Hence, formal and
earn and buy land and those who inherit land from culturally accepted means to enhance women‘s
their families of birth have secure land tenure. control and ownership of land should be
Land as a primary source of livelihoods for most researched and tested for policy, cultural, religious
Ugandan women, is a source of agency in maternal and social acceptability. In addition, there is need
healthcare. for further research that undertakes a public health
focus, complemented by an in-depth
Conclusion anthropological perspective, in order to recognize
the role of cultural variables – like the social and
This paper has presented findings on the economic meanings and practices surrounding
relationship between women‘ land rights and land – that impact maternal health. Only with such
access to maternal healthcare in the context of research in hand will we be able to develop public
rural southwestern Uganda. The study showed that health policy that meets the real-life needs of rural
women‘s decision-making on land use, ownership populations.
and sell shape household decisions to seek
maternal healthcare. In rural Mbarara, land Ethics Approval and Consent to
ownership remains customary, passed to male Participate
children mainly at marriage, land use decision-
making follows the same partner. Household land The study was reviewed by the Mbarara
is a source of identity and belonging, and women‘s University Research Ethics Committee (reference
land claims can only take place within the context MUIRC 1/7). The study procedures considered
of marriage and production of family food. For issues of confidentiality and consent throughout
women, the value of land encompasses the fact the research process. A consent letter was signed
that it is their source of employment and for individual interviews and group consent was
livelihood. sought verbally before beginning any groups‘
The majority of the women in Kashari discussions. Study participants were recruited on a
County, Mbarara District spend at least 6 hours of voluntary basis and only adults participated in the
their working hours doing farm labour, and the rest study.
of their time doing on domestic work; as such,
land defines women‘s living conditions and thus Study Limitations
carries meaning in the promotion of maternal
health. Irrespective of the ownership, land In this study, we were limited to analysing the
decision-making dynamics were found to effect of intra-household determinants on the use
significantly influence antenatal care (ANC) and of facility-based maternal healthcare. We studied
use of skilled maternity care. Household maternal households with children aged 5 years and below,
healthcare decision-making is ultimately affected excluding couples who had pregnancies with

adverse outcomes such as miscarriage, abortion or Commission on Social Determinants of Health.
death of the child during the same period Closing the gap in a generation: health equity
through action on the social determinants of health.
(pregnancy during the last 5 years). The study was The lancet. 2008; 372(9650):1661-9.
also carried out within a community that shares the 8. Chirowa F, Atwood S and Van der Putten M. Gender
same cultural and social practices and behaviours inequality, health expenditure and maternal
and so cannot offer a comparative analysis of mortality in sub-Saharan Africa: A secondary data
analysis. African journal of primary health care &
cultural practices differences in women land family medicine. 2013; 5(1).
ownership and access. 10. Wamani H, Tylleskär T, Åstrøm AN, Tumwine JK and
Peterson S. Mothers' education but not fathers'
Contribution of Authors education, household assets or land ownership is the
best predictor of child health inequalities in rural
Uganda. International journal for equity in health.
Viola N. Nyakato and Charles B Rwabukwali 2004; 3(1):9.
participated in the study design, analysis and 11. Gaddis I, Lahoti R and Li W. Gender Gaps in Property
writing of the manuscript. Susan Kools Ownership in Sub-Saharan Africa. The World
participated in the writing and editing of the Bank; 2018.
manuscript. All authors read and approved the 12. Asiimwe J. Making Women's Land Rights a Reality in
Uganda: Advocacy for Co-Ownership by Spouses.
final version of this manuscript. Yale Hum. Rts. & Dev. LJ. 2001; 4:171.
13. Doss C, Meinzen-Dick R and Bomuhangi A. Who owns
Acknowledgements the land? Perspectives from rural Ugandans and
implications for large-scale land acquisitions.
We acknowledge the support of Prof. Wim Feminist economics. 2014; 20(1):76-100.
14. Doss C, Truong M, Nabanoga G and Namaalwa J.
Pelupessy (RIP), of the Institute of Development Women, marriage and asset inheritance in Uganda.
Research (IVO), University of Tilburg, Development Policy Review. 2012; 30(5):597-616.
Netherlands. The study was funded by Mbarara 15. Kawamara-Mishambi S and Ovonji-Odida I. The 'Lost
University of Science and Technology with clause': The campaign to advance women's property
rights in the Uganda 1998 land act. No Shortcuts to
support from Association of Commonwealth Power: African Women in Politics and Policy
Universities and The Netherlands International Making. 2003; 3:160.
Agency for Higher Education (NUFFIC). 16. Deininger K, Ali DA, Holden S and Zevenbergen J.
Rural land certification in Ethiopia: Process, initial
References impact, and implications for other African
countries. World Development. 2008; 36(10):1786-
1. Kwagala B. Integrating women's reproductive roles with 812.
productive activities in commerce: The case of 17. Asiimwe J. Making Women's Land Rights a Reality in
businesswomen in Kampala, Uganda. Urban Studies Uganda: Advocacy for Co-Ownership by Spouses.
1999; 36(9):1535-50. Yale Hum. Rts. & Dev. LJ. 2001; 4:171.
2. Deininger K and Okidi J. Rural households: Incomes, 18. Jacobs K and Kes A. The ambiguity of joint asset
productivity, and nonfarm enterprises. Uganda‘s ownership: cautionary tales from Uganda and South
recovery: the role of farms, firms, and government. Africa. Feminist Economics. 2015; 21(3):23-55.
2001; 123-75. 19. Evertsson M and Nermo M. Dependence within families
3. Okidi J and Mugambe GK. An overview of chronic and the division of labor: Comparing Sweden and
poverty and development policy in Uganda. Chronic the United States. Journal of Marriage and Family.
Poverty Research Centre Working Paper. 2002(11). 2004; 66(5):1272-86.
4. Kwagala B, Wandera SO, Ndugga P and Kabagenyi A. 20. Hunt D. Unintended consequences of land rights reform:
Empowerment, partner‘s behaviours and intimate the case of the 1998 Uganda Land Act.
partner physical violence among married women in Development policy review. 2004; 22(2):173-91.
Uganda. BMC public health. 2013; 13(1):1112. 21. Giovarelli R. Customary Law, Household Distribution of
5. Sachs JD. From millennium development goals to Wealth and Women's Rights to Land and Property.
sustainable development goals. The Lancet. 2012; Seattle Journal for Social Justice. 2006; 4(2):40.
379(9832):2206-11. 22. Kabeer N. Mainstreaming gender in social protection for
6. Desa UN. Transforming our world: The 2030 agenda for the informal economy. Commonwealth Secretariat.
sustainable development. 2016. 2008.
7. Marmot M, Friel S, Bell R, Houweling TA and Taylor S. 23. Jackson C. Gender analysis of land: beyond land rights

for women?. Journal of agrarian Change. 2003; home ownership among widows in Uganda. African
3(4):453-80. Sociological Review/Revue Africaine de
24. Canagarajah S, Newman C and Bhattamishra R. Non- Sociologie. 2009; 13(1).
farm income, gender, and inequality: evidence from 41. Obaikol E. Women‘s Land Rights and the Law: The
rural Ghana and Uganda. Food policy. 2001; Legislative Framework Governing Women‘s Land
26(4):405-20. Rights in Uganda. Kampala, Uganda: Uganda Land
25. Uganda Bureau of Statistcs (UBOS). 2010 Statistical Alliance. URL: http://ulaug. org/new/wp-
Abstract. Kampala, Uganda Bureau of Statistics. content/uploads/Womens-Land-Rights-and-the-
2010 Law. pdf. 2009.
26. Doss C, Truong M, Nabanoga G and Namaalwa J. 42. Krejcie RV, Morgan DW. Determining sample size for
Women, marriage and asset inheritance in Uganda. research activities. Educational and psychological
Development Policy Review. 2012; 30(5):597-616. measurement. 1970; 30(3):607-10.
27. Deininger K and Castagnini R. Incidence and impact of 43. Uganda Bureau of Statistics (UBOS). The National
land conflict in Uganda. Journal of Economic Population and Housing Census 2014 – Area
Behavior & Organization. 2006; 60(3):321-45. Specific Profile Series, Kampala, Uganda. 2016
28. Naybor D. Land as fictitious commodity: the continuing 44. Wali AN, Kagoyire E and Icyingeneye P. Mathematical
evolution of women's land rights in Uganda. modeling of Uganda population growth. 2012
Gender, Place & Culture. 2015; 22(6):884-900. 45. Krippendorff K. Content analysis: An introduction to its
29. Uganda Bureau of Statistcs (UBOS) and ICF. Uganda methodology. Sage publications; 2018.
Demographic and Health Survey 2016: Key 46. Stemler S. An overview of content analysis. Practical
Indicators Report. Kampala, Uganda: UBOS, and assessment, research, and evaluation. 2000; 7(1):17.
Rockville, Maryland, USA: UBOS and ICF. 2017 47. Mwanjalolo M, Bernard B, Paul M, Joshua W, Sophie K,
30. Uganda Bureau of Statistcs (UBOS). Uganda Cotilda N, Bob N, John D, Edward S and Barbara
Demographic and Health Survey 2011. UBOS and N. Assessing the Extent of Historical, Current, and
Rockville, Maryland, USA: UBOS and ICF. 2011 Future Land Use Systems in Uganda. Land. 2018;
31. Uganda Bureau of Statistics (UBOS).The National 7(4):132.
Population and Housing Census 2014 – Area 48. Uganda Bureau of Statistcs (UBOS) and ICF. Uganda
Specific Profile Series, Kampala, Uganda. 2017 Demographic and Health Survey. 2017
32. Adoko J, Akin J and Knight R. Understanding and 49. Okuku JA. The Land Act (1998) and land tenure reform
Strengthening Women's Land Rights Under in Uganda. Africa development. 2006; 31(1):1-26.
Customary Tenure in Uganda. Land and Equity 50. Bikaako W and Ssenkumba J. Gender, land and rights:
Movement in Uganda (LEMU); 2012. Contemporary contestations in law, policy and
33. Bomuhangi A, Doss C and Meinzen-Dick R. Who owns practice in Uganda. Women and land in Africa.
the land?: perspectives from rural Ugandans and 2003:232-77.
implications for land acquisitions. IFPRI-Discussion 51. Alinyo F and Leahy T. Designing food security projects:
Papers. 2011(1136). Kapchorwa and Bukwo, Uganda. Development in
34. Hunt D. Unintended consequences of land rights reform: Practice. 2012; 22(3):334-46.
the case of the 1998 Uganda Land Act. 52. Kabumbuli R. Joint Ownership of family land in
Development policy review. 2004; 22(2):173-91. Uganda: Examining the responses, challenges and
35. Jackson C. Gender analysis of land: beyond land rights policy implications. African Sociological
for women?. Journal of agrarian Change. 2003; Review/Revue Africaine de Sociologie. 2016;
3(4):453-80. 20(1):67-86.
36. Deere CD and Doss CR. Gender and the distribution of 53. Bittman M, England P, Sayer L, Folbre N, Matheson G.
wealth in developing countries. Research Paper, When does gender trump money? Bargaining and
UNU-WIDER, United Nations University (UNU); time in household work. American Journal of
2006. sociology. 2003; 109(1):186-214.
37. Bittman M, England P, Sayer L, Folbre N and Matheson 54. Wyrod R. Between women's rights and men's authority:
G. When does gender trump money? Bargaining masculinity and shifting discourses of gender
and time in household work. American Journal of difference in urban Uganda. Gender & Society.
sociology. 2003; 109(1):186-214. 2008; 22(6):799-823.
38. Wodon Q and Blackden CM (Eds). Gender, time use, 55. Sen A. Gender and cooperative conflicts. Helsinki:
and poverty in sub-Saharan Africa. The World Wider; 1987.
Bank. 2006. 56. Beegle K, Frankenberg E and Thomas D. Bargaining
39. Doss C, Truong M, Nabanoga G and Namaalwa J. power within couples and use of prenatal and
Women, marriage and asset inheritance in Uganda. delivery care in Indonesia. Studies in family
Development Policy Review. 2012; 30(5):597-616. planning. 2001; 32(2):130-46.
40. Asiimwe F. Statutory law, patriarchy and inheritance: 57. Rao N. Male ‗Providers‘ and Female ‗Housewives‘: A

Gendered Co‐performance in Rural North India. conjugality. Development and Change. 2007;
Development and Change. 2012; 43(5): 38(1):107-29.
1025-48. 60. Hannay L. Women's Land Rights in Uganda. Landesa.
58. Odeny M. Improving access to land and strengthening Centre for Women‘s Land Rights (online):
women‘s land rights in Africa‘. In Annual World Available: https://www.
Bank conference on land and poverty‘, The World landesa.org/wpcontent/uploads/LandWise-Guide-
Bank, Washington, DC. 2013. Womens-land-rights-in-Uganda.pdf (Accessed
59. Jackson C. Resolving risk? Marriage and creative 30/12/2016). 2014.

2068 5954 1 PB

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

2068 5954 1 PB

Uploaded by

Document Information

Original Title

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

2068 5954 1 PB

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

Nyakato et al.

Maternal Healthcare and Women‘s Land Rights

ORIGINAL RESEARCH ARTICLE

African Journal of Reproductive Health March 2020; 24 (1): 62

Introduction Land Tenure, land ownership is through

African Journal of Reproductive Health March 2020; 24 (1): 63

African Journal of Reproductive Health March 2020; 24 (1): 64

African Journal of Reproductive Health March 2020; 24 (1): 65

African Journal of Reproductive Health March 2020; 24 (1): 66

African Journal of Reproductive Health March 2020; 24 (1): 67

African Journal of Reproductive Health March 2020; 24 (1): 68

African Journal of Reproductive Health March 2020; 24 (1): 69

African Journal of Reproductive Health March 2020; 24 (1): 70

Deciding on gardening Deciding on Deciding on family income Deciding sale of land

African Journal of Reproductive Health March 2020; 24 (1): 71

African Journal of Reproductive Health March 2020; 24 (1): 72

African Journal of Reproductive Health March 2020; 24 (1): 73

African Journal of Reproductive Health March 2020; 24 (1): 74

African Journal of Reproductive Health March 2020; 24 (1): 75

African Journal of Reproductive Health March 2020; 24 (1): 76

African Journal of Reproductive Health March 2020; 24 (1): 77

African Journal of Reproductive Health March 2020; 24 (1): 78

African Journal of Reproductive Health March 2020; 24 (1): 79

African Journal of Reproductive Health March 2020; 24 (1): 80

You might also like