I

MODERN NEPAL
MODERN NEPAL
Rise and Growth in the Eighteenth Century
Rise and

& II
Volume I &

D.R. Regmi
Regmi

Win association with

Dilli Raman
Raman Regmi
Regmi Memorial Library
 \

t95l
Published 1961
First Published
Copyright
Copyright ©
@ Dr. Dilli Raman
Dr. Dilli Raman Regmi
Regmi

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Published by Rupa
Rupa 6c
& Co. in association
Co. in with
association with
Dilli Raman
Dr. DiIli Raman Regmi
Regmi Foundation
Foundation

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 To
His Majesty
Majesry
King Mahendra Vira
Vira Vikrama
Vikrama Shaha Deva
In Token Of
High Esteem
Esteem And Regard.
Introduction
Introduction
II feel greatly honoured
feel greatly honoured and pride in
take pride
and take inintroducing
introducing the thegreat
great works,
works,
philosophy and life of aa 'Great
philosophy 'Grear Son sonof ofNepal'
Nepal'— - The late
late DrDr Dilli
Dilri Raman
Raman
Regmi. Regmi, for his whole life
Regmi. Dr Regmi, politician, fought for peace,
life as a politician, peace, non-
violence
violence andand democracy.
democracy.As matterof
Asaamatter offact,
fact,he proved itit true
heproved true that, to be be
aa successful
successful politician, it is not always necessary that
always necessary that one
one needs to be in power.
power.
Gandhi never took took the
the reign
reign ofof power
power in in his own
own hands, but he is remembere
remembered d
every
every moment by the the whole
whole world.
world.
Dr Regmi
Regmi was a great admirer admirer of of Mahatma
Mahatma Gandhi Gandhi and Lord Buddha
and Lord Buddha
for their role
role asas an apostle for peace. On on Buddha,
Buddha, I personally have
have advocated
an alternative titletitle since
since 1995,
1.995, asas 'Light
'Light of the Universe'
Universe' in place of the present
'Light of
title 'Light of Asia'.
Asia'. In fact, ififDr
In fact, DrRegmi
Regmi was living today,
was living today, he would have
he would have
whole-heartedly
whole-heartedly supported
supported this this notion,
notion, for,
for, he
he was
was a champion for peace. He
even celebrated
celebrated october
October 2, Gandhi's birth anniversary anniver sary and Buddhapoornimaa,
and Buddhapoornimaa,
birth anniversary,
Buddha's birth anniversary, every year. At this juncture, II strongly
srronglybelieve
believe
that wewe need 'Light of
need 'Light of Peace'
Peace' even
even in in this
this age
age of of so
socalled
called Space-War.
space-war.
Politically speaking, Dr
Politically speaking, Dr Regmi
Regmi fought
fought against
againstNepal's
Nepal's 104-year-ol
104-year-old-Rana-
d-Rana-
autocracy
autocracy and stood firmly in favour of democracy
stood firmly democracy during during post-1950-p eriod
post-1950-period
also. In In between,
befween, he healso
alsobecame Minister of
became Minister ofEducation,
Education, Foreign
Foreign Affaires,
Affaires,
Health andand Home
Home Affaires,
Affaires, etc.erc- But
But in in his part of
his later part life, he
of life, he rejected
rejected even
even
the post of of the
the Prime
Prime Minister.
Minister. The then rhen King
King Mahendra,
Mahen dra,after after his
his infamous
infamous
Royal
Royal Coup
coup against the the then
then elected
elected B.P. Koirala Governmen
B.p Koirala Government t in 1960,
1950, had
offered him the post of post of Prime
Prime Minister
Minister of Nepal. He He also
also rejected
rejected the
the late
late
King Birendra's
Birendra's offer to to be PM several
be PM several times
times during panchayat System
during Panchayat system and
even, to lead
lead the post in
the post inthethe1990
1990interim governmenr.
interim government.
instances remind
These instances remind me me of aa Sanskrit
Sanskrit verseverse from the theoriental
orienral
philosophical al
philosophic base of Geetaa: Geetaa:

rasr +rq-i {q( i q,i ir

T•Sle qSr*{1
gat
6qd:ra aqrtrt
S:7i CI, nfuiq air4:1R111
c11113131014R errd:ilr+t{,

(natwaham kaamaye raaiyam, na swargam

kaamaye raajyam, punarbhawam
swargam na punarbhawam
kaamaye
kaamaye dookha taptaanaam
taptaanaam praaninaam
praaninaam aartah naashanam)
naashanam)

Meaning
Meaning that I personally not have
personally do not have any
any interest
interest ofof having
having a nation-
nation-
state, want heaven,
state' neither I want heaven, nor aa re-birth in aa high
re-birth in high family;
family; rather I want
want
to work for the
work for thesuffering
suffering people torelieve
people to relieve their pragmatically, this
pain...Pragmatically,
their pain... this
school
school of thought
thought tallied
tallied with Dr Regmi's
with Dr Regmi's later part of
larer part of life
life leading
leading towards-
Vodhisattva.
Vodhisatwa.
' Dr Regmi
Regmi was a great great scholar
scholar of of Nepal.
Nepal. He He never introduced himself
never introduced himself
as a historian
historian but has seventeen
seventeen books books in in total to his credit.
credit. He was not only only
the first D.Lit. of Nepal, but also first Nepalese
also the first Nepalese to write Nepal's history history
in aaforeign
foreign language
language — - English. Both spiritually
spiritually and materially speaking,
and materially speaking,
whatever he earned
earned on this earth, he gave gave it all to
it all nation and the world.
the nation
to the
He donated
He donated all all his
hisproperty
properry including monetary gains
including monetary gainsto to the then His His
Majesty's Government of of Nepal.
Nepal. Presently,
Presently, Government
Government of Nepal is is particularly
particularly
taking care of his
care of generosity and
hisgenerosity andcreativity.
creativiry.
Many pundits of History History of Nepal Nepal regard
regard him as thereal
as the real'Itihaas-
'Itihaas-
Shiromani of Nepal'. Some
Nepal'. Some also
also dicor
decor him as Nepal
Nepal 'Itihaasratna'. Both
Both seem
seem
tending
rending to denote
denote aa'Crest
'Crest Jewel'
Jewel' among
among Nepalese
Nepalese historians.
historians. We, We, from Dr Dr
D.R. Regmi
Regmi Foundation, are approaching approaching the GovernmentGovernment of Nepal, Nepal, now,
now,
to declare
declare Dr Dilli Raman
Dr Dilli Raman Regmi Regmi as 'NepalItihaasratna'
as 'Nepal posthumously.
Itihaasratna' posthumously.
He had started
had started his
his serious
serious writing
writing in 1940's.
1940's. Even
Even though,
though, he
he belonged
belonged
to Guruju
to Guruju Family, close to
very close
Family, very to the Ranas, but he was was aa vehement critic of
vehement critic of
the Ranas.
Ranas. He had had to to leave
leave Nepal
Nepal to write against
to write against them.
them. The The outcome
outcome was was
book A Century
popular book
the popular Century of of Family Autouacy in Nepal.
Family Autocracy Nepal.
In the early
early fourties,
fourties, he he was
was imprisoned
imprisoned by by the
the Britishers
Britishers for for his
his active
active
participation
participation in the 'Quit-lndia-Movement.'Thus,
'Quit-India-Movement.' Thus, he
he was a'Freedom
a 'Freedom Fighter'
Fighter'
in Nepal and abroad.
abroad. But But he had to to pay price for it,
high price
pay aa high it, for,
for, he lost his
he lost his
first wife Mrs
Mrs Kalyani Regmi, while
Kalyani Regmi, while he was in British British India jail. jail. Late Mrs
Kalyani Regmi had
Kalyani Regmi had aa heart
heart attack mid-twenties from
attack in her mid-twenties from the fear of the the
news that the Britishers would
bad news that the Britishers would kill/have
kill/have killed
killed him.
him.
This great soul Dr Regmi Regmi offered valuable contributions to Nepal, South
valuable contributions
Asian Region and
Asian Region and the world at at large. Considering the high demand of his
large. Considering his
books
books in the
the market,
market, out
out of
of his
his vast
vast treasure
treasure of
of works,
works, we
we are
are proudly
proudly
reprinting and publishing his
and publishing his already out-of-print books:
already out-of-print books: Medieval
Medieual Nepal
(four volumes)
volume s) and Modern Nepal (two
and Modern (rwo volumes).
volumes), This volume in your hand
This volume
is one of the great worksworks of of Dr
Dr Regmi
Regmi as a part of volumes mentioned
of his six volumes
earlier.
earlier.
I sincerely
sincerely hope that the the scholars
scholars of of the world will
the world will highly
highly benefit
ber,cfit from
from
this master
master piece.
piece.
opportunity to extend
I also take this opportunity appreciation to Rupa E<
extend my appreciation & Co,
India, for
Delhi, India,
New Delhi, for taking
taking interest
interest to torepublish
republish these books and
these books and my my
colleagues in Nepal for
colleagues for supporting
supporting my my mission.
mission.

11
11 December
December 2006 Dr Bishnu
Bishnu Hari Nepal
Nepal
Gyaanodaya
Gyaanodaya Aashram,
Aashram, Chairman
Chairman
Lazimpat, Kathmandu,
Lazimpat, Kathmandu, proposed Dr. Dilli Raman
Dr. Dilli Regmi Foundation
Raman Regmi Foundation
Nepal Dilli Raman
Umbrella Organization for Dilli Kalyani
Raman Kalyani
Regmi Memorial Library Development
Regmi Memorial Development Board, a
Government
Government of Nepal Undertaking
Undertaking
 Foreword th€ Second
Foreword to the EditioD
Second Edition

tlris II have
With this haveplaced
placed before
bolore thethereader
roader the
the second odition
seoond edition
'of 'Modern Nepal'.
of 'Modern Nepal'. This
This isis aa thoroughly
thoroughly revised andenlarged
revised and ealargod
edition.Many
edition. UaDy materials which hod
materials which had not been i! the
u.eal in
boen used the
earlier edition
earlier edition havehave now beor incorporated
now been incorporated p&rtly
partly to
to oouect
correct
errors and
errors andininother waystotoadd
otherways add totofacte ofofhistory
facts historyso so far un-
un-
known. This
known. Thiswas was not poosible while the.first edition oftho
not possible while the.first edition of the
book wasplanned
book was plannedas asIIwanted
wantedtotom&ke makeit ita3
as Bhort
short asaEpossible
poBsible
requiremoDt of
to meet the requirement oftho studentcommunity
the student commuuity prepsring
preparing
for university
for univereity examination.
oxsminstioDThe . Thenew primarily for
editiouisisprimarily
newedition for
echolars.
scholars.
Tbe manuscript
The manueoript was preparedin
was prrcpared in lg6i
1967 andand it
it took some
somG time
t'o getitittyped.
to get typed.ThisThis waswaehanded
handedoverover totothe
thopublisher four
publirher four
yoar8 ago
years ago in 1070.I am
:iq1970. I omsorry thatititisisjust
sorrythat justnow
novronly
only seeing
seoiDg
Iight of publication.
the light publication. But anybow II am
But anyhow gl&d that
am glad that however
how€ver
it is being
late it boing published.
published. Source materials wbich
Source matsrialg which II thought
thought
to be origiual, bave
be original, havenow nowbeenbeenueed
usedbybyothers
others asaswell.
well. To that
To that
extont If have
extent loetwhich
h&velost whichwaswasmy due.The
mydue. Thedisadvantage
disadvantage of of
delay in the
delay this th&t
press isis this
tho press that now
now &t
at thie stage II cannot
this Btago cannot claim
claim
originality of discovery
originality discovery for
for them although II possess
them although poesess thom from
them from
1954 having
1954 allcopied
baving all copiedfromfromthetbs MinietryofofForeign
Ministry AEairr
F.oreigaAffairs
duriog my
during tenure of
my tenuro of ofroo as' ForeignMinieter.
officeaa,tr'oroigu Minister. Thon nobody
Then nobody
idea of
had the idea the existence
of the exieteuco of
of these
thsso materials.
materiale.
II mention it to
mention it to the
the knowledge
knowledgo of all that a large pert of the
large part
sources for the
lources for thehistory
hietoryofofthetheperiod
periodcomes
comosfrom
from the Foroign
tho Foreign
Officeoollections
collectionsandandve weowe
owea adebt gratitudetoto thoss
debtofofgratitude those who
who
,Ofrce
depositod rith tho colloctioue tLeir own D&teriels from timo to
deposited with the collections tia ir own materials from time
time.
—Author
-Author
 PREFACE
Edition ]]
[I First Edition

This is
This the third
is the volumeof
third volume oftho aeriea-.Eirtory of
the series—`History of Nepal'
Nepal,'
and
end deals
doals with the podoil between
the period betr€en 1750
l?50 aod
and 1800
1800 A.D.
A.D.
Tbo present
The yoluno has
-presont volume ni[o chapter!.
hes nine chapters. The lsst chapter
The last ohapt€r
desoribos political
describes politicalmdandecouomic
economic conditionofofthe
condition timo which
the time which
also applies to
slso applies the half
to tbo half of
of the nineteenth
niEeteenth century.
contury.

TYo bavo
Wo separatevolumo
haveaaeoparatb volume forfortho period of
the period thoAnglo-
of the Aaglo-'
Nopal
Nepal WarWarofof1814-1816.
1814-f816.Originally
Originallythis thiswas
was designed
dosigned to be bo
inoluded into
included intothe third
the thirdvolume
volume asasits secondpart.
itssecond But on
part. But on
second thought we
aecond thought wofound thetititdeserved
fouudthat de8erved to togo
go by itself as
by itself ae a
rep&ra.to voluDo,
separate volume, and consequontly tho
and consequently fourth volume
the fourth volume was wag
planuod. Further,
planned- x'urthor. as
ag we haveto
we have maintain an
tomaintrrin unblokon link
an unbroken liok
between all
botwsan all ovents
events ofof erpsnsion
expansion audand conquest, we havo have brought
entiro account
the entire acoount of of sush
such veuture3
ventures together
together &t at ono
one instaDco
instance in itr
thig volume.
this volumo.Thus Thuethe reader
the will
will
reailer find
ffnd tb&t
that all
all description
descriptiou of
of
Nepells ffght
Nepal's fight ovor andsonoxution
over&!rd Garhwaland
annexationofofGarhwal and Kumaon is ie
incorporatod at
incorporated at one placo in
ono place iuthe
thcpresent work.We
proEsut work. We did not
did not
liko to
like deal with
to deal with tho
the phaeea conquestaud
phasesofofconquest expansionin
andexpansion in the
tho
maauor that
manner thatthethosame
s&mo followerlthe
followed thochronology
chroDology of of the ruliDg
the ruling
tlyuaety. The
dynasty. ThoyearyeEr180)
1803hadhadseeneeen the the climarofofthe
climax vholo
the whole
prooess of
process expansionwith
of erpansion withtho
theboundary
boundary of of the douain
the Gorkha domain
fixed atSutlej
Exetl at Su ejwhere touched the
whcro it touched Sikhl(ingdom.
the Silih Kingdom. But this
phase finds its
ph&Be 6ods doscription iu
it, description in tho nort volume.
the next volumo.

Prithvinar*yan Sbah
Prithvinarayan Shahisisthe maker of
the moker modern Nepal
of modern Nepal and
and
therefore,
thereforo, we begin our history
wo bogitr pith his
histor)' with hii career of conquest,
career of conquest, and
and
thoexpansive
with the phtsoofofthe
expansivo phase tho Kingdr-rmofofGorkha
Kingdom Gorkhawhich
which
&fter tworty
after yearsof
twenty years of incessant struggle to
incessant Btruggle grow and
to grow andwiden
widen
transformed in
transformed italargesse
in its tobecome
lergesse to becomo aenew newstate its
with its
state with
cnpitr)l irr
capital inNepal proper.
Nepal proper.This Thisstlto
state from its yery
itsvery inception
iaception
came
o&nle tot,rhebecalled theKingdom
calledthe Kingdom of Nepal.We
of Nepal. Weshall
shall see later
sse later
in the
in the body thetelt
oftho
body of textthat
that this
this Btete different in
was much different
state w&s in
size ardpopulation
aize and populstionfrom
from the old entity known in ancient ond
the old entity known in ancient and
medieval history bt
medieval hietory by that name.
namo,

grew to
Nopal grew
Nepal to &u
an irDmenso
immenseeize sizeorpandi
expanding ng onon eitber
either flanks,
flanke,
reput&tion as
sDd its reputation
and thc home
as the home of of tho Gorkbali fighters
veli&nt Gorkhali
the valiant fightere
had spread
spread far and wide wido in in tho oighteenth and
the eighteenth niaoteenth
snd early nineteenth
centuries.The
centuries. The Gorkhalis were rogardod ae inviooiblo warriors.
Gorkhalis were regarded . as invincible warriora.
The Go:khali rulor
Tho Go7khali rulerhad defeatedtwo
haddefeatod twoinvaeion
invasions fromtho
s from the south,
organisod by
one organised by Mir Kasim and
Mir Kaeim another by
and another by British
tho
the Britieh
Governor Verelst., The
Goyernor Vorelst defeatofofthe
Thedefeat expediiion had
Englishexpedition
theEnglish hail
generated n6tr
generated neweDthusi ssm and
enthusiasm and enhanoe
enhanced d Nepal's
Nepal's prestige in ia
eyes of
the eyes Indian people.
the fodian
of tho people. But But their got
narchgot checkmat-
thoirmarch cbeckmat-
onc€ in
ed once 1792by
in 1792 bytho Chinesearmy
theChinese armyininTibet, andst
Tibet,and snother
at another
lime about
time about22 22years Iaterininthe
yaarclater Eimalayan region
thoHimalayan region and&Dd in thetho
reachesof
Iower reachee
lower oftho
theSeveu,G
Seven-Gandaks
andake and andKosiKosiinintbethepla.ine
plains by
British,On
tbe British.
the Onboth
boththethooccasions
occasiona Nepal
Nopal was wae heavily defcated.
heavily defeated.
But the second occasion
second occasion proved
proved moro critical
more critical and
and Nopal
Nepal lost
lost a
sobstantial portion
substantial portioa of its newly
of ite newly added territorie
territoriesE to the Britiih.
to lbe Britkh.
Since
Sirce l816
1816 Nepal
Nepal also
also ceased
ceased to
to be
be a
a great
gq6s,1 couatry
country power.
power.

But ininitsitsheyday
But hoyday Nepal
Nepal lived
lived g)orioualybecause
gloriously it kept
becsuse it k6pt
it8 banner
its of freedom
bsnner offreedo m aloft, met tho
aloft, mot the enemies generously and
enomies generously and
cbivalrously and troated
chivalrously and treated tho
the vaaquis
vanquishedhod with
with dignity
dignity and
&nd
Lindners.
kindness.

The ia this
Tbe story told in this volume covero ia
volume covers detail all important
in dotail importsnt
evontg of the
events themost ohapters of
glorious chapters
mostglorious the hi:tory
of the history of
of
lfepal.
Nepal.

Iu the
In the past
paet the treatmoot of
thetreatment this period
of this history had
p€riod of history had been
beon
in the
in formofofa passing
theform a paesir:g referencetoto
reference one import&at
twoimportant
on€orortwo
peraona,lities ofoftLe
personalities thetitno.
time. As such it
Ag euch coverednot
it covered morethan
notmore than a
few pageo
few pages ofofspace.
space. Now Now ve have aa full
we havo volumefor
full volume for tho
the same
oame
eubject.During
subject. During the tholast
laetseveral number of
years, a number
soveral years, of new datadatc
had been
had beenmade availablo,and
madoavailable, ar,dthis
tbishad made itit easy
hadmade easy to
to treat
tle same
the in all
samo in all its
its aspects,
aspects, and
and in fullor details.
ia fuller dotails.
 Tho history
The delineatediu
history dolincrtcd inthc third volumo
thethitd could be
volume could be called
celled
olc of
one of the crr}modern
theearly period.Here
-odcmperiod. Ecrc venonolonger
we longor have
h&vc to
dopcnd on
depend on inscriptions
inscriptiont oror like
likedocuments
dooumeuts forfor sources.
sourcoe. The
Thc
chroniclestcnd
oLtoniolos tendtotogivo
givenoro
moreororlecs
lessarccrtained dates ae
ascertaineddates as the
thc
ohroniolcr il
chronicler allcases
in all orroehappens rritcabout
happen!totowrite Bboutevents within
events within
hir memor5r.
his memory. As Ar thir
this pcriod coincidesrith
periodcoincidcr pith oarly Britigh rule
early British rulc
ir India,
in Indir, we hevo.hoin
vc have also in m.oy British fndian
instances British
many ioatsuoel Indian sources
souroee
to verify
to aoyunascertained
vcrify any unrrocrtrined date figurca.Other
detc figures. mst -
lource mate-
Othcrsource
ridr ero ronc&, royal and of6ciil chrrt€rs, lettors and memo-
rials are armada, royal and official charters, letters and memo-
rials radnotes
rials and notaprepared
pnpuedby byforeign viritors.All
forcign visitors. thismakes
AIIthis motcr
the writingofofhistory
thcwriting hirtoryofof
thethe
period
pcriodconcerned
concernedcomparatively
oomparatively
eray affair.
an easy Thcchapter
affair. The providing tho
ohopter providing the accouDt
account of of Nepal's
Nepal's
relation nolghboun var
rclation with neighbours written with
was written help of materials
with the help materiolr
Eo.tly provided
mostly byBritish
proyidod by Britishsources oro6ptthe
sourcosexcept thesection
section about
&bout
thc Sino-Nepalese
the War,for
Sino-Noprlese War, whichre
forwhicb we have assupplementary
have as eupplementary
svidcnce
evidence materials from Nepalese
materiala from Nepalose and
&nd Chinese
Chinose sources.
sources.
 ABBR,EVIATIONS
ABBREVIATIONS

ItaliAni eto.-fmissionari
![i!rionEi, etc.—I
Italiani Missionari, ,,,htiort,;r; itatiani d Tibet
i&,li/}na nel nl
?iba ec nel
.Wl, 77 parts,
Nepal, psrts,edited
oditGdbybyL.L.Petech
Peteoh(in ltrlian) Rome,
(in Italian) Romc,
1952-56.
1962-66.
JBORS JBBS-Jourtd of
rnd JBRS—Journal
JBOBS and ol the
tlu Bihar atd Orissa
Bilwr and Rescrrol
Orieoa Research
Society, tftorwudg ,Iotanotr
Socicty, afterwards Journal of tluBihar
o! the Bifut Boallrl&
Research
Society.
Sooiety.
Kirkpatrick-lr account
Kirkpatrick—An acawt o! X.iltlilonl of
tlu Kingdom
of the Nepoul,lnfrot
of Nepaul, London
l8l l.
1811.
'Oltlfield-Btcroi
Oldfield—Sketchesa Jron Nipl,22 Vols.
from Nipal, Yols. (1878).
(1878).
l,ovi-La
Levi—Le lYepoI, Eirtorique d'un royaum
Nepal, Etude Historique hindou, I3 Vol..,
myaum hindou, Voh.,
Parir, 1905-08.
Paris, 1906-08.
NS-Nepal
NS—Nepal Samvat.
a
VS-Vikram Sa,mvat.
VS—Vikram Samvat.
Daniol-.Ed ebg of
Wright, Daniel—History oJ Nepal, tnnrlatod from
Ncpall, translated from Parbatiya,
Parbatiyo,
Cambridge
Cambridgs 1877.
1877.

6. S.-SaaalrrtSamdesa,
S. S.—Sanskrit t monthly
Satd;eea, a magazineof
monthly magazitro of antiquity (ir
(ir.
Sanskrit).
SausLrit).
KPJ-K. P.
KPJ—K. P. Jayaswal
Jayaawal
Abs. PLR
PLR—Abstracts of
-,4DrrractP.tth,n Letters
ol Persian lre,tarsReceived.
Reeioail.
C.P.C.-Calenitror of
C.P.C.—Calendor of Persian
Pereian Correspondence.
Coreaponilcau.
S.C.—Select Committeo.
S.C.-Select Committee.
Sec. Con.—Secret
Con. Consultations
Cousultatione
-Secret
0.0 —Old Correspondence.
'O.C Cotrespondenoo.
-Old
Pro.-Sslect
Sel. Com. Pro.— Select Committee
CoEmittso Proceedings.
Proceedingr,
E;D.O.C.-IIome
H.D.O. Department Original
C.—HomeDepartmont Original Consultations.
Consultetions.
LE.Q,-Ilitiaitt Hi
I.H.Q.—Indian tor nl Quarterly.
Historical Qllar?zrlq.
Cons.-Political
Pol. Cons,— Political Coosultstions,
Consultations.
IERC- Indian Eirtorioal
IHRC— Indian Historical Records
Rsoorde Commission.
Commioeion.
 BIBLIOGlR,APHY
BIBLIOGRAPHY

1. Aitohiroa :i Treaties,
I Aitchison Engagetnenls and
?rcqtiar, Engagements and Sanads (19O9),
Sannile (1909)
YoI II.
Vol II.
2. Ariaria
2. Vol. II, 1790.
Eeeearchea, Yol.
Asiatic Researches, 1790.
J. Atkingon:
3. Atkinson : Etmalagan
Himalayan District Vol. II(Chaptor
Gazettcts. Vol.
Distftct Gazetters, II (Chapter
Eistory.)
on History.)
4. Brian
4. Brian Hodgson
lfodgron : (a)(a) Miscell,anecua Eroayr, Trubner,
Miscellaneous Essays,
London, 1880,
London, 1880, 22 Volumes (b)_Essays
Volumes ;; (b) .@c-"oys on the
the Language,
Longuage, Litera-
Literu-
,u?c atil
ture Rcligion ol
and Religion of Nepal
Nepatr etc, London, Trubner,
etc. London. Trubner, 1874.
1874.
6. Calendar of
6. of Persian
PeruiorCorrespondence. Yole. 1I,
Oorresponilenu. Vols. lI, IV,
lV, VI,
VI,
v[I,
VIII, IX, X.
8. Chatterji,
6. Chatterji, Nondalal,
Nnndalal, Mi,t (l?60-68), Allahabad,
Quastm, (1760-63),
Mir Quasim, Allahabod,
1935.
1936.
7. Markham
7. Morkham Clements
Clements R, R.:: Narratioea
Narratives of oJ the
the Mission
Miasion ofoJ
George Bogleloto?ibet
Gcorge Bogle Tibetand,
andofoftfuthe Journeyof
Journey ThomasManning
ofThomas Manning to to
Tibet, Lor.don, I87('.
?ibet, London, 187F.
8, Daniel
8. Daniol Wright History of
Wrigbt :a fli,ttnry Nepal, translated
of Nepal, traDslated from froD
Parbatiya,
Parbatiya, 1877.
1877. London.
Loadon.
9. Eitihaeib
9. Eitihasik Patra Sangraha (Nepali) 1937.
Patua Sangraha I957,
lO, Iorresfe
10. Forrest's Seleclions
Selectionstrom from the Becorda oJ
the Records theForeign
of the toreign
Dcparlme
Departments, s,I,
I, 1772-85.
I7?2-85.
Il.
11. Gleig G. Memoirc ol
R. :z Memoirs
G.R. ,heRt.Bt.
of the Eon'bl,eWarren
Hon'ble. Warren
Hastings, 1841.
Easlinls, 1841 .
12, Gorkha
12. publisbed by
Yameaoali, published
Gorkhn Vamsavali, Mahant Naraharinath
by Mahant Naraharinath
(in Nepali).
Nopali).
13. Hamilton
13. Eamllton :a An An Account
Aaaount of oJthe Kinq,lomofoJNepaul
lheKingdom anil
Nepaul and
.nfiutnA;ng territories
surrounding anneced. Edinburgh, 1816.
teniloriee annexed, I816,
11. Indian Records
14. Series ;; Port
Becord.a BerhE Willbn-Indid House
Fort Willim-India Eouse Corres-
Cofies-
pondence (1801-1R03),
ponaLnce editedhy
(1801 -1803 ), edited by Taraporewala.
Taraporewala.
16. Iti,hu
15. Itihas Prokas.
Pmkae,22 Vols.
VoIe. (1956-58) published in
(1956-58) published in Nepali.
Nepali.
lt3. I miecionary ilal,ta:tti nel Tibet e nel Negal. edited
I missionary italiani nel Tibet e nel Nepal, edited by
Petech Vol.II,
1952, Vol.
Potoch 19,52, II, Part l-4.
Part 1-4.
17. JBORS,
17. JBORS, XIX XIX(1933V,
(1933\, Tibeto-Nepalse War, 1788-93.
llibeto-Nepalae War, 1788-93.
18. Kirpatrick :i An
18. Account of
An Account of the Kingilon oJ
lhe Kingdom of Nepaul,
N epaal,
l8ll.
Lotrdoq 1811.
London,
 19. Nepnl
19. Nepal Sanskritik ParhM Patrika,
Bawkrt$b Parishad Patrikq Volumes & II.
Volumec T & IL
20. Oldfield
20. Oltl0eld :z *Sketches From Nipal, 2 Volumes.
Sketchp* Erom Volumee.
21., Papera
21. respecting lhe
Papers reapectitq the Nepaul War, London,
Nepatil War, L. Cox,
[pndon, J. L. Cox, .

1824.
1824.
22. Poona
22. PoonaResideney Correapoailcncc, Vols.
ReaiihneyCorrespondence, XII, XIV
Vole. XII, XIV
(Sindhia Affairs)
23. Riaz - us -' Sala
23. Rtaz tin, translated
Sol,alin, intoEnglish
translotod into byAbdus
English by Abdus
Salam.
24. Corre,sytonilence of
2t. Ross : Correspondence FiretMarques
of First MarqueaCornwallis,
Oornwollia,
London,
London, 1959,
1969. 3 Volumes.
26. Cammann,
25. Commann, S. S... Trade Tkrot4h Thc
Traile Through The Edmolayaa (Prinoeton,
Himalayas (Princeton,
r95r).
1951).
26. Sanskrit
26. Sandesh, Vol. I.
Banabrit Sandesh, I. (1952-54).
(1952'64).
27. Selections
27. from Englieh
Belnctione frorn llecorile of
English Records EenryWellesley's
of Henry Well,ealey'a
Correspondence
Coneaponileace (t801-03), by Saletore,
(1801-03), edited by Allahabad, 1955.
Saletoro, Allahabad, 1955.
28.
28. Seir-ul-Mutaqherin of Gulam
Seir-ul-Mutaqhertn of Gulam Hussain
Eussain Khan, Vol. II,
Khan, Vol.
English tranelation
translation by Raymond.
Raymond.
29. Levi,
29. S.:: Le
Levi, S. Vol. II,
Nepal, Vol.
LeNepa,l, Parie,1908.
II, Paris, 1908.

30. Samuel
30. Samuel Turner :: An Account
Aecount of an Embassy
Dmbaeay to
to the
the Court
Court
o[ Teshoo
of Lama ,i,n
?eehoo Lama in Tibet cotrlaining aa Narrative
Tibet containing of aa Journey
Narrative of Journoy
tbrough Bootan and Parts
through ofTibet,
Parts of London. 1800.
Tibet, London. 1800.
31. Translation
31. ofMaharaja
Transl,ation of KalyanSingh's
MaharajaKalyan Bingh'aKhulasat-ut-
Khulasat-ut-
III, by
Tauari,kh, III,
Tawarikh, byKhan
KhanBahadur
Ba[-odurSarfaraz Eussain Khan,
SarfarazHussain Khan,
JBORS,
JBORS. V, IV(December,
Pt.IV
V, Pt. (December,1919).
I1)19).
32. Unpublished
32. aboutAbdul
Documentsabout
Unpublisheil Documente Kadir's Miseion
AbdulKad,tr's Mission of
oJ
1895 96 in
1895 9d the U. P.
in the P. Government
Government Records Room of
Records Room at Allahabad.
Allahabad.
33.
33. 17
Yerelst'e Rule in
erelst'sRule Iniliaby
in India N. L.
by N. [,. Chatterji,
ChaCterji,Allahabad,
Allahabad,
1939.
1939.
34. Vamsavali
34. Vamsaauli in the possession gf-tho
tbo possession he aui.hor.
author.
36. Vansittart,
35. Vansitbart, tI.
H.:: z{. NorratioeofoJTransactions
A Narrative Tranaactions in
imBengal,
Bengol,
1760-64,
l?60-64. 3 Volumes.
Volumes.
36. Vansittart
36. Vansittart :: Lt.
Lt. Col.
Col.Eden, Gwkhat (( AA Handbook
Eden, Gurkhas Hanilbooh ),
),
1018.For
1918. fndian
X'orIndian Sources of of
Sourcos Anglo-Nepalese llelations in the
Anglo-Nepaleee Relations
Eighteonth Century
Eighteenth Century we
we have
have used thefollowing
usod the following published
publishod mate-
rial's ofofthe
rial's thoGovernment India;besides
GovernmentofofIndia; besidesmany
manyunpublished
unpublishod
palers from
papers differentDistrict
from different District Rocords Rooms (Bihar),
Records Rooms Indian
(Bihar), Indian
Natioual Archives
National (Delhi) and
Archivos (Delhi) andU.U.P.P.Central
CentralRecords
RocordsOffice
Office
(Allahabad).
(o) Selections
(a) Beleationa from
fromUnpublished Record,s for
t)npubtisheit, Records theyears,
for the gears,
1748-67, Vol.f,
1748-67, by J.
Vol.I,by J. Long.
Long.
(b) George
(b) George W. Forrest
Forrest a"" Selections the Letters,
from the
Seleatlons from Letters, Des-
Des-
patches, anil,
pal,ahes, and other state
etate papers proserved in the
papers preserved tho Foreign
X'oreign
Departmont of
Department Glovernment of
of the Government offndia 1772-85 in
India U72-85 in 3
Vols.
Vole.
(")
(0) Calendar ofPersian
Cal,enil,ar of Persi,anCorrespondence, Yolo. II,III,
Correspanilenoa, Vols. fY,
II, III, IV,
v, vr,
V, VIII, rx,
VI, YrIr, x.
IX, X.
"(d)
(d) Ird,b Eouse-lort William
India House-Fort WilliamCorrespondence,
Conespondenae, Volumes
Yolumos as
a,s
to in our text.
referrod to
referred
(e) Ind,e*
(e) Index to the ?ore,i,gn and Politiaal
Foreign anil, Political Department
DepartmentRecords,
Recorils,
Vol. I, 1756-1780
Vol. (Published by National Archives).
1756-f780 (Published Archives).

(f) Select
(f) DocumentsoJ
Sel,ect Doaumenta the British
ofthe PeriodofofInil,ian
British Peri,od, Indian History
Hi,stwy
of the
of tke Victoria
Vdctoria Memorial,
Memorial,, edited by D. C. C. Ganguli.
Ganguli.

(g) K. P.
(g) P. Mitra's article 'Anglo-Nepalese
Mitra's article Relatians in
'Angi,o-Nepalese Relations in the
the
last
laat decade
d,ecad,e of the Eighteenth
Eighteenth Century' Proceedings of
Centurg' in Proceedings of
theIndian
the fndianHistorical
HistoricalRecords
RecordsCommission,
Commi-"sion, Vol.
Vol.
XVIII.
(h) S. C. Sarkar's article
(h) article 'Some
'Some notes on the Intercourse
notes oru Intercourse ofof
wtth Northern Countrtes, i,n the Seconil Eal,f of
Bengal with Northern Countries, in the Second Half of
l8tk Century'
the 18th Century'in Proceedings of
in the Proceedings Meetings of
of Meetingo of the
Historical
Historical Records Commission. Vol. XIII,
Commission. Vol. XIII, 1932.
1932.

(i) S. C. Sarkar's article

(i) artiole 'The
'The Nepal
Nepal Frontier in the
?rontier itt, the Second
Seconil,
Half ofofthe 18thCentury'
the18th Century' inin the
theProceedings
Prooeodings of of the
Iudian
Indian History
History Congress,
Congress, 3rd
Srd Session. 1939.
Session. 1939.

(i). K.
(j), K.K.
K. Datta's article 'On
Datta'sarticle 'On Some
SomeUnpublished
Unqtubti,aheit,Record's
Recoril,'s
in JBRS, XXV, Parts 33 and
and 4.
4.
(k) Unpublished
Unpublished papers preserved
preserved in the National Archives
Arohivse
of India
India (New
(New Delhi).
Delhi).

(ll Political
Politiaal Consultations,
Consuhatbn*, 1790-1800.
1790-1800.

(2\ Secret Conaullationa, 1775-1800.

Scaret Consultations, 177 6-1800.

(3) Select
Belcct Committee Proceeilin4t, 1756-74.
Conmitlu Proceedings, 1756-71.

($ Public
Publio Proceedings,
Proouilin4s,

(5'1 Le$ere
Letters lo
to aail
and from
from the
llw Court
Court of Direolorc etc.
of Directors etc.
Home Miscellaneous
Eonw Miscolb,neoue and,and Public
Publia Series.
Beriee.

(\ Unpublished
angublkhd papera in tlu
papersin U .P.
the U. P.Government
GoocrnncntRecords.
Recoril*
Ofice at
Office at Allahahad (Ohiefly related
Allalahad (Chiefly to Abdul
related to Abdul Kadir's
Kodir'e
Misrion of 1796).
Mission 1796).
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
I
i

t
I
 CONTENTS
CONTENTS

Foreword
Preface
Prefoco
Abbroviationr
Abbreviations
Bibliography

Chapter
Chaptor II The
ThoBackground
Background 1I
II Founding
II Founding of Gorkha State
Gorkha Stats 29
III Kingdoms
III Kingdome of of th€
the Sena Dynasty ...
SeD& Dynssty 58
56
lv Prithvinaroyan Shah's
1V Prithvinarayan EarlyCareer
Shah'sEarly Careor 88
v Battle
V BottloofofSirhanchok
Sirhanchok 129
IS PrithvinaraynDefeats
VI Prithvinarayn Defeatsthe British
tho British 182
t82
vrt End
VII Endofofthe
thoMalla Dynasty
Malla Dynasty ... 198
YIII Relation
VIII withthe
Relationwith theChaubisi
Chaubisi1770-1774
1770-1774 225
IX End Eod of Ptitbvinarayona's Career
of Prithvinarayana's Careor 247
rx(A) Pratapsimha
IX(A) Protepsimha 271
271
x Baby
X Kiogand
BabyKing andRegency
Regency •••• 285
285
x(a) Regent
X(A) RegentBahadur's
Bahadur'e Six Yearl
Six Years 320
Pt XI Bahadur's
XI PolicyTowards
Behadur'sPolicy Towarde Palpa
Palpa
and
aud Conquest
Conquest of Kumaon
Kumaon •• • 333
XII Nepal
XII Nopaland itsNeighbours
andits Neigbbours 371
XIII The First Gorkha-Tibst War ••••
XIII The First Gorkha-Tibet War 425
425
xIv Anglo-Nepalese
XIV Relations(U77-l?89)
Anglo-Nopalese Roletious (1777-1789) 520
520
xv Two
XV Two British
British Missions
Migsions 523
623
IP xvr SixSixYears
XVI YearsofofRana
RanaBahadur
Bahsdur as
ae
Ruliog King
Ruling 564
684

Appondir iGenealogy
Appendix Gonoalogy of Prithvinarayen Saha
ofPrithvinarayan Saha 603
The
Tho Pande
Pende Fomily
Family 606
The Barnet
Baenot Family
f,'amily ••• 607
Bhimsen
Bhimeen Thapa
Thapo 607
Ahiram Kurr
Ahiram Kuar 608
Anar Simba
Amar Simha Thapa 608
fndox
Index•-• ••• Incro;rorated in
Incroporated Vol. II
in Yol. II
1

I
 CHAPTER I
THE BACKGROUND
I. EARLY HISTORY OF THE BAISI AND CHAUBISI
The Baisi
In rhe l4th century several ruliog families and collarcrah
of Rajputaoa wet€ torced to l€ave hcme and takc sholter itr
th€ hilly areas of what is now called West Nepal. For
some time they were €ngaged to rehabilitate thcmselvcs and
gradually they settled down but in coutse ot anothcr frfty
years they oust€d one by one the native iohabitants of the placc
from all positions of vaotag€, aud itr tbat procesg were born
the two sets of principalities vaguely numbering 22 and 24t.
later known as the Baisi and Chaubisi. The Baisi occupied
roughly the areas west o[ the River Narayani right up to the
River Mabakali. The Chaubisi covered the eastertr region up
to the River Darraudi, some fifty miles west ot Kathmaodu.
Later as Gorkha became a principality on its own thc
boundary line shifted to thc river Trisulir about eight€en miles
closer to the Nepal Valley. It may be recouoted herc that tbese
divisions did not mark any conootatioo ot alliaoce or political
appellations. These represeDt only geographical groupiog taking tho
upper line of GaDdak as the startitrg point. To take an instanco
of the loose character of the grouping, it so happened that in
ordinary count most of them escaped notice atrd proper demarca-
tion was difficult, The cause was, of course, the immetrsity of tbe
problem-too many small states over a limited area and also tho
fact that the border principalitios particularly Piuthan, Khuogri and
Bhingril that tay in between the two territories had an unasceltain-
ed location, and also in practice shifred froE ooe side to the
other.

I lo HaEiltoD's coumeratiotr these two ar. ioctuded io the Brisi.

2 MoDERN NBPAL

To begin wilh rhe Baisi, first of all let us note that the number
of states migbt not be exactly 22, and the naEe of the historically
&nown group as tbe Baisi coDnotes only a vague geaeralisation, as
iB the case with its counterpart towards the east. We have attach-
ed herewith a table for eacb of tle two groups to give an instance
of how names and numerical strength differed IroD oDe list to
anotbef. On a map spread from west to east the location of thesg
22 principalities will appeat like the following. It will appear
lhat lhey were situated between the rivers Mahakali aod piutban
shosc boundary touched palpa, an important Eember ot the
Chrubiai.
To note the priDcipalities :
(l) Junla in the extreme trorth-west with a large territory
expatrdiDg in parallel directioo in tbe north as well as
to the east;
(2) Doti in the extreme west, south of Jumla covering the
middle raDges ot that part of the eub.Himalayan rcgion;
(3) Bajhang in the. north.east of Doti; this touched the
Tibetan State near the lake Manasarovara;
(4) Achham south-east of Doti at the same altitude 3
(5) Tballara (of tbe preseDt rime witbin the Doti divisioo)
just north of Dandeldhura, its beadquarter3 tbe area is
situated between Bajhang and Doti ;
(6) Dailekb further east of Doti;
(7) Jajarkot, sourb-easr of Dailekhl the (6) and (7) occupied
sreas iust below Jumla;
(8) Bamphi now irside the Salliana district at the eastern
extremity :
(9) Dang Deokhuri, south of Salliana, occupying also a
portion of the Terai as far as Tulsipur (now in Gonda
District of the Indian province of U. p.) ;
(10) Phalabhang, north-east of Dang at;the Upper region; at
tbe moDeDt this occupies the eastern portion of tbe
diltrict of Salliana and is tbe seat of the Raja of
Salliana;
(ll) Roalpa, Dortb of Salliana;
(12) Rukumkot, fdrther east of Salliana I
 THE BACKGROUND 3

(13) Musikot now probably withio the Jajarkot Raj, which

has merged its-idcDtity;
(14) Khungrikot on the border of tbo present Piuthan District
and
(15) Bhingrigaon further iouth. The last three also figute
in the list ot the Baisis given by Hamilton. These werc
ruled by Chandela chiefs. Tbe last o[ the Baisis touched
Piuthan and lvlalaibam ot the Chaubisi group.
(16) Jabari lies to the soutb-west ot Piuthatr;
(17) Chhilli, south-east ot Dang l
( l8) Malnetta ;
(19) Kalagaon;
(20) Gutum:
(21) Goriakot l
(22) Gajur, the last tDur accordiog to Hamilton constituted
Sattala with three more as per list of Kirkpattick
uanamed io some and unidentified i! others.r
Contrary to what hb beatd in Kathmandu theo, Hsmilton thinks
that Galkot and Malaibam should be included in this list. Tho
8tates from No. 15 above onwards could not be traced in the latest
nrap of Nepal. It is possible that these wer6 totally forgotten by
the time the map was drawn as they gradually came to be depopula-
ted on account o[ tb€ exodus alter tho disappearance of thc local
ruling chiefaains, or owing to the same factor they wers totally
merged in ooe or other states each to lose its separate.ideutity.
We give the table ot the Baisi states as per lists of different
individuals who collected the data, and of the cbronicle, at page 4,
For tbe description of these states oul principal authority of
information is Hamilton who in 1802 made aa extensive survey
ot the geoealogies of states within tbe Kingdom of Nepal, -'hile
he was in the capital. Tbe value ot his account is heightened all
the more because of the fact tbat he tried to make it as thorough
as could be possible on the circunstances in his pressntation,

? Gutum and Gajur along with Khumii bavc b.cn includcd iq thc list of
Chaubisis by ao aoonymous writer of the lTth c.ltury (ltihos Prukot, ll, 3.
pp. 586-87),
 4 MODERN NEPAL

aQa
8P
OF E3 .iig 8_
888 888
.id r' r': ..i ci."'
d
g-
E
Za
6g o-9 s
E..q ;
a,l di z F o ooo =nr o diE ii

;.-! ?
96
.:i.9
nE:c:-
: : :
r F-Eis .-EE3 g =.i=-l.
E.?
-
P.?.s E l!- t
;op sd;; t ooiidi
o-EEd - O d a:.=
>g.E v.9 o o' *.c o;

6^ ii-
d3 E
L= 9

oE
F
s5E if3g5i5 f E E..)
E:{S
sIi
! B
:^ 9?.
j.9 o-c *a -.c
J EE I:5 *5 s.iE
o
5'- d
'i()I *<tr > r.g> ;a xE^ 3y!r(,

5 f O.

o E
t Es-;!lt:_
o*;EiEgc !e*
e
B

E
'e;
;gEgE B sEiE3lEI*ff* x $ss
'e
o gr.:r.: eEs
.Etg'E=
iia .o
-- E qo
E EEEa
zt ETS'FS; E#EE5 iic o! > ola}lo F
 T}IB BACEGROUND 5

aDd correcred all what Kirkpatrick in l79l had failed to grasp

and produced out of misundcrstanding.
Jumla was tbe biggest principality in the west both in poiot
of territory aDd status and at the time we deal with this was the
most important stat€ lor the whole of the region thea occupied
by both the groups. Hamilton's authority ioformed him that
its suzerainty was acknowledged by the entire group of ststes up
to the river Marsyan3di.r The Gorkhavamsavali whlle trying ro
give that honour to Gorkha cannot but put Jumla on a footing
equal to that couotry. According to Hamilton the ruling dynasty
of Jumla was the only pure Rajput family to have migrated to
th€ hills. The first €migrant of this family arrived in Jumla
some five hutrdred y€ars ago, He belonged to the dynasty of
thc Sun.
In tbe begiDoing Jumla included also those tetritories now
forming parts of Kumaon in the east atrd north-east as well a
part of west Tibet around the preseDt Manasarovar. Towards
lhe later stage not only Kumaon portions were lost, but Doti,
Jaiarkot and Bajhang-all tributaries asse.ted independence and
also made repeated encroachmeots at the cost of Jumla, for
which reason it was reduced to a comparstively smaller position.
But Jumla's jurisdiction over the portioo of west Tibet was
maintaioed tbroughout its career as a separate entity. The last
ruler ot Jumla who fled the county after a hard fight against
the Gorkhalis was Sobhan Sahi. It was said that for some time
Sobhan Sahi operated from his part of the Kingdom beyond the
Himalayas before he was compelled to retrea! to Lhasa for
asylum.
lo dealing wirh the Baisi and Chaubisi we shall avoid details
and also tbe description ot less important principalities. Io

3 S.e Hamilton, p.283. Hc wrote. '.Wc may safely, howcver, coacludc,

that his superiority was acknowledgcd cverywhcte betBceo the Kali rivcr aod
Nepal. His authority, however, was still morc limited thao that of tho latE
Ceesars of Germaoy, his rubjects f.cqueBtly levyiog war, not oEly agaiolt
c.ch other, but agri[st thcis sovcrcigo; oor sras thare atry ass.6bly of ltatcs
from whicb he coirld obtaio alsiltsDcc agsitst a com(oou c8rEy.,'
6 MODERN MPAL

accordance with what ha8 been suggestcd the narrative will bc as

bricf as possible, and we have also intended only to emphasi8e
eveots as far asthey relate to the. later bistory of Gorkha ir its
expansive activities, We bave already narrated tbe account of the
ancietrt past of the region comprising the territories of those
lwentytwo States now koown as the Karnali Pradesh. The present
description cov€rs the period since the 15th ceotuty A. D. The
Rajput settlers had been perDanently posted as our history started.
Soit becomes the history ot the principaliries founded by Rajput
settlers.
Wecall the period immediately following rhe l4th century tbe
Post-Malla period. Two outstanding names appear from lhe data
of certain copper plate inscriptions receotly discovered, which aro
variously dated Saka 1315, 1320, 1326. These names are Balirai
who styles bimself as Maharajadbiraj and.Medini Varma who also
adopts a title of that type. Two of these copper plates are issued
from Srimat Sinla (bhidhana) nagars. According to the chronicle
of the Kalyalsabi family, Baliraj is rhe 60rh in the line, and he was
born in Jumla, his parents having gone there from Raiputana. Bati-
rai obtained a small principality to rule irom the Raja of Jumla.
Possibly Baliraj rose to become the ruler of Jumla after overthrow-
ing tbe original ruliog fanrily of Jumla. It aopears from the
chronicle that Baliraj's dynasty continued to rule over Juorla till it
was overthrown by tbe Gorkha ruler. Batsaraj about whom we
have written more below is put at his soD. Salio Sahi came seven
generations after. Baliraj and Medini Varma are joint signatories to
a state decre€ issued through a copper plate dated Saka 1326 from
Jumla Swarna Gramanagara (the present Sunaragoan).a Arother
name which, however, belongs to a differeut place and south of
Jumla, is that of Mabaraiadhiraj Sansar Varma who addresses in a
tAmrapatra (date Saka 1318)*t tbe adhikaries, Karkis, and Tbapac
and Rokayas of Bhukha to ioform that be has freed some lamilies
in that localiry of all tbe 36 kinds ot taxes, duties, 6nes, etct the
wianess represented constitutes as in previous itrscriptions the saEe

4 Thic vill.Sc is oo the s,ay to Jrisrkot froe Sioia. Irir,c, Ptokot lL ii,
pp. 10G09.
 TIIB EACtrGROI]ND 7

Dharma and Sangha along Bhuml the mother Barth. This suggects
lbat up tilt Dow Buddhism was resPected in some ParB of the
coutrtry, Bhukha is in Dullu, the Durlatrghyapur of thc inscrip
tions. But a questioD tlow comes as to the identity of the luler-
'Wae Saosar Varma-indepeodent ot Jumla? or he hapPened to bc
one itr the line oI Medini VarEa? Sioce this time Jumla was being
tnown as faveswardesa.
Two inssriptions in copper platc itrcorporatiog the decre€ of a
ruler mentioning fumla occut again itr bonosction with Batsatai
Naregvara. These have the same date S,aka 1372. The decree ic
addr€ssed to thc authoritiee of upper and lower fumla, (upri Jumla,
tali Jumla) the Karki Mahatara, Rokaya, Budharana, Thapa to
protect the gratrt of a freehold to gome Brahmana-we have as tho
q,itness Budha dharma, Saiva dharma, etc. in cootiEuity of lhc
iraditional usage.
Dullu and Dailekh, areas iust south ot rumla' scem to have
separated from the direct jurisdiction of Jumla siDce the middle of
the l6th century. Achbam, west of Dailekh, has its own King at
about the same time. Each of them addresses himselt as thc Maba-
rajadhiraj. Although Dullu's ruler called himself Raskoti, both
Dullu and Dailekh seem to belong to a common stock of ances'
lors, In tbe Raskoti chronicle, the two soos of Ant8ri Malaibam
are giveo each Dullu and Dailekh respectively. In a tamrapatra
obtained recently Saimalsahi ot the Raskoti family and Kalyalraia
Maharajadhirai Vikram Shah pledge iD the year Saka l54Z (162z0
A,D.) Bhadrapada Krishna 9 to stand together itr woal or woe.
They had pltdged not only to live tog€ther in peace but also to
meet the challenge of an enemy with a combioed strength of both'
The former got additiooat territory by favours of the latter. It is
6aid that these two rulers were cousins, sons of brotber aod sister'5
About this tims lhe society of tho place also underwent a furthet
metamorphosis, and Buddbism in any form disappeared for good.
This is reflected in the lamrapatras (copPer plates) ot thc.day, which
make tro Eore obeisance to the Buddhist trioity as was the practice

5 Tucci: The Mallas, tha Discovery.

E IIODERN NEPAL

.8rliet. It is probablc rhst Salim Sahi wbo iE the Kiog reterred to

in a copper plate grant (of Sala f5l3=1591 A.D.) rtarted a ocw
chapter itr tbe history of Balirai's dyDasty, The capital from which
lhe decree was issued is no longer Semia. It is oow Chhinasim
qualified by Rajaothan. Tbe ruler's name is spelt in differetrt ways
in diEerent records. He is Mukti Sabi Salimsahi or Sailam Sahi.
For atrother two hundred years the dynasty of Sailam Sahi ruled
over Jumla. Tbere are some important names of this dynasty. Otre
such name Krishna Sahi in tho middle ot the 18th century is metr-
tiosed in Tibetan chronicles to have seDt a trade mission to Lhasa.
The decrees ot tbcse rulers bear the stamp with Sri Bailrinatho
Iayati' Sri Mukitinatho layali.
The reference to Badrinath is probably to suggest fumla's hege-
mony over Garhwal and Kumaoo at one tim6 io the past. Similarly
the adoption of invocalioD to Muktinath implied control of Jumla
over MustaDg. Krishna Sahi's name is not trac€d in tbe cbrono-
logy of the family. But he has a copper plate inscription of the
ycar Saka 1704'(1882) with the same invocation. The invocation
to Badrina(h and MuktiDath appears for the first time in copper
plates sinco the tiBe of Surath Sbah (date Saka 1646 masa 4 etc.).
Tbis was probably reassertiotr of old claims.
We close this.chapter with a translation of a relevant portion ot
a copper plate inscriptioo ot the Kalyal Raja Sudarsan Shah. Tbis
inscription commemoratcs the building of the royal palace belong-
ing to him between Saka 1667-1673. From this we obtain an idea
of how wages and prices obtaioed in tbat part of Nepal in the 17th
ceDtury.
.'The King came, with whom as bodyguards also came Khasas
and Brahmans of the 22 Sub-districts (Maujas). A big wooden pole
was erected as a victory pillar. Some expert ofncers were directed
to decorat€ and embellish the pillar. The total expenses required
to meet the construction of the palace was what was paid to difter-
ent groups of workers, e.g. Rs. 6,000/,- tor the Kbasas; Rs. 3,000/-
for the Jadyas (Bhotias).......,.25 masons were employed to lay the
bricks, 40 meo were to lift stone pieces from the mines and about

6 hihos Ptakas, II, i, pp, t35-37.

 THE BACTGROI'ND I
a thousand labourerg wcrc to cary ttodet atrd timbcte and rondcr
similar dutie8 without receiving any wagco. The heads of labour
gatrgs were to receive 7 rupees each, and all of thcm were paid
Rs. 140/.- plus 52 (ThEn) cloths. Th€ mason$ wotking on earth
and clay were paid in total Rs. 800/- and each above Rs.44/; plus
15 X20 pieces of clotbs. Those who were not paid wages obtained
in all Rs. 1400 plus 260 blaolets, 140 sbeep,........,
"Two bundred Brahmans who performed thc sacrificial cere'
mony were awarded Rs.200 plus 32 than cloths worth R8.69/,- plus
9 items of tur colour€d pieces oI clotb worth Rs. 15/,' a colt priced
Rs. l0/,- in addition to 6X28| pouods ot Gbee, 16 blankets, 32
shcep-paddy worth Rs.44, banners afld flags of l0 then pieces ot
cloths &nd cochin costing Rs. 50/,-. Rings and bangles priced from
i.s. l8 to Rs.200,4 borses.and l5 colts were given as special gifts
to experienced brick masoos, the carpetrter's share was Rs. 22 plus
9 than clotbs. Tbe overall charge for the building was Rs. 7500
and 84 maunds of iron."t
II
More obout the Baisi
Having presented tlre anci€ot and medicval history of the Kar'
nali basin, we row proceed to make a passing teterence to some of
the comparatively importatrt states of the Baisi and Chaubisi,
which will include lhe accoutrt ot Palpa, Lamjung and Gorkha up
till the rise of Prithvinarayan Shah.
(1) Our accoutrt begins with Doti, the State occupying an area
on tbe basin of the Kali and its Iributaries at the western extremity
of the Baisi region. Doti's lineage was like that of Jumla derived
from Salivahana and from Asanti, and Vasanti according to Hamil-
ton. The forty-first name is that of Krishoa Shah whose son Dip
Shah lost bis kingdom to the Gorkha ruler.
(2) Saliana is another important state. Accordiog to Hamilton
its ruler was not of a pure Kshatriya family. But he claimed to
be a SuryavaDsi prince from Rajputaoa. The last ruler Ranabhim

1 lbi.t, pp, 148-149,

t0 MODBRN MPAL

.Sbah married a daughtet of Prithvioarayan Shah, atrd accepted

Gorkba guzerainty itr the next reign by conctuding a treaty of
subsidiary alliance, A considerable portion of Daog was attach€d
to Salliana by Bahadur Shab as a dowry to his sister. The original
pritrcipaliry is still known as Phalabang.
(3) The tbird importast uDit is that of Dang aod Deokburi,
situated south of Salliaoa. The ruler belonged to Samal claD of
Rajputs. Tbe territory was not as largc as tbat of Salliaoa, but
from parts of Bhitri Madesh (inner Terai) fallen to its Bhare, DaDg
derived a larger revenue. DaDg's last rulcr aecordinE to Hamiltoo
was known as Nawab Singha. The Terai laodc were beld as a
-Zemindari under the Nawab of Oudh.
(4) Cbbilli, slother member ol tba 22, coDfederacy, lying to-
wards the €ast, otr the 6ame altitude and locatiotr, was rul€d by a
member of the Datrg family. Chhilli eDioyed territories also
,io Terai.
(5) Dullu-Dailekh wlth its capital at Bilaspur had a Khasa
chief (Hamilton, 'p. 2S1). lrhe last Raja incoDvenienced the
advancing Gorkhalis by frequent loots, and was put to death.
Rukum, Musikot and Jajarkot were in the middle regiotr
hetween Malaibam and Jumla in tbe trorth. Bamphi was to lhe
South of Jajarkot. Hamilton locates Gajur, Darna aod Jahari
in lhis region. A chronicle provided to me by the presetrt Raia
ot Salliana has tbe same genealogy as that ot the Nepal Valley
and this is true of all the periods for the lime dowr to
Harasimhadeva. It then separates the dynasty and traces the
origin of the Salliana Raja to the fourth successor ot the
above mentioned ruler, who s/as then ruling over tbe Terai,
tile other progeny having bcen ruling over the Nepal Valley.
One of the descendaDts of the stock ruling over the Terai went
ro Udaipur. There they ruled for several generations. Tben
came the Muslim invasion, wbicb compelled the ruliug family
to seek refuge itr the Himalayatr hills, Vikfam Sinba Sahadeva,
sucb was tho oame of tho cmigrant, fouoded a principality,
which two geseratioDs later itr the time of Maharajadhiraj Tula
Siogha Shah came to be known a8 the Salliana Raja. His son
 THB AACKGRO(ND lt
Sri Krirhna Sbah was a contemporarary of prithvinarayana
Shab and it is said rhat he rendered a great help to the laltcr
in his siege of Kirtipur. Prithvinarayana was so obliged that
he gave bis daughter in marriagc to Sri Krishna Shah's son.
Having dealt with the importaDt principalities situated in
the extreme west let us trow take up tle narrative about (6)
the state of PiuthaD which touched the Baisi at its easterD
exlremity. Piuthan lras a confused place in the comity. It wag
placed either ways with the Cbaubisi and Baisi. We havc
already said that its ruler claimed to have come of a Chandela
Iamily.
He controlled a pottion of the Terai called the Tuppa of
Sheoraj. For a tong time it was regardcd as an important
principality. Tavernier notes a feud over Sheoraj raging
between Piuthan and Palpa. Hamiltoo says that piuthan paid
tevenue for rbis holdiog to tbe Nawab Vazir through the Raia
of Bansi. Motichaodra, the last ruler, fled without a struggle
before the marchiog Gorkha troops reached lhe border of
PiuthaD. The ruler aod bis sotr took shelter in Ramnagar.
Moticband has two documents of laod grant of ZS .lg35 and
Saka 1702 respectively published in Eitihasikapatrasamgraha llr.
pp 9l-92. (7) Malaibam lay to the noth of piuthan atrd
stretched at that latitude from east to west to touch Kaski and
Jumla respectively aloDg tbe stretch o[ the snow lines of the
Hioalayas, Dhawalagiri and west.
Tbe Raja claimed Samal origio. Hamilton says that he
heard that he was born of a Bhotia woman by a Gautamia
Brahman father. Hamilton r€fuses to believe that Dimba Ra.ia,
the Erst ruler of the family, beloDged ro the Gautam Raia
Brunch of tbe Rajputana settlers. Dimba was a Brahman wbo
bad married the daughter of a Bbotia chief. The nert ruler
Nagabamba €xhibited his exploits ar wrestliog and was awatd€d
a Khilla, by the Emperor of Delbi, Malaibam fought Jumta
on various occasions, ard it is said tbat he had blood
relationship with the Khaea Mallas ot Siola. Since hie time
th€ PriBcipality camc to be called after his namc. The last
ruler Kirtiham wbo was very unpopular with his subjccts
12 MODERN NEPAL

yacated bis tbroDe' when aatackcd by Damodar Pander aod

crcaped to Balrampur in British India. At thc tim€ of Malaibam
Malla the second in about the l6th century, the country began
to be called Malaibam ; otherwise it was known ts Parbat till
tb€D. ThiB priDcipality had under its jurisdiction the area
kaown as Bagling, tbe whole of the upper reaches of the
rivers which are the Gandak's tributaries io the west and
beyond upto TiDglibhot (inclusive ) ; the latter stretcbed upto
the lact range of snowy mouDtains. Hamiltoo suggested that the
Chiefs of Golkot, Jajarkot, Musikot, Jahari, Bomphi, Rugam
ard Sallyana were collaterals of Malaibam.
The letters Ehich enlighten us about lhe military campaigns
of Prtbvinarayana aod bis successors help us io locatiog the
capitals of tbe differeot principalities in the Chaubisi and the
Baisi rcgions. As the prominent states are easily identifled, we
shall also refer to obscure names. A letter of Prthvinarayana
Shah writtcn to Mahaota Bhagvantanatha of Sallyana meotions
principalities, to wbich messengers were sent on a goodwill
mission. Such principalities are Jumla, Jaiarkot, Sallyanal
Piuthan, Dang, Kaski and Parbat. More states come for
mention in some other letterc (ltihasaprakasa, l. pp. 15t-53)
Among tbese are Palpa, Ridi, Ghiring, RisiDg, Bhirkot, Gulmi,
Golkot and Musikot. Yet one moro state Mallahi is to our
view from otre of Prthvinarayana's lotters.r We had
corfusion about Satatala in the Baisi region and Hamilto0 in
bis ignorance had suggested that it meant a group of more
than one principalities. One of Rana Bahadur's letters cleats
the point in lhis regard as in some others. The letter
(published in Himoval Sanskriti. t. 3, p. 13) was written by
Rara Bahadur to tbe commander of the west region talks of
changes made in the Mititary command and Admilistralion
tberein. The followiug capitals of former states are meotioned,
Doti, Darna, Achham, Dullu, Gotam, Bamphi, Jajarkot, Bajura,
Bajhang, Cbhani, (Perhaps the same Acbbam of Hamiltotr)
Thalara, Suni Talkot, Satalo, and Jumla. A principality ot

. Lctt.r to Kalu Pandc dat€d 1829. PhalSuDa sudi 3 roi 4

 TgE EACKGROT'ND r3

Datga is mentioncd but it wa8 anncled to a biggar unit of Doti

Dearby. Add to thesc are added Sallyaaa' Dang, ChhiUL
Rukum, Dullu, Darna, Gajur and Malneta. Dang as a separalc
€tat6 is metrtion€d in a letter setrt by Prthvinarayana Sbah, a copy
of which io preserved in lbc Foreign ofticer. Chhilli to thc south
w€st of modertr Sallyana wqs allowed to be anBexed by thc
Iatter while the Gorkhalis had matcbed on the region. We bavo
several lcfters on the subiect of Cbilli written by the Rsia to thc
King of Nepal. More stat€s fgure in the corespondencc..
Some of thesa 6tates 6gure in the account of tbe advsnce ol the
Gorkbali army.
Both Phalabang and Sallyana were ruled by diftereot rulers.
Phalabarg had cooperated with the Gorkhalis and thc Raja
became tbe ruler in the other principality aftes their victory. Io
tbe iime of PrthvinarayaDa Shah Phalabang rooe to rule over a
larger entity before Gorkha caEe itrto the scene. Dartra had
acknowledged Doti's suzerainty. It stood all alone s,hile Doti
was liquidated by Gorkha invasion. Jehari is another principali-
ty owing allegiance to Jumla but with an individual axistetrcc.
Tb€ states minus Phalabang and Darna Eight NuEbcr 22" But
v,/e must be cautious about deletiog statcs oD hearsay cvidenco.
Probably the numb€r bas to be sacrificed before docuocntsry
€videoce. Howevcr, on rough count there wero twentytwo 0tates.
However, all states to the Wert of the smaller Bheri river
flowing through Piuthan came into the Baisi, wbile thoso to (he
East including Piutban belonged to what we call the Chaubisi area.
The id€Dtity ot the Cbaubisi Btates is comparatively easily
establisbed because up till now the names of tbe clates arc retaiDcd
and tbere are documentary evidences in the various letteB
written itr course of time the fateful dayi of tho cotrquest oI
these states by PrthvinarayaBa Sheh of Gorkha. It should ba
marked here that Gorkha its€lf was not included itr the coum€ra-
tion of the Chaubisi,
I do not rhiDk that what Hamilton heard of federatod prioci-
paliries is correct, The ruler often combined agaiost a colrEotr

' Letter to Kalu Patrdc datcd lA79 Pholgano tudi 3 toi 4.

l4 MODERN NEPAL

enemy, but tbe idea of a federation sas far from tbeir mind and
at6o tbe deDomiralion of common enemy changed.
In the pres€nt map Palpa is noted as a district beadquarter
ot the Magistrate who tuled over 2 or 3 such developmentat
units. Musikot, Paiyn, Isma, Galkot, Argha, Khanchi, Gulmi,
Dburkot, Parbat occupied the upper Gandak reaches on both
sides Noakot, Rising, Ghirings Bhirkot and Dhor are placed in the
tow€r mouDtainous reacbes of the river Kali aDd Seti GsndaLis.
lfhcy lie on the Doab of tbe riverr Kali Gandak and Seti. Kaski
loday is also a developBent district in the c€trtral extensivc valtey
ot the Seti with the Madi river as the eastern bouodary, While
LamiuDg and Tanhou arc situared far tbc east oo thc basin of
tbe river Marsyatrgdi, the former expanding to the south to coy€r
a stretch of territory in the low land, while the latter exteDded to
the Himalayas. Piuthan sometiDe taketr as a priDcipaliay of the
Baisi might belong to tbe Chaubisi it the mountain tributary ot
the river Rapti 8o kDown in the low land wa8 a boundary between
them in Geographic cotrtest.
Hcrc we have only 19 principalities, Iocluding Gorkha, the
li6t mighr contain 20. Four states are missing. But tb€(e might
be states North and Northeas! of PiuthaD and as a substitute
of oDe or another bigger unit such as Palpa, Tanhou aud
Lamiung or Parbat. Probably the two branches of tbe Palpa
family in Vinayakpur and Rajpur could be couDted as two
members. But the probability is that more stat€s on the North-
west of the Chaubisis existed so that there were still 24 of them
in the time while Prlhvinarayana and atrcestors were ruliDg in
Gorkha.
A chronicler of the Samal family has Deochandra as the first
member of this dynasty, who was awarded this ritle by bis
grandfather, the King of Jumla. This Deochandra started his
rule over a part of Jumla called Achhem as his domaio. His
Dirth successor had two sons, oDe of whom ruled AcbhaE
and another went to Gotam and carved out a priocipality fot
himself. From Gotam the dynasty branched further, one stayiog
tbere and the other going to Rukum. Then more members of
this family claimed Jaiarkot, Darna and Galkot.
 TIIB BACKGF,OUND l5
Anothet cbronicle has Gorkhar Dburkot, and Bajhang in place
ot Gotum, Rugum aod Bhingrikot. It seems that the list exclud-
ing Gorkha was prepared betore Gorkha came into existence as
a separate state. But all the later notirgs have Gotkha io the lisr.
As Baibang is still existing as a principality, it surely formed a
member of tho Baisi.
Ambika Prasad'g ,History ot Nepal' has Khuprikot and Bhin-
grikot in place of Hamilton's Gorkha and Tarki.
According to Hamilton's informatiotr the members of the Chau.
bisi tcderated severally iDto groups as follows :
(a) (l) Palpa, (2) Noakon (3) Rising, (4) Ghiriag, (5).
Argha' (6) Khachi and (7) Gulmi led by Palpa. Rieing
did not exist lor more tban 50 yeass and was also Iar in
distanco lowards Tanhou; eimilarlyr Noakot was absor-
bed in Palp8.
(b) (8) Bhirkot, (9)Garahaog, (10) poiun, (u) Nayakot
(Nawakot) utrder Bhirkot.
(c) (12) Malaibam and (13) Galkot.
(d) (14) Piuthan leading tho combination ol (15) Musikot
and (16) Iama.
(e) (17) Tanhoun, (18) Kaski, (19) Lamiuog, (20) Dbor (21)
SatahuDg led some time by Lamjung and some tiEc by
Tanhoun, (22) Gorkha wae all alone and iodependent of
these. It wa8 even outside th€ Chaubisi for a long tim€.
Hamilton does not heas of Tarki nor there was a sepa-
rate principality at Pokhra (Vansittart). He also places
Dang and Jhilli or Chbilli of Kirkpatrick,s list in the
Baisi table.
Deorali and Kailkho of Vansittart do not also seem to be sepa-
rate principalities. To make tbe number ?4 we have rath€r to in.
clude Mackwanpur and Chaudaodi, the two divisions of Lohanga,s
originate kingdom in the Terai. Butwal a8 will appear frorn rhe
following accounts remained distinct from Palpa only for a genera-
tion and so was Bever couoted as a Chaubisi.
ln lhe Dsstur. ul- Amal-mushtamil. ber Dastrur-i-Bailshaha.i.
 16 UODERN NEPAL

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6.
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 TIIB EACKGROIJ!{D fi'
tlind (Dastur-shahrumd and shagurt namd-i-welayafr' a Persian
MSro in the patna Oriental Public Library, Prof. Askari traces re-
ferences about Nepal in the culreot account of political and eco-
nomic condition of lndia (on folios 22a-28a). The author of the
Ms, who does not give his name but who belongs to Patna finishes
his account in 1831 (1248 A.H.), and it is generally agreed that
much of ttre information he provides should.not be dismissed as
something vague and inaccurate. He gives a list of the chaubisi2
whice can be of some interest to us.
L Jumla (the Raja most excellent, with his capital in Chiqna'
chin, he is now in Lhasa-a portion of it falls in Bnot).
II. SirJdhinarsinha of Kaski, 145 kos from Kantipur and adjoin'
ing Malaibum.
Iil. Gorkha, the Victor who established his sway over the
whole of Nepal.
lV. Kantipur (24000 houses), Patau (22000 houses) and Bhat-
gaon (18000 Pucca houses).
V. Palpar its Raia Mukund Sen had divided his principality.
The daughter of the Raja Mahadutta is married to Bahadur Shah.
It retained also Butwal.
vI. Malaibum; Tanhou; Makwanpur (with Janakpur); Rajpur-
vtt. Khauchi; Udaipur ruled by the petty Brahman Za,mio'dar
tx. Urghaloo (Argha).
x. Paismana (Paiyun).
xI. Salliana.
XII. Garhan.
XIII. NIusikot.
xlv. Khemiitari (Khidim).
xv. Bhootana (Piuthan).
XVI,
XVII. Ghering.
6 of Tawaluk B3g (extracts)
9 of ltesamuddin of Nadia, who was sent by Shah Alam to London tq
represeot his case (a complete copy).
10 The entire work coosists of 119 foll. lines 18; size of the written portioo
10" x 61", 4 Proceedings of the Historical Recordg Commission, xviii, 1942.
pp. 184-88.
1
n8 MODERN NEPAL

XVIIL Sambharkot.
XIX, Raja Sewansingh (?)
XX. Gulmi.
XXI. Dhor.
XXII.Noakot ruled by Mandhata Shab. This reached KaDti-
pur by a bridge over a river Banasi. GorkhalaDai is a walled city
on Budhi GaDdsk with gates aDd bridges,
XXIII. Lamber Jung (Lamjung).
XXIV. Roogum.
Above a Iew names have been misspelt. Tbe correct spelling
we have given alongside witbin brackets. I.t appears lhat rhe list
has altogether 28 states, and these extend over the eDtire length and
breadth of land between the Mahakati and Metchie. possibly tbese
were the only important principalities wbat were called rlle Baisi and
Chaubisi. The information about Noakot (XXII) is not correo.
According to the document all these states f,rere wiped out by
Ptithvinarayara's successors. The writer gives also the facts of the
last days of the Malla rulers. These tally with the generat descrip.
tion of the events as dra*n by autboritative chronicles.
The ruling families of tbe €ight principalities, Bhirkor, Nuwakot,
Garhos, Dhor, SatahuD, Ca$ki, Lamjung and Gorkha belonged to
oDe stock atrd branched oft from on€ commor ancestor as will ap-
peat from tbe following account The original aocestor had settled
in Lasargba.
We have no nraterials for a detailed bistory of tbese principali-
ties even for tbe 17th and l8th centuries except in a few cases. The
chrooicles provide just a genealogy about each priDcipality and
Dotbing more. The genealogy itselt is Do better than an ordinary
family cbronological chart, which omits all recordable achieye.
ments and incidents. The above account, therefore, is devoid of
bistorical setting aod is useful only to the extent of elumeratiog
political divisions tbat came to be set up in the worst days of
feudal chaoe.
III
Rise of the Gorkha Power
Evidences about the origin of the Gorkha dynasty vary greatly.
 THE BACKGROUND 19

The Nepalese Chronicles (e.g. Wright, p.276 ff\ trace it to one Bhu'
pati Ranaii Rao of Chittor, whose son Fatte Rana had tetused to
give his daughter in marriage to Empetor Akbar and instead cho8e
to meet a glgrio[s end for the tefusal with life. He was killed and
all his territories were ceded to the victot. Cbittor was thus elimi'
nated, but two of Fatte's brothers continued to offer resistance.
They were one Udayambara from Udaipur which he himself foun'
ded and another Manoath from Ujiaitr where he had repaired in
course of the flieht. According to Wright's authority and other
Nepalese chronicles Manmath's son and his grandson, Bhupal
Ranaji entered the ceDtral Himalayan region aud reached Lasargha
near Ridi in Saka 1417 (1495 A.D.) ald pushitrg a little tarther east
catved out a principality, touchiog the river Seti, a tributary of the
tiver Gandak in tbe east to itrclude modern Bhirkot and adioining
areas.
Another source takes the ircident of flight to have taken place
at the time ot Allauddin Khilzi' This is supported by Gorkho
Vamsavali and R, B. Gaurishankar Hari Shankar Ojha (History of,
Udaipur, p. 87). Col. Tod rhinks that the dynasty of Gorkha was
founded by Samarssi Rana." One remarkable fact about thesc
sources is tbat they agree wholly a$ to the Raiput atrcestry of the
family that at a lati:r stage rul€d over Gorkha. But the list b€fore
Bhupala Rao seems to be imaginarY.
Bhupal was not a sovereigu of a viable state. This principality
he handed over io two separate palts to two of bis eons, Khaocha
and Micha, the latler mote commooly known as Michakhan. The
division reduced tbe size of the original state. Accordi[g to some
chronicles their names wete resPectively Harihar Sinha and Ajaya
Sinha. Hamilton (p. 240) tbioks that these are pute Magar deriva-
tives suggestitrg the origin of the names teferred to from the tribe
of the same name. Heoce he cotrcludes that the Gorkha dynasty
has littl€ lo do with Chittor stock. But there seems little truth iD
what Fiamilton says. Nobody catr refuse to accept the lact of im.
migration of settlers from Rajputana. Hariharsinha or Katrcba got
portioD of Magarat (the land of the Magars) in-
Y, "*"rt.
ll Atnals & Antiqritiei ol Raiasthan-
20 MODERN MPAL

cluditrg GarboD, Satahun and Bhirkot (Thes€ were dismember€d at

a.latcr stage, and €ach constituted a self-gov€rDing priDcipality but
all in the hands of Khatrcha's desccndants). Michakhan in his turn
became tbe ruler of Noakot furtber east, It was rhis branch of the
Udaiput dynasty which was destined to play atr importaDt rolc in
futurc. At a later date Caski was added to Noakot and a very able
successor of MichakhaD,'by the name KulamaDdar Shah succ€eded
in overtbrowitrg the powerful Magar chieftains of the Doflh thus
eolarging ths domain of the emigrant Rajputs io that part of the
Himalayae.
Other sources Eu,ch as Goruksadhisa Champu cotrrposed in the
thirties of tho l9th century repeated what tho chrooicles had to say.
Tbere are two nrore works on lhe subject composed in the tim€ of
Rama Sbah sbose reigD is partty documented at lar 8s available
meaerials go. But the treatmeDt is generally sitr,ilar as those ot the
chronicles. Let it be uoderstood tbat by the cbronicles we mean those
whicb are czlled, Bhasa Yamsavali today. According to Baburam
Acbarya one ot them wtitten by ore Shernran Singh ir publi-
shed as 'Gorkha Vamsavali' covering a span of time from lhe so-
called Chittor period up lo the death ot Narabbupala Shah. The
olber also treating thc subject of genealogy in similar lashion
conrposed by Sberman's brother Buddbiman bas the same beginning
but carries the eDd up to lbe Sanrvat 1815, the year of the comple'
tion of bis sritiDg. Most of the chronicles passing as modern ores
are th€ copies ot BuddhimaD's chronicles, depending otr lhe time
they were written. Some have covered events occurring eveo
after VS 1835, The Bir Library has a copy of 6uch a cbronicle.
Also a similar copy has come into my bands.
It appears lhat lbe Chompu described in the earlier paragraph
is the source of all rbe modern chronicles as regards the chaPter
preceding Prthvinarayana. Altbough it deals with events uplo tbe
birth of Surendra Viravikram Shah the treatment is very cursory
and full of mistaken notions aboul Prthvinaralana arrd bis imme'
diate successors. The author seems to be a contemporary of
Bhimsen a Thapa whose praise he siogs but it is hardly credita-
ble that be has wrong information of facts happeniog ill that
 TIIE BACKGROT'ND 2t
period or just earlier to tbat. These mistakes have heen repeated
by the authors of. the BhasaVamsavalis. We have tried to correct
them wherever possible judging in the light of reliable documents.
But thc Champu has an importance of its own in spite of its
mistakes and consequent unreliability as a bistorical document.
Baburam Acharya rightly observes that the Champu is one
Eore attempt at defining the relationship of the ruling house o[
Gorkha with the Sisodiyas. In so doins the authorities has ever
overstepped the mark. Unlike Chitravilasa and the writer ot
GoraksaYamsavali, he has created ore more .imaginary list of
names tracing descent from King Salivahaua who set up Risira-
ia Bhattaraka on the throne of Chittor conferring on him the
title of Ranaji, The Rana was followed by 13 kings on the
lines, and the fourteenth Ayutabam was conquered by the
Muslims (implying that he was a feudatory). This man renounced
the title of Bhattaraka and also Ranaji for bimself and his
progenies but the lSth ruler, Audumbara obtained from the
emperor as a mark of service, the title of iRao., His grandson also
succeeded to please the emperor and was awarded the title of
'Ranaji Rao.,
Tbe story after Bhupati Ranaji has been told in the first few
paragraphs of the present section and we need not repeat it here.
Nor what' followed after hirh we intend to add at this stage
because that has been narrated in the paragraphs following. The
truth or otherwise of events following Bhupal,s entry is discussed
in the next few passages where we deal with Dravya Shah,s
predecessor in Kaski and Lamjung. On the whole the Champu
as its counterparts, the chronicles, might appear is least trust.
worthy and more a Egment of imagination than a historical work.
But I would not categorically reject all such fictions poetic
as Baburam Acharya, one of <iur oldest and learned historians,
has done. I have found both the Champr and cbronicles useful
in a few instances. As we proceed to narrate the events the
reader will know how these have been tested.
We have two other genealogies prepared in the time o[ Rama
Sbah. But these are not eltensive as the others.
.., tr'ODI]RN NIPAI.

ADother genealogical work in verse copied by one Dharanr-

dhara ealled the geoealogy of Gorkha kings was composed in the
tima of Rama Shah. There ar€ 3l starzas, The genealogy is
elaborate aod touches upon the division oI the lamily itr its
stretch from Suryakhan oowatds' who had conquered Khilung.
Rama Shah's is the first reign, which is documented as is shown
by thc maouscript colophous clted in tbe preceding paragraph.
Is his tinre a local poet called Chitravilasa composed the genea'
logy oI Gorkha kingsl' and liDked lheir ancestry to the Sisodiya
dynasty of Chitoro. The man was a court poet of Rama Shah
and he wrote the composition at the iostaoce of his benetacror.
His work stylad 'Rajavamsavali' starts its geooalogy from
Jillaraja'the coDqueror of tbe couotry's tshils' meaning Raiputana.
After giviog certain Dames reproduced in tbe table below Chitra-
vilasa gives Jama Kbana bis son Suryakhao, his son Michakhan,
his soo Vicbitrakhan, tbel hts son Yasobrabma' his son Drabya
Shah followed by his son Puina Shah whose son Rama Shah was
r€igniDg at thc tlme. The 7'strnze getrealogy goes wilhout date
line.r"
Cbitravilasa's genealogy is the foreruouet of every other
genealogy prEpared lor tbe ruliDg house rrl Gorkha.
Accordiog 10 Chitravilsa whitc Kbancba became master o[
Bhirlor (he younger Micha founded the prircipalrty ot Noakot.
The history wo bave trarraled in the earlier pages tallies wholly
with rbe list of 'Gorkha Raja Vamsavali.' But certain Dames ale
different are rlifferently spelt' Yasobrahma becoues Jasabum, and
Lamjung becomes Latariuog. Tnis work also omits to metrtion
Chhetra Strab. Thc genealogy betore Suryakhan mentions his
farher Jailhau who bad settled down io Lasargba. Ttre f,rst
anc€stor mentioned is Ayutbam. Ths intermedrate Berealogy
looks like the one given by Chitravilssa except lhat one name is
cbanged. Manmatha bad left Chitore with his younger son
Jaikban, and entered lhe hills pushing on to Batadarldm which
be made his caPital,

12. I t ihoso pruk as a, ll, P. 57 8,

13. Ibid, pp. 573'75.
 THE BACKGROUND 23

Coming to the latter part of history 'tbe Gorkha royal genealo.

gy' makes one Mitra Shah, son ol Michakhan, the kiog ot KaskL
wbile Bichitra was rulitrg over Latariung, Jasabum was tbe son
of the latter, who had also brought Gorkha under his control.
He was the tather of Drabya Shah whose son Puroa Sbah had
begotacn Rama Shah, the patron of the author.rl
Theee genealogies seem to be the very earliest att€mpt to
Rama Shah give_recognition to Rama Shah's anc€stral connection
with the ruling house of Chittor. The list as we shall observe
again is not genuine and the stories of exits and entry are all fako.
But we must view all such io the light of general eftorts orade by
the Rajas of the hills like Sallyana, Palpa, Tanhou and others to
connect their ancestry with Chittor. I think that Rama Sbah had
initiated the process. By claiming Raiput desceot the Rajas
enhanced tbeir prestige. The temptation was too great to bc
shunned in an environment wh€re the rulers had to deal tvith
people in almost barbaric conditioo. The Rajputs in those dayr
were considered as natural leaders of men. Our rulers had to
impose their leadership by asserting their blue-blood status,
Works ot Benealogy written in the 19th century while Gorkha
became a big kingdom concocted more phantastic stories than
what Chitravilasa and the author ot 'Gorkha genealogy' did.
For example, the 'Goraksadhiso Champu"6 it can be cited and we
know what a phantasy it has woven round the chronology of
Gorkha. This work has not evetr cared to note many fact8
about Prthvinarayana Shah. His socalled 'adveotures' iu the
attack of Noakot are rightly called height ot notrsetrse by Baburam
Acharya, It has given a chronology cootormiog to the wisbes ot
the patron but even there tbe stories recouoted are much exag-
gerated. It is the only poetic work to speak of Akbar's attack
on Chittor, which had forced tbe ruler to flee, and thereafter seek
refuge elsewhere. Wilhout namitrg tbe emperors of Delhi it
gives stories ot obtaioiog titles by the descendants oI the tormcE

t4. lbid., p. 552.

15, I t i hd s o prukasa, 11, Dp. 598.
24 DIODERN NEPAL

Iuler of Chittor. These stories ar6 most absurd. But the treat-
mcDt does not eBd here, There are other incompatible stateDeDtS,
shicb, bosever, Dight trot be repeated.
Ilhink tbat the Udaipur chronicle adopted in Rajyakalpadruma
is tbe inyention of the author. This was there to show that thc
two genealogies agree with each other. I doubt if such a list
ever to be found itr tbe Udaipur genealogy. For one rhitrg tho
Sisodila family is the descdndant of the sotar dynasry while the
Gorlha family is line-solar. For another why should Udaipur
adopt the Gorkha genealogy beginning froor Manmatha and
ending witb Surendra. This is obviously a trick of tbe author
ard his patron to pass the wbole thing as make believe.
The same can be said ot Goraksa Vamsavali. This work has
even lailed to note Chbetra Sbah, who was Rama Shah's brother,
why tbis work and vilasa give fewer names earlier to Manmatba
i8 not erplainable. 'lhe Goraksa Vamwali makes Yasobrahma
as king ofGorkba. Tbis is also contradictory to the traditional
conceptioo. Instead of Krilamandan ae given by other sources, tbis
work makes Milra Shah as fouoder ruler of the principality ot
Kaski and Vichitra as king of Gorkha. All these rulers came
only 3 or 4 generations oarlier to Rama Sirah. Yet a glaritrg
confusion is itrtroduced,

Gorckasc Yamsavali Local Chronicle Udaipur C lrotticle

I J

Manmatha Bbupal Rao (Ridi) Manmath

Jaikhao shifted to Khilutrg Bhupal Khan
Surl ak han Miocbakhan (Noakot) Michakhan
Mincha fagankhan fayantkban
Noakot Suryakhan Suryakhan
Mitra Sbah (Kaski) Sicbakhan Sichakhan
Vichitra (Latarjung) Vichitrakhan Vichitrakhao
Jasabum (Gorkha) Kulamandan Shah Jagdeokhan
Purna Shah Yasobam Shah Kulmandan Shah
Yassobam Shah
Ram Shah Drabra Sbah Drabya Shah
 THE BACKCROUND 25

Raiyakalpadrum Chitra )ilasa Goroksa ChamPu

(CPMDN, 1, p. 242)
4 5 6

lvtanmath MaDmatha Matmatha (Ujiain)

Jainkban Jainkhana Bhupnta (Ridi)
Sooryakhan Sooryakhana Removed to Bhukot
Michakhan Mickakhao Mincha (Noakot)
Vichitra Vicbitrakhan Suryakhan
Yasobhtam Yesobrhman Vicbitra
Drabya Shah Drabya Shah Kutamandan (Kaski)
Purna Shah Yasobam (Lamjuog)
Rama Sbah Dravya Shah (Gorkha)

The chronicles give too many names fol the itrdePendeDt line
of
the
Chittor, wbich is bardly believable. Tbe genealogy, whatever
source catr be oDly fictitious. Aftff tracing the descent to otre
Rishirai Ranaji who was instatletl by Salivahana, tbe chronicler
Dames 34 kings precediog Manmath, before they left Chittor'

Goraksa.aia Wright Udaipur Rajya Chitravilasa

VaEsavali genealogy KalpadruBal6

(a) (b) (c) (d) (.)

Atibum l8- Audumbar afler 6te bcSlng froo ,illrlaja
AbIrBba Rinaji Rana naoes cooc. Vil(raE Jitarria
Audumb.ra 19. Bbattaraka Audumahar (Himaeiros- Atallaraia
Bhattarai :0. Bir Vikram- Rai aBsgrt3) Tutharaia
fiuarai jit Bhatta Rai who camc to viEiliraia
Aiita 21. Jilla Jailla Rai thc hills. Hariraia
22. Alllla Aial Rai His Bon Brabmanikt
AllavuEr 23. AtaI Tutha Rai Jilta Raia Matroatha
Tutha 24. Tutha Aiit
ViEikirai 25. Bimiki Bhamasi Atallaraia
Hariral 26- Hari i\ an- H.ri Tutha
gi BrabrDa BiEikraia

16. CPMDN, I, Pr€face, pP. LXXI, LXX[.

 26 MODERN MPAI,

(a) (b) (c) (d) (e)

Brahroaaika 27. Brahma Matrmath Harirsie
28. BakhaD BrahEaraia
29. MaaoBtba Manoath
30. Iaya
3l, ra88tra
32. Bhoia
33. Bhupati
34. Udaiyabao
atrd
Maomath.

Other Pincipalities
Scattered within an area of 2500 square miles and
occupyitrg
various portioos on the outskirts of palpa and Tanhoun
on tlree
sides were the six principalities of Gulmi, Khanchi,
Argha, Musi-
kot, Dburkot and Isma, Tbe ruler of each claimed Rajput descent
and belonged to olls family. We shall hcar more of these in
connection with rhe advance ot the Gorkha army in 17g0.gg.
We now proceed to d€al nith aoother set oI prircipalities.
Tbese are mostly such ot rbem as occur within tUe originai
luris-
diction of Palpa atrd also comprise areas in the Terai.
Up till here only states that were situated in the valleys aod up-
lauds of the seveo Gandaks have come for notice.
Palpa, wbich was for a long time the most important state of
tbe Chaubisi group deserves to be treated separately.
Very recently Pandit Buddhisagar, Superintcndent of the Bir
Library, had gooe on tour of the disrricas of Kaski atrd Noakor_
Syanja where he obtained a genealogy of the rulers of Gorkha as it
had btanched oft. Tbe geneatogy does not also seem to be auth€u-
tic as it has every trace of an attempt at sonncctiog the lioe with
lhe dynasty of Udaipur.
In regard ro the gcnealogy of the kiDgs ruliDg Noakot, Kaski,
ete. This list ha6 rbe followiog names atter Michakhan, Khincha:
Micha
Matlkbatr J agaukhal] Jab uthau
(Noakor) (Kaski) (Lamjung)
 TIIE BACKGROUND 27

The story of Dtabya Shah's founding ot Gortbe' as an oftshoot

oI tie kingdom ot Lamlung is the same as given by'thc chtonicles'
8 or 9 Etates
Baburam Acbarya thinls that there wcre already
We
belore Lasargha became tbe headquarter of a n€w dyoasty'
priocipality of Lasargba can
canoot say de0nitely if the fact ot a
be tegarded as true. Probably Palpa bad alteady eristed as a -state
Uefore any of the principalities east of tbe river Kali was
born'
by but
One can imagine Lasargha to have been visited newcomers
it is possible that tbey shifted actoss tne Kali to Khilung in Bbir'
kot once they lound rhat they could not wield any power in that
area. We say tbis irrespective of what the Champu or the various
eight
cbronicles say about their movemeDts. But the Athtika or tbe
collateral kingdoms, were gradually fouoded as the ruling dJnasly
prlocrpa'
branched off, and agaitr no one suggested that the western
lities ot the Chaubisi group and tho Baisi foltowed the tounding ot
Athtika.
According to tbe ChaDpu the Kanchha went to rule over Dhor'
Garhoun, Satahoun, in addition to Bhirkot, while Noakot
was
ruled by Mincba bis successors. One of Mincha's successors went
the
io Kurfi uoa tounded tbe principality with the mastery over
Pokhra valtey Kulamandana in the saBe bratrch called bimselt
The
Shah instead of Khan aPplied to the name ol his predecessors'
Shab carne to be addetl after the name of the ruler since then' aod

itwas the emperor of Delhi who was graciously pleased to confer

into
the title on the ruler. Then came the rulership of Lamiung
the band ot the tamily. To this Gorkha was added as tbo last
prize. But in all lhese states the rulers were different aod although
tbe; belonged to lbe same stock beheved like strangers or
enemies lowards each other.
you look iDlo the passage following wbele wc have given
Il
tbe narratives of the cbronicle, we shall koow that tbe chrotricles
have tbe same genealogy to tell. The story of the creation o[
the
Gorkha ptincipality i3 also quite similar'
We are not sure of the genealogy also of the Post-Bhupa Rao
period and it is obvious that authors of genealogy upto Kulaman-
dan Shah show disagr€ement. This applies equally to two works
28 MoDERN NEpAL
prepared in tho time of Rama Shah, which we
above. But we are not going to discuss have described
the discripancies, as they
of minor importance to us. It is
ao
-are
because ,h";;;-i, oo ir"giouri H:"rTrll",r}:rff:il
.oi."o
having ite origin in Udaipur.

t
t
\
 CHAPTER II
FOUNDING OF GORKHA STATE
Now to follow the'cbronictes. Tbe chronicler puls that
Kulmandan's title, Shab, sas bbtained due to favoui lavished
by the Delhi Emperor oo him. As hc 6tatcd, Kulmandan was
thc frst ruler of a Himalayan state to obtain this tille, Noa-
kot sas still a separate principality ruled by a collateral of
the family.
ln the next reign Kaski had tbe honour ot setrding oDe
ot th6 Raja,s 7 soDs ro rule over anorber Magar principality
towards tbe imm€diate east. Tbus the Raja,s youngest ror,
Yasobam Shah became the.first Ksatriya ruler of Laojutrg.
Thc cbronicler writes that a previous assignee, the second elder
broth€r of Yosobam by name Kalu Shah was killed by some
Sekbant (?) tribes-men wbo would not like a Don-lribal
ovcr
the Gaddi of Laojung. Tho identiry of the sekbant Eibes is
not rcv€aled. Probably it referred to lhe various sections of
the GuruDg tribes which formed th€ vast tDfljority of the peo-
ple living in that area. But tbe story is no! Eo reliable.
Thc
Raiput settlers, however, were lrying to carve out atrd extend
new kiugdoms. From Lamjung rbey aimed at Gorkb;. The
emphasis is ever shifted towards the east. The Udaipur
dy-
Dasty io its erpansive phase moved in tbat dfuection.'
Untit
now the base wa8 colstantly cbanging and the lamily
war
just branchiog off. When Gorkha came ioto existeace
tie base
b€came stalionary atrd there was no further branchiog.
Now it
was Gorkha,s turn to welcome rbe Rajput. In the l5th
cen_
tury the Brabmaaa and Khas
in tbar part or rbe caodak rH:'111tU;T""*"J',",":l'J;
ruled by a Rajput prilce. The Kbadka chief, a Magar by
caste, was not of a pure bloodl and the BrahDanas wetc
cons-
piriog apaiost bim because their Hindu concepaion of royalty
would not tolerate to be subjected to his prete$ions. Thc
30 MODERN NEPAL

smigrants made efforts to un8eat the ruler and pave the $'ay
for a Rajput ptince to come and occupy the thrcne' The Raia
of Lamjung being near at hand they approached him, and the
youngest son who had had miraculous levelations iu his childhood
*o. ,.ot thither in fulfilmedt of their demands' The Kbadka
cbiet hatl to yield his throne tc the Raiput iDtruder'
UDlike what bis foretathers experienced in Lamiung' prince
Drabya Shah had not a smooth sailiDg in Gorkha' He bad
ro battle his way before he could become its rulet'
Drabya Shal's accomplices were Bhagirath Patrtb' Ganesha
Pande, Gangaram Ratra Busal, Narayana Ariya!,
Sa esvara
Khanal, Kesava Bohra atrd Murti Kbawas-all of them
be'
longed to Gorkba and knew the areas, its ins and
outs itr-
Narayana Arjyal was his Guru (spiritual tutor) wbile
iirl
"ty. Pande and Bhagirath Paoth were minister and com'
Gasesha
mander-in-chief (in a limited seDse) respectively' Sarvesvara
Kbaoal was ths priest appointed' ln tryiog to capture
the Raia
oi Cortna first they attacked tbe tortress of Liglig in lhe Dorth'
west of Gorkha oear the upPer basio of the river
Darraudi'
and captured it as it lay unprotected because of
the Gurung
tribal liaders to have gore outside for an annual fair' This
conrotiOutea, they proceeded to encircle the
Gotkha ridge'
Gorfta tett to the invader without much difficulty on tho day
for
of Vilayadasami. According to a chronicle the battle raged
Eear tbe Eaiq fort cbang'
flfreen days with an iEportatrt Place
ing hands several times.
Gorkba, thencetorth, became a sePatate entity' and
atr addi'

tion to the alreatly existing members of the RaiPut

controlled
,iut.r. ft does not Egure itr the list ot 24 ptincipalities as

.itnir"o i. th€ €arly days of Ra,put Eigration' Kirkpatrick's

;;il;; also can be explained bv this tact' Dtabva shah
-t*, the boutrdary
J*-,"aO"U ot Gorkha both on the north aoC the
;;;. Gbale chiefsr were subjugated itr that course and
strategic hill for'
i,.'"rr, -"t.o.d victoriously to the thenperiphery'
in the
rr".s., io those tegioos some ten miles
'--4
I Ghate it:a sub-tribe:of Gurulgt'
 FOUNDING OF GORKHA STATE 3l
Drabya Shah's is the first dated reign ot Gorkha and of
all tbe principalities for tbis period. His entry into Gorkha
had been noted with particular date line, which on various
evidence is Saka 1481:L559 A. D.!-All chrotricles are sileot for
the regnat data of his predecessors. Daabya Shah is said to
have died in 1566 A. D, (Wrighr, etc.) or in 1577 (Gewali).
The Gorkha Vamsavali says tbat he ruled for ll years (see
also Wright and Gewali) atrd was succeeded by Puraodara
Shah. By this calculation no date can be fixed for his deatb.
Gorkha in bis time comptised a few ridges aod villag€s si-
tuated within an area of nearly 1400 sq. miles.
At the tim€ Gorkba becamo a kiDgdom, Lamjung was be-
ing ruled by Drabya Shah's elder brother Narahari Shah.
According to a chronicle in the po8session of S. B. Gewali, Nara-
deva is said to have carved out Lamiung after fightiDg and
driving away the local chieftains, but this is not corroborated
by other sources of information. This Naradeva is also not
traced in the other chronicles of the period, Here we have
to heed another warnirg. Tbe waroing is that all that we
wtote in the above paragrapbs might Dot be true at all, be-
cause it is based on tbe flctitious account of the chroDicles.
Even Drabya Shah's date is coojectural. So are the dates ot
his descendants upto Prthvioarayana Shah except otherwise based
on dosuments like letters, ms. colophoDs, etc.
In the life time of Drabya Shah, Gorkha was once tbrea.
tened by LarDjutrg whose ruler conspired to kill tbe brother
invitilg him to meet unarmed on the occasion of their father's
Sradha ceremony. The brothers met on tbe baok of the river
Chepe on the side of Lamjung, and the ceremony ovea, there
was some more activity deliberately introduced by the ruler
of Laojung to etrgage Drabya Sbah's attention, which was
causing deliy in latter's departure. But itr tbe meantime tbe
Gorkha ruler suspected some foul game, swam across the ri-
vulet to ioio bis contingent, was pursued by enemies for a

2 Thc particul.B: Soko 1,t81 Bhadta vrdi' Rohini noksatra btdhqtaro

Subhayogq.
)L MODERN NEPAL

distalce without success and fortunat€ly saved' Since then Lam-

juog and Gorkha had seldom conducted friendly telations in
iheir dealing and military engagemeots took place off and on
to disturb even brotherly feelings. Lamiung was always aggte-
ssive, would even at the itritial stage advance 10 a distancc
when Gorkha used to be caught uDawares atrd sometimes did
not hesitate lo act through other eoemies of Gorkha to wreak
his own vengeance. But th€ account of Dravya Shah and
Narabir Shah frghting agaitrst each other is not given by any
authoritativa chrotriclo.
But in the beginning, either in the second reign ot thereaftet
it cost Lamiung a great deal in terms ot frietrdship with neighbourg
at tbe rules was being looked upon with grave suspiciously
his
compatriots. The Raia had already embittered Tanhou' and tbe
latter now sought Gorkha's help' The Gorkhalis had
impressed

their neighbours as men of valour in their skirmishes tbey

tought here and there. Gorkha and Tanhou were allies'
and

their alliance continued for a long time' Gorkha

gained advantages
to that extent aod anothei gain was the cessation ot feuls' n'ho
controlled Gorkha's trade routes ro Tibet' Tho cbtotricler writes
that at the ioitial stage this chief caused scarcity of
salt in Gorkha
by blocking the rrade. Now his friendship being obtaioed he wae
,ub.irrin" to the Raia ot Gorkha, the supply of ralt aod other
col.oOrti.t became flowed uninterrupted to Gorkha' As a mark
of friendship Tanhou had presented one elephaDt to Gorkha's
ruler. lt was said that the sight of elepbant was utrusual iB that
pnrt ot tt" CUuoUisi KiDgdom and it creat€d awe in some'
Tho
^Gorung. 10
aod Magars had thronged in Pokharithok witnesg

the sce-ne of an elephatrt walkiog' Surtao also was

there' He
lras Dot only impressed but over awetl' This was tbe
reason ho

ioally submittetl to tbe ruler of Gorkha' InstaDtaDeously he

of salt for
pi"Og.a a provide 2 muris (21 x 150 pounds in measure)
the use of the people of tbe principality.
Protrably the story came out of the figment of the cbrcnicler's
imagination. may or it n]ay not be lrue' Dravla Sbah and
It
his successors must have toughl Magar and Curung chiels as they
consolidated tbeir Position.,
 FOI,'NDING' OF GORKHA STATts 33

Hamilton (p.2a3l stated that the Raja of Lamjung received

land revenue of Rs. 22000 which he used to support his family.
He also desired some income from trade with Tibet which passed
through Morang. The southern trade route passed through
Tanhou, along the river Marsyangdi to Deoghat and thence to
Chitauo and thence* to the Moghul border. The creation of Gorkha
by Drabya Shah is attributed to the prince's revolt against his
brother. Drabya Shah seized the southern and eastero part o[
Lamjung across Chepe, which brought Rs. 12000 annually.
In the chronicle Drabya Shah is followed by his son Purandara
Shah, and the latter by his son Chhetra Shah, who died after a
reign of 6 months. A chronicler said that one of the queens of
Purandara Shah was a daughter of the Raja of Sallyana. She
became pregnant and due to evil forebodings was living in her
father's place. The issue born was a son and now as Chhetra Shah
died, he became the next successor to the throne. Rama Shah,
such was his name, was yet in his teens while he was called upon
to succeed. The noblemen of Gorkha brought him to their
capital and installed him on the throne. Later he became known
as Ramshah.

Ramo Shah
According to the chronicle the genealogy o[ the Gorkha dynarty
from Drabya Shah to Rama stands as follows:-
VS Saka
Dravya Shah 1616 1481
Purandara Shah 1627
Raja Purandara Shah ruled for 35 years. He had two sons,
Chhetra Shah and Rudra Shah by his two queens. According to
the Champu they were born of the same mother. Chhetra Shah
died after a short reign followed by Rama Shah whose rule started
in VS 1663.
According to Baburam Acltarya's source Rama Shah was 20
years old as he acceded the throne. Both Chhetra Shah and
Rama Shah were of the saue age being born of separate mothers.
tsaburamji thinks that the story o[ the mother's going to Sallyana
3
34 MODER,N NEP.I.L

is not true. According to lhe chronicle Puraodara atrnexed

Dhading and Sallyana in the east aDd Liglig in the west, But
the Acharya thiuks that it was Rama Shah who had anDexed these
arcas, After all the acquisition of territory was a small one and
in the abseoce of reliable evidence it matters littte who annexed
what.
It is said that Rama Shah wanted to marry a daughter of the
Raja of Palpa but the proposal accepted initially was turned
down when the Gorkha ruler wanted actually to fetch his wife,
and he was in Palpa for that purprse. With this treatment at tlle
hstrds of the Palpa ruler he felt very mdch insulted. But then
the Raja of Golkot came to his rescue. He had a niece, th!,
daughter of his late sister and tbe Raja of Musikot. He arranged
a marriage between Rama Shah and his niece, Musikot and
Golkot were as prestigious as Palpa. So Rama Shah,s honour
was saved.
The Sena chroaicle published by the Bir Library talks of one
daughter of Hambira marryiDg Rama Shah bDt the statemert is
coufusing. According to modero cbronicle Rama Shah had two
wives, Ratoavati and Nayanavati. It is difficult to say about their
parentage.
Whatever might the chronicles say about the acquisition of
territory by the Gorkhali rulers, it might be conceded thrt Rama
Shah beir':g very promioent have acguired teffitories in the East,
North and South. Probably the Geographical boundary in the
east touched the fringe of the Katbmandu principality of the Nepat
valle,.
Rama Shah expanded his kingdom towards the east, nortlt.
€ast and south to cover a large slice of territory which extended
upto the fringe of the Trisuli valley near to Nepal proper in its
immediate west and north, These areas happened to be inhabited
by the Gurungs and Tamangs whom he vanquished. Ram Shah,s
exfloits on the border of Tibet were also noteworthy. He ha(l
successfully laid haod oD rhe strategic ateas of the border ot
Kerrong in Tibet. Though be had to relinquish the occupation
of the border fort due to Tibetan pressure retainitrg only the Pass
 FOI'NDING OF GORKHA STATE 35

iE the Ruhibhot, rhe frontier was marked at a place called Kukur-

ghal' wbich up till now bcars the ioscribed stone, This gave
the mercbaots of Gorkba immense advartages of sommercial
contact. Sardar Bhavani Singha was killed in tbe battle, aod
thete wcre a few more casualties. But the loss was well compen-
sated. This part of tbe elpansion opened a chatnel of direct
contact with the areas from which Gorkha got its supply oI salt
and otber necessities. Towards the south also Gorkha,s contact
with the Terai ryas Dow uDinterruted, as tbe border now touched
the areas beyood tbe Mahabharata ranBes. The area Gorkha
tben comprised wae about 2,000 sq. Diles-about l/281h of rhe
present day Nepal while occupying the portion between t[e rivers
Marsyangdi and Trisuli from west to east. It is said that Rama
Shah pushed the frontier litre ftom the.Budhi Goodak to thc
Trisuli occupying the stratelic Salyan and Tamang areas variously
called 500 Kholas, Dhading, etc. On th€ otbef side of Marsyaogdi
Iay Tanhou and some Parbatiya Thakuris wers ruling.over the
land east ot tbe Trisuli, but tb€ Iatter paid tribute to the rul€r of
Kathmandu. The bouodary with Lamjung lay on lhe river
Chepe.

The chronicles (Gorkha Vamsavali and a lew others) credit him

to have estabilished connectioo for the first time with the rulers
of Delhi atrd Udaipv (Gorkha Yamsavoli) oa the ooe band and
with Malla rulers of the Nepal'Valley on rhe other. Rama Shah
had sent good will missions to these kingdoms, From Udaipur he
wanted to check his own genealogy and find out how far the list
in the former agreed with his owD. It is recoided in the cbronicle
that the ruler of Udaipur was pleased to note the whereabout o[
the missing kinsmeo about whose migtation into the hill they
had heard. The work of Chitravilasa was the result, but we
caDoot put reliance on bis gcr:ealogy. In Delhi also the mission
recoived a cordial welcome aDd the E4peror was pleased to
honour Rama Sbah by grastiog to him the privilege of the aitls
of a full fledged sovereign, aod more particularly the address of
.tMaharajadhiraja Chakrachud,0mani,,, The 6tory, however,
lacks contirmatioD,
36 MODERN NEPAL

Rama Shah i3 said to have called a conference of lhe imporlant

cbieltaiDs of the westerr regioo, and this met at the headquarter of
Galkot with the co-operatio,r of its chief Naramalla, his uncle'in'
law, Rama Sbah had just married a prircess of Musikot at the tiDe'
According lo Gorkha Vamsavali Ranra Shah bad earlier undergone
vigorous rapaJy4 (penance) by fastirg under the canopy of a cave
in the snows wbither he had gone travelliog with the Raia of Galkot'
During the penaoce one Brabmau of Banaras by name Nanda Mirra
BiDistered Diksarnanfia to Rarua Shah. Since this time the pro-
genitors ot Nanda Misra became the first spiritual guide (Gayarri
Guru) to the Rajas of Gorkha bypbssing the traditiooal tamily'
We do Dot koow the obiecl for which lhe penaoce was undertak'en
as such ioflictilg a physical torture for hiorself' But this is what
tbe GV says. But lhe reference to th€ royal conference seems
odd. The same c&n bc said of the penance. It is said that Raoa
Shah had attetrded the yajfia performed by the Raia of Parbat.
Sohe say that it was the Raja ot Galkot, who collected the princes
logether. Amongst the contemporaties the name of the rulet of
Nepal is given as SiddhiDarasimha, who wBs then ruling over
ParaD, with wfiom he had signed ao agr€emetrt. From lhat time
Gorkha had regular commercial relation wilh the valley of Nepal,
and some of the Newar tradets settled down in the Gorkha aleas
sioce ttrat time, A chronicle states that Rama Shah and Siddhi'
narasimba ontered iDto a treaty relation to live in peace and regatd
each other 8s blood relations.
It is said that sioce Rama Shah's time the Arjyal family of
Brahmanas ceased to futrction as the royal epiritual tutor, because
at that time one Nanda Misra of Banaras wbo was on a visit to
Galkot came to Gorkba to become the ruler's Guru'
Rama Shah is credited with the Possessioa ot'Raghava Pandava
vijaya kovya'(DLC. III. 68)3 for his own study. He had a literary
taste and he bad got copied lhe ,amous lyric ot Kalidasa called
Meghddura wiah the commentary of Ananda Vardhana on Saka 1540
Pausa sukla 11 Gurudina:Thursday, l7 December, 1618'' In bis

3 Atso publishcd in LPN'

4 Sansk l Sandesho,l.E P.29.
 FOUNDING OTi GORKHA STATE 37
reign a Brahman Jayabhadra by riame copied in Gorkha
vilage a
text of Rudrapaddhati on samvat 167g saka 1543 Kartika
vadi g nak
satraT Sukravasara:Friday, 2g September, 162l A.D.
We have
also two more inscriptions of his time. But
we shall treat them
a'little later to determine the period of his reigh. These
works are
available to us as documents for the reign of Rama
Sbah, while
they also might suggest that he patronised
literary men and
encouraged such writing.
Rama Shahr however, is known for his regulation (thiti)
th,n
for anything else. we have described these regulations
in the next
few passages.
As we descibe them we do not take into account
their authen-
We have no proof to take them as emanating
licitf.
Shah. They certainly appear like orders of
from Rama
chiefs. But they
might have been in practice for a long time in the past.
Rama Shah,s rule lasted tor 27 years (Wrigbt,
and Gorkha
Yamsavalil. He was one of tbe most important rulers of Gorkha
who laid the foundation of an administration in
that principarity
riegtined to grow into a large kingdom some
time later. He was
not a mere warring chieftain. A he added more
areas to his
kiogdom, he took care to see that these were properly
looked
after by an organised administration.
It is said that he systema-
tised the existing customary raws. and introduced
many more in
accordance with the newly deveroping situation. These
extended
to tribal areas, and other principalities also were drawn
by their
merits to incorporate them. Rama shah,s contacts wiin
his
neighbours were regular and cordialr and he encouraged
zonal
meetings of rulers. Gorkha's lead was accepted by several princes,
although we discount the story about tbe acceptance
of Gorkha
suzerainty by rulers of palpa and Jumla as suggested
by Gorkha
Chronicles.
IVe now enumerate some of the customary rules enforced by
Rama Sbah:
(l) Loan taken at l0% inrdrest gets doubled after ten
),ears,
so interest should be paiil only till the expiry of the tenth
year and'nr f urther.
38 I{ODERN NEPAL

(2) Minor cases of dispule such as violation of order ot th€ '[rst

'- ;;;" first Eerved, io pubtic wells, tanks
aod use of canal
water in proPortion as lhe ar€as of the
freld demaoded'
to the court' through
sbould bc seitled without re[etriog
village assemblies'
lands held by a non-tiller the
tsl f;r iirta lands and all other
rent was fixed at I /4 of the total produce'
declared to vest in the ruler but
te) ine ownersuip ot iand was
he liked'
the holder could dispose of it in any way
Eeodicanti
(5) Brahn:ans, King's collaterals' and monks and
were immune lrom capital punishm€nt'
(6) Public places of worship and rest''public thoroughtares .and
(Gauchal) and woods in
the rees liniog lhem' grazing freld .

of lhe wells-all of them were made inviolable

ii," vicinity
iv p*.iur*ioo' A fine of Rs' 5 was imposed for any act
places'
oi niotatioo of thc saDctity of these
the rudimeotg
To Rama Shah goes the credit of creating
and iudiciary' in a
of n,, uOlrrioiruotive ofder' both execJtivc anv kind ot laws
;;";;;;i; ;o far had existed witbout
to eotorce them' Th€ chiel ofrcer of tha state was
"ii*,*i", ard this dignitary was always either tbe Kiog'E
""i "**y
Hc was the Raia's
own unole or brother or I neal collrteral'(Treasurer)' tbe Di'
"^ino
;iii;. Below him were lhe Khazaochi
Io"'i"'j"o*" "trist€d by a Bichari for tbs civil cases)r Kaipardat
Kazr who supetvised
,in charse ot the Royat robos and kttobco)'
H;:; il;;, oiarmaontara (Chiet Jurlge tor criminal cases)'
(in charge of records and exterrral aftairs)'
Tb€
u-oOinu fUrrii"t high.posts alter.
These
ir"r$ no the men in military eogagements. (Pande' Partba'
,"i.iy *.* lo lhe members of tbe sixas families'
Chhathar' who had earlier
eriri,, iii"r"t, RaDa, Buhara) known Gorkha These families had
pr"oy, Sbah in the captule of
"rii*o would go to
;;";;; Surua trom rhe ruter tbat thesc priviieg€s
"
their desceDdasts as loog as thc dyBasty of Rama Shah reigned'
persooal'
ii" .J.inirtrution wa! rougb, celtralized and very
€ach under an Omrao
The territorY was divided into 7 Thumr,
The Omrao eollected
assisted bY a Dware (literallY door-Iecper).
 FOUNDING OF GORKIIA STATE 39
rent, of which hc took a certain percentage in order
to Baintain a
6mall r€tioue of aroed metr, atrd their cquiporent
of arms, o.g.
Khukri, Khuda atrd bows and arrows. Each Thum
had also irs
own Tharis and Bicharis to sit in judgement over cases
o ocrl
They were generally .e, of importance to tt" tu.oi,ry.
lfP*:::
llhe village Committee often sat for the purpose. The Kotwal
acted as a policeoan aud scrved noticc or summons
on lhc
accused.
The various state offcers, however, wer€ not always
distributed
accorditrg to the raoks, The highest of them,
tbe Kaziship and
Sirdarsbip, went to cases in recognitioo of meritorious
services
in military eogagements. At a later stage the Kazi perforoted
tbo
work of a minister, aDd there were four of them
judicial caseo also on appeal. (For
but they beard
a deaaited ,oru"y ,"i"i a,o"
chapter at tbe eod).
Tbe Ditba came to render function of a judicirl
outhority as
Kazie wcre wont to assume public duties of a ministerial
head.
A.:.u lu,_:. stage it so happenett rhat tbe Chautaria
,hereditary being a
dignitarian c.-ased to be effective in the administration
spccially when infaDt succeeddd to this post.
Since the one of lbe
Kazis played the role of the Cbief Minister, anrl it
was Jy ,nt"o
lhe Chautaria came of age that he relinquished the powe-rs.
At
times there were more than otre Chautaria, and in
.rat ,t,"
oldest of them iq relationship became the chief of "n.a,Not
Cbautaria.
rhat all of the Kiog,e collaterals become Chautaria.
Tbis post was
given ro such of them as stood io the nearest
relatioiship of
&inship with him. Those who would not be Chautarias
ehare.t
honours and titles with other commooers.
Allhough strictly $peaking tbere was no Jagirdari system,
-_ all tho
higb posts of the srate were paid through holdings ot land in
lieu ot
nronthly or aanual cash salary. Hdmilton (p. l0Z) who
visireJ
Nepal in 1801 notes the following mode of puy-"ot oot
of abour
a third of the state revenue that was divided.
(l) Chaularia f/.5
(2) Sbalrelyu or Nayak I 15
(3) Chief Kazi t/3
40 MODERN NEPAL

(4) Sirdar l/10

(5) Jelha I 120
We do not get from documents of Nepalese sources any
knowledge of these assignments. What we know is that
each
of these dignitaries had iagir lands assigned them' from which
they collected their own salaries out of the tevenue yielded.
by -!hem.
Ruo,u Shah systematisetl weights and measures' He made
weighing and measuring scales of copper sealed with his stamps'
although these were very irregular, and tbere was no fixed
rheasurement varying as the wooden pot (Ari or bamboo tube'
Dhungril of an individual was shaped' However' the
present
day system of nreasurement owes to his systematisation:
l0 muthi 1 mana (l lb')
8 mana I Pathi (8 lbs')
20 Pathi I rnuri (160 lbs')
l0 lal I masa
l0 masa I tola (11'663 gm')
18 tola I Pal
27 tola 1 bodi
4 bodi I vissauli
2 vissauli I Dharni (2| Indian Seers')
During Rama Shah's reign Gorkha's relation with Patan
vas very intimate. Both rulers had pledged words to nomi-
nate lhe successor of the one in case the dther died without
any such issue.u
WherevertheRajputshadsettleddown,thesuccessiontogadi
waq regulated by a- kind of law of primogeniture. The eldest
eon of the King born cf a married wife became the Crown
Prince'and heir apparent. He was known as Saheb'
The system of administration outlined above prevailed in
all parts of Chaubisi and Baisi, and what we have observed
above must also be taken to represent the condition for the
whole of this region.

5 ltihos Prakas,ll,3,P, 425.

 FOUNDING OF CORKTIA STATE 4l
It does trot scem, however, that Rama Shah created this
sysiem. It must have been a pattern that was in use at the
time. Rama Shah in all certainty fotmally anaounccd a structure
on the line and stabilised it to pass for a meacure of perma.
neDt settlement in the administrative spbere.
We bave noticed two main shottcomitrgs io the s€filement.
(a) W6 ond no :cheme o[ a monetary policy and (b) there is
also no provision for a policy of commerce. According to
certain Europeatr travellers, the entire region was going without
ite currency aod the monetary units of the Nepal Valley were em-
ployed tor exchange. Obviously the area was economically much
backward, and more backward than the valley of Nepal.
Rama Shah is credited to have invired the Newat traders to
Gorkha to traosact busioess and assist the flow of tradc bets.e€n
tbc Nepal valley and his Kiogdom, We take it that the traders ot'
thc valley of Nepat had the field in tbeir hatrd, even though it was.
a rural economy tbey had to handle io the whole of the westertr
rcgion.
'Itappeare as a corollary to what we said in the above para-
graph lbat any kind of cotrtact betrve€n -the valley o[ Nepal and
tbis region began very late.
Rama Shah is said ao have died in 1633 A.D.
Three of Rama Shab's immediate successofs accordiog to
Wright (p. 279) stood in the following order; the tegnal years are
the oame in other chronicles.
Danrbar Shah succeedisg in 1633 A.D. ruled 9 years. But we
shall find that the y€ar o[ succession is wrong,
According to Roiyakalpadruma (CPMDN, I, p. 242) Rama
Shah (Shahi) was succeeded by his son Drmbat Shah and after biE
the list tallies in toto with that of Wrighr. Dambar Shah is mentioned
in Pratapamalla's accouot cf victories (Inscription No.. 18 of
Bhagvanlal Indraji) as a ruler meetiog defeat at the former,s hands.
Dambar Sbah married a daughter of Hambira of Mackwanpur.
It is possible that like Nasabhupal who itrvaded Noakot itr lZ37
wilhout success he was tempted to make an inroad into Pratapn-
malla's territories aod was halted sustainine a severe reverse.
 MODERN NEPAL

Kriera Sbah eucceeding in 1642 A.D. ruled 1l years.

Rudra Shah oucceeding in 1655 A. D. ruled 16 years.
Rudra Shah's 5 sons in order of seniority werc Prthvipati Shab,
Madhukara Shahr Atibala Sbab, atrd Jayaotn Sbah from tbe elder
Rani anri Chaturbhuj Shah trotn tho youngcr Rani. There is a
documeDt in the name of Rudra Shah dated Samvat 1730 Jyes.
thasudi 14 roj 2, This records a loan taken by the prioce lrom ooe
Brahnau in Gorkha (Itihasapatrasamgroh* II, p, 16,)
We h{ve lwo inscriptions of Rama Stah in Gorkha (Po-
khrithok) one dated yS 1671 Saka 1536 (1614 A.D.) and atro-
ther dat€d Saka 1558 Asadha Suchi l0 Rovan Navami (luly.
August, 1636 A.D,) bhanuvoru. Tbe latter inscription provides'
a Droof of the fact that Rama Shah was ruling in the year
1636. Tbis also cootroverls the date figuro above given for thc
begioning of the reign of Dambar Shah, which should now be
corrected. He caonot succeed before f636-37 A.D. In Gorkha
Prthvipati Shah has also a stone pillar io froot of a Siva temple
suppofling a statue of his, wtlich is dated Saka 1602" asadha
ktisna panchami (dvandavka risksevasan, 1602 :1680 A.D.). Rudra
Shah aod Krsna Shah have been given each areign of l6yeats
by the Go*ha Vamsavali. According tu the same source Prthvi'
pati Shah acccded the throne ifl Saka 1589 (1667 A.D.). This
is also supported by another chronicle.
Prthvipari Shah ruled 4? ycars. It this is true tben his
reign murt bave come to an enl i[ 1714. But fronr a other
source his grandson Narabhupelshah appeats lo have asc:n'led
lbe lhrotre in 1716. The earlier date about the dealh ot P,thvi'
pati Shah is certainly a mistake. We have a document of l7l5'
(see below) in the nanre of Prtbvipali, So this particular source
leems to be correct. His son Birbhadra Shah died io the life
time of his father. Narabhupal succeeded his graod'falber irl
1716 ard ruled lill i742 for 26 years.
P hvipati Shah
Kirkpatrick, Han:iltor:r and Pcrcival Laodon have omitted tho
6 All the thrca 'sscriptioBs atc rllo pub,ishcd in ltlhasaprakoso,
I t, pp,40-41.
 FOUNDING \)F GORKHA STAIE 43

account of tbe Gorkha dyDasty altogetber. So tbe lists are not

available in their accoutrts. Wright's list seems to have beetr
copied in the Dote prepared by Vaosittatt tor the Government
of India (p. 25, 1918). Levi seems to have followed Wright,s
cbrooiclet,? and the genealogy is iust reproduced and so are
otberS.
Prthvipati had 12 brothers, and he Eade otre oI them, Md-
dhukara his Cbautara.
During Prihvipati Shah's reiga Lamjung Inade eocroach-
ments on Gorkha's territories. It was saiC that the(e were ll
etrgageEo[ts withio niae years and the areas betw€en the rives
Chepe anJ Darraudi were actually rhree times occupied. It is
said tbat the Gorkba ruler,s secocd son Ranadurlabha Sbatr
ingratiated himself ro his uncler ruler of Lamjuog on pretertg
of goiDg against his own father, and was left in possession ot
lhe areas fornterly b:longiog to Gorkha. Later, he iDviled his
father to invade, and this restored tbeD to thek lawtul owser.
One of the invasiols was truslrated by tbe people of the areas
itrvaded, aod anotber by tbe etrtire nrass of the people who
were conscriptcd for war (See Gorkha Vamsavali for deraits).
Wright does trot meDtioo this story, nor tbere is the name ot
RaDadurlabha Shah aDoDg6t his sons it he is not the same
as prirce Dal Sbah, Prthvipati,s second son. Wright otr the
orher hand gives prominence to the youugest brother ol tsir-
bhadra. The crownprince wss married to tbe daughler oI lhe
Raia ot Tanhou; *hose name was Mallikavati. This man Chaf dra.
rup Shah obtaioed back the heir apparcDt, son of the eldest
Birbhadra, for his father fron the cusrody of the'Raja ot
Talhou. lt so happe[ed tbat at lhe time wheo Birbhadra
dird, lhe heir apparetrt's mother was pregnant and had gooe
to live with her parenls io Tanhou Srrr. The tact ot
pregnancy was koowo only to tbe prioce who, however, had
confidrd tbe fact lo his brorher. As soon as the Rrje oI
Tauhou fouod that be was it possessiou of Gorkha,s beir

7 Lcvi, lI, p.262, He has ooitted Prrhvipati Sbab.

44 MODERN NEPA!

apparent's person he began to devise plans to ulilise ahe situ:r-

lion in order to expand his own lrontiers furthfi east. But
very few in Gorkha koew the fact of pregnancy' and when
lbe crown prioce's death ca,fir€ it caused a crisis over th€ issue
of guccession. His six sons each vied against one another to
claim the throtre lor himself, one on the ground of seniority
and another otr the grouod of popularity, etc. According lo
tbe Gorkha Yamsavali, the second son Dal Shah had almost
succeedcd in his obiective, and the iscue was about to bE
decirteit in his favour, but thc timely interventlon of Chandrs-
rup turDed the table otherwise. The baby prince was lying
with bis mother io the $af€ custody ol one Gauriswar
Pander who happened to havc been a very. influential man
io Tanhou being the guru ot the Raia' Thc chronicler writee
that thc queen mother beitrg a clever woman scented dangerg
io lelting the baby to glow io her father's place, aod had
removcd him away to save him tro6 any evil concs-
quencca. The baby was baoded over to Gorkha on a seatcb
madc fot hiqq by the party led by Chandrarup' Wright's autho-
rity attributcs th€ credit of this tuccess to the nutse of the iofatrt'
whom the uocle had handsomely brib€d. The conspiring uncleo
rrerE eriled by Prthvipati Shah. Bitbhadra visited Bhatgaon
ie
where he wa8 a guest of Bhupatindramalla, This anecdote
not mentioned in the anoals of the valtey' Again it is said
that io the reign of Narabhupal Shah his son paid another vi-
sit to Bhatgaon aud exchanged head'dress with lho crown ptincc
to cement existing friendship b3tween the two houses of Gorkha
and Bhatg aon.
The offspring who was born after the death of his latber
was

Narabhupai StIah, father and predecessor of Prthvinarayanr

Shah

who is credited with the foundiog of modern Nepal aud

the pre-
sent dytrasty of its rul€rs. Till the time he ceme ot age' Nara'
bhup;l'g mother supe(vised lhe administralion for her gon'

Prthvipati dietl a little eatlier. She was a poise lady

and well
known for charities aod munifrcence' Narabhupal obtaioed
trainiog in bet care, and grew in disposition to be devoted to Piety'
though aEbitious.
 FOUNDING OF GORXHA STATE 45
Tbe slory of Chaodrarupa,o feats in rescuing the baby prince
ts given by the Gorkha chrolicte, but it is discounted Uy
oft"rr.
Sonre authors also thiDk that the baby was brought to
Gorkha afrer
the death ot prtbvipati Sbah. Baburam Acharya thinks
that
Prthvipati Shah was livirg even at the time of his graDdcoD,c
nrarriage with the princess of Khanchi.
ID the reigns of ptthvipati and his grandson Gorkha
came to
be involved iD the politics of the Nepal valley, This
wc lsarn
Irom some Thyasapus, and lhe information are deeoed
to be
corred. Accotding lo rhe Thyasapus A (f. 7) prthvipati
Sbah
and Nrperdramalla exchanged rurban to pteOge t i.iOstrip
on
Asvina Sukla 10 adityavara ol ?98:Sunday, I5 September,
i078.
Corkha also joined in an expedition carried by patan
against
Mackwanpur on803 Kdrtika Krsna I0 Hasfi nak;ata
,rguiouuro
tasl6 to l0 ghoti=Tne8day, 14 November, 1682. Anorhlr part-
ner was Lamjung. Again on g06 pansa Krsna 7
budhovara
\=llednesday, 6 lanuary,1686). Gorkha,s ruler met partiivenOra
Malla and Jitamitra Malla at Gad€mohan. Obviously
fle purpose
was to impress lhe Katbmandu ruler. We shall
know fat.r- ftut
Mrckwanpur was often the object of attack by one
or ii. ott.,
rulerof rbe Nepal valley an<t Gorkha.also
joining one group or the otbe.. ifuy.O i,rlur, ty
In Narabhupala,s time Gorkha ttied to be of help to
Bhafgaoo.
Actualty a corfederation of states with Bhatgaoi
uoJ- ii*r,"
bad come ioto being. But all this took pfu." *Uif, f.,iiipu,i
Shah wac ative. It does not appear rhar
Aoiifu i"., uil".X.O
from outside ercept by Lamjung, It is alco "*
rlnt toitta
had never carried lhe itrvasioo on its part single "t"",
haaded.
The following afe the documeols in the n6me of
frthvipati ShU
and Narabhupal Shah.
Pnhvipati Shah:
1, The Thyasapu A (f.6-7)
2. Renewal of a Sale deed wirh Samvat l77Z Bhddra Sudi t0
(Itihasopatra Sangraha,ll p. 50):UlS A. D.
3. Prusasti ratnam (DLC IlI. 140) Saka Dliara4i Khagabhu
parimite suchau masibhe Samiranasure site hari tithou jyava_
46 MODERN NEPAT

ranyite Md Prlhvipati Varmd Samasla Prlhvi Bharatavarsryaya vasla

sara bhfrta GorakSa parvate pradurbabhutta etc etc (- 17I I A. D,\
Narabhupala Shaht
(11 AyotlhyAkanda (DLC.III. 63) Itya he Balmiki Virachitont
Ayodhyd Kdnd,a Ekonavintsat Tyutlara Satatanu 1783 Samar"a
Katika Saptamyantsukra Vosare (: 17:6 e. D.) Gorkho grameta
N ar abhu pala S hdh R aiyam ane.
There might be more coloplrons but they are not useful as lhe
reigo is au established fact.
The cbronicler of the GV says that Natabhupal ruled for !6
years. Baburam Acharye thinks that we must utilise the date
given for Prthvinarayan's accegsion for Narabhupal's death. I
think that this is a krgical assumption.
Itr the initiation cetemony the sacred nwnlrom was mioistered
by Gaurishankar Pande's son Gokul Vilas, This was a rewatd
for his services in taking care of the baby prince wbile at Tanhou.
But it is said that Gokul Vilas out ol a fear of a rival ministered
bot\ Gayalri and Diksa mqntru the same time against pre'
^t
cedents,
Narabhupal Shah and his reign
To continue the narrative and the chronology, the offspring
who was born afler the death of Birbhadra was Narabhupal Shab,
fathcr and predecessor of Prlhvitrarayana Shah, who is credited
*ith the founding o[ modern Nepal and the present dynasty ot
its rulers. Till the time he came of age' Narabhupala's mother
supervised the administration for her son. Though it was Prthvi.
pati himselt who hid named him a successor but as be did
not lite long enough to traio bim personally, it fell to the bor's
mother to ourse the baby and train him iB the best tradition of tbe
rolal family. She was a pious lady and well known for charitieg
and munificence. Narabl;upala obtaitred traioiog in her care, and
grew itr disposition to be devoted to piety, lhough ambitiouo.
In his reign Jebangir Shah was appoitrted Chautara. He wanted
to push the frontiet of his dominioo, but failed in his attempts.
At oDe tilce he was oeavily defesaed by Jayaprakasa's fotce in
 FOUNDING OF GORKHA STATE 47

a battle on tbe bank ot the Trisuli, The Gorkha Vamsavali mercly

meo(ions tbe lacts of advance and retreat due to bad weather and
nor-cooperation of th€ Magars.s The Magars were regarded
as sDme ot the most loyal followers of the royal family. It is
said that the king took the event seriously. as a defeat. The
Magars are a tribe ot people living mostly in the basin oI the
Gandak, but they are also scattered throghout central Nepal. The
Gorkhali figlrters included Khasas and Magars in general, It is
also said that most cf the Magars deserted Gorkha to take tefuge
in N€pal. Narabhupal, however, set at traught the revised efforts
of Lumjung to retake the once lost territory aod saved his
domain from the greedy eles o[ Lamjung,s ruler Ripumardan
Shah.
Some say rhat Narabhupal bad acted with sheer zeal and
hunger for conquest without assessing his own oirength but he
had a fully mature scheme in his mind. He had built a stretegr,
vhich kept his adversaries in a position unabte to create obstEcles
in his way. Through his Guru he was on good terms
with Tanhou, ruled by his nlateroal uncle. Because he was
fgbting the Nepal valley rulers, the Chaubisis were likely to get
suspicious. In pusbing forward his scheme of conquest Narabhu.
prl saw in Lamjung a powerful adversary who could frustrate his
desipns. But he had met the defeat on his own.
Narabhupal had four wives. The first, Cbandraprabhavati was
the daughter of the ruler of Khanchi. The second was the dau-
ghter of Kiog Grndharva Sen ot Palpa. Later be married the
granrl-niece of ,he Raja of Malaibam and then Tanhou Raia,e
daughter. Prthvinarayana Shah wa! born of the second queetr,
Kausalyadevi, but was bred and trained by the first queeu. prthvi-
ndrayana Shah wrs born on 27 Pausa of YS t77g corresponding
to Saka 1644 Pa sa masa krsna amavasya (ghsti 4 pala 2) tadupai
pratipada brhaspatiyoru (:Thursday, 27 December, 1722 by rhe
Juliatr calendar).

8 Thc Magals arc o tribe of people liviog mostly io tb. ba!i! ot

the Gaodak, but thcy are also sc8ttered throughout cetrtral Ncprl, The
GorLhali flghtcr! includrd Kham! atrd Magar! io gcocml,
48 MoDERN NEPAL

The GV stated that Narabhupal who was a believer in ritual

prictices and rheir efficacy in solviEg worl'ly problem thouBbt
that his petrance would belp him to win baltles grew despotrdent
.*bile lis ambitions were shattered. He grew more despondent as
days passeal, aDd retir€d lrom public life. Some of his courtiers
thougbt tbat he was thetr no longer in a position lo discharge his
responsibilities ot a ruler, and therelore tbey proposed tbat Prthvi'
oarayatra should become King' But this proposal met with a
stiff resistance from other quarters atrd was put into a cold storage.
,Jebangir Shab, Dal Stah, Shantarupa Shah and Bbupatindra Shah
were among tbose who waDted to seo Narabhtrpal cotrtinuc, wbile
some royal collaterals and Kazi Maheswara Pantba, and a few
ooblemeo were for a change in the irlterest of strong Govelnment
takiDg power in view Gorkha's ambition for territorial cooquest'
The Pandes and others kept neuttal. It is said that as a result
.ot the proposal being disliked by the palace, the queen mother
and queens, thos€ who favoured Prthvinarayana's immediate suc-
cession were expelled from Gorkha'
The account thus fai depended on cbronicles. But a bio-
grapher of Prthvinarayana, the learned Baburam Acharya lhinkg
that chronicl€s arc not reliable and he proiects differeDt points
which could be refuted.
Later Years ol NarabhuPal
PlthviDarayana had four more blothers born out of lhree
mothers. They were five brothers surviviDg on the legitimate
line. So they were called the fitte Pandavos. Tbis fact is al'
so mentioned in Divropadesa a small work of sermons oi prac'
lical politics ascribed to Prthvinarayana' The names of thc
brothers are mentioned in ordet of seDiority, Mahoddam Kirti
Shab, Dalamardan Shah, Daljit Shah and Surapratapa Shah.
Prthvioarayana Shah, Dala Mardan Shab, Prthvipati Shah and
siste! Padma Kumari were born of the same mother. Virendr4
Kesar Shah and Surapratapa were botn of the princess of Par.
bat. Mahoddam Kirti Shah, Daliit Shah and one daughtet
were born to ths priDcess ol Tatrhou. There were 5 illegiti-
mate soos and 2 deughters. Ooe of theE, RaDarudta Shah
 FOUNDING OF GORKHA STATE 49

becamc a close associate of Prlhvinatayana in lator years. The

{ister's name is given ae Padmavati. She was alco called
Kanchhi Maiyan. The brotbers were atl helpful to Prthvinaray8na
Shah io his adventures, even so padmavati was serving him
by her advice. She remained unmarried. But she had a hard
lime during Raiendra Laksmi's regency while she was accused
of supporting Bahadur Sbab.
Baburam Acharya thinks that because Narabbupal was per-
suaded to have faith io rituals by his Guru of the pande
family this ultimately led him to believe in Bhosts and spirirs
and further as an obsession all this drove hi6 to iosaoity. But
why accuse the Guru? Tbis was a commoo practice of the envfuon-
metrt in the royal housebold as well as in a poor mao's home. Not
even the dynamic Prthvinarayana seems to have been free from
this practice. He was no less a believer in prayers or rituals
than his father, which any historian oI the lime would adEit.
Narabhupal Shah died on tbe day of Rama Navami in
the Vikram year 1799 after ruliog for 26 years. His youngest
wife Subhadra Divi was burnt with him on the fuoeral pyre.
Prthvitrarayana Shah was quite growo up at this time, But
tbe eldest que€n abstained from offering h'erself into the pyre
because it was her teeliag that Prlhvioaaayaoa needed her con-
tinued care and attention, Other Rauis had also their owr
reason to stay behitrd aside the pyre,

The Brahmanas in Court

The Brahmanas played a very importaDt role in the poli.
tics of these titry principalities. Tbey appeared io diftereDt ct-
pacities as spiritual tutors in initiatioo cereaonieg as teachers
and as astrologers, They also rendered coEmunication service
to propitiate tbe deities in times of conflicts and crises. The
largest influence was wielded by the mao who ministered the
gayatri tnan rams duritrg the ioitiatiotr (upanayana) cereEooy.
Noxt in impoataoce was the mrn who gave iliksaro rnantratn.

9 It is a praycr io Vcdic icxt cotrlpotcd io the old rystcE of vcrlc.

l0 This ic a litaoy io ho[our of ths tatrtria fsDrle deity.
4
50 MODERN NEPAL

The royal astrologer had his owo importarce. But tber€ could
be more than one Artrologet aDd bis oYeral importaoce was
delermined by the way his progrosticatioDs wers seen in
practic€.

It was said that wben Gokulvilas Pande became Narabhu'

pal's spiritual guide (Guru) in the initiation ceremony, he
Dot oDly Einist€reat Gayal mantram but also lbe Diksa-
Ordinarily lhe two mantram must be obtained from two indi-
viduals. But Cokulvilas out of fear ot a.rival appearing as
Di&sa Guru secrelly minirtere d bolb mo rum' ln Prthvinara-
yaDa'c case the same story was r€peated by Sriharsa Misra
who Pas brought from Baoaras. It wae said rbet this gave
cause for re8entment both to the Arial Ioshi who were pro-
mised the privilege ot becomiog Dil<sa Guru as well as
to Gokulvilas ard his sons sho thought to get for theil fa-
mily the right to adEinister Gayarri in perpetuity.

Gokulvilasa Pande's privileges of becoming a spiritual

tutor to other soBs of Kirg Narabbupal wete promised. I do
not know, however, whether this promise did materialise. We
have also not Eany sources to know all about Gokulvilas
and his btothers, But one of them Narayana Pandit, nepbew
of Gokulvitas, appeats to be a recipient of a letter from
Prthvinarayana in carryiog out his design on Tanbou' Thc
Pande family were influential in Tanhou as the Grru utrtil
the very end. In Gorkha it was said that while a Pande
Brabman bad come as spiritual tutor mitristering Savilri or
Gayatri mantro for the royal family the Ariyal Brabmans who
hrld tbat posiliotr up to Rama Shah's time lost it for gooJ
not oDly in this field but also in mioistration ot DikJa' I think
lhat in the same way tbe Pande Brabmans also lost influence
in the court and until 1846 none of them was chosen fot the
iob of the Guru ; although they coDlinued as paDdits for
some tiDe.
The Ariyals were, however, relained as priest as well as
taugbt the princes in the palace. Tbe post of Dharmadhikar,
 FOUNDING OF CORKHA STATE 5t
i.e. officer.in.cbarge of religious adorioistration was he,d by
persons of difteretrt subcastes of Brahmans. In the time ot
Narabhupal lhe Ariyals enjoyed tbis position and they were
allowed to continue in later periods. One Moksesvara copied
on saka 1794 Chaitra 20 Saturday a cbapter of the Sararsu-
iataprakarana (DLC, III, 67)11 by order of Maharajadhiraja
Kumara Yuvaraja Prthvinatayatra Shah belongecl to tbe Arjyal
family. Besides royal priesthood in their hands the Arjyals
who because of their knowledge were called Jaisi or fosi, al-
Eo lunctiotred as the chiet omcer of the King in chargc of
all his executive functions.
Bhanu Josbi Arjyal is reported by the chronicles to be
also functioning as the Chautara Mabarani,s chiet ol the house-
hold, who arraoged marriagec, and made contabt with princeg
across the border.
The removal of the Patrde and otber preccptoas from Seats
of vaDtage in the palace enabled the throne to a$crt its in-
herent privileges quitc independently. The Misra Guru biing
otten out of Kathmandu because of his residetrce in Banaras
could Dot and would Dot exercise a8y kind o[ reStraint oE
the King, wbile others were lesg importatrt because of their
status. But probably the prhtinc influencc woutd not work
if the Kiag was powerful enough to exetcise hif authority in
the manner iospiring all amorg his courtiers. At least Chandra.
prabba fouud it possibl€ to cast her child into a Eould,
yhich 8he thought would, iopart to the Eonarch bcroic qua-
lities standing in stead of a larger and bigger prospective.
According, to BaburaE Achatya,ou source Maheswara pantha
was exiled at the tiEe of Narabhupala,c detcat itr Trisuli. We
shall know from the next chapter that betore Narabhupsla died
there was a lime when Prthvioarayans became a so.tegent. Frotrr
the GV we learn that Jabangir Shah and some others were 8uspected
of wielding utrhealthy infruenco on the king and wcre exiled.

ll Datc correspoBd! to Saturd.y, 17 March, U38.

t2 LPN, I,
5? MODERN NEPAI

Tbereafte. Rani Cbandraprabba began to discharge also the dutics

of Chautara. She was being called Chautara Raoi.

Rise ol the Khasa f omilies

bis Divyapodera the kiog of Gorkha, Prthvinarayana, is

lt
repo ed to have said that be tought Nepal with tbe sbields ot the
Pandes and swords of tbe Basnets.
The Pandes wEte tbe otfsPriDgs of a Pande Brahman by bis
non Brahman wife. Such offspring were tegarded as lower itr casle
thaD the Ksatriya Thakuris, They would have been a caste apart
by tb€Eselv€s. Probably at the ioitial stage th€y were so, But
et a laler stage th€y got mixed up with tbe Tbapas, Basneb aod
otbers who were being called as Kbasa Ksatri) as' The letter
claimeal Ksatriya origin but malried into the oon'Brahmatr
tamilies of the former caste. By the lTth ceotury all descendants
ot a Brahman by Magar or Khasa wife were called Khasa Ksatriyas'
Tbus the Pandes and Basnets were botb Khasas.
PrthvinarayaDa said in tbe statemeot that his maternal utrcle
had advised him to rust thc Kbasas mote tban any other castes.
Therefore his regime had Beco upgrading of Khasa Ksatriyas as
castes and he granted them the status of nobility.
Tbis, however, does Bot mean that tbe Brabman Pantha'
Patbak Khanal, Paudyal aod otbers both Brahman and tbeit
illegimate issues had ceased to be influeotial. But the main
section of his Dobilily belonged to wbat we call the Khasa
casteS.

The Brabmanas also like the Ksatriya Khasas aod Thakuris

became ministere aod coomandets.
The Brahmanas aod Kha:as held predomiuant position all over
the hilly region now in lhe Nepalese territory. It was Dot only in
Gorkha but in the whole of Baisi and Chaubisi principalities these
people held positions of ttust and respotrsibility' In many states
the BrahmaDas and Khasas where ministers.
Nert to Brahnaoas and Khasas came the Magars io inpor-
taDca. But thefu aree of iofluence was the Cbaubisi. With their
 FOUNDING OF GORKHA STATE 53

home on both sides of the Kali Gandak they were the first tribal
people to come into cootact with the emigrant Raiputs and Brah-
manas sioco thi early llth ceDtury. Tbe Magars were totally
metamorphosed in the Brahmanical society and held a place in
the casae hierarchy below the Khasas. The Brahmanas were
their priests and preceptors. The Magar cbiefs ruled small princi-
palities as far as tbe western border of the Nepat valley kingdoms.
The Rajput emigrants had not only wrested power trom them but
also mixed with them by marryiog their womeo. Prthvinarayana
called bimself tbe Raia of the Magar country (Magrar). The
Magars were recipient of royal favours and some of them had
become ministers.
So far we have written tbe history of the period on the basis
of the materials called the Gorkha chronicles. These chronicles
q,ere ptobably composed in the time of the early Gorkha rulers
who bad conquered the valley of Nepal.
The writer is said to be one Shermao. The chronicle itself was
written in the time 'of Bahadur Shah, the second son of Prthvi-
trarayana Shah, who worked as Regeot. This chronicl€ covers
evetrts upto tho former's time. But sources aro not reliable. It
is much probable as Baburam Acharya propounds that the chroni-
cle borrowed all its itrformation from the genealogical accounts
composed in Rama Shah's time;
If the chroniclc was composed leter then the source was
definitely thc earlier described .Champu,, which givos in de-
lail accounts of events also dealt with by the chronicler.
In assessing the account of ths chronlcle we suggested that
much of it was based on unscientiflc data. This applies to
chronicles of all types and descriptiotrs. Therefore the thesis stands
lbat all this mskes the chronology of the period as put for-
ward by the cbrotricler unreliable on the whole. However,
the two Vamsavalis can be utilised for <iur history writing to
fll aome gaps lelt by the absence of other materials or verify
events in their light, which might not be, ot course, quite in-
dependent. Similarly Sherman,s chronicle statrds to fiU up the
gap for the earlier period, rhich lacks otber sources.
54 MO, DERN NEPAT

It is vety casy to criticise th€ chronicles. The anciont aDd

medicval history 8re prcseDted in o matter, which looks Eoro
a legcnd than tactual history. if,he evidenco of reliable data
are ignorect anat fictitious ascount is utilised in -their writiog'
ThiF i. not 8o s,hcn we como to the latsr period. But herc
also the acsount is not free trom defects.
But the questioa comes how far csn we diopeose with thc
utilisation of such a sbronicle written in Bahadur's time. But
ther€ is anotber chrotriclo which is gcnerally ktrown as tbe
laDguage chronicle (literally meaning written in Nepali laDgo'
age); lbe rl'rme Bhasa Vamsavali is given to tbe latter. This
particular Vamsavali distributed in sevcral copies was srittsn
by Kharidar Buddhiman Singh. It does trot give the details
.of th€ earlier chrotricle as far as the reigos up
to Narabhu'
pal Sbab. But since Prthvinarayana's reign the description is
elaborat€d atrd in various statemetrts it is also not too wido
of the mark. Some think that both the chrooicl€8 were written
during Rajcndra'e reign.
Buddbiman's cbroniclc gives dates for events of his des-
cription, which can be judged with toference to the corrcs-
ponding dates of reliable documentg such as correspoodetrce'
insffiptions, atrd de€ds of land graot deeds. But wheteas Somo
of thise dates are not confirmed and sometimes look absurd
as the real dates miss, some dates of the chronicle appear
correct. Whatever may be tho defects of the accoutrt given
by rhe chronicle, the tact temaitrs that tbis is the ooly soulce
Earerial tor the history ot Gorkha bGfore Prthvinarayana'
Criticisnt ol the Chronicles

cannot think of aDy scieDti0c evidence to assess the sub'

I
staDce of the anecdotes as giveD by the cbronicler'
There
are scholars $ho think that se ought to discimiDete between au'
thentic atrd unauthentic description of events' I do not think
that such a classifcation is possibte' But Baburam Achatya
bolds that soDe €vents could bc regarded as
possible oo L
defined basis. Thus the Acbarya does not take seriously
the
story of the queen mother of Lamiung and Gorkha throwiDg
 FOI'NDING OF GORKHA STATB 55

her own milk over the Chepe so that the same became the
frontier line between two states. He also does not believe
the Bhima Malla story natrated in our Medieval Nepal (part II).
We have read his criticism of the other points also. But all
these are side issues. After all, we do not have reliable evi-
dence to work but a scientific line to be' the basis of our
history writing. The chronicles has a tendency to exaggerate,
and he does show accuracy in providing dates for the occur-
rence of eveots. We may not accept all the details he gives.
But what is the way out ? The Acharya himself dries not
do anything more than guess work and commenting on tbc
many mistakes of chronology one. But we should not forget
that when one resorts to guess work many other absurd things
can be interpreted as correct. For example when the Acharya
contradicts a report appearing in a narrative connected with
the lif€ of Prthvinarayana Shah about his visit to palpa on
his way back fron Banaras he thinks that this was not possi-
ble because his iourney to Gorkha must be through Noakot
not far from Palpa in the south east. We know that the
Acbarya by his interpretation wae only exercising his imagi_
nation and trying to make appear events as plaueible to the
best of his knowledge. But we could also very well imagine
that Prthvinarayana had taken the route of palpa, had crossed
the river Gandaki at Ramdi, come to Bhirkot and thence to
Dhor, Satahoun, Garhoun and entered Tahhoun or he might
straight enter Kaski before he entered the small principalities.
According to Acharya his aim was to know personally the
real condition of these principalities. After alL all these rulers
were friendty to Gorkha. So any route could be fixed. The
chronicler might or might not be correct. similarry what ma-
terial difterence it makes to a historian if the chtonicler had
rvritten that Narabhupal was brou3ht to Gorkha on prthvipa-
ti's seeking his grandson or accidentally. The circumstances
might vary. But nevertheless we have to be caretul in weigh-
ing their evidence, and it is also true that only a scientific
approach will yield correct results. But eveots by themselves
coulc be noted without hesitation. There are numerous instan-
56 MODERN NEPAL

ccs of' inl€rptelalioD, ald attempts at passing tbem as

real. I do know tbat a reliabl€ hiEtory of tbe period before
PflhviDarayana Shah cannot be writteD until letters, stories
and coDterDporary records of eveDts are available' It is no use
criticisiDg lbe cbroDiclers for lheir mistakes, because the tendetrcy
for commifting errore in lhe circumstances was oaterial'
We sbould not leel disgusted with the chroDiclers when they
project rhe kings and gods, Eiling legends ald histories toBe-
it,er, anO thus by ccmmunicating a Dost pbatrtastic picture is
brought to us. Again more tban buman power supertratural
forces seem to be working in tb€ history of the chroniclers'
Tbis contradicts the scientifrc basis. But then the broad mass ot
rhe people w€r€ livirg in a world of superstitioo and so was
rbe cbronicler tbough be rlived 100 years later. The point is
that €ven if we reproduce some of theEe phaotastic accoutrt
there is Do teasotr to thitrk that this was doDe with a view
to oake it show real. I am happy lbat the Acbarya is not
given to coDdeEnitrg all aspects of the chroniclers' accounts'
ibough'his ptejudices are sometimes Bot iustifled' ws notice
tbat be has wrltteD two chaPiers based on 6V' In spitc of
the defects of the accouDt giveo by the chronicle' tb€ fact
reEains that this is the only source malerial for the history
of Gorkha belore PrthvioaraYana.

Laniung
The cbroniclegives lhe followiog DameE of rulers alter
YaEobrahma lor Lamiung : -

l. Yasobrahma
?. PurDa Sbabi
3. Chuda Sbahi
4. Achundra Shabi
5. Narendra Shahi
6. Nararoja Shahi
The last is followed by Raja Kesharinaralana (There ir a
 rOI'NDINC OF CORKI{A STATE 57

secord ot landBraut by rhis Rata made on Saka 16 of masa

I - 1684)'3 then the ge[ealogy stands as below :
Ripumardan Sabi
Viramardan Sahi
Bbima Shah

13 ltihosoporo Somgruha,ll, p,16

 CHAPTER III
KINGDOMS OF THE SENA DYNASIY
Palpa and its Satellites
(A)
Refore dealing with the spectacular advancc of Gorkha and
,its rise and consolidation as a big Etate, let us take a bursory glaoce
itrto the position of other Eembers oI rhe Chaubisi group. We
have seen tbat at least eight of them along with Gorkha were said to
have been ruled by offshoots of tbe family that laadcd froo
Udaipur in the baEin of the river Seti,r Most of the others were
the rulers in name and the state they ruled was not even worth
callisg a principalily. But Palpa occupying the vallcy atrd adioin-
iDg ridg€s of the river Narayali was much different from these.
Witb the portioo of thc Terai in its possession, Palpa both lerri'
torially aod from the poiot of economic resoutces commanded a
position of vatrtago much superior to any of tbe Chaubisi iocluding
for some time even Gorkha. The dynasty also ctaimed its origin
from the Rajput kings of Chittor. Hamilton was led to tbink that
this dynasty alone could legitimately claim a Sisodiya desceot.
Palpa was also rhe oldest of the Chaubisi haviog been in exislence
for a century earlier than any of the others. Its importanco also
lies in the fact that the rulinB family of Palpa branched off in
several dyDasties to rule over Tanhoun further east aod Mackwao-
pur, Chaudandi and MoraDg further south'east. Tbe latter in'
chided territorics comprisiDg the easternmost district of the present
Nepalese Terai (as far as the north of Purnea district of Bihar).
Mukunda Sena, ruler ot PalPa, is meotiotred io lhe Nepalese
cbroDicle to havt iovaded Patan in rho 14th century with a large
conting€nt of Magars. His identity is not €stablisbed with refer'
etrc€ to the Palpa chronicle. But accorditrg to Bhavadatta's gene.
alogy he was l2lh otr the line of the emigrant dynasty.

l de aotc.
 KINGDOMS OF THE SENA DINASTY 59

Other deBils about the otigio and rise of the houee of Palpa
are not available up to date. As Haoilton who is ao iEportant
autbority about the genealogy of the rulers of some of these priDci'
palities, anal whom we have largely followed in pIeseDt delineatiotr,
says corr€ctly that the chieftains in their zeal to tracc their aoccstry
to Rajputana itr otder to eitablish tbe fact of tbeir pure Ksatriya
birth added cerlain commonly uoderstood Raiput app€ndages to
rbeir family surnatnes. Thus the Raja of Piuthan had his sutnamc
atter the Chandelas, the Rajas of Kbanchi aod Dhurkot aftet
Medhasi and the Raja of Parbat bad a Malla surname but oftcn
said that he belonged to Samal clan of Raiputs aloDg with tbo
chiefs of Galkot and Ghiring. The families related to the original
stock of the Raia ot Gorkha called themselves Khaos and Shahis,
later on Shahs, Accordiog to Hamilton the rulers who called
themselves Sen Raiputs at the time of Gorkha conquest of Nepal
bappened to be of those of Palpa, Taohoun, Mackwanpur, Rising
aDd Paiyun aod also ot Mackwanpur, Chaudandi and Moraog.
The other houses of Gulmi and Argha who had also Sen surname
did not share with tho rulers ol Palpa aoy kind of collateral blood
relatiotrship.

Hamilton's ioforEatiou is that the rulets of Gulml Khanchi,

Argha, Musikot, Dhurkot and Isma belonged to one family (pp.
263-64) ancf whetr standitrg single none was important. Bhavadatta
says that tbese principalities were carved out by Mukunda Ssoa'8
dcscendatrtS.

In followiog Hamiltoo I do Dot think it is of aoy uso to get io-

volved into th6 coDplicatiotrs of the genealogy betote Mutunda
Sena, I am sure that it is a futile exetcise to apportion time to
fictitious iodividuals who were regatded to have captured places
itr the hills Dear Palpa. According to Samat Bahadur the dylasty
first settled in the Terai, and worked in lbe servicc of a Tharu
chief Tutha Eoved to Rising. Rudrasena negotiatiog through
Palpa and Ridi became the first ruler of Palpa,

Because no chroDicle is reliabler it is

not possible to say with
authority if Rudtasena was even a historical figure. But as he is
60 MODERN NEPAI

quite n€arer to ascertaiDed cbroDology, lbe chtonicler,s accouot of

his foundiog a kingdom might be true.
A genealogy prepared by Paodit Gangavisnu at the itrstance
of Trivikram Sen in bis book .lchdtadipol< dated Saka 1674 tyestha
sukla 5 (178\ :1752 A.D lists Mukunda Seoa to bc the ,arher of
Bbrirgi vho heads tbe family tree ot tbe Tanhoun kirgs (CpMDNr
I, p. 153). The same name of Mukunda Sena occurs iD the palpa
g€nealogy and he is said to have extetrded his kingdom far and
vide to touch tbe Malla territory in tbe east aDd Moghalan in the
8outh.! In his tio3e Palpa controlled tbe whole of the easr Terai
as f4r as Moraog.
According to Hamilton's (pp. 130-31) aurhority the atrcestors
of MukuDda SeDa came from Cbittor aod settled down near tbc
present Bettia (North Bihar) district on a site where the river
Gandak enlers tbe plain. Ajit Sen, the frrst emigraDt to thlE area,
Lilled the Bhanar Raja of Raipur aDd founded the Scra dyDasty
shich was destined in course of time to subiugate Magrats ,urther
trorth itr the hilts. By Bhawar tribe Hamilton probably meant tbe
Tbarus, Another of Hamilton's authority puts l'utha Sen and his
son to have conquered the outlyitrg Terai region and pushcd into
Butwal and Rising farther west and nortb. After giving certain
names after ifutba io order of herediiary succession, the same
authority mentioDs Dbarmapala Sen, bis son Anekasinha Sen, his
son Ramraja SeD, bis eon Cbandra Sen ald his son Rudra SeD.
Tbis genealogy is the same as that of Bhavadatta, and therefore it
is obvious tbat Hauriltoo had borrowed his data from this source.
Hamilton personally takes the genealogy as valid aod dismissed as
invalid the version which plac€s Dambbar and Gajapati to precede
Chandra Sen. Baburam Acharya (Bhanubbakta Memorial)a wbile
agreeiDg with Hamilton tbinks tbat Khan Raj (Ra$raia of Hamil.
ton) adopted the Sen appendage for the first tiore. Unhke the
Gorkha list, the one o[ Palpa does not except in a few cases agree

2 The couotry rulcd by thc Moghuls,_

3 Thc laod i[habitcd by the Ma8ar tribc,
4 Rcad ao articlc in BhaDubhalla M€morial publicatioa by Baburaro
Acharys about thc SeD dyDasty of Tslhou,
 iCNGDOMS OF THE SENA DINASTY 6t
vith the Sisodiya genealogy, The so.called old cbrooicla publisbod
6y tbe Bir Library, however, calls th€ dyoasty a Sisodiya congi.
dering its founder to havo migrated from Chittor, Either it might
be due to the lack of tact and foresight to adopt thc schedule on
the part ot the cbronicler or tbe lioe had originated froE a stock
untraced in tbe plains aod hence the contusioo. But it may be
added bere tbat the chrotricles have a common list of names almost
similar.
Rudra Sen and bis sotr Chandra Sen are the commooly ac€ept€d
trames for Palpa genealogy. Rudra Sen married the daughter of
Piuthan ruler and founded Tansen where he established his capital.
Rudra Sen ruled between 1440 and 1475 A.D. But this is just a
guess work.
Accordirg to one authd Chaodra Sen absorbed the territorieg
formerly belonging to the Raja of Gorakbpur.Champaran. He
not€s siorilarity itr the mode of royal address of Madan Simha the
last ruler of tbo locality, wbo died issuelesr and as well as of Rudra
Sen. (For Madan Simha's address rezd, CPMDN, I, p. 223t.
Bhavadatta who wrote his chronicle in Saka 1724 (+74 -1392
A.D.) has nothing to say about this.
At tbe time while Rudra Sen was ruling over Palpa, there was
in the areas further north and trorth-west the principality of pirbat
in a flourishing state. The rulers claimed Rajput descent and
atided Malla appendage as tbe Eurname of th€ family. Bua
Hamilton's informant says that like many other chieftains rhey
were no better than a Khasa in desceDt, According to bim tbe
first ruler of rhis family was a child of a Gautam Brahmana by
his impure'Bohra wite. Bohra is a family surname of a dynasty
of Khasa Ksatriya. Whatever tbat be, it was a fact that at one
time Parbat which was also called Malaibam after one of its rulers
had extensive domioion touchiog Juu:la in the west and Kuski in
tbe east. As we observed above Parbat also included a good
portioo of Tibet beyond tbe Himalayss. Bur the original territory
was parcelled out to three collaterals, aod shortly bcfore Rudra
Seo of Palpa started to expaod his frootiers, Malalbam was
rendered weak by internal disseosioDs, It is said that Duch of
62 MODERN NEPAL

felt to Rudra Sena $as acqu ed out of the

the territoties that
doErain of Malaibam. Kirtibam ot tbat state was
a contemporary
ot PrthvinaraYana Sbah.
jerk'
After Mukunala Sena's death Palps €xperienced tbe same
the
On Bhavadatla's Etatement the same was divided amongst
obtained the original
f*, ,or. of bis. The eldest Vinayaka
prircipatity, Manikya seized Butwal, Brihanga declared bimself
i monarch'at Tanhoun and to Lahanga fell Mackwanpur' About
,to" ouaa, one tnore source of inforEation available to flamilton
(p. '170) says that it was Manikya who as tbe oldest member
ii tl" tu.ify inherited Palpa and Vinayaka bad seized Butwal'
Other writers on Nepalese history follow
tbis account as w-ell as
,U" hit,o.y of tbe Tanhoun ruling famity as
rarrated by llamilton's
But a Palpa chronicle (i'e' composed by Bhavadatta)
"oinotrty. as ths p€rson
c,hich rii bave foltoweil in the oain gives Vinayaka
to inh€rit the origioal principality of Palpa'
According to; notiDg in an oltl diary wtitten
towatds the €nd
of the eightleenth century the line of succession in Palpa after
the disme;bermeot of the original principality stood as
follows:
VinaYaka Sen (1553'1563)'
Jasu Sen (1563'1568). Bbavadatta slated tbat he vras
tbe person to seize Butwal.
Damodar Sea (1568'1598)'
Bbalbbadra Sen (1598'1642)
Ambat Sen (1642'1693)
rulers as Ropa-
The old cbronicle gives tbe titles of the Palpa
Darayanetyadi Maharaiadhiraja etc'
--
a.Uui Sen vras succeeded by Gaodbatva' He is taken as a
,.rf irpoaruo, persooality Dext to Mukuoda Sena I in Palpa chro'
Diclbs of the dYnasty.
It was 6aitt by Bbavadatta that the Palpa
ruler having died with'
out auy heir, tis fourth cousin of Butwal got his son ascended the
ttroiiio.ul"iog in one priocipality the two portions- of--what
r"r-pt.riottfy-Mukunda Sena's original dodain' Hamilton's
irio,ruo, Samat Babadur, who was a youDger blothet
of the Iast
iJir ot patpa, Priitrvipal Seu, says that the person concerned was
 KINGDOMS bF TEB SENA DYNASTY 63

Gaodbarbba Sen, who $as his own great graodfather (1693-1756),

added soBe more territories to his slate at the cost of rhe Magar
chief of Balibang or Baldhyang which was fractioned iDto tbt€e
parts to be each iDcorporated ioto Gulmi and Khavichi. Khilung,
a Dew 6tate, cias qeated out of what remaised 'on the division
aDd a Brabmana was declated to be its ruler. He had accepted
the suzerainty of Palpa. Onc of Gandbarbha's daugbters was
Darried to kiDg Narabhupala of Gorkha. Gandharbha's grandeon
Mukunda Sena II ( 7756-1782 ) who.succecded him befriended thc
Nawab Vazir and secured from bim tbe Zamindari rights over
the estate of Tilpur and Rajpur situated to the west of the rivcr
Gancak in shat ie now called lhe Nepalese middle Terai. He also
pul on tbrone in Gulmi a collateral of hic, Gulmi was later on
restored by tbe Gorkba king Raoa Bahadur Sbah to its original
ruler. Mahadutta, the son ot Mukunda bad his regime ( 1782.
1793 ) too Duch mixed up with the €vents of Gotkha expansion,
aBd rhcrefore is Eentioned in detail in that chapter. Palpa lost
its individual existence after the death of Rara Bahadur, grandson
of Prthvinarayaoa Shah io about August, 1803 A.D. trhc last
rular, Prthvipal Sen was killed in Katbmatrdu on a charge of
consptacy.
Tanhoun
(B)
From Palpa lct us come to Tanhoutr, the Porlion that was
by Mukunda's third son Bhriogi. A ms. Acharudipika
captured
by Gangavisnu alt€ady . referred to gives tbe following geuealogy
after bim:
Mukunda
I
Bhridgi, the chiel of kings, who b€came the fir8t
I ruler of TrisriDgadesha ( 1548-1571 )
Hambira ( l57l-1630 )
I
Tula Sen This name is Triviktama Sen in the
I old Sena Chronicle.
P(atapa'8 8o!
I
Damodara, caued by tb€ poet Dayalu'DaEodars
I ( l6s3-r673 )
64 MODERN MPAL

Digviiaya ( r673.1694 )
I
Kamaraja Darta ( 169+1749 )
I
Trivikrama ( 1749-176: ),
The list agrees in toto as it is given in ltihasa Prakasa. Tbe old
cbronicle traces the line from one Trivikrama Sen.
The last two datc figures are from Ambika Prasad. Hambira
( d. 1630 ) with his capital at Sur added to bis principality Rising
which was previously handed over to Ram Sen, asp[ss/ e1
Mukunda. It was said that RaE Seo haa died without a male
heir, but so was Hambira and thereatter Tula Sen called Mukhiya
who was the Raiput ruler's brother according to a cbrooicle
succeeded to the throne of Tanhoun. But from the abovo given
genealogy of Acharatlipika. TuIa appears to be the son and
successor of Hambira, Accordiog to old Sena cbronicle Praaapa
had 7 wives. One of the daughters was married to king Rama
Shah ot Gorkha, He.was succeedec by Damodara Seo.
In this reign the Raiput branch disappeared altogether owing
to the ruler being childlese and Tanhoun also got parts ot the Terai
as far as the Cbittaun and the Dun areas o( thc Rapti, Tbe €state
of Ramrragar near Bettia was iocluded fu this domain, but the
Raja held it under ptolection of the East India Company
( Hamiltotr, p. 182 ) when the latter acquired diwaoi over the area
known as the province of Bibar.
Atter Digvijaya Sen ( Sce table above ) his son Kamarajadatta
Sen asceoded the throne. Accordiog to Ambika Prasad ( p. 79 )
he added Gorakbpur district as a Zamindari under EDperot
Farrakshiar. This could not be true. His predecessor was ott€n
troubled b,'tbe Bettia'ruler who carried raids itrto the Deighbour-
ing area, buthis reign was comparatively calm. He died in 1749
leaving his son Trivikrama Sen on the throne'
Once Trivikram caltre into conflict with Prthvinarayana Shah
and later he is said to have died of a paoic, wbile rhe Gorkhalis
wero to launch attack on the west after theit victory over thc
Nepal Valley.
 KINGDOMS OF THE SENA DYNASTY 65

Trivikram Sen was the autbor of a few works in Sonrkrit as

s{ggested by two mss. (L\ Mantamahodadhitika' dated VS U9l
Maryostrsa sudi (2) Sripfridtilakam,G without date but eith
Srimdn maharaiadhiraja Kamaraiailatta wpali suri suru Sri
Mahesvaracharanarenu Trivikrama nrpati virachito. We havo
already referred to Acharadipika, which was composed at his
instance by a scholar named Gangavisnu ( 1752 A. D. ). Like thc
rulers ot Palpa, oll the rulers of Tanhoun adopted tbe titles of
Md. Rupanarayana.
His time coincides with the rise of the ruler ot neighbouring
Gorkha as a conqueror. In the latter's expansionist activitics,
he came into clash with the Gorkha forces several times. His
f,€soutce$, however, were not slrorg eoough to meet the challeoge
poEed by Gorkha's risiDg military strstrgth. At a late stage ho
was enticed and imprisooed as a result of a plot organised by the
Gorkba ruler.
But h€ wanted to live otr amicable terms with the Gorkhalis,
andlbat friendship existed as long as Narabhupala lived. Twicc
in l7l5 and 1722 Tanhoun along with Gorkha also had participated
in a war that was waged between the rulers of the Nepal Valley.
Later Trivikram Sen added to his domain Lamidanda which war
in possession of Gorkha haviDg it caPtured duriDg the aloresaid
war. This Lanidanda was the cause of the trouble between him
and Prtbvinarayana Shah, because the latter had claimed suzeraintJl
over the same. Trivikram refused to comply, and he was ag a
result captured by the Gorkhalis who detaioed him for som€ tiEe
in prison. But Tanhoun was attackod with tull force in 1769'
Trivikram's son Kumaradatta Sen committed suicide while his
capital was beseized by the Gorkhalis. Frcp L Danapatrd, ia
appears tbat the date of his death occurred some time atter the
month ofVaisakhd ot yibam Samvat 1831. Afler this iocident

5 ibid, I. 168. 9, It appears that hc had only causcd the nr,s' Mantru ahQ
dadii to be writteo.
6 See thE Old Sena Chrooicle itr a publicatio! of lhe Bir Library.
7 Darbar Library catalogue'
5
66 MODERN NEPAL

flarakumaradatta Sen purchased peace with a pledge to follow

Gorlba in all the latt€r's v€ntures. We sball mention tbe price he
paid some time later. Actually Tanhoun's. contiDgent ioined
Gorkha in tbe latter's attacks lurlber west. But Prthyinarayana
virtually failed to advaDce as Laniung.Kaski resisted him.
Haradatta Sen beaved a sigh ot relief aDd Tatrhoun was spread for
lbe n€xt reign ol Nepal for lotal submission and aDnexatioD,
But lben it had become a subsidiary state of Gotkha.
Early in A, D., a Christian missionary from Italy Padre
1756
Tranquillo by name visited Tanhoun. He interviewed Raja
Trivikram SeD, aDd preseoted to bim books oD Christianity. Tbe
Rrjs was much impressed witb what he heard about the Cbristian
faith 8nd begged of Father Benedetto tbrough a letter to send tleo
prieste for preaching work. Written in rhe Nepali language, the
letter to Benedetto was addressed in lhe name ot Maharajadbiraja
frivikrama Ssn with date line Magha Sudi 14 ( verified for 14
February, 1756 A. D. )r from bis winter camp at Ghat. The Ghat
probably ref€rred to Deoghat near the confluence of the Gandak
and its main tibutaries, Bhere the Raja of TanhouD had his tem.
porary beadquarter for the three moDtbs of the cold seasoD.
It is not known whether any Padre was stationed at TanhouD
as was lhe case in lhree kingdoms of the Nepal Valley. Probably
in the turmoil wbich accompaDied the rise of Gorkha as a power
coilciding the Efties of tbat century, the very idea of expanding
their activities at tbat stage beyond the,confines of Kathmanrlu,
Patan and Bhatgaon could not bave strongly weighed with the
Capucbin missionaries. No records are available bearing testimony
to the existence of a resident mission in Tanhoun or anywhere in
the realms ot the Ba-isi and Chaubisi, It appears from a letter of
Father Tranquillo that he had also visited Gorkha to secure
timbers from its forest for tbe construction of a church building
in Kathmandu ( Kathmandu, 13 October, .1756 )'. The King of
Gorkha was ailiDg at that time and sought medical treatment by
the visitiDg Father. The 6ame Father TJauquino has left us a
8 C. D. 38, Missionary Italiari Ncl Tibet el Nel Ncpal, part IV, p, 231.
9 DocuEeDli Misliooary ltaliaDi, e!c. yo!. IL pal! Il, pp. 198.99,
 KINGDOMS OF TIIB SENA DYNASTY 67

brief account ofTanhoutr, which i8 incorPotated in the lettet

abovo referred to: "Tashoun is at a distance of ll to 12 days'
journey from Patan. The Kingdom of Gorkha is iust thtee days'
journey from the capital of Tanhouu ( Tanhounsur )r0. The
principatity of Tanhoun is bounded in tbe north'west by Palpa
whose Raia belongs to the same family. The city ot Palpa is at
a distatrce of tour days' journcy. To the north of Tanhoun is
Kaski and Lamjung. The leltd touches Tibet 'in thc north but
it has no dependents in that part. Lamiung is iust close to
Tanhoun only a journey of a day aod a balf'l! To the south
th€re is Mackwa,trpur and Bettia. It takes 11'12 days fol reacbing
thetetr
,,Taohoun is half mountaioou8 and pretty cold ag cool ae
Itaty, thoug'h thete is no snow but it receives cold wind from
Lhasa. fhe other hatf is a low tand which is watm. We have
great iungles abouniling in tigers, €lephants, bears, rhioocetos and
wild boars. Though it is extensive, it does not have more than 24,000
houses all over. There are two big rivcrs which ioin at Mukam
Deo Ghat ( uuion of a God with a Goddess ). The ioint 8tream
theDcetorth b€comes Gandak, then it flows to Bettia, to Chappra
and to Patan to ioin the Ganges.
,.In Tanbouo as in the half portion of the kitrgdom of
LaEiung religion is Brahmanism. Peoplc are malicious but rot
much euperstitious. They aro ignorant and not at all gifted. Often
tho countly is visited by the Brahmans of Banatas who havo
cast evil influence on them. Thc inbabitants have no books of
teligion. Pagodas ate few.-the psople wolship red stone8.r'
In the mountains the people have a Eoderate complexion ; they
are neitbet fai! nor datk ; in the plain8 they atc dark 8nd all
are dresged like the Hindustani. Tbey say that there ate some

10 Actqally thc diltaDco is trot so ouch. Thc Padro !toB! to havc

covered the distatrcc by himscli io so liaoy days' He Dight baYe be€o a
sick oaD to tlavel to !low. tho distatrce is less thaB l0 Bilcs'
t I Tho actusl distance is otrly 6 Bilcr.
12 The distalce is about 60 Dile3 througb a circuitout route'
13 Eitber the deity Gaoerba or Hanumau.
68 MODERN NEPAL

Musalmang in Tanhouo. Coins of Nepal circulatc more thao

those of India. The King has only copper moDey. No gold and
silvcr money are issued by him. The itrhabitstrts afc a bit giveo
to luxury in the Terai, while io the mount&ins they are more simple.
A tcgular civil war upspts social life in tbcre aroas." ( a girt
of what the Padre wrote. Thie is in the laoguage of tbe author
froE tbc Italian ).
Lct us add a few worde about th€ Mohamadan population
of Tanhouo, which was markedly observed by rhe Chtistiao
vieitor. The Muslims were the emigrants from the plains. 'fhcy
had gotre to Tanhoun from Bettia invitcd by the ruler to trade
in bangles. We have sanads io the name of some families gratrting
th€m lands for s€rviceg rondered to the Darbar in tbat course.
UDlikc their compatriots ia the N€p:al Valloy the Tanhoun
Muslims migrated from North Bihar. Those in Nepal came
mostly from Kashmir and Panjab.
The following passages from Tavernier a F(enchman about
the descriptiotr of journey through the Terai of Gorakhpur to
Palpa and theoce to tbe Tibetan border occur in Levi, which we
have thougbt to reproducs here for the interest of the teaders:
..Let us now dwell oo the road which it is trecessary
to follow
to coovey otreself from.Patan' to the Kingdom of .Boutan, which
journcy the caravan completes in tbree motrtbs. It usually starts
from .Patatr' at tbe end o[ December atrd reachee .Gorrochepour
on tho eigbth day, This is, as already stated, the last town of
this side ot the great Mogul,s states and where merchants provido
themselves with provisiotrs for a part on the journey. From .Gorro-
chcpour' to the feet of the lofty moutrtains there is still aDother
eight or nine days, journey, during which time the caravan sufters
considerably, because the country is lull of forests wherein roam
many wild elephaDts. The merchaDts itrstead of taking rest at
night, keep on the alert and light a big fire while firing theit mus-
kets to frighten away these animals. As the elephant moves about
uoiselessly, be surprises everybody by his suddetr presence before
tbey can be aware of him.
.,It is not that the elephatrt intends hurtiog
man, he is pleasecl
 KINCDOMS OF TI{E SENA DYNASTY 69

to carry away victuals which be can lay hold of, for example, a bag
of flour or a pot of butter of which there is always a considerable
quantity. One can travel from tPatan' to the feet ot these moun-
tains in carriages or in .Pallekis' (PalaDquin); but oxeD, camels
and country horses 6re generally made use of. These horses are so
thort iD 8tature that man'g feet touches the ground when he is
riding but they are very strong and can run very well doisg twenty
loagues at a stretch and eatiDg and drinking very tittte. Some of
these horses cost as much as two hundrcd halt-crowns aod when
oDe peDetrates into tho mountain, ope caDtrot but use this only
means of crossing the many defrles which are too narrow. Although
th€ horses are strong and small they often find it difficult to cross
these lofty mountains; (One crosses Nepal then) the caravan having
r€ached the foot of these high mountaiDs, known today under
the name of rNaugrocot' and which cannot be traversed inside ot
nine or t€n days, as these are exceedingly high and narrow with
g,r€at precipicesi many people como down from various places and
the majority of them women and girls who come to bargain with
tbose of the caravan, to carry the meor the victuals aod the met.
chandises, beyond the mountaios. This is the way they gct about
it- fhese som€n have a pad on the two shoulders to which is
attached a substantial cushion which hangr on tbe back on which
the man i$ seated. Three wom6n alternate one another to carry a
man by turn, and all baggage and provision are loaded on the back
of goats who can carry up to a huDdred atrd frfty pourlds, Those
who briDg horses with them are often compelled, in narow and
dangerous defiles' to hoist them by rope: it is mainly due to thig
diftculty, as already Eentioned, that horses are not used io these
regions. They give them to eat ooly in tbe morniDg aDd itr the
evening. In the moroing a paste made of a poutrd of flour with
half a pound ot black sugar and the same quantity of butter mixed
with water, serves the purpose. At evening time a small quaDtity ot
peas, broken and allowed to soak for half an hour in water, i8 all
they get; and this is the sum total ot their nourishment in tw€nty-
four hours. Tbe women who carry tbe men oDly eartr two rupees
tot th€ ten days of passage and the same amouDt is paid for each
 MODtrRN NS?AL

hundredw€igbt carried b) the goats or Bhe-goats and for each horse

tbat is brought up,
..Alter crossiDg these mountaitrs, one has a means of coDvcy-
aqce upto 'Boutan', oxed, camels and hors€s and even .Pallekis'
(palanquin) for those who wish to travel more comfortably."r'
Although io the secood paragraph we find Nepal Eentioned in
tbe itinerary, actually speaking, the area referred to was nbt under
Nepal in rhose daJs. Tavertrier canfused the Kingdom oI Palpa
with Nepal due to misund€rstatrding on account of tb€ir gcographi-
cal position.

Mackwanput
(c)
The closing of Tanhoun narrative will take us to Mackwanpu.,
the state of LohaDga otherwise known as LavaDgapratapa. He
bad pushed his coDquest towards the east aDd subdued half a
dozen chiefaains of the areas now called Mobattari and Saptad
dist.icts (Hamilton, pp. 134-36). Hamilton's informant says that
these were rulers of the Bbawar tribe, and in Morang one Viiaya-
narayana a d€scendatrt of a Chief commonly b€li€ved to belotrg to
a royal family of Assam, may be be was a Koche chief, was ruling,
whom Lobanga kitled with the help of the Kirata tribes living in
the hilts trorth of that place. According to a ms' oI Pratapamalla's
time Mobattari was ruled by one Kirtinarayana. (Darb. Lib. Cat.
I.979). This is dzted 772 Chaitru sukla 15 (= April, 1652). Agham
Sioha, a Kirata itr the service of Hamilton, says that the Kiratag
retaiDed their &utonomy even though submitting to LohaDga,
baving their own man as Chautata or minister of the realm aDd
certain other rights. Irhaoga enteted into an alliance with the
Kirata ruler of the arear by name Libuk Hang to effect a settlement
to that end, It is said that since theo Maithili was adopted as
official laDguage of both th€ Kirata atrd ot the areas directly uoder
Sena rulers. As a result, we find sevcral docuoentS, sanads aod

14 Lavi, i, pp. 83'84; Thc six voysgcs olcaD BsDtistc TaYrloicr II'
Cbaptcr XV.
 KINGDOMS OF THB SBNA DYNASTY 7I
stamped l:tters also written in Maithili, which supports thtr
statement,
Lohanga's grandson or eoo, according to the old Sena chroni-
cle, Raghava Seo adtpted the title ot Hrodupaii. He was suceeo-
dcd by bis son Harihara Setra. He wac a grandson of a Samal
Chief througb his mother. The latter had two wives and he
Iavouted Subha Sena his son by the younger queen Mahadevi in
preterence to three others by the elder queeo Mahosvari. After
big death Mackwanpur wa8 divided into rpo paris, the river Kosi
wac the boundary between the two, and while the westero portion
fell to Maharaja Kumar Subha, over the eastern portion Judubi-
dhata Indra, the son of Chhatrapati becaEe a ruler, Chhatrapati
was tbe eldest son of Harihara but he was not a favourite of his
fatber aod thus Indra Sena had been declared Kiog, It is said thrt
in bis time Auraogzeb's army while on their cay to Assam in
vaded Morang aod the Raje had to purchaee peace by surretrderiog
some elophaots aod mon€y, According to Sir Jaduoath Sarkar
the Moghul army had invaded Morang. The old SetrE chronicle
menlions the marriage of Mahesvaridevi and her sister Mahadevi
with Harihara two princesse$ of Krch Bihara (p. l4). Brth
Chhatrapati and Subha Sena were nephe*,s ot the Kooh Bihar ruter
Prana Narayana. Hamiltoo sugg3sts that Haribara bad pushed his
conquest as far as Koch Bihar. The two principalities M.rrang
and Mackwanpur wer€ cruelly sacked by the Purnea Nawab several
times, and a good maay portions of ths territorie8 wire taken away
and absorbed into the Nawab's domaio. It is said that Subha
Sena's step brothers had gone over to the Nawab, aod they could
also succeed in wiooing ovgr the ministers of ths Mackwaopur
ruler on their sidc. The conspirators at last succecded iu catching
tbe persoo of Subha Sena aod he was currendered to Ntwab Isfun-
dar Dyar Khan of Purnea.l!
Bidhata Indra went to tbe assistaoce of his uncle but he was

15 The chrooiclc of thc Kirata gives a diff..cot vErrioo of th. story.

Hc !ay! that Subhaoga was rcscuetl by a corDbiocd forcc of Kitata! aud
MoraoS which invaCed Pu.oca. They io commotr pluodercd thc N.prb,g
troasury aud laid haods on gold aod silvcr worth about Rr. 3 lakhs,
72 MODERN NEPAL

alsb defeated. Botb the uDcle and lh€ nephew were sent to Delhi
and were Eurdered th€re, Tbe queen of Indra S€na tried to aveDg€
her busband's d€ath with lhe help ot the Kirata chiets and soldiers,
shs defeated the Nawab and expelled his occupation of the bord€r.
All these evetrts took place in 1706 A.D. It was said by one sourcc
that SubhaDga Sena himself sas ransomed off by agreeing to pay
annually as a tribute soEe eleplaDts, The cbronicler of the Kirata
Sives a different version ot the story. He says tbat Subhanga was
rcscued by a combined force of Kiratas and Morang which invaded
Purnea. They in common plundered the Nawab's treasury asd
laid halds on gold ood silver wortb about Rupees 3 lakhs. Accor-
ding b rhe old Sera chronicle the title of Hiodupati appears for the
first time iD the royal epitbets of thiB monarch. He bad four sons
Matrdhata, Mahipata, Manikya, and Jagat, the last . of whom was
taken to Chaudandi by Hansu Rai, the Kirata minist€r of the area.
The contemporary Thyasapu written itr the Nepal Valley speak
of the invasions of Mackwanpur by the rulers of the Valley.
The excursion into the MackwaDpur territories began siDce the
time of Pratapamalla whose contempotary was, Subha Sena.
According to Tbyasapu D Pratapamalla aDd Srinivasamalla
had iointly carried an irvasiotr of the border areas of MackwaDpur
on 790 Magha krsna 4, but had returned without acbieving
anything. Next year on 790 lyestha krsno 12 budhavara Sriniva-
samalla alone invaded MackwaDpur aDd he was accompanied
besides his own soldiers also by 4 ministers and 100 soldiers
of Bhatgaon, Murari Sahi of Gorkba and Jagbatria. However,
he was comielled to retreat and all fled back to Patan. The
Thyasapu D further informs that oa 801 Choitru sudi l0 the
men of Katbmaodu went on atr expedition against Mabakumar
(Subha Sena) tbose of the 4 ministers of Patar and Bhatgaoo
werb also to be there but they told Kathmandu that lhey werc
to go to Sindhuli. About a year later, however, it was
declared that Sindhuli had been captured ot 801 Yaisokha krsna
2 anwadha naksltru adityayara= Surday, 24 Aprll, l6E1 aod
lhe lead was given by the kiDg of KarhmaDdu.
The Tbyasapu A (f. 3l) under the samo date lioc notes lhc
 KINGDOMS OF TiIE SENA DYNASTY 73

evenrs of conquest of Sindhuli (Dinding, Tinipatao, PstaliDga

-these 4 days later) by Parthivendramalla, and says
that all
the 3 rulers had participated. It is said that ot 80L Bhadra
sukla 13 dngatayta, the grandson of Hiildupati (Harihara),
Bidhata Indra, came to the Kantipur palaco escaping with a
rhinoceros. The cause of the flight is not given. Perhaps
as Baburam Acharya also says, Indrasen had temporarily taken
8h€lter io the Nepal Valley. He had quarrelled with bis.
uncle.
The Thyasapu E in coofirmation of this account under the"
same dateliDe adds that all the pramatras and peoples had
joired the figbt so did the 3 Chautaras, According to this
Thyasapu Mackwanpur was conquered ot 803 Phalguna swli
chatuflhi asyini naksatra angarayara at '15 ghali past night
Tuesday, 24 February, 1683. But the invaders abandoned forts
captured by them as they heard that Tanhoun had marched to
the help of Mackwanpur. As tlte invaders were running away
lhrough the route of Pharping, Srinivasamalla fell into the
bands of tbe defenders who were chasiDg attackers, But the
rulers of Bhatgaotr, Kathmandu, Lamjung, Gorkha, Bhirkot,
Palpa, Rising, Ghiring and Sisiya combined to defeat Mackwanpur.
In this conflict Jagsing Bania was sent tb€rc (probably to
ncgotiate) Kathmandu got one elephant as a prize.
It looks that the attacks on Mdckwanpur conductcd by
Pratapamalla and Srinivasamalla were aimed at intervening in
bebalf of Subhasena, who was one of tbe parties contestiDg
the throne ol Mackwanpur. This becodes clearer froD the
following paragraph, whero we discuss a letler of Pratapamalla
to oD€ influeDtial person in Mackwanpur,
The Bir Library has recently acquited a letaer of PratapaEalla
ot date Phogunavadi 9 (brur witbout year and week day)
addressed to Dalakha Baoia asking the lattet to manoeuvre by
all means for placing Subbaeena oD the tbrole of Mackwanpur.
It adds that tbe advice now tendered was in pursuance of
their previous coosultatioD. The letter presupposes a state ot
afiairs coEplicated enough for the smooth succession of the
?4 MODERN NEPAL

€ld€st son to the throne of hiE fath€r Harihara Sena. Subhasena

was tho secoDd son. He had no title to the throne. But the
principality wao divided between the two. What intercst
Pratapamalta hart in Subhasena is not cleat. We have seen
lrom the Thyasapus that up till 806=1685 A.D. the attack on
Mackwanpur was being caried by the Nepal valley rulers.
As Pratapamalta died in early 79a p674 A.D), the lettet
Dust belong to the time earli€r to this date, P€rhaps Chhatrapati
and Subhasena were struggling for the throne, and there was
enough room fot manoeuwe because of the weakness of their
father Harihara Scna. ifhe struggle was takiog place itr tho
.lif€ time of Hariharasena. Ultimately Harihara was forced to
divide the kingdom. What part bad Pratapamalla played ie
lowheto clear in the letter nor in the Thyasapus. The identity
of Datakhava Bania is also unktrown. He seems to bc a very
.important personality of Mackwanpur on the side of Subbasetra.
We also fail to koow.how Subhasena's kingdom was attacked
if he was a friend. We cao utrderstand the latter attacks by
Patan and Kathmandu but as long as Pratapa lived, this could
not have been possible.
Unfortunately wc cannot pursue further the poidt of
Mahammadan invasion of Mackwanpur o[ Nepal valley records.
They say nothitrg about it eveo distantly.
Attacks on Mackwanpur were repeated. But lh:re is no
mentiotr of attack on the territory of lndra Sera. It seems
Iodraseoa was a friend of the Nepal Valley kings thE latler favour-
ed. Under d$e 8lO Phatguno sukla I1 pra 12 adityavara=Etd ot
Februaryr' the Thyasapu A mentions tbe visit of Patasaha
( obviously Iodra Sena or his gtandtather ) to Siodhuli, where he
was received by the ministers of the three kingdoms of the
Valley,
Whatcver that be, the fact is certain that Tanhoun always kept
aloof, when it meant helping the rulers o[ the Ncpal Valley in their
attack on Mackwanput but Gorkha had ioined thero'

16 Thc dat€ ii irregular. This is Wodoccday aod oot SuDday,

 KINGDOMS OF THE SENA DYNASTI 75

As eome Tlryasapus speak of Kheda operations by the Valley

rulers Baburam Acharya thinks that although tertitorial gain at
the cost of Mackwanpur was not possible' the Malla rulers bad
obtained the rigbt of hunting elephaots itr the forest beloogiog to
the doDain of Mackwanpur. This might be possible.
Chaudandi and Morang
(D)
It ha8 been said by Hamilton that otr the capturc of Subha Sena
his two sons wete temoved toKirata areas. Baburam Achatya
recollects that he had an old notiog to say that they had been
carried into safety and kept at Sindhuli Garhi.
Mandhata Sen became the kiog ot Morang while to Manikya
Sen was given the throue of Mackwanpur. Thet€ is a documeot
io Mahipati's name, a land grant made to Dewan Ish Rai who has
been to carty the admioisttation as usual ( Samvat 1882 Maghavadi
roj 6 ). Tbis was issued from his capital Vijayapur't' Manikye Sen's
son, Hemkarna, was an carlier cootemporary of Prthvinarayana
shah. In Morang Mandhata was succeeded by Kamadatta sen'
It is said that Jagat Sen who was the ruter of the parts of Morang
ro the west of the Kosi was made king superseding Kamadatta
Scn, Kamadatta sas a weakling, he was dominated by one o[
the Kirata chiefs wbose naoe was Bichitralaraya0a Rei. His soE
was to ptay an importaot role in Morang's conflict with
Prthvinarayaoa Shah, Visvambhara Sen's rec.rrd ot latrd graot
ro otre Satbaha Rai dated 1807. Asvin sadi 2 roi 6'8 issued from
Vijayapur is an evidence of his reign. Atter his death Kaoadatta
reassert€d his position and occupied the capital.
Hamilton talks ot the principaliti of CnauCandL aod as it wiu
appear this came into beiog atter Partitiotr of the MoraDg
principality,
The names of the rulers at the time oI Gcrkha conquect
mentioned by Englisb authors are Kamadatta io Morang with

t7 ChcEjong, A Histot! of The Kirato PeoPIe,lll'

l8 kilfita P1kqsa, I.90. Thc date correspoods to l;riday 2t Scptcobor'
!750.
v6 MODERN NEPAL

Vijayaput as capital, KarDa Sen in today's Mahottari aDd

Saptati ( Chaudatrdi ) atrd HeBkarDa in Mackwanpur, which
iocluded slso part of Mahottari ( HaEilton ), Hemkarna had
inherited the original pricipality of Mackwanpur. His soB
Digbandhana Seoa was the last ruler of th€ line to rule the
principality. He fled to British terrirory wbile Gorkha attacked
Mackwanpur. Certain Kirata chiefs particularly one Budha
Karna Rai acting as ministets were powerful .in Kamadatta's
part of &e country. This Budha Katna came to play an important
Part in Morang. He was not on good terms with Kamadatta who
was killed by the ministet's machioation, and wirh active help
rerdered by Sikkim whose Raja bad pushed his western trotrtier
to river Kankayi. Previously, Vijayapur included all lands upto
th8 river Tista as well ias the mountaioous region what is Dow
called East No.4 upto the rive( Dudh Kosi. As well as Dhankuta
8nd Illam districts of Nepal and lhe western balf ot Darjeeling
districts oI West Bengal. The prinpipality touched Bhatgaon's
ftontier in the billy region of a poitrt near about the river
Tcmakosi. The Sena chiefs were finally driven away and expelled
lo takc refuge in tbe company's territories, when the Gorkhalis
tcacbed Morang in course of their military expedition. The eveDts
are r€counted at leDgtb in tbe chapter dealing with the life ot
Prlhvioarayana Shah.
ADother story of a Moslem invasion on Morang is narrated
by lhe cbroDicler in Kamadatta's time ( oot lhe one mentioDed
above ). The venue of the figbt was Taxoganj ( Fatehpur ). It
is raid that the attack was repelled by a united army ot the ten
lfribal'Kirara chiefs and thc ruler of Morang. By the agreement
sigDed after the lruce the Nawab of Purnea, Ahmad Khan, pledged
to re6pect lbe iDtegrity of the donain of MoraDg ( where lived nine
lakh Hindus ),
Tbere are letters and larmans issued by the coDcerned rulers,
wbich bave been preserved upto date in the possessioDs of the
'descendaDts of tbe iDdividuals to whom they were atlached. One
such document purports to prove lhe fact of tbe Muslim attack
io H. S. 1159. Two more documeuts which cover orders issued
 KINGDOMS OF THE SENA DYNASTY 7?
by the rulers of Moraog to thc ten proviDcial heads of the Kirats
atea to asscmSle at the headquart€r gives an idea of how tbeit
coutrtry faced possibilities of occasionat disturbances (l) VS
l7l9 ( 1663 A. D. ), (2) 1764 VS ( 1707 A. D. ).'e The above n.l
was issued in tbe name of Jivadevi wife of Indra Sen ( see below
).
From a few more documents it appears thst Matrikya Sen and
Mandhata Sen ruled in Mackwanpur atrd Morang respectivcly,
aod there were nine rulers in betweeo Lohanga Seo and the lagt
ruler of the line.
The Mackwanpur chronicle says that daughters of thc Raja ol
Mackwanpur was married to Rama Shah and his name was to a
distatrce when Gorkha used to be caught unawaros and sometimEr
itc rulet did Dot hesitate to use feeliogs of animosity harbourcrt by
some other Chaubisis to wreck his own veogeanc€ on Gorkha.
HamiltoD (p.243) stated that the Raia of Lamfung reli€ved atrd
revenge of Rs.22,000 which he used to support hie family, Ho
also desired some income from trade with Tibet whicb passcd
through ManaDg. The South€rn trade route passed through TaD-
houn along the river Marsyangdi to Deoghat aod thetrce to Chitaun
and the Indian border. The creatioo of Gorkha by Drabya Shah
is attributed to tbe prince,s revolt against his brother. .Drabya
Shah seized tbe South€rn and eastem part of Lamjung across
Chepe, which brought Rupees 12000 annualty.
The genealogy drawn by Hamilton,s informant is not accurate,
and there are mistakes even in regard to data applying to the period
some quarter-century before he visited Kathmandu in 1g02.
According to Hamilton,s information'0 the scume between the
sons of Harihar took place before his death. Suspectiog tbat
Subhasena was going to be the next ruter of tb€ Rai, the three other
sons by Mahisi attacked tbeir father and made bim captive, He
was rel€ased through the eftort of Chhatrapati,s wife but oa condi_
tiotr that the kingdom was divided into four equal parts. But
Subhasena did not agree to this proposal aod a war of 8ucces8ioa

19 Publish€d by P. B. LiEbu.
20 P. 132. Accordiog to Baburam Acbarya's Bourcc thc Upadhyr aDd
Thapa lived in Taohou priot to thoir appoiotmcotr io Meckwa[pur.
78 MODERN NEPAL

defeat' But Harihara out of love for

contitrued resulting in their
Chbatrapati's wifo gxaDted the whole ot the principality east ot the
Kosi to her newly born son [ndr4. Hamilton further wrote that
Subha Sena quarrelled q,ith his Brahman minister Pradyumna
Upa<thyaya. The latter incited his army chief Patasuram ThaPa to
rebellion against the master. It is said that the Upadhyaya gave his
liaugbter in matriage to the ThaPa descended on the father's side
through a BrahEan ancesior. Both conspired to seize the person
ot Subba Sena and were about to hand him over to Isfundiyar Kban
of Purnea but where frustrated by Subha's neph€w Bidhata Indra.
Later one Kalu Upadhyaya, a relation of PradyuEDa, surreptitiously
acted to avetrge his relation's death aDd caught hold of the petsoDs
of both the kings and handed them over to the Nawab who setrt
his prisoners to Delhi wbere they were deprived of tbeir caste.
HaEilton turtber said that oDe Prabodha Das who held the rank
of a minister removed the two sons of Subba Sena to the Kirata hill8.
The eldest Mahipati was installed as ruler in Saptari and Morang
carving a kingdom east of the Kamala, wbile the second, Manik,
obtained the te[itory between the Adhya river and Kamala with
the original kingdom of Mackwanpur. The cbronology of the
Mackwanpur and Morang as given by Hamilton agrees totally with
that of the old SeDa chronicle. Mahipati was also called Mandhata
according to Hamilton's information. He left his part of thc
territory to his son, Kamadatta who was always on bad terms wilh
his Kirata minister, Chitra Rai' It was said that this quarrel
ultimately deprived Kamadatta of his territory west of the Kosi,
where lvith the capital at Chaudandi was placed on throne his
brotber Jagat. Kamadatta continued to tule Moraog from his
capital at Vijayapur. As we shall obsetve a little later Kamadatta
is reported to have visited Calcutta to plead his cause with the
British and his mioister Buddhakarma Rai ousted him from power
and Eanaged to keep him away from the caPital. For some time
Kamadatta was restored to power by his own effotts though the
British dirl not beed bim. Kamadata was later killed by the Rai's
machination during a confabulation between the parties of the
king and the ministry. Oo his death Buddhakarma Rai declared
Karna Sen as Kirg of Morang. Thereafter the couDlry was ovcr'
 KINGDOMS OF TIIE SENA DYNASTY 79
taken by tbe Gorkhali invasioD, One of Hamilton,s informants
says of Jagat Sen as the 8on of Manik wbo goverDed his rich area
for 2 years in Mackwanpur. Hemkarna, both as Hamilton and
the chronicler of the Seoa Vamsavali sayr was the next ruler beitrg
tho eldest son, He figures in the history of the time as the father.
in-law of Prthvinarayana Sbab. Mackwanpur was annexed to
Gorkha in U6l.
AccordiDg to old chronicle of the SeDa dyDasty Kamadatta had
Iour sons, Hema Karna, Jagat, Jayamaogal and Vikrama, Jagat
was a nominal ruler ot Chaudandi. He left no igsue and lvas
succeeded by his brother Vikrama. Karna Sen was the son of
Vikrama, It is difrcult to say which Dame stood exactly wbere
unless thefu identity is establisbed by other meatrs, e,g. for exampte
by documerh belongiog to the reigo oi PrthviDarayaDa Shah.
Accordirg to thc Kirata Chronicle the foUowing points of agree-
mGDt were accepted by the parties in Lohaoge Son-Kirata alliancc:
(1) 'the MiDiste. of the State (Diwan) will be the pereon elec.
ted by the ten provincial heads and people of the Kiratd desa,
whos€ tenure of office will be for five years.
(2) Aoy migration to this Brea and to Morang will be taken
cogBisatrcc of aod entry notified to check uDauthoris€d person
coming over thcre.
(3) Every tenth year a cenrus of the population will be takeD,
and registered in the capital city of Morang.
(4) Every adult aboye the age of lg and below 50 will undergo
a Eilitary traitring with bows aod arrows for thtee months at the
provincial headquartet, the €xpenses to be met out of the goneral
exchequer,
(5) For emergency €ach Rai, the h€ad ot tbe province, shall
keep in readiness 150 men.
(6) The Governmeat will Ievy taxes otr lauds at the ,ate ot.
Re, l/,- for I plough.
(7) The revenue will be spent as follows:-
l0$ to go to ths provincial executives,
45% Ior the Eaioteoaoce:'of the militia a[d the rest to bc
deposited at the ceDtral treasury itr MoraDg,
80 MOI'ERN MPAL

(8) Tbe Provincial executive will try all ofiences except the
big five. ones involviog heinouc crimes aod othcrs aoouotiog to
'moral turpitudc,
(9) Whoever violates tbc laws of the slate or rebels against the
lawful authority, (tbe Raia of Moraog ot tribal beads), 6hall bc
punished with depositioD aod banishment,
In tbe same treaty tb€ distribution of areag per head was
arranged thus:
(l) Around Pokla Ysang Yok (fort) in present TaplejutrE dis-
trict under Feyohang.
(2) Around Augdang Yok in IIam under Loli Mahaog.
(3) Around Fedeo Yok in Punch That (Ilam) under Papohaog.
(4) Aroutrd Kurle Yok in Taplejuog under Mahohaog.
(5) Around Hasta pu Yok utder Linee Haog.
(6) Around Pomajung Yok in Athrai (Ilam.Tapleiung border)
under Akluff.
(7) Around Takluk den Yok under Khecho Hang.
(8) Meribg den Yok on the bank of TaEor under Sisiyetr.
(9) Chenlung Yok under Maijug Hang.
(10) Takpe Suyok in the north under Samba Sreng Hang.
Although the portion of the hiuy atea in between tbe rivcrs
Dudbkosi and Aruo was within Morang's jurisdiction, the same
system of tribal rule obtainod thero also. This was divided into
twelve seotioDs each under its own Rai Raja as wae the belt
b€twe€n the riv€rs Aruo and Kankayi just Drentioned.
The ancieDt history of all these areas is, howevet, enveloped in
darkness. Before we ptoceed to give aDything in that directioo
it is nccessaay, therefore, to make a thorough search into their past
.The basin of tbe river Arun appears to have held a thriviog cultufe
in its lap as did the Karnali region ot West. The search may open
new fields of research and study to a historian.rt
The followirg are some of tho importaot original documentt

2l A History ol Kirats by Preo Bahadur LiEbu (iD Nepali). Thc autho!

provides copics of roEc docuDeots' but thcsc have !o bc ohcckcd Erd
vcri6ed.
 KINGDOMS OF T}IE SENA DYI.IASTY 81

relatiflg to the events ot the history of the Kosi basin in the lTth
8nd lSth centuries :-
(a) A Sanad iorued by Ahmad Khan Daulat Bahadur of purnea
io the name of certain Kirata chiets dated Hizri 1125,
(b) A proclamation in the name ot Kirata chiets to a88emble
in Viiayapur, the headquarter of the Seo Raja of the region, iooued
by Harischandra Sen and others, which dates Vikram Samvat 1719
Pausa Sudi 4. This Harischandra Sen was the same ruler a8
Haribara Seo.
(c) A decree ot the Sena Prince sent to all the Kirata chief8
to rise to arms against the Sikkimese proclaimed in the name of
MaharaDi Jivadevi, dated V.S. 1763 Asvin vadi 8.
(d) Aoother order calliog to arms the Kirata chiefs in defencc
of the moth€rland issued by Mandhara Sen dated Y,S. 1764 Asvin
Srdi 5 to bight the Nawab.
Nothing more could be written about these petty states ruled
by the Senas. We now proceed to bring this sectios to a conclusion
by udding a few passages from foreign accounts, which, though
brief in themselves, are likely to shed further light on the ecotromic
aod political condition of the localitie0 coDcersed.
We have already quoted passage from Taveroier for a descrip-
tion ot a iouroey to Palpa. Below we give a gist of what Fatber
Cassino wrote about Mackwanpur, Fatber Caesino had valked
through the territory of this principality to reach patan along the
course of the river Bagmati in about the begioning ot the year
1740 A.D. Th€ noling which he made is picked up from
bis
diary ( author's traDslatioo ).
'.Jujut is a village belooging to Mackwanpur. There is a
fertile juDgle 20 kos in extension. The King gets substaoaial income
out of the forest. He goes on a shooting and hutrtiDg expedition.
He catches elephants, rhitoceroses and wild buffaloes and sells thsm
at a heavy price. Even the smallest of €lephants and rhinocerog
( tau 3 cubits ) fetches each Rs. 500/-. It it is of longer size, the
price i8 Rs. 5@ more for every additiooal cubit, The customs
levy is charged to a conkactor who pays six monthsio advance to
the king a portion of tbe amount due to hio. Vory often he
6
82 MODERN NEPAI,

of cultivable land.
bscoEes iDsolvent. Mackwanpur has very little
Itis sparsely populated, The population i8 sbiftiog. Most ot
tbese repair to the hills during the taiDy season for fear of
mslarial lever."4
I,lVe reproduce another passage from Levi and tbis one givirg a
ot Mackwarpur is interesting for the many
des$iption of the Terai
informations though brief, it provides in regard to lhe fauna,
flora and geograpbical situation of tbe locality concerned.'"
..Tben .Kalpaghur, XIV ; .Barrihua' XVI ; which is rhe
frontier of the Moghat Empire ? One crosses after this on the
t€rritory of the Raiah of 'Mackwanpur', and through a thick
forest ot 28 thousaDd paces in widtb, and 100 in length from east
to w€st; elephants, rhinocetoses, tigers aDd bisons roam in thele
and many other wild aoimals so that ooe really runs the risk of
death. At night big fires are carricd on the fout corners of the
palanquir, then sbouts, beating of drums, musket shots are
r€sorted to, to frighten away the tigers. But the carriers and the
guides wbo are idolateri make use oI superslitious figures aDd
of magical charms. The huntirg ot the wild animals gives the
Raiah of Mackwanpur a profitable income. In the depths of the
forests otre discovers a number of rui[s, they ate, 8o rumou( says,
the reEains of the great and atrtique towtr of 'Scimaoagada'. Many
stories have been woven on tbis town, and a plao €ngraved on a
stone on the great square at Batgas ( Bhalgaotr ) is still tbere ro be
8bown one. Old coins are also foundr but rarely, which resemble
her in construction in the sbape of a labyriDth,
"From Falber Grueber's accoutrt it appears that the Rajah ot
Mackwanpur ( he calls Morang but this Dame was applied to
Mackwanpur because Morang was a part of thst 6tate, which came
to the knowledge of the missionary ) paid a yearly 'tribute of
2150,000 richedales and of seven elepbaots' to the Moghal, Io
this connection Kircher's memoraldum addsi "Ibe kingdon ot
.Moranga' wedges in tbe kiDgdom ot 'Tibet' its capital Radoc is
the last statiotr reaobed by Father d'ADdrada io his iouroey to

22 ItaliaDi Missionari, etc,, Vol, ll. Pt.iv, p. 15.

23 Lcvi, i. p. I20 (Georgi'! coopilalioo).
 KINCDOMS OF TIIB SENA DYNASTY 83

Tibet, lhey redound with numerous iodicatiotrs of the Chdstian

taith which had planted, in the names of men still current, Dominic,
Francis, Antony".
GeneruI Political Picture ol the Units of the Baisi anil Chaubisi
The picture is charactetised by
(l) too maoy states in a limited area,
(2) the av€rage size was not at alt viablo lor a political ertiiy
(3) Tho biggest of them such as Jumla, palpa, Mackwan-
pur and Vijayapur contained more than 20,000 houses I tbe
rest in varying number from 2000 to 8000 houses with the smallest
600 to 1400 hovcls.
(4) The income shown in a record for the Eost qnviable
of them trever went beyond a few thousand rupees.
(5) Thus except Jumla, piuthan, patpa, Tanhoutr, Mackwan-
pur and the three states of the Nepal Valley not one of theo
could be called a principality even io a limited sense. The
status ot the ruler could as well not be greater than that of
a chiet of a group of villages.
(6) The larger statep also suffered from various deficienclee
in economic tesources and man power, and if it wete not for
the isolation naturo dictated in their cases, they would have
been wiped out by a superior. pow€r appeariog in the neigh.
bourhood in tbe Gargetic plains.
(7) In their state ot divislon and backwardness, th€ entirc
Chaubisi and Baisi region was vulnerable to atry kind of preseure
of a superior strategy and Eilitary streagth either fiom outsido
or within itself.
Such was the situatiotr which PrithvinarayaDa found himself
in as he aspired to carve and consolidate a strong kingdom in
tbe Himalayan ranges,
Thank God, Nepal had not attracted Dotico of a counlry
power emerging in the plains. Otherwise, ths dream of pri-
thvinarayana Shah would have remained only a dream or even
this dream would not come to his mind. The eame oatural
factors had precluded the possibility of territorial power iD the
84 MODBRN NEPAL

plaiss to expand its sphere up th6 high altitude ol lhe moun'

taiog in the lap of the snowy peaks But tbis bad left a
vacuum wbich lhe aspiration of the Gotkha ruler could fill by
crcating 8n iDdigenous power witbin the regioo' Prlhvinara'
yana's rise to powel a8 tbc head of a Himalayao state was a
counteracting influence to check 'any design of an outsider on
th6 EouDtain fastness of Nepal. His success to form a viable
slSte oI its own bad, bowever, ullimately ptoved a counter'
poise to the machination oi tbe British who wanted to peDelrate
iDto lhe region fol tbeir own benefits and colonial ioterest'
In the nert chapter we shall see how Prthvioarayana Shah
ovelcame tbe difrculti€s he tncounlered in the way oI the
ful'
filment ot his ambition lo create a formidabte political force
in the c€trtral HimalaYas.
The consideratioo ot tbe Baisi and Chaubisi in their his-
torical petspective as was attempied in the last few pages is
hefewith over.
Ennology ol the Ruling DYnasties
All persons cvho acquired ore or anothet kind of membersbip
in the area now laown as Nepal claimed descent ftom the
Rajputs of Raiasthan in west central Iadia, and said that
their fotetathers had migrated from tbat region. But we do
not know if tbis claim can be doubttessly established' Some
families oight have found tbeir way into the sub-Hinalayan
territories. However, Dot all families came that way' And the
fact also remains that in lhe environmont they lived it was
not possible ro maintain etbnic purity. From accounts available
it does nol seem that tbey had manied into Ksatriya tamilies
ol Raipurana, tbe home of the Raiputs. Families claimiog
Rajput origin who lived in the border areas on the south
$,ere alteady for such relationship. But one is not c€rtain
it
these fsmilies also could indisputably establish the evidence of
their Rajput coonectiotr. Besides this thc Nepalese princes had
oatrimonial relation with thosc of Mackwanpur, Bho had
married the daughrer ot tho tlaia o[ Koch Bihar whose ancestry
was withoul doubt ore oI ths hdo'Mongoluid Koche tribe' On
 KINGDOMS OF THt] SENA DYNASTY 85

top of the indigenous legcll.ls a d chronicles talk of some

it
families of the oew settl€rs mirrrying daughter$ of the Magar
chieltains who wore ruliug in the midwest rcgion of Nepal
before the tettlers seized powers fronr thom.
The Raia ol
Mackwaupur Hariharasena had married t*,o
daughters o[ the rulet of Koch tsihar aod
tris line of succesots
were descended fronl them. Ooc of the sons, Subhaseun, nephew
of Prananarayarra, was the great grnndfather of the lirst queen o[
Prthvinarayana Shah.
And we know the genealogy of Koch Bihar roy Lrt tamily
whose ancrstors certainly beloDged to the Koche tribe. lo the
18th century the royal lamily of Mackwanpur enjoyed a superior
status and the hard ot its princess was sought by tbe ruler ot
GorLha.
The ruler of Palpa in the v€ry earlier period of his settlement
had married into a family of th€ Magar tribe wbich had their
home in tbe Gandaki basin. The ancient Sena chrooicle
published by the Bir Library stotes oDe Abhaya Raja, fourth
in succession to tbe first ruler of Palpa, had married withlull
rites a daughter by name Kantimati of the Magar Raia,
Gajalaksmana Simha ot Mackwanpur, ooe ot their d€scerdants
had married the princess of Isma, another the prince$s of Argha.
Rudra Setra was the loth . lineal descendant' and his son
Mukundasena who had adopt€d the title of Hiodupati and
Emperor of the hills. lheir eleventh successot Mukunda Sena
was born of the daughter ot a chciftain of Madbyadesa (Terai)
and her name Asanamala. Anolher son of Rudrasstra by name
Ugrasena s,as born of the daughtcr ot tbe Raia ot Piuthan.
Mukunda Sena had 3 wives. The second was a priDcess of the
Magar Raia of Parkot. The thiid was tbe daughter of lhe
Raja ot Piuthan. Visnu Sbah's wite was a princess of PalPa
who had in ber Magar blood. She was thc mother ol the
hcir apparent Shri Krishna Slrah who had urarried his cousin,
a daughter of the mrternal ulcle. Dambrr Shuh, tour Bcnerations
earlier to Prthvinarayanr Shah was maried to a daughter of
Hambira Sena of Tanhrruo. The Raia o[ Juurla had also married
86 MODERN NEPAI,

into th€ Mackwanpur royal family. if Gorkha could not claim

So
pure Rajput descent the same was the case with Jumla, But
Gorkba, Lamjung, and Jumla had the right to claim Ksatriya
blood in them as their ancestors on the male side at least
had probably migrated from modern Rajasthan, The mixing
up of blood between families by marriage was so intimate
that Done of the royal fanili€s either in the Baisi or Chaubisi
wete maiDtaining ethnic purity.
Tbere were certain practices whicb they had inherited aDd
cotrtinued to observe in lhe new situatioD, and tbese made
theE a class apart from the royal families in Rajputaoa. For
example, almost all these belonging to royal families in mouo-
tainous Nepal could marry tbeir first cousin, outside their
gotru. Aad during the autumn festiyal o[ Dasain the goddess
has had to be propitiat€d with the ofter of a sacrifice of a
pig killed in the sanctum sanctorium. Although they do not
eat the flesh of a pig, the sacrifice is compulsory.
These two practices are not known in RajasthaD, the home
of the so called Ksatriyas of India.
I do not thitrk that one need go to discuss this problem.
Further we have already suggested that several ruling fanrilies
wer€ mixed up iu blood wilh royal dynasties which originated
from Mongoloid Kiratas or the SemiAryan Khasas. Such royal
families might be tbose who ruled in the eastern Terai and
Koch Bihar. The Doinwar or Danuwar or Mohattari who
ethnically are allied to the Koches ot Modern Koch Bihar are
in particular seen iD contact with different ruling houses itr
the Chaubisi group. But it is absurd to suggest rhat all the
ruling families in thc region were Kiratas.
It bas been said by some that the rulers of Mackwanpur
and eastern regions belonged to the Kirata tribe of the Kbambu
origin, According to their opinior the ruler was a Kirata
prince who was born and brought up in the Rajput family.
These people even go to the rxtent of clai$itrg lhat the Sena
dyDasty ilself sas a Kirata dynasty. A writ€r recently put
fotward a theory tbat the Hioalayan states lrom Kumaon Io
 KINGDOMS OF THE SENA DYNASTY 87

Bhutao were ruled by royal families descended flom thc

Mongoloids,
But nothitrg can be said dennitcly about ths origio of the
ruling princes io the Himalayao states. But the Ssttika 8tat68
and Palpa, and Doti and Jumla otr the Karoali basin were
most probably emigrant Rajput families.
 CHAPI ER IV
PRTHVINARAYAN SHAH'S EARLY CAREERI
We have seen how the various clans of Rajputs, some ot
pute and some of mixed blood had settled down in the Cetrtral
Himalayan tracts and how they lived in a disturbing conrtition
of perpetual enmity and internecine struggles. There was no
strong power wbich could wield the split forces in a bond
closely together, While collectively they owed in tbeory allegiaoce
to the Moghuls at Delhi, each was almost as independent a.s
a tovereign kiDg and powerful to his capacity to resist encroachment
and maiDlaio freedom trom aDolher,s aggressioD. Being isolation
in their mountain ,astness, lhe situatioo sas such as lo make
sat tra.tural and every little issue gave rise to occasional feudal
coDter lion amoDgst one anotber. To this was added the almost
unique state of anarchy. and the misrule made tbe life of the
general nrass of rhe people quite miserable. The Raja concluded
his affairs in tbe capacity of a private proprietor often loo
much exacting, who made it ir rule to plunder. While in theory
he maintained a court, his Dewau called Chautaria, a Rajguru,
ao AstroDomer Royal, some Sardars, judicial Kazis all rhe
parapbernelia of Moghul formality ; in practice they bacl no
futrctioDs apart from wbat $as diclated by the master, Neitber
the Kazis were real judges of events atrd policy makers,

I Scc for details thc followiog:

(a) fifc of PrthviDarayata Shah itr variou! cbronicles.
(b) His speech already publiched. This Bivcs how hc built bis
3ttatcgy (CorakhaDath pith)
(c) Life of prtbviDarayaaa Saha io the writing of fgrcign travcllers
aod dclcgatioDs.
(d) Asiatic Rdearchca, Vol. IL Joieph's article.
(c) Kirkpatrick, Account of the Kingdom of Nepat, lgll (Lo!doo)
(f) tlaDilton, AccouDr ol Ncpal, t8l9 (Editrbursb).
(g) Oldfield, Skeiches froE Ncpal. Vol. I.
 PR]HVINARAYANA SHAII.S BARI,Y CARBER 89

Ilor the Sardats wer€ in teality comoandiog auaies or the

Cbaularia had political duty to perform which sas rot the
bitlding of his Easter' The GovernEent was just thero in
Dame. Policies were deterEiled by court intrigues, aod wars
were laulcherl on personal whimsies of the tulers' Bvetything
was feudal, clumsy and ill organised.
Tbis was the time wben the British were gradually peoetratiDg
ioto IDdiaD tetritoties. Tbey bad r,eatly succeeded in constitutitrg
tbemselves a force to be counted wi&. But tb€y were 8o fal
confined to the s€a shores of India. No$, witb covetous ey€8
they turned to places beyond the coast liDes to the great
Ildo-Gaugetic plairs and to the Himalayas. Every couotry lay
exposed to rhem in these areas. Allhough Nepal did not face
iEmediate datrgers of penetratior, the possibility of being
exploitetl and hit bard al the weakest hour of disunity and
strife uas always there,
Prthvioarayana Shah, Raja oI Gorkbar cherished abov€ every'
thing else a hope to build a greater Nepal, strong etrough to
tie together the various split forces inside the area and organised
in a way lo turn down any invasion from outside. An elenent
of ambition was always there iD his scheme of conquest and
nobody can dcny tbat he was primarily a conqueror aod all
bis intentions were woven round hie desir€ to cooquff. Perhaps
the Botive behind his conquest was Dot tbat of one who kdew
of Nepal as we undetstand today. Patriotism or uational feeling
could not conceivably apply to any urge for conquest or
er.pansion ot the teuitory. But Prthvinarayana consciously
appli€d himselt to the task of building a viable Kindgom of
only to satisfy his ambitior.
Prthvinarayana's Kingdom suniYes today and augmeDted in
ar€a later in lhe late l8th or l9tb CeDturies it became a
national state. Therefore eveD though originally a cteation ot
modern Nepal was far lrom his mind, we tnust admit that
because of the tetritorial fouDdation he laid, this had taken
shape, and to this extent he must get the credit of beiDg the
buildet of a Datiotr state of NePal.
 90 MODERN NEPAL

His was a premature birth, being born in the seven montb of

conceptiotr, which created a dispute as to ouccession, for he had
a brother only three months younger than him by his step mother
and this brother was deemed his equal or senior in ordinary course
of birth ( because he was then i0 the womb in the trinth month )
but he died in his very infancy, which afterwards dismissed the
tougb question of succession, making Prthvinarayaoa the
undisputed successor to his fathet,s realm. According to a
chroDicle his brother coming in dispute about srrccession was
Kirtimahoddam Shah, but the actual date of birth was regarded
by all as tbe decisive factor. His father hal married four wives
ot boys out of which
atrd hom each except the first he got couple
five survived. Prthvinarayana Shah being the €ldest was
nomitrated hair appar€nt to the throne. His mother was
Kausalyadevi who was a dauglrter of the Raja of Palpa.
One might imagine a highly cultivated mao to have attained a
position which Prthvinarayana Shah did, but oo one is prepared
to accept a man of his type, one who was only lit€rate, to have
displayed a high sense of diplomatic and military skill as he seems
to have done in his acbievements of glory in battle fields and
organisation of state. He was a master of military strategy though
an intriguer, an experienced diplomat, and alt io war aod diplo-
macy he wonderfully achieved without the very rudiments of edu-
cation atrd training. Because his education consisted of a few
€lementary books of the type ol Sdplasati and Chanakyanill wbich
are regarded as help to rapid reading rather than imparting koow-
ledge. His teacherc were those of the Ariyal family, but they were
themselves not very learned, md naturally the depth of education
imparted to the prince was limited. The Arjyal famity did also
minister Di*sa Mantram. ID that eveot tbey were more tban
teachers. Prithinarayana Sbah's initiation ceremony was per-
lormed in Maidhi, a village near Berughat. Shri Harsa Misra
ministered both gayati ar,d Diksa. The Guru belonged to the
family of the Banaras Brahmans who often came to Gorkha when
demanded.
It is Eaid that sincd his childhoo,.l Prthvinarayana Shah rrxhibited
 PRTIIVINI,RAYANA SHAS,S BARLY CA.RBIR 9l
nriraculous qualities which placed bim above the geseral class of
childreD. He was intelligent and a8siduous, He was a good orgaoi-
sor in rural games and made marks in them, Above all he drew
to himself comrades who loved him' We may not believe all
stoties of miraculous doiDgs of his childhood. But he was not a
chitd of a common type. He appeared precocious, and promisisg.
Prithvi's contribution to the unity and gteatoess of Nepal and his
rise to fame and glory are factors that certainly cannot be ordi.
narily conceived, He was, however, not without potential qualitieg
of head and heart for such altainments; he wag a good horseman,
mountaineer, musketeer and all what a royal life in the Eoutrtains
dictated; he had from bis childhood displayed qualities of greatness
which his guardian mothcr, Prabhavati, (not his own Dotbcr,) put
to harness to make binr an ideal king, Prabhavati gave him above
all a fair und€rslandiDg to enable hiD to grapple with his own
problems. It was due to her that he developed his Eense of duty
as a kiDg and he could draw his linc of.action in the anarchic state
of that period. Prabhavati who ruled as a tegent for five years
during the itrsaoity of his father instilled in him an ambition and a
will to pupose, a knowledge of the senss of unity he was to
achieve if Nepal were to be saved from further ruination. These
proved more than wbat a school ot a colleg€ was to provide. The
training he obtained in his mother's lap could give bim more than
what be would have received in a scbool and like other figuree in
bistory-Akbar, Sivaji and a host of othcrs, who bad to compen-
sate the absenc€ of schooliDg by practical training in statecraft,
PrithviDarayana Shah tower€d above his contemporaries despite
wbat he lost by methodical education aod he had also made up the
deficiency by other factorc such as fell to the lot of the boy kiDg of
Gorkha.
In 1739 he was appointed a co-regent along with Prabhavati and
got practical experience of the government and was brought in
close cotrtact with some of the military stalwarts of his time. In
1737 headed by the Pantbas, Khasas and Magars the army of his
father Narabhupal was heavily defeated while fighting in Noakot,
and his Tanhoun adveotu(e was also frustrated in thc Same veio,
 92 MODERN NEPAI-

s,hich so disappoioted him that ho becamc iosane two years

later,
DecessitatiDg a regency which as we hrve said includod prithvi-
narayana.
A year later prabhavati arranged his marriage with the daughter
of Hemakarna, tbe Raja of Mackwarpur, who according
to Hamil-
ton was a rare beauty but apart from purely a sentimental
satisfac_
tion this marriage gaye to Gorkhalis, it also simultaneously provi-
ded ao opporiunity to look about the importance of Macfwanpur,
as the Southern gate of Nepal. There atose, however,
a flimsy
quarrel between the two parties at the aime of celebration
and
tbough all marital rites were performed as pre-arranged, prithvi
was sent back without his bride, But this at least prevented for
the time being the intetrded blockade of the valley by the Gorkha_
lis who would have asked Hemakarna to oblige him as a price for
that marriage. It is said that the quarrel slarted over the custom
of allowing the bride to r€mair at her father,s place for sometime
further, which the Gorkhalis were iDtending to break and in the
event ot the bridal party,s persistent refusal they teft the
place. It
wao not' as Hamilton supposed, a controversy over racial superi-
ority, Ior if it was so Mackwaopur would not have consented to the
marriage befole the wedding itselt (pp. 144-45). The Go*ha Vsm-
sayali adds one more point and that vas that the party of th€ bri-
degroom asked as a dowry a valuable necklace (the bride had it
dudog thc ceremony) called navlakhia and one particular elephant
(Ekdantye) with one tooth, which earlier the owoer had refused to
pres€nt ro the Nawab (Mir Kasim).
According to Gorkha V amsavali he married a daughter of a
Rajput chief in Banaras immediately after he returtred from
Mackwaopur. He was very much angered by Hemakarna,s
bebaviour and therefore wanted to marry soon.
In a Ms. Jasavanla Bhaskarapara nama Samvatsara Kfitya
Prakasa kept in Darbar Library there is a fassage wtirten in a
different band on a 8tray page with date NS 893 phalgura 9, which
runs as follows , :-

2 Quotcd by Baburam Acharya ir his LPN, p. 148.

 PRTI{VINIRAYANA SHAH'S EARLf CAREER 93

*larfr qil{rfl -{, r{qTir+d

j rI] q-6 Ecr(EfHq-s{d5.nt1
1 *ryq1q6-;o1fdf+t-tftqru
i cqrilqE-gqt{tq qflilrfr
Baburam Acbarya argues that Dayaramasimha was a Rajpur
landlord of Gorakhpur. The daughter married to prthvitrarayana
bore tbe name, Narendralaksmi.
8ut the above lines alone are not suffcient to iDalicate that
Dayaramsinha belonged to Gorakbpur.
It appears tbat Prthvinarayana Sbah witb what he eaw around
himself in his late teeDs caEe to be seized with the ides of conquest
of the Deighbouitrg territories to carve out a viable kingdon in tbe
Himalayan mountains. He bad sbrewdly observed the condition
in the country, aDd satcbed carefully how vuloerable ii was. He
Eu6t bave Burely poo6essed keen insight lor this assessmetrt,
It was 6aid tbat $rough the persuasion of prabhavati that the
boy even tbougb itr bis teeEs was allowed togcther €xperieDce
in the ood and anarchicat political stage of the va ey of Nepal,
where be had proceeded in 1736 as a friend of the son ot the Raja
o[ Bhalgoan on iDvitatioD, tbe lalter being aolious to be a frieod
of the Gorkhalis against his cousins of patan and Kathmaudu
and secretly nursing as attack naturally welcomed him as bis own
son. During lhe tw€lve monthB ot his stay in Bbatgaon he studied
the hopeless stare of Nepal politics, its weakness and its rapacity,
tbe Raja's freaks aDd clumsy behaviour and tbeir a.ttitude to otrc
another, things wbich poinred oua to the possibility ot an easy
conquest of the country, rf only a strong power acro8s outside the
Valley. To the task of cteating such a power bis mother
Prabhavati had drawn bis attetrtion addiDg that it was wortbwhile
to undertake lhe same hinrself. Prthvinarayana was not allowed
to stay there for long ; the war which his tatbet waged to capture
places east and sourh of DhadiDg aroused suspiciotr in rhe minds
of tbe Malla rulers against Gorkha and rhe peopte of Bhatgaon
not likiDg bim, he was coupellcd to return to Gorkba (Wriglrt,
p. 198) in 1737, but he rsturned as one imbued wirh a thorough
94 MoDERN NEPAL

knowledge of the place and its erlvironments, which in the end

be put to practice to further his ideals tor a strong Kingdom of all
the peoples in the areas now comprising Nepal.
Tbe above account, hosev€t, has to bo taken with a grain of
salt.
The story of his visit to Katbmandu and Bhatgaon at that
Etage does not seetn to be true, for io lhe Divyopatlesa
Prttrvinarayana has said that \rbile returning from Mackwanpur
he travelled along the Rapti, and went as far as the Chandragiri
mountain, from where he could catch a glimpse ot the Nepal
Valley. Prthvinarayana was so mdch attracted by the natural
beauty aDd contour of tbe valley as displayed in the three cities
that he cherisbed a desire then and there to possess it. The
possession, however, would come only by conquest. Realising
this Prthvinsrayana vowed in his mind to take possession of the
valley and tbenceforth directed his energy to this etrd.
Wheu the idea was born in his braio, the way to fulfilment
was shown equally by his power ot und€rstanaling. For the first
1ime after several hundred years a ruler of a mouotainous
principality had thought tb push forward with a patriotic desigtr
to consolidate forces for the creatioD of a viable political unit in
the area which $as diseased by too many states aDd too many
adventures. We remember Prthvinarayana Shah for the vision of
a state worth the name and for the courage and statesmanship he
displayed in carrying out the same into ptactice.
A few months later, he visited Batratas more eager to
cultivato allies and triends for his crusade. The chronicles make
a capital of this visit and coDcoct stories of his several heroic
featc while there. Such feats wele jumping into a deep tank
atrd beating down the private Suards of a landlord, who were
.realising custom8 in a particular route. It is also said that
Prthvirarayana had met the Raias of Sirmoun and Jajarkot,
who were impressed by his heroic deeds and paid homage to
them. The clash with the forces of the laodlord took place
on return in a post on the bank of the river Varuna not far
ftonr the nunicipal limits ot today's Kasi' It u as said by
 PRTHVINARAYANA SH.{HJS EARLY CARILK 95

th€ chronicler supported by another chronicle published some

time back by tbe Bir Library that Prthvinarayana killed some
chowkidars (guardsEeD) as he was provoked, But he avoided
a bigger clash and hurriedly proceeded on his journey back home
through Gorakhpur. Earlier while he was visiting the temple
of Visvanatha be had to confront a host of anti elements who
wanted to intimidate hiE, But PrthvinarayaDa gave tbeE a
hard blow aDd they got themselves threatetred by his cuperior
skill and valour.
The vieil to Batraras is not mentioned iD one of any other
records. The Divyopadesa regarded as work, of his own oayings
as nothiDg to obeerve about the visit. I do oot koow how
to reconcile this contradiction. Somo biographer8 have believed
the story, although diftered as to the routo he took on teturtr
journey, which, however, iB a vety unimportant question. The
chronicle has made much of this story to glorify the earlier
part of Prthvitrarayana's career. But one Eay or may not take
the story seriously. I am not ole of those who would weigh
evidence for or agaiost Prthvinarayana,s doiDgs performed in
Banaras. By the statrdard such authors have introduced to judge
events, more depends on one's choice, because no scientinc basis
is sugS,est€d in the argumsot.
It .was said by tbe chronicler that while in Banarac the
Gorkhali pritrce exhibited some miraculous teats. The Gorkhalie
were given a very bad treatmeot by the proud town dwellers
of Baaaras, Wberever they wetrt they wero received with scorn.
But Prthvinarayana dealt tbem a llard blow on beiog obstructed
by tbe hooligals at rhe Bare ot the temple ol Visvanatha. The
Gorkhalis bad displayed their sbarp daggers, aDd then alone
they could eoter'the sacred spot. Tbe cbronicler adds that
Prthvinaral ana's bodyguard protected also the Raja of Sirmourl
who had therealter pledged loyalty to Gorkha, Ot course, the
eraggerated accouna of drawiog luyalty froor another prince of
a far ofi billy couotry is little to be believed.
On return Journey tbe Gorkhalis were harassed at tbe police
cbowki of one latrdlord wlo controlled the access route to the
96 MODERN NEPAL

city. The chowkidars on duty demanded exorbitaot money ftom

the visitors. But here again they had to use force to facilitate
their movement aloDg the route. the zemindar's metr had trot
only shown scaDt courtesy to lhe Gotkhatis but had taken
trying to arr€st them. So Prthvinarayana
aggreosive attitude
ordered to meet the guardsmen using daggers. His men killed
Bome meD on the spot, but as news reached the lsndlord, he
sent more men who outmstchod tbe Gorkhalis in number.
Prthvinarayana Shah bad no way but to abandon the cbowki
and proceed fast on bis lourney in older to evade a gerious
clasb, Prthvirarayana shah and his ,riends made good their
escape, the soldiers ftom Banaras not bsing able to trace theE.
The Banaras trip of Prthvinarayana seemed in description
s purely fabricated story if it was not for a teliable evidence.
Heie again a reliable evidence has come to out rescue to
enable to iudge tbe statement of chroricles.
The Noakot inscription8 ot Prthvinatayana Shah of 1762
talks of his erploits at tbe custom house in Banaras and of
his fghts against the Muslim zemiodars' From this no doubt
remains about bis visit to Kasi. We are ooly igootant of the
date of the visit ald also of the roules he travelled. We can
only coDj€cture details of the iourney. It might be through
Burwal and Palpa or through Butwal Noakot, Satahu, Garhou,
Dhor aDd Tanboun or it migbt be through Chitauo and Deoghat.

Prthv irwayana declared king

Io of Ramnavami king Narabhu-
rhe year 1742 A,D. on the day
pal died and Prthvinarayana Sbah was d€c'ated king.
Aftcr the mortuary rites were over Prthvinarayana Shah gtarted
preparations for the conquest of Noakot in fulfilment of bis long
cherighed ambition of his life.

3 zr5 6fu a.rilsgftqrm gc{{f(g fifqig{fig{ r q} ETIl(

qflqg$s iltfi{ ile +}a aqiq waail r
 OORrEA BEOOUAS TINODOU OD }IAPAL 97

This hill fortresr5" was ths gateway to Kathmandu and

ovor siuoo tho Gorkhalis understood the grandour and impor-
tanoe of a united Nopal, they wero determined to efrect ths
oapture of that plaoe as a prelimiaary to furthor advanco
towards tho descent to the Nepal Valley. Another gateway
to Nopal was providod by Machwanpur and with the Raja,o
cooporation Prithvinarayan oould hava attained his objectivc
of marohing towards Kathmandu. But Dlackwenpur wa; out of
the quostion, bocause the Raja wae not dispqped to boliovo tho
Gorkhalis and hovo faith in tho eincerity of Prithvinaroyan,c
action and an attompt to briug him to hit fold turned a
failuro in 1743. IIo, thoreforo, tried to cepturo Noakot as a
first stop. Tliinking that thc provious attack launched by
Clorkha, failed on account of his fathsr'a partiel troatment
of the offieors of the Pantha olan, he rostored the Magars to
the old position arrd eutrustod to Kazi Vijaya Thapa tho
command of his forces. The Kazi, howevor, would uot, cross
the rivor Triouli, though there wac no resiatance from ths
Now&rs, because he understood that tho unfavourablo nature
oftheuplandsofNoakot placod tho defonders in advantago.
But Prithvina,raya,n himsolf intorvoned and not minding the
catrltaiu's advice the forces crossed the ?risuli with Maheswar
Pantha. But like his fathor he was heavily defeated by
Jayaprakas'sarruy, whioh commanded nunerical superiority
and possessed groater ammunition. The Gorkhalis rotreated
burnniug over the bridge only the Trisuli.
A fow monthr later, he visited Bhnarae out of a renso of
frustration and more eagor to eultivate allies and friends for
his crusade. Ee oould not give up tho drcam of possoasing
the valley. He was too Qnamoured of the idea to leavo it
at that stage. It had left a permanent impression in hig mind.
In his speech Prithvinaraya,n Eayc that while rotumiug from
Mackwanpur he took a routo to reaoh the summit of the
Thankot ridgo from whore tho surveyed the entire valloy and
5. Spult Noakuto, Nayakot, Nawakot, Noakut.

7
08 UODEBN I(EPAL

this oroated sn inprussion in hiir thet ho oould eaeily oubiluc

tho region.
Noakot hold out tbros prosPoots boforo him' Firdtly, itr
oocupation gavo the iuvador a s[bP to odvancs towards tho
valley of Nopal. Noakot liea on a ridge ia the south-westom
oxtenrion of Mount Dhaibung between ths river Triguli aud
Tadi. It oponr a pathway to tho valley of the river
Bindhure which joins with the hill of Bandipur forming tho
outskirt of the vtlley. Secondly, the undulated plain between
the two rivers expanding as a dolta to thoir confluence st
Debighat called Noakot Tar, provides a lururious Yeget&tion.
This place is full of fruitq and crops, which could be used
vith profft by a conquoring army in order to launch a,n attack
on stations lying furthor eest &nal south. Thirdly, Noakot
was a fortifiod hill as nowhere tho Malla ruler of Kathmandu
presumed to buitd one and Jayaprakasa attechod more than
an ordinary importauce to it. But the Noakot ridge had
mauy stretegio shortcomings. Bcsiiles, the Kathmandu rulsr
was not comm&nding the support of tho people of that area.
Thero was grountl ouough for Prithvi to think tha,t s fort of
peychological breakdown vaa ineviteblo, if Noakot could bo
wrosted from tbem, and he could assure himeelf that this fort
was not invincibls.
so, it was quito essontial thst tho &ttempt for tho capturo
bo onco moro rebowed. This timo Prithvinarayan Shah rot
out on his taek with courege and detormina,tion and with
adequate and prop€r preparation. Ee know that he sufrered
from the ahortage of arms and ammunition aod also lacked
in man povcr. Bor this task he ordered o goneral mobilisation,
all thoso between 16 and 30 years were freely recruited to ths
oolourg ; and a lsrge Btock of arms to be distributed &mongst
tho youth of Gorkha. IIe got them trained in tho art of guns
by somo experienced Hindustaui exports, Sheikhjobar,
Muhammed Taki and Bhekh Singh. Ee ra,s impressed with
their skill during his engagements with Mir Kasim, Tho
employment of non-Gorkhalis in the important. plsts of
 OOBtrEA BEOOUE8 TINCDOU OX NE?rL 99

ofioere in the army naturall5r was ropugnant to the ptriotio

feeling of the Gorkhalis, p,ithvi with his zeal of a conguefor
satisfied the opposition. His troops consistod of severar
o@-
'panies, eaoh with I00 gunmon under a subedar and 16 Eavildarg
(both iron.commjseioned officers). Besides, there were men who
used only Khuda and Khulri (daggers and swords).
Eis warring force consisted of the mass of tho people, even
though. the chief officers were his faithful folrowers from the
select farnilies. But whether in the rank and with tho ofrcers,
,o d-iserimi,ation was made betwoen communities. The test of
recruitment was patriotism and loyalty to his porson. The
entire population of Gorkha had been up with a,,-s to fight for
a ca,use. Brahmanas, Ksatriyas, Thakuris and Khasas, Newar,
Vaisy.as and peasants,-Gurungs and Magars wore all enlisted.
No ono of them felt that hc was prevented from rendering a
duty. The untouehable tailor and bandplayer, the cobbler, tho
blacksmith and the sweeper, eyeryone of them, had his place
in the schemo of things launched by his mdster. All were to
render the duty assigned to them each in his own sphere.
It
rvas a loyal and contented band offollowers that prithvinara-
yiin was destined to command. Although it was a motley
crowd that Prithvinarayan attracted at the first hand, Iater
with the training he gave to the recruits his troop became
such
a forrnidable band of fighters that in encounter after encouuter
victory camo to him ail by iteerf. rris opponents had failed
to orga,ise a foroo like this, and they felr one by one before tho
conqueror.
Prithvinarayah's next step was to mobilise re'ources. Ho
obtairred contributions o'a maes scale. The peolrle were asked
to contribute to the 'rvar fund in cash or kind aceording to their
possessions. The chronicle states that the idea of a patriotie
war of cruquest had seized tho entire adurt citizenry of Gorkha
rrrespcctive of caste and sect. There were people who were
irhysically unable to participate in the battle, but came fnrward
witS hard cash, preeious metare ancl jerelreries. Many wlrc
lyc'ro poof enough not to possess jewels and hard
cash gave
I00 MODEBI{ NTPAT.

catabloa, grains, fruits and vegetables. While the battle war on,
the people waited in their villages to seo the wounded return
antl they looked after them. In the battlefield tho people of
the ueighbouring villages took out of tbeir own accord what'
ever ration w&s necessary for the Glorkha eoldiers. Such was
tho stste of preparedness with wbich Pribhvinarayan Shab
embarked on the exped.ition for the creation of a new stato
of Nepal.
Another aot of his was to appoint Kahr Pande, a brave
and sageoious man, as his ohief mirister, whose help vas
valuable to him in all matters including war strategy and his
advicre saved him from good many disasters.
Thie was not onough. Gorkha had many onemiee amongst
the hill Rajae and it was not quite impossible if some of them
tried to invade Gorkha when its Raja was engagod olsewhere.
Thoro was specially a deepseatod joalouey between Lamjung
and G$orkha, whioh always weighed with the Gorkhalis in their
fear of the inimical action from that quarter. To guard
against gueh thrrats and dangers Kalu Pande suggested a
poli"y of allignment with the Chaubisi, with as many of them
as responded to Glorkha's ofrer of friendship and alliance. It
was suggested that they ehould bo enthused over the prospect
of the oonquest of the rich valley of Nepal rnd division of
s1nils and territories in tho event of victory.
Therefore, deputations were sent to the hill Rajas ; Earihar
Kadaria Upadhya and Sadaeiva Upadhya to Tanhoun, Mani
Kantha Rana to Palpa, Gangadhar Pauta to Kaski and
Ranarudra Shah, Laksminarayana Pande and Gunanidhi Panta
to Lamjuug. Ee also placed the strategic areas of Rudrabhot
in the north and Dhading towards the south under expert
commanders. But none of tho Rajas agreed to abide by his
request owing to tho fear of iuvasion from the Tibetan Lama,
who they thought would come to tho as6istance of his ally,
the Newar Raja, with whom he had long cultural and commer-
cial contoct. They left to the discretion of the Raja of Lamjung,
their leader, to reject or acoept the requeat of Gorkha', Brrt
 GOBTB^ BTOOUES X:NODOU O' NrPAr, l0l
the Lamjung ruler in his hoart of hoa*r vas ill.diapoecd
towards Prithvinarayan Shah. Ee proved adamant for some
timo, but Kalu Pande himself, by his reeourcefuhets, tact and
persbveranoo won him ovor. A mooting was arranged betweon
the Raja Ripumardan and Prithvi at the conf,ueneo of t[e
Qhepe and Mareyangdi, nea,r Ragin&E, phich r6Bulted in the
amicablo EottlemeDt of all disputos and bound each party to
tarms of mutu&l a88iEt&nco. Ag a mward Kalu paudo rocoived
th€ post of a Kazi but hithvi owarded bim Kaziahip only
s1t6r aeoortaining publio opiaion and opinionr of tho Baiei ard
Chaubisi Rajasob as well ar aftar consulting tho queen mother.
As it
wers to prove Gorkhe sineerity of tho acceptance oftho
pact, a diapute aroso Ksski and L&mjung ovor the ownemhip of
Arghaun, l.hich brcught a military con0iot, Gorkha appearir,g
on tho side of its ally. Though l(aehi ultimately Becurod the
placo dofeating LamjuDg in en ongagomont, Gorkha nevertholesg
had o moral bone6t, as it proved that it coolil ota,uil by
Lamjung in th6 lattor's nosd. Thertaftor tho GoLha Ling
sincorsly stuck to the lost word of the treaty, tho"gh it
ultimately appeared to harm its own local intorest, Confl.iott
botryeen the two rroro, howover, coEmon, vhon Glorlba
occupied SindhupalchoL.

Political Affaira in the Nepnl, Valtag

As we obeorved in anothor contort matters in the Nopel
Volloy wero NuniBg in f&your of kithvinarayan ; tho ceDtury
old quarrol hetweon tho threo rulers of Bhatgaon, patan and
Kathmandu vas yst as sevcrs as to erclude the poaribility of
sry joint action sgainst the invader. gortunately for hithvi,
Bonajitmalla, the Raja of Bhatgaon, was hi! goal father
and plaoed full confidenoo in him and tho oircumstance8 no
appreheneion of a hostilo cct from tbat sido wa8 to b€ enter_
tohed by ths Gorkhali roler. Tho patan Raja, Virhnumalla,
35 Accordiug to Ptjthitralay&a,s
atateoelt tr&lr pande obtaiaed thir
.ugost post aE h6 proreil .up€rlot iD Ei6iloE to Blllj BsLhsti who
srs trhc
Xilg'a 6rat choice.
t02 MODEBN I{f,PAL

va6 si imbocilo being iu old oge. Eo had no eons and had

appointed Rajyaprakasa aa hi8 Buodoasor,s' which faot had aleo
golo to strain his relations vith Ksntipur. That &l8o mesnt,
if Patan could not poesibly act tiloue, thero w&s no occasion for
it to eombine with others. With this background tho ovsrall
position had tended to booomg eafe for the ruler of Gorkha
to push his plan of conquest. Thero was alao o deepseated
rivalry between theE€ rulers on person&l plane, one never looked
kindly to tho other and on top of it confliotg were oommoD
botweon the8e rulora individually and their nobility. Kath-
m&atlu was Beething in discontent as Rajo Jayaprakasn cruolly
drovo his brother Rajyaprak&s& out of his country (Wright,
p. 223). Rajyaprakaaa wag popular with a section of the pooplo.
Woteo thaa that, Jayaprakas& w&8 very unpopular with his
army which mainly conristed of tho Indo-Mongol and Khaea
clans. A eoction of hia irregular retinue forco waa now cotr'
spiring with his brother tic thwart hia aime. It soemod tbot
thoy had como &t the parting of ways aud Jayaprakasa, there-
fore, had enlistod a body of plains-mon, mostly from Gorakhpur
aad Champaran &E & count€r measurs. But this led hie Parba-
tiya followors to conspfue mom openly with Bhetgaon and later
on even with Prithvi.ro
Beforo ootually embsrking on the campaign, PlithYinareyen
ostsblished a Council of Regoncy consisting of the leadere of
warring wilgs of the army to look after the businoss of tho
Gov€mmsnt in his absonce end to dofoud the borders in timeg
of oxterB&l attack by tho neighbours. Tho Council conristed
omong othom of Rudra Shah, Mohoswata Panta, Govinda Joshi,
Clayarima Pando and Ka'lu Rana and several othors.
fn Soptember 1744 Prithvin&r&yan rsached Khinohet on the
b&nk of the rivor Trisuli with a foroo of 300 men. There ho
befriended ono Kalyan Upadhya, e much influontial man of
that looality, who promised to deliver him e,rPPlies and boate
to orog8 tho riYor.

I
5c olilfleld Skercher fiom Ncpal, \'ol. I. P. 249
5d Rea<l tho gecoDdl Yoluae ol ths 80!1e3.
 OOBf,E.t E'OOU!8 AIITCDOX OF NEPAIT IO3

At tbe time ths invoeion of Nepal took placa, prithvi had

one more advantoge to his side and that wss tb.s 8ta,te of
enmity eristing botw€on the three rulors ofths Nepal Valley;
which lod ons to iDyit€ tho Gorkhalis egainst tho other. A u#
quarrol had flared up bstwoen patan and Eantipur. ft
was tho
time when actnally tho Kazia of patan invoked his help to
ffght
Jayaprakasa ond exte,nded a promiee to [im as , pril to "be
aeutral in his fgbt with tho lattor. Althougb eeyer&l tines
bqfgre, Patsn and Kantipur could combine, they ve.ro juat
lat€ly divided ovor tho iseuo of Lsmida,Dd&. This aroa lay only
a fow miles in tho we8r outeido the Vallcy; it formed
then a,
common meeting ground of tbo four statm of Gorkha, Tanhoun,
Patan and Ka,ntipur. This was also a di8put€al spot botrveeD
the two rulors of th6 Nep&l Yalloy, though for long Tanhouo
had ocoupied it ha,ving wrestod from tho possession of the Raja
of Lalitpur. Tho lose of Lamittanda blocked pataa's erternal
outlet on that side and & greet Boorcity of cotton and salt wae
felt, end ths Kazis had oppealed to Jayaprakasa to help them
to bo reliovetl of the distrose. Jayapralasa sent Sikhwal Kazi
to Tanhoun for negotiation. But a diroct approach to Gorkha
wea mado by Kazi Kalidaga of p&t8n and prithvinarayana,
obliged them by handing over the &rea to patan. By this move
of the Gorkha rulor Jayaprakasa lost an opportunity to obligo
Patau, and bring aocord between tho two kingdoms. Moa,nwhile
Gorttra captured Jhiltung and again tho sarno incouvenionce
to the Valloy's trado was caused. This was tho second oocasion
the three rulere had together found thoir position menaced whi,ch
could have os well brought the eutiio Valloy on & common
front. This time tho minist€rs of Paton were eager to forgo
a united etand in colloboratiou with Jayapra&ara. But, Jaya_
prakasa who avoided Pa,ta,n'B invit&tion to bo presont a,t Chob&r
for a conference prevontoil any agreoDent from being reached.
On tho other hrnd he onraged tho Patan nobility by ottacking
codein of it8 outpertr without aDy proyocatioD.
Ths Yamutali Darrates an instanm of daring exploit
K&Iu Adhikori Joisi in ereoting tho Gorkha flag over
of ono
l0r1 uoDlnr nIPrt

Noahot just bofore the regiment croseed tho river'

Thers was
a cuetom &Eongst tho hill lmople, according to wbich tho flag
wa,s to procode the t&trdin8 of t'ho regimont'
Ordinorily thir
waa & very tliffioult task, for in tbc evont of tho eneuly
being ertremely vigilant the result' of euch &n advottrrre waa
protonding
noth]ng but death flag hoistor' But Kalu Adhikari
himeoli tohave boen expellotl by Prithvinarayan Sheh sought
nomont
rofuge in tho encmy's oamp antl at a vory psychologica'l
hoisted the Oorkha flag at tho poak of tho Mahamandal range
as'cy to thc
to tho enomy'r aurpriso, rvhile ho himgelf slippod
rivor swimrEing back to join his owD c&mp'
Biil To CaP ture N oabot
Aftor few tlaya tho Gorkha regimont crogaod t'he rivor
a
Triguli on Saka 1066 Asvin 16 at &n &uspicious
moErent' To
hie advantago Prithvinarayan fould th&t
tho defeoding troops
to the hill for fear
had retire<l irom no&r tho bod of tho river
of tho rovsging malarla. But &l'l thir fscilit&ted hie
movemont
unhindered. E" crrss"d tho river at night under cover of

darkness. The Nepal defonce foroos wero lod Jayant

by R'ana

(in Diyop&ileBh& Oyami R&na), who was sarlid o Comrrrrnder

io OorUfro'. ormy and wbo consoquont to his dismiesal
by
This
NarabLupala hatl ioinett kiag Jayaprakasa of Kathmandu'
man by dint of his valuod orporience of fights in hilly and
rugged torreins wos likely to proYe e very formidablo
oppo-

,,"Ii to tU" ilesigns of the Gorkhalis' Ilero in Noakot ho

oommonded & ooutingont of oll the disgruntlod
olomontB from
oonstituting tho Gorkho
tho Oorktra side ; tlmost all the tribes
force vere assomblod thoro' Jayant Bona wontsd
to tactfully
play hie game and throwing dovn upon tho Gorkha'lis th6
ioti"" f-ou &8 aoon a.a thoy began to aeoond the Noakot peak'

called Mohtmanilal, ho was to dool thom a surpriso blov'

ridgo
The Gorkhalis, howevor, were onoiroling the Mahamaudal
a<toptiog o difforsnt taotios. They lod their two lvings of tho
ermies from tho north and nofih'o&st to Kaohhar end Clorkhu,
trvr ndjoining hille, rehile Prithvinarayan himeelf rvait€d to
 OOAEEA BEOOMEA E,INODOII CT NTPAL I05

rscand Nostot aftor the reault of the fight in thooo pleoer

beeamo clo&r. From GorLhu tho wing attacked Mahamandal,
There was a hand to hand fight. San-khamari, ron of Jayant,
wea killed with soveral othere of tbe dofending party. Tho
Kontipur ruler'a men woro diepersed and Noakot fell to the
invadere. Prithvinerayana Shah ehifted bir quarter to the
townlet, of Noakot. Undaunted by thie defoat Jeyanto Rana
retired to four miloe Bouth et Belkot and thero waited for
roinforcomont from Kathuaudu,
Prithviuarayana Lnow bis advorsary and his sbr&tegy. Ther6
could bo no bett r men for a Btrstogiet than Jayanta Rano.
Eis going ovor to the eDemy was e groat lo88 to tho Clorkh&liE
and it was frsught with gravo danger, If Jayauta Rana
succeeded in having his way, the capture. of Noakot wae un.
thinkable. 8o tho question wac to win him over to tho side of
Gorkha. Prithinarayana accordingly triod to persuade him to
como back. But Jayanta Bsno was a yeli.oDt eoldier to
lrhom being tuue to salt hs at€ wa8 & greatar virtue thau a,ll
his life and he proudly re{ussd to accept hithvinarayana'a
requoste. Prithvinarayana realieod tho riek of loaving Jayanta
Rena at that etage. Eo grew impatient rhile the lattor
displayed adequate nene. Tho king of Gorkha, thoreupoD,
ordered to march egainat Belkot. Belkot ofrored tho ssme
facility to ths dofondere to Btriko at the foe, ae it vae only
through a 8t€ep ascent, tha,t ths place was rsached. Ifis
commantlem were opposoil to the plsn of aesault beoauae of
ths dissdvantage to the ofrenders. But Prithvinarayena in a
ft of rsge wao unmindful of the atriking powor of the enemy
snd bogan to s8cend the ridge, but Jayanta'e men pourod in
from all directions and embarassed the Gorthalis so muoh
tbat th6y began to lose courage. Pritbvinarayan wos about,
to fleefor hia life. Many of his eoldierg and offcors w€ro
killed, but his ohief aido and military advieer Kalu Ponde
proposed .at tbe time to attack ths fort of Belkot in full vigour
to campensate the failure euetained earlier. Prithvinaroyaua
himaelf initiat€d tbe attaok singlo handed and the Glorkhalig
106 MODBBN NEPIL

now very much 6ncour&g6d by the examplo of their Sing

raUiod togother round bim. Jay&nta w8E overpowerod. Ea
was snosted and flaved alivo. They said that the ineroroble
fato had docrood his doath.
Tho capturo of Bolkot brought the invadorc cloee to-the
Nopal Valley, a stop further, so cloes thot thoy now comm&n-
ded th6 pssssgo to tho Kakani and Shivpuri ridgea over'looking
tho Valloy on tho northern gido.
The conquest of Noakot was & great gain from Gorkha
point ofviow. The granary of tbe Kathmandu pooplo wes
et their disposal. Now thoy commanded tho ontire suPplieg
of Tadi, Likhu and Sindhuri valleye. They got the control
ofthe highway leading to Kathmandu. Beeidea the8o, thoy
also woro put in control of.tho Indo.Tibetan trade that pasted
through Noakot. These wore suclt as Jayaprakasa would
never allow to go to tho enemies. Ho accordingly sont
Kosirama, Thapo with a big force of more then e thouB&nd
men. Ranabhima Th&pa eas to head this force, but he wae
auspected of allegiance to Gorkha. Ho aleo foiled at the
eleventh hour to engage the Clorkha invader who cams faco
to f&ce st the head of l30J men".r' But in the fight at
Gairithum. and Ealedo Kasiram Thapa was dofoated anrl
thereafter all hopes of gaining back Noakot vanished for ever.
After the conquest of tho Tadi valley Prithvinarayana
goined control of area,8 further e&st end south-west conti'
guous to tho border of Kathmaundu in that direotion.
The ilistricts of Sindhu Palchock and Kabhre Palanchok wors
controlled by the rulor of Kathmandu. The borrndary touched
tho river Tanakosi and covered tho district of Dolkba.
Bhatgaon envied this position and often sought tho help of
Gorkba to seize the territoriee. Bhatgaon, howevor, still
poesessed a slice of territory of the valloy of the river Kosi
as well as tho valley of Bauepa ortending from Nala to
Panauti. All this enabled Kathmandu to control tho highwoy
paesing through Kodari and Khasa, to Kuti in Tibot.
'-t" .
e-.-c-uroJoili-*tinotoil 8oo, brt to oolleot sucb BtloDgtr was Bot
possil,Io in those iloy!.
 oOBrtr BEOoMf,s EU{ODOM O, NXptL r07

It waa eaid thot tho ruler of Bhatgaon who hod oarlien

encouraged Prthvina,rayana thah to attaot Noakot wantod
tho lattor's help to seize tho northern torritory of Kathmandu
so that the trado route to Lhose osmo to its oontrol. But thi6
was beyond tho Oorkha ruler's cep&oity as any milituy aid
in responeo to Ranajitmalla's roquo8t w&s bound to antago-
nire Kasirama Thapa and others reho oommandod wide
influence in Sindhu Palchok and Kabhro palanohoL distriots.
Prthvinarayana. howovor, wented to appoaso Bhatgaon making
a gift of Sankhu and Changu volloys in tlo trorth.oaBtor.r
sector of the Nopal valloy aftor dialodgiug the Kathmandu
ruler from thoao posaessions.
Aocording to tho chroniolo tho conquoBt of Noakot had
added to Gorkhara prostigo among tho Chaubiais. Gotth&
rvaa now being fsared aud rrot ignorod as boforo. It haal &lso
rop€roussiotre in his fath€r.in-law's domain of Maokwanpur.
Now Eemakarna Son callod Prthvinarayano to toko away his
rvife. Tliis hs did soon after tho requost was mado. But
tho princess EaB nover allowed to leave Gorkha, and. rho
hardly onjoyod tho oompany of her hugband. Sho died
letor without any issuo forlom aud dojeoted.

ASairc in Kathm.and,u
It is said that the former commauder of Kathmandu,
Kashiram Thapa, war living in rotiremeat in pa,l&nchok. Tho
distriot of Sindhu Palohok and Palanohok, as well as aroas
upto Dolkho wsro undor verious commands of tho Magar and.
Thapa Chhetris whother the rulor war of Kattmandu or of
Bhatgaon. Kasirama Thapa had resigned his sorvices in
I(athmandu evor sinco Jayaprakasa bocame King and was
Iiving inhis homo. Whon ho helrd of Gorkha'e advsnco to
th&t quarter he folt that tho thr€o KingdomE of tho valloy wore
threatenod ond it was his duty to ropulEe tho stt&ck. But
JayapraLaea out of suEpicion grstrtod hiru juot permirsion to
m&nago to drivo out tho invadors. Kaeirama colloeted rmour_
css for tho orpodition without alepotrdiDg on Kathmandu. But.
r08 }IODXRN }IEPAL

€v€n I6[t to himeclf he could oolleot o sizoeble rabblo of a foroc

and wont to ffght tho Oorkhalis from hir own side' In a bid to
cepturc tho advcntageoue ridges in tbis region Prthvina,rayana
want€d to hold Sangaohok. Its ocoupation would havc
enabled hthvinaraysna, to puah his conquest towarda tho
south and south.o&€t and lay hande on Palancho} and other
arcas. But the Gorkhtlis roooived a Etrong resistsuco irr
Sengaohok. Hard preseed from tho onemy ths Clorkhalir wors
{orcod to abrndon the becieged fort lo-aving a ecoro of desd end
wounded, ono of the doad was Eivarama Basnot, wbose death
o&u8od profound grief to his king. Tho Gorkhs foroes retro&t€d
to Nonkot.
Thir etory it given by Babttrom Aoharyo in hie life of
Prthvinarayeoa (p. 231-36). The Aoharya Eays that K&8iram&'s
.erploitr in Sangachok sr€ not supported by arry roliablo
ovidenco. He, howover, bareg hit conclueion on the evitlone,e
of t'ho eristence of a publio roBt hous€ built by Kazi Jaharo
Singh, grendsoa of Sivarama Baenot in tho lattor's momory.
Brburam also thinkg thot the Sangachok iuoidout ocouned
bofors Kaciramo attompted to invado Noakot. But tho deto
of Sivuoma's death in Sangachok ie uloertain. Similarly tho
Tvitb tho accouut of ths
faots obout hb death cloes not 88reo
ohtoniolo, elthough many a tlmo the Aoharya gives roferonces
to tho pasloges iu the chroniole for hie information. Eir
atst€mont io thb porticuler instoncs i8 confueiog. But with
'all thie, tho poem on Sripatrd family by ono Jivenet'h composod
in VS l73l tolls of the deeth of Siveromo in Saugaohok.
lfhis poetio oomposition is the only ovidonce for Sivarame's
deoth in tho ight. But probably this ie a rolieble ovideuoo
and leaving asids the ohroniclo, ths evidence is roally trust'
votllry (Ilihaaapralaeo, I, p. 132)'
Ths refsrenoo to tho proPer&tion for tho invbeion of Soukhu
antl Changu in the royal lottor to Rajivalochaua Pandit might
provido o clue to tho sttompt€d attack on thore aroas. Tho
lettor ir datsd 4 January, Saturday, 1746- aghaoaiti
I roi 7.
 ooBf,Er aEooItS filcoDor o, IIPI.L 10o

But ib docr not givo tho faot of o battle or ratd in tho

aroa. The oircumstance8 aro thosc of preparation for a,n
attao}. go tho roforencor might ac woll apply to tho deye
before the aotual oapturc of Senkhu and Changu ridges late
in tho eame year.
It is suggoeted that the defeat in
Sangaohok dealt a hoavy
blow to tho ambition of the ruler of Oorkha. Mofs thsn what
he oonquered in torms of territory ho had lost sD ablo Com_
mander. Grief etrichon oyer tho loEB it was difroult to collsct
himself sooeor h,s requircd. But he did control hil grtef surpri-
singly in a fow days. Aftor all he had to fulffl hie mission. e.
thoroforc wont fciru ard vith his sohemol with ronewed vigour.
Meanwhilo in Kathmandu Kiug Jayaprakaro had killcd
Kasirom Thapa in a fit of t€Elrer. Ile wog acoured of
misloading his king while conducting hia oampaign for tbo
capturo of Noakot. Jayaprakasa even all'cged that he rar
rerving the int€rost of Gorkha. Kasiram waa living in
Pa.lanchot not boiog eble to show his feco to the king becsuEo
of tho dofo&t he euat&inod st the hsnds of prthvincray*no
thah. After Eome timo he was able to ovorcomo tho seulo
of defoat and oaue to his old residonoe at Chabel. On the
l6tL day of bright fortdght of Sravanr ia lZ46 A. D. the
Thapas ac ueual bathed in Glsurighst (R. Bagmati) but ou
return oonfrontod Joyaprakosa who knowing hia ox-commrn-
dor's proseico had hurried to Chabel on horse-back. Tho
two met. ,Thoro wero other Brahma,na6, Ksatriysr snd
Magarr, who came to telo bath in the river Bagmati. All
including Kasirama paid obeissanco to the Ling. But Jsyspra-
kasa suddonly started to orpreor his fury ond tollod of
troaohory. Maoy in the gatherirg thought th8t it wss the
height of folly to &ccost Jayaprokaaa vith that tomper. So
thoy took to hsels. But Kagirama wat ohesed by thc king,r
body-guords and killed on the spot. Oue or two Eoro foll.
On rsturn to the pelace Jayprakara aleo killod souo top rank-
ing officera including a Kazi. But tho most important, of them
Kazi Clarudadhvaja could escr,po. Sometime later Jeyoprrkaaa
ll0 xoDralr riplL
hiosolf hsd to foce o hostils nobility ond a oonspiraoy vrr afoot
to dethrone Lim es a puniahment for .the horah tmatmort ho
meted out to tho oommanders of tho rogimont in killbg their
leadem. This conrpiraoy vas all embraeing. It got the.holp
from Kazi Kalidssa of Potan. and aome peoplo froin Bhetgaon
also woro a party to it. They deoided to invite the- Gorkhalie
to ffght against Jayaprakara, At about this tine Pfthyi-
[aroyana actu&lly c&m6 to tho Valley ond conquered some
villages on the €ratorn s€otor of Kathmandu in tho vaH6y.
Jayaprakosa monegod to ofor e flgbt but was defost€d.
At about this time ho ras dismissed froa the thrsne aud
vas suocoedod by his eon Jyotiprokaaa. dftor sono yeats
in exile waudering liko a fugitive Jayaprakasa gained baok
his throno. Tho subjoot of his doposltion and rostoration
requir€s to bo dealt -with tborcughty in view of osrtain ,

contradictory faotdrs of tho situstiou, But ag thia does not

fall entirely witlin the scopo of tho presont book, we have
taken up the ooneidoration of the mattor in auothor volume
orclusively dealing with th6 history of the loter Mallaa,
Eoving consolidated hie conquest of Noekot Prthyi-
naray&n& Shah thou looksil forward to an opportunity to bring
tho whole of tho Nopsl valley under his oontrcl. We havo
e€on how o few plooos on tho osstorn boriler of Kcthmandu
insiale tho valley foll to him in earty l7{S.
'It Yer folt thot
for tho oooupation of the Nopal valley, tho ospturo ' of th6
mountoina surrounding it was abrolutoly essentill. PrthYi
wantod to st&rt hir oompaign through the no h-vart€t!
comor of tho valloy.
Mahadeopokhari stood by itsolf duri[g &ttaok on lBt€r
oooasions. But for some time in the begiuning thia place
ghartd tho samo f*ta with Naldum. This wag do bocauso of
proxinity. They stoed within adistanoo of a mile Mahade<i'
pokhari wos eituetett at tho top of the ridgo &t a higher
altitudo, while Naldum occupied a lower altitude over a tmall
ridgo juet bolow Mahadeopokhari. Both ocouPisd adYan'
t&gooub sittlBtio! to tho north-west of the valley.
 GOEBEA BICO!'TS rINOI'OU OX lflfA! III
Botb places changed hands betweon OorLho antl Kath-
mandu. But th€y dtimstely fell to tho foruer,s honds nover
to be returned to tho origin&l mastor.
Theae two woro militory outposts commandiDg tho mut6
to the throe cities of Nepal from tho north-oastern aiile. thiy
rvore guorded by the Mngar and Khma olans.
Being very importsnt to ita eeeurity Bhatgabn sho coyoted
their poeseasion. Prthvinarayana thereforo Fa,nt€d to join
hands with the commandors of Shotgaon for. the inva,eion of
Naldum and Mahaileopokhdri vhoss loador waB palaauroma
'Thapa.

Inoaston of Naldum &nd, Mahaileopolchari

The ffrut task beforo hirtr rvas towin orrer parasurom Thepa
to his eide. Ee found th&t tho msin obetacle io his way of
conquest nas tho Thapa Commandcr in Bhatgaon, who etill
owed loyalty to the common inkrest of the valley Kings.
The strategy w&s to bfeak this loyolty reminding the Th&pa
of his duty to his corntry of his birth.
A letter6 written by Prthvinarayona Shah to parasurame
Thapa a fow deys sfter tho Sangaohok tragody ocourrcd
ofrored promiso of full protoction of life and proporty to the
addressoe and return of his.fr€oholdg to him if ho oonsent€d
to croas over to Gorkha. The promiee was sooompa,tri€d by
threat inplied in the reference to, the faoi of the Oyami (r
aub-ooste of lfagar to vhich Jayanta Bana bolongod) flayod
dive. Prthvi said that an oral urorsego waa sent a dey
earlier through Vidya,pati Ojha. The loarned Scholar Baburam
Achsry& thinks th&t in regarat to the dst€ of the letter tho
day of tbe month is incou6ctly given and rhould be g,ladrc
oaili 2 roj 2. Ee imagines that the killing of tho brother took
pl&ce on Sama, 1803 Braoanu Bulli 15 gomauara=
Zl July,
Monday, 1746 ond therefors the lotter soem8 to hrve boen
uent inrmodiatoly of[er the incident i. s. on .Wednesday,
ZSraI
July. But Bhaiha-aaili of thie yoar ie 'Wednesday. Babura,p
6 EitihalikapatratarrrS"aha, tl. pp. 6l-t/|.
tl2 XODEEN NEPAI,

o&loulatos tho rooonstruoted ilato as 3 August, but this day ir

Eunday. Baburam Aoh&rye furbher erguos that Pars.ur&D
oould not reaoh Noakot boforo August 8, and when returnod
he could not, havs mot Bonojit Malla boforo tbo l0th? for
consultotioru rog&rdilg tho Plsn of attsok on Naldum' Es
thinks bhat in ordinary circumstanoos nothing could be done
bofore ths lSth Enil in simila,r oonditiou snothor Poriod of
l8 dayB ry&E os8ontial for necossa,ry dofonso &rrangomoDtB to
conplbte in Gorkha. I do not know how it is poreiblo to
oalculato days for cortsin &ctionB in suoh torms as sugSost€d
by the Acharya, Perhaps the facts of tho lottor point out
to & diEoront yosr.
According to Baburam Acharya tho ruler of Gorkho sont
for Parasuram Thapa who rospondod by his preeenco in
NoaLot. Tho two loaders docidod to Plon a comlnon Etratogy
to oooupy Sanhhu, Mahadoopokha,ri and Nsldum. It w&s
also eaid th&t PrthYin&rayaua Shah obtained the Thalm's
consont to ocouPy, evon though tomporarily, these arcee rtrd
thon leave tho permenont occupation to him. It is Beid th8t
for so4o time thess pleces wero oollootivoly defended by the
forooe of Kathmandu and Bhotgaon. Parasura'E Thapa had
agreod to abandon his ally feigning inability to join the Eght.
It waa suppooeil th&t Kathmandu'a eoldiers would eurroodor
in tho ovont ofthoir boing alone, and then Prthvinarayena'o
forlea vore to overPowor thom'
It is saial that the fall of Naldum camo as planneil'
But theao are guess'worke Dot evon b&8ed on chronicler'e
aocount.
We havo no evidouco of Naldum and Mahadoopokhari
being defonded jointly by Bhatgaon and Kathmtndu'
Anyway, in all suoh matt€rg the chronicle ic thc only
roscue and it is no wonder that higt6rians are Proue to tura
to the chronicler'e Btetementr' Wo havo tho information horo
that Prthvioarayano Shah oould capture Mahadeopokhari anil

7 LPN. p.2?9'1?.
 GOBtr.IIA BIiCOMES KINODOM OF NTPAL It3
Naldum after o fferce resiatance. There was a heavy fight both
io Mahadeopokhori and Naklum which rsag conquored on ,9cta
1668 Bha.ilra 19 Rudhatmra -W ednesday, 20 August, 1746 (Tho
l7 ie a mistake of the oop.yist, which all copies do not relret.
The real date is l9). Prthvinatayana Shah retsined tbe {ortg
in his hand but left other areas controllod from tbore in the
hande of Ranajit Malla. Baburam Acharya thinke that Para-
sura,m 'Ihapa k6pt tbe gate of Naldum wide open when r,he
Gorkhalis appoarod there. Mahadeopokhari waa being guarded by
Parsuram's mon. Ilero also the Gotkholis did not meet with,
resistance. Sankhu and Chaugu were oaptured by Parasuram
Thapa wrth the help of forcee organised in Bhatgaon. Accord-
iDg to the Acharya the GorLha leaders allowod Bh&tga,on to
administer Sindhu-Pelchok, Kabhre-Palanchok, Dolkha aod
territories fer a.a the Dudh Kosi rivgr. But the millitary
a,a
Glovernor of the entire are&s w&s Poraeuram Thopa and the
Oorkhalis thought he could bo inffuorrced to support them
bventuelly.
The Acharya do€s not give any Bources aud it is obvioug
that he has built a. etory about Paraaursm Thapa's association
with Prithvinarayana Shah without any reliable matsri&I. But
we have to be eareful about our own judgemont in the re-
ooustluction of the story. The account of the c&ptur6 of Nal-
dum and Mahadeopokhari is full of coufirsion and does not
go beyond a conjecture.
Accoriling to the chronicle the ting of Gorkha wos allowed
to ca,pture Sankhu and Oh&ngu by the Omraoe of Ka,ntipur
who wanted to a,y€nge Kaeirama's doath. But the Gorkhaii
invadors were erporiomiug difficulties in tbe area in cornmand
as soon ae tho combinod forcee of Kathmandu ond Patan appe&r-
od in the sceno. &enajit Malla wa[tod Prithyinaray&n& to help
hiE to restoro to him Naldum. But thig was rot. accopt&blo
to the Glorkha rulor. iile, however, promiaed to got Sankhu
and Changu for him. Bqnajit Malla w&8 persuaded not to
occopt GorLha'a ofer of Stnkhu and Changu- His adyiror ssid
that the Gorkha ruler would ure the opportunity to grsb thc
I
It4 MODEBN NEPAI,

area for himself. Tho officer commanding of Bhatgaon, para-

suram Thapa, who was againit the allianoe with Gorkha in-
formed the ruler of Kathmandu and. Patan of the design of
tLre Gorkha ruler. As Patan was alerted ths ruler sent troops
more than what he deemed necessary. Jayaprakasa so ably or-
ganised the campaign that Gorkha's ally Bhatgaon hesitated to
euter the fleld. Kathmandu tttacked Jitpur uot far from Nal-
dum, at the foot o(the range north east-of the city of Bhat-
gaon. There waa a confrontation in Dachha, and just iu the
rrick of time the troopors of Patan also appeared to attack
{rom tho oast. The Gorkhalis were c*ught un&w&res, they had
not expeoted such a stiff ffght in .this spot. Against their ex-'
pectation ttrey were noarly defeated. It was seid that Sivararua-
simha Ba,met, the Gorkha oommander, was killed and also
many other officors. Prithvinarayana's Palki bearer w.as trlsp
shot dead and he oscaped narrowly.
As Sivarama Basnet is. said to have died in ths battle of
Sangaohok according to a reliable evidence, the fact of his be-
ing killed in Dachha soems untrue.
It was said; hovevor, that tho fight in Dachha w&s as sevore
.asin Sangoohok.
At this stage the Gorkha ruler fled to Belkot where ho rnet
Parasuram Thapa. It is said that he reminded Paraeuram
Thapa of his duty towards hie motherland. Gorkha. But loav-
ing his eon to the care of Gorkha's king the Thapa rushod to
defend Belkot. The Gorkhalis were also then defending
Naldum. The upland touched the peak of the extromity of
the northern range of tho Nepal valley in tho oaet, belorv rvhich
tries the village of Sankhu. Further south lies the village of
Sanga to theeast on the descendingridgeofNalduurandit
rvt'us a strongly fortified area. The latter commanded tho areas
outside the valley in the Palanchok distriet upto Chautara via
Benepa and Dulalghet. As soon as Prithvinareyana captured
Jhulelekh, a ridge towards tho north east oflfanichud peak he
was oalled upon to side with Bhatgaon in the capture of Sanliliu
aud Changu ridges from Kathmandu. Changu was the eastcru
 GORXIIA BEOOUES rIX6DOU OF, NEPAL Il5
ridge o[ a raogo ertendiog to N&ldqm and Mahadeopohhsri vher6
it mot the range coming from Sanga. Tho whole forued tho
east€rn mouutaiu Lounda,ry of the Nepel vallo51. The coltrol
of Chaugu would givo &ny one a Sreat adv&ntsge to pu8h both
ways, to the eouth and west rh6rs lay the oitioa of Bh&t8aon
and Kathmandu rospoctiyoly. Prithvinamyaua Shah thought
thst in ta,kiag up tho oauso of the Bhrtgron ruler, he would
cchievo his own end of geiting a foothold in a. str&tegio Bpot
oftbe region. With this end in vies Prithvinaroyana tempo-
rarily heltl up hiB pla,n to adyance to Dolkha. Ee turned hir
&tteution to Sangachok a high ridge outside the valley betwoon
tbe rivere Indravati and Bhoti Kosi, which oould giVe him a
safe pasrage to olihb to tho ridge forming the o&Btera boundary
of tho valley. But in thia rrenture ho lost his faith in astrolo-
gers who had forooost succoas,s beceugo here defoat had cwaited
him with venge&noe. In particular the ususl improssion thst
action perfornod during a oertain trnriod of timo irr a year
c lod Jioapbu eucooedod becamo iavalid, A letter writton by
Prithvinarayaoa Shah to oao Bojivaloohan Pandit of Kaski on
Mo4ln vaili I rqi 7: Seturday, 27 Jauuary, I75;l from Noakot
valley ehowr tha,t this Brahman had rccommendod time of
Jiooqkaa, for an iuvaeion of Senkhu and Chaugu. In hie
Bouthertr advance aloag thg ronge of e mouatain Prithvilars-
yana hod reaohed Saugachok. Eie aim wae also to capturo
Sankhu and Changu as well as Mohadeopokhari ond Naldum.

8 Accorilitrg to Eiaillsstrouomy tho BiDe pl.nets tl.yel tDrolgh.

p.€.ag€ of.6teri.Lr (naktotat) coveriEg ir !,'l iLys.ll ih€ r? oI ttrq,
The plsDet Xa,itz moves fuoa ouo,toksatrulo aDothor in rEiot8eotalet;
thereforo et o psrticul,tr ngksatra lhe lhiri,6*D lollowiEg u6lslly woElil hryG
beea prseit, snil th6 thirte.B osslly psssoil yoElil still be rh6!d. Ih6o rho
sr6 thEs .hesal sts seia to belong to thopa&M, litersuy, it6i lortDight.
While tho66 allsody coyoreA .!6 crlTsd, tiyqakso,literouy, ltvo to!tDt8ht..
Tbe naksatrq througL whiob otr s padioulsr day tho ia,n ir p..!i!g is
csll€il Ksrtari.
The ususl sstrologioal corlooptiotr oI oospioio[s EoEeit is to ESatil tLa
Jitapaksa as the ruspicious tiE€ to stslt work so a! to be ittenilcd titL
8UCCqi6.
l.I6 IIODERN NEPAL

But in Saugrtchok dofeot aweitod his Commandere. The

Gorkhali conquerors had pushed their coquest from Noskot
along the valley oI the river Tadi and then towarde the uplonds
of both sides of tho river Likhu. After loeving Likhu one
reaohes thc Nepal valley cirouitiug through JhuleloL and the
bill of Eankhu. Thore is a d€Ec€nt through auother ride asido
the valley sktt reaohing tho valloy of the river Indravati.
rivor Indrevati, and up lioe Savararnasimha Basnet,
.h.oross the
ooe of the ablest ofrcers of Gorkha was killed in astion. It ia
Bsid thst the dofest. in'S'anhachok was due the euddoaly
launched furious sttack on the GorEholis by Kaoiram Thaoa
The Glorhhalie rere aimply overpowerod.
Thero is another ver€ion of th€ otory. Ilsving oonsolidated
his oonquest of Noakot hithvinarayana looked forward to an
opportunity to bring uuder control tho e&st€rn Psrt of tho
Kingdom of Kathmandu. By l?40, a good portio! of eaatern
dirtricts had besn osPtureit. But in tho presetrt Sindhu Palchok
autl Kabhr€ Palanohok dietrict thsre were many fort8 whioh
werc outsiile his oontrol. The garrison maintioned by the
Kathmandu ruler olong witL reinforcemont g&vo tho Gorkhas a
stifrfight when it started.
It Eilt apper that the Clorkbe rulor's attempt to arome
falso sen8e. of patrioi*m in the nsme of Gorkba' during his
conflio0E the. ChaubiBis .hdd mirerebly failed l do not
vith
know on what basie the Aoharya had constructed thie story'
Lrmidanda a tidgo str€tchihg from east to west boyond the
Nolnl valley, from Dourali was captured by Gorkho in
about 1747.
Inthe index summorising tho cont€nts of& lott€r kopt in
Red box it is said that Prithvinaroyaoa Shah ffnding Paton
isolatod orderod his con-fidant KaIu Panilo to attack tho low
llrnds inthe valley within the juriediction of Patan But
B,rijyapra\asi roquosted Kalu Pande not to attack Patan's
tenitory on the plea of traditional friendehip rvhich nag
a demand
acooptoil by the l&ttor. The Pande however made
 OORXHA BECOUEA EINODOII OI| NEPAL 117

for surendoring Lamidauda to Oorkha in the eame way ae

Kd,thmandu had prted rith Noakot. Although for sone
time Patan rosiBted thii domand on the ploa thst if Lomidenda
was given up Patsn sould be deprived of the eupply of voode.
Rojyaprakasa ultimately abaudoned his hold of Lamidauda,
which Gorkho occupied forthwith. The lettcr as quoted
by Baburam Acharya (LPN, p. 280 ie datod Srutan Suni 14 roj
i-saturday, 19 Auguet, 174?1 antl it is vell to rurmige thst
Lamidanda must h&yo felleu into Gorkha'e hands Bbout this
ii-".
Earlier another territory of Patan, tho Chitlang volloy was
captured by Tonlioun hut it was releasod dtor paymeut of ran-
Bom. The Gorkhali king was approached in respeot of Lemi-
danda t o Bettle terms but Patan w's told thot they would bo
allowed to get logs of wood and then supplyof cotton would not
be rfroctod. Lamidanado had been captured eomo time in
Soptomber. The Vamsavali's date for this event iE Bh,sdrs aad
it s&ys that the Gorkhlis had only 'wrested Lemidanda fron
Tanhoun to get it restored to Paten. Baburam Acharya's vari-
fication of tho dato in terme of CE ia wroog. The correct date
is Saturday, 8 August, 1747. Lomidanda was capturtod by
Kalu Pando in the eame year, This is the most ve ea,n 8ay
about the date.
fiom certain letterl in tho possession of tho Dhami of
Noakot it &ppea,rs tb&t Prithvinuaya.na bad obtoinsd loans in
cash from tho Gosain tradere rrho had thoir trade agenoies in
one or tho other city of tho Valley. The ffrst contribution csme
frdm Mahanta Kamal, Bana Mahanta Lachhmanpuri and Day-
alpuri. The iaformation ie contained in a lotter addressed by
Prithvinar&yans Sba[ to his creditorE or Msrgg from Noakot,
It a,ppea,rs from the lottor that tho king cf Ciorkba, regetting
for the delay caused iu tho ropayment of the lo'ao, ,had promised
to pa,y the amount (oot specifiod) after two onths without
further notioe in the month of Phalgun (Febroa,ry-March), It
was sa,id l,hat the delay was caueed as the thoroughfere was
closed and also king had to face difficulties of aaothor king.
I l8 IIODf,BIt NEPII,

tlato of the lstter liko many others goei without the

The
year. But by caloulation it correaponda to !\itlay, Thursday,
November, l?45. Anothsr l6tter of ll Deconber, 1747 oarried
tbe r&me oonteat. Thero art other letton writton in and eftir
-rofer
l?50 to vhich we shall later.
All those incidents happenod while Jayaprakasa wae in exilo.
We must judgo oursolves whst g&in aotually Pritbvinarayana
made during thia poriod, In the absenco of Jayaprakosa as the
ruler of Kathmondu the king of Gorkha certoinly wiehed to
tshe &dvsntages. But it is doubtful if he could achieve much,
however, ho had captured t&rgets in Patan aud at once oould
descend upon the declivity of the valley. Morinwhile as Prithvi-
nar&y&n& was encrooching on tho valley &omsB Pat&n the rulst
of Kathmandu was making heotic oforte to got himself restored
to powor. Eo wae able to creetg a baso in Pttau in 1748.
A band of loyal followers were still with him. Ile was aleo
borrowing money from the Goeain trader8 the same people who
were, aho obliging Prithvinarayana and helping him to the best
of their ability.
It appears from tho two lettors written by Jayaprakasa
Malla to Kamalabana Gosain and Rakhamptrri Gos&in9 that the
ruler of Kathmandu was borrowing money from tho Gosain
traders obviously to flDsnce his preparatioDs for tho testotation
of the throne. Tlro lotters in thi8 connection are variously
dated Jgertha Yaili 15 roj I [Monday, 16 May, l7tt8) ar,d 7 roj
4 (Wendnesday,6 July 1748) respectively. The letten &ro written
from Lalitpattana. The third letter goes wit'hout date but \ras
addressed from Kathmandu.
Tbe fust Iett€r expross€s regret that the Gosails had not
sent him money, Tho king assuree them that they should not
dicplay lack of trust in him. He wanted to mortgage a hightv
valuablo article, but Rebab Gosaio gave him onl.y a emall sum
of Rs. 4,000lrizahr'n'il.ra ovtl,li.gc F'or this roaeon the king's work

9. Ancient Nepal, pp 12fi ( a quartorly )

9s. Such was ths nam€ gile to the Nop&Iese @itrage
 qORf,gA BECOUEA (INGDOIII OT NEPAL u9
hed suffered, Ee wanted Rs. 2,00tll-, maltinlru mlli morc bo
completo hia miseiou. Ee futher assurod bie moneylonders that
he would pay them doublo the &mount once ho succeerls in
echieving hie objeotive.
In tho second Ietterking Ja.y&prokas& calls the Gosains to
Kathmendu. U tvo of them could not come ouo at least should
immediately vieit him. The sum of Rs. 6,000/- lent to him
was uot onough to push his schome aheod.
IIe was grakiful for the money alread-y lent. But he wanted
more. IIe was proferred to morigage on articlo worth Rs.20,000/-
for a cash amount of Rs. 0,0001. If the Gosgine helpod him to
th&t.ext€Dt, he.would do all thor asked bim to do afterwardr.
The third letter wag written to the successor of Kamalrbana
at & time while Jayoprakasa had been resl,ored to power
This was address to Bhagavatibona *.ho was a pupil of
Kamalubana, Gosoin. Tbe Katbmandu king write" to say thet
he had sent a messenger, &nd the Gosa,in Ehould act as the l.rtter
!ayB. Whst he conveSn ehould be tsken s8 tnrth. It should
enable him to bring tbings rcquired. Their proeence waa ea.en-
tisl Ee adda'you arc our brothers and dear to u8. You kuow
overJrthing, and do not distruet us.'
Thoro is 4o aoritt tnat tho Gossin money-londers stood by
JayapraLasa in hig distrc8s. Later they were awarded with
cbartor8 tp trsdo fEoly ia his domoin.
We ehould not frogot tbat the Goeain traders knew oa
frontiers of loyslty. It is theso people who ha.d finenced the
Gorkha ruler's csmpeign against iayaprakasc and thoy wero
equa,lly lew&rded.10

10 In givi-Eg corrspoEdirrg dates iD CJi w6 bsve louowed Swsmy Iisuu

PiUai ss hi! oslculrtloEs sppa! iD 'the InilisD EphemeriB'.
I(irE Pillei Sive bir €qoivsleDt a.hs iocoraliDg to JoliaD orleDalor trpto
1752 Augu8t. In 1752 A. D. by r,! Aot o[ ParlitrreDt the ncw strle;ss
iEtroduceil droJ,ping out 11 tlrys.'so D6w-Eoo! eft€r ,Sth Au8lst,l7Ed which
would ordinirily bcve occrrred oE ,6th September lollowrD8 sctDslly,
occurred oD 8th oI October. thet is. r,be Dext ih,y slt6r Weioeadav 2nd Sen
tabber,l?5? was declru€d to be fburldsy, l{ S€iteEbo!,1752.
Tho droppiDg of 11 &)saloneis Do! €rough to ms}€ tbe €quiraleDt:
igre€Eble, We have to mske otb6r trdjustDents Otherwise the iuai solar
q&l€tttllr woula b6 tffocteil. Bot the niw srr!]rgemelt ilial not efteot our
c&leailsr i! ony way.
120 MODERN NEP-AL

It ffrst Jeyprokass acted as the ll,eSout of

is Baid th&t at
his son (LPN, II, p. 290). But there is no evideuoo of such
en act ercept tho inecription in tho nane of his 8ou dated 1852.
If we take this theory soriously then Jayoprakaea EuBt have
govorned as Regent evon after 1762. But this is not the
c&se. Tho coin of 870 with uaractru aud legonda of. ?alaju
maju, Kunwri majw e,nd Karuumaga ie deeoribed as bololging
to the initialyeer of tho restoration period.ll The legeud
Karunanw,ga sugg€sts that the ooin has somothing to do with
Potan. Baburam Achorya suggests thef, this belonged to the
former king Jayaprakasa. f do not tnow what does he moan
by thie description. But this was a coin definitely bolonging
to Jayaprekaso in the same yoar as ho restorod. If one or
two in8oriptions apper iu the name of Jyotiprakasa, that does
not me&n tbat he y/a8 ou tho throne. After all, Jayaprakasa
bad not abdicated. Iu thoory he was etill the sovereign ruler
though in exile &nd we do not ffnd coins of Jyotiprakaea of date
ocher than VS 806. It appeare thnt Jayaprakasa had struck
a, now coin when he was restored to tho throne, Perhaps the
Goddess Kumari c&mo to be rvorshipped einco his restoration,
herrce the legeod Kurutri in thc coins followiog. Before this
time to coin of Kathmandu has this logend. So it is wrong
to s&y thst the goildess Kumari, wh; in general tha lEtaileoqra,lla
of the rulers of Kathmandu. J&yapt&ka8a inscribed the legend
of Karutwmaga simply for tho fe&8on that his brother,
Rajyaprakasa, in Patan had helped him, and he himself haal
takeu rofuge there,
Jayaprakasa wos uot indifferent toward"q his <,rbligations to
the Gosain tradere. Ee repaid all the debts while he rvas
restored to the throne. IIe felt, deep obligntion to them to
the oxtont that, even afterwards he thouglrt it proper to guaran-

11 Iho author oi lhc Rastrila t udra thinlis thet ih€ €oiu \ras .t.uck
vhile Jayrprakasa, lvas ruliDg over Patan aft(:r Ranajit was tltivol away-
Bul this view is wrong.
1tn Ths special daity of s famity.
 GORIiITA BECOUES 8JI{GDOU Of NEPAL l2l
teo and Iook &fter thoir intorests for meny years to cotte
not-withEtandiug tbat thcy were aleo belping tho Gorlha king.
tr'ourteen yoage loter Joyaprokasa executod a charter aaling
Durbarabana, Lachhmanbana, Jagerwarobaua" Bhorbena, Na-
walbana, and Chsturbeoa to oboy Bhag&vstibdna and live
united vith him. tr'ailing t; do sccording to the proviEions of tho
charter would forfeit the royal favour. The lotter bes6 tho
dato Thursday, 26 Apr.il, 1764. \{e hav,o littlo idoc, howovor,
if Bhagavatibana had come toKathmandu in respoaso to
Jayaprakaea'e call. But the last lottor ie indicative of tho
settlement of the Gos&ins in Katbmandu.r2 Origlaally they
boloDged to Bhatgan. And we have also yet to know vhothet
Jayaprakaaa's lettor roforrod only to thoir FoPorty right8 or to
tbeir entire relationship. It appears that throughout tho Phara
of Gorkha-Nepal oooflict'tho Coelin merohants were helping
both sides. In l?50, Kamalabano had obtaiued a free paeriage
for his merchandise, in partioular, tho erPort to Indio of
flywhiek, gold yellow orpiment or h&rital (ldtt€r, f806 Phd,1lttnt
oail,i 5 roj 5:1750, Thureday, 15 February). In e letter datsd
Wednosday, 19 June, 1764, Prithvinarayana asruros Bhagavati-
bana on the latter'e request for being csllod to No&kot that tho
royal residenoe was his home, and that he would be summoned
aftor the 4 month periodt! $as oy€r. These lottere ehow tbat
the Gosain traderr wert obliging all parties eoncerned by
ofrering loans. Ultim&tely, however, when the Nepal valley
kingdoms wore liquideted, the Gosain cast whblly ia thoir lot
with the conquororE. But to thig we eball return eomo time
later.
Prithrinarayana w&s very much troubled by the hostility
shown by tbe Thapas of the eastorn dietricts. Now that hil
approached to Panusuram Thapa were rejected, ho felt all tho
nrore worried aboul, l,he outcome of Lis war waged to couquor
the Nepal Valley. Although Noakot nnd adjoning places had

72 A cient Nepal h qnarberly) op. cit.

lil Thisistherriny scason. Auritrg which the r[onks aro coI16Eetl to
 t22 !iODDRN NtrPIL

been conquored, and Prithvinersyana had boen ablo to geizs

Naldum a real baee for tho opor&tiolr to hit t[e nervo contro
of thri valley kingdoms was yot for ofr. Tho plan to block
all tho eutranceg,to the Nepal valley oould not be implomonted
ia these circumgtances, There woro m&ny a Ioopholes to be
plugged and it dom&Dded of him patience and coumge. Rrrt
this wss not the only sang.
lt Aogopailesa the Gorkha ruler ir said to observo .Lamjung
ir'Garuda (tho divioo killer of snakes), Gorhho is a snako
aad tho Nopal valley is a frog. The snako c&nnot e&t the
frog until it ie able to pl&y.tho ga,me without the knowledge
of Garuda'. We bave eeen how Lemjung had to be kept,
eatisffed in the time of attcck oD Noskot and the Tadi valley.
But the ruler of Lamjung waa watchiDg with snxiety
hithvina-rayana'e victorious m&rch in tbe 6&st and 8orth.
Tho Garuda (i.o. Lamjung) could not havs boeu deceived
into theking his move lightly whon Gorkha wae f&Bt oxponding
to the oast. tr'rom tho information he gathored from the
westeru region he could sonse that all the Chaubisi Rajas,
particularly LamjuDg, rrelo enviously watching the progres of
Gorkhe's conqueat iD tho esst. So the problem before him was
slso to koep thom .eatisff€d if his exponsionist ein was to bc
facilitated. At leoet the rulers of Lamjung a,nd Tanhoun, tire
adjoining principalities, should feel that Oorkha would rot grow
to &n onormou8 sizo to pose & thre&t to them. Prithvinarayano
epent bonsiderable time in keeping the Lsmjung ruler in
humour.
We have already said that Kalu Pandey was appointed Cbief
minieter eufersediug claim of Yiraja Bakhati who was earlier
favoured by Prithvinarayaua. Baburarc Achsry& quotes I str&\
p&ssege on a MS. of Chandi from No. 2 fndor oftbe Red bor to
Bhotr tha,t Prithvinar&y&Da had pledged words to consult Kalu
Ponde on oath. Theoath f,aE ttken in the prerenco ofthe
Maharaja of Lamjung, Tularam Pande and Kulananda Jaisi.r.
f4 Although Brlruram Achrrya quote tb6 lollowiu psssere for s
diff6reDt purposa, l,bis coultl ss well b€ iroaluced aE xD eviifurc-e ol-Lamjuoq
and Gorkhi pleadging to be loyal triorrls on th€ date ol tho tlocuEr€nt. ' "
 OOB,rEA BEOOUEA XI$ODOU Of IIEPAI' I2T

The <Iate moutioned is 1806 Magha, 25 Budhs!&r&= Wodues-

day, 1?50 January 2+ | 26 iB TuesdaY),

But while his position in Lamidanda w&a uot yet eatablished
Prithvi occupiod Tiatung, Palung end Chitlang all belorgitrg to
Paten beyond the Chan<Iragiri ; ChitLaug wae quietly occupied'
Before his oontingents appeared thoro Prithvi gua'rranted
eafety to iuhabilants of the erea. Prithvin&rayan's eyes thero'
after turned to D&h&chok which was occupied some time later'
Siltlhu Palachok anil Kabhrs Palaochok were the next t&rget'
'Ihon followod att&cks on Dolkha. Prithvinaraya'n could occupy
eoeily Sinclhu Palachok as well as Bhararkot and Dapcha'
To tho hatlhon chiefof Dolkha he sent e letter guaranteeing
them abeolute pmtection in case of surronder as was done
in tho case of Chitlang, Tistuog and Palung. In the seme
letter ho gavo threatE that he would destroy Dolkha if they
a,cted othorwiss. Tho lotter ie dated Bhadra t:di4roj4*
Wednesday, 7 Auguet, 1764.16
In another leiterlG to the P, adbane of Dolkha it was said
thet thc chiefs were to contsct his officers, and he promised
that it they were to s,ccopt his rulo, theit propertios and
tbeir persons rvould be safe. The letter goes witbout eny d&t€
but' Prithvinarayana informs that Tularam was Bont to
Dolkha aud that he v&nted to conYey what w&s to be done
through him orolly.
The letter also caries at che end a line wishing Tularam'
The exact date of the capture of Dolkha is not available but
from the letter of Tularam Pande to Keharsingh Basnet and
Eari Pandit rrritten from Dolklia. it appearB that Dolkho wae
in possession of the invaders just before Asttina Krma 14 roj
z=Monilay, 12 Soptember, 176? and not l0 Ssptember, 1754
as nrade out by some artthors.
The ruriter has alro to revi'e his vien's Tt can onll be

15. In the posr€ssioB ot EoreigD ofdce Arehi!6s

1ti. ItihafiNakaiq,I, p,91.
t24 -trODER,N NEPTI,

suggested tha,ttho conquerors had alroady appeered in Dolkhl,

about this timo. In Bsburam Acharya's f,fll,
ft, p. SeZ tnu
date ir said to correspond to 16 September, l?d4. -
But thie
doy is the nep Eoon tiay aud dark fortnight.
If the date
in the writing is a mistake thoa alone the Acharya,s view
beconeg correct.

ADVANCE TO DOLKHA
Erom the d&te of the lotter it appears that it took moro
time than so far suggested to reach Dolkha by the Gorkhalis.
T[e do lot know what happend during the years in course
of tho forwa,rd march to this region. But one thing seems
clear, Prithvinarayana was not allowed for long by the Thapa
Omraos to proceod firrther then Sindhu-palchok and perhapa
eyen over these his control was not ag 6rm.
Tularam Pande informs that the Glorkhalis had uot touched
tho ordinary people and only dealt rrith those who caure to
fight with therc eword iu hand. 'I
do not think that the
Gorkha commonder had sent thie iuformation &fter three vears
of occupation of Dolkha.
Tbo chroniole introduces &E & story at this stage about a,
concubiue of Prthvinaraylna Shah, who was proceeding to
Ayodhya by way of Chitaun acrogs the Rapti va[ey. This lady
born in L&litapat&n wa.s a kept of prthvinarayana during his
stay in Bhatgaon atter the occurreuoe of Sangachok. It, is said
that she wae sick and sufrering from tubelculosis. There was no
hope of her recovery and therefore she was to spond the rest of
her life in Banaras after visitirg Ayodhya. She rvas travelling
from Gorkha, &nd the tine l-ae winter. Chitaun wes I part of
Taahoun and the Raja pussed his cold season there. It rvas
not, by accidont that Trivikrama Sen happened to be there at
 GOEKIIA BECO}IES II}IGDOU Or NEPAL 126

the time Gorkha'a royal concubine psssed through thet route.

It i8 &ll6ged that out of sheer curioaity tho Tanhoun R*ja
opened the covering of the msttock to bave a glimp De of the
lady in it. Thie he did without realiaing how muoh ofonce
it might cause to Prthvinersysna Shab. Tho chroniole attri-
but€s the later conflicte of GorLha with Tenhoun to this iooi_
doat. A petitior submitt€d by one of Gyanekara Bonde,e
deacondents to King Rajendra Vikrama Shah ( hihanprokaap,
I, p.46) confirme th€ truth of tho iucident. tne concuUlne,s
uame is giveo ae Svabhavati.
Personally I think that the rtory ie not very importsnt
from our poiat of view. prthvj did aot requiro a,ny ruoh
ground to intimidate Tanhoun_ It fell withia his graud
dosigu
to te&ch a lesson to Tanhoun on &rly protext. As his predica-
ment was Priurvinarayana at tho time was not in
poritioo
"
to &dyaBce towarde tho wost, vhether it be the territory
of
Taohun or Lamjung. But he would Dot want them
to be able
to frustrate his anbitious rnove towarde the east.
Thertfore ho
always cought the opportunity to humiliate thom
whorevor
occagsiong aroge. The opportuaity came
& litfle l&tor.
In a letterl? to Narayaua pandit, hithvinarayana reminde
him of the fact that he wag o 6:uru of
both Tanhoun and
Gorkha and hence a well-riehcr of both stat€s,
enal th&t he
had at oue time in the past brought them togother.
But d.ue
to rnachinations oI some peraons relations between
the tro
rulers had boon strained. prithyi euggested that
if N&reyan&
persovered he would succ€od to bring abour
a ueeting between
the two rulor8. Nrrayana pandit was to mako tie ruler
of
Tanhouu under.st&nd about the Bettlernent with
Gorkha.
Ramarama Pandit &Dd Giriballabha pantha were going
to seo
everyth iug n d"t I. p"itb r;;;;;y?;;";;
li :i1 :.rl"t
h.

to be hetd as oarly ae possibte. He aup"oaua ;:

i i

f: l*C and he wa8 prep&red to

:1" l\ar&yd,na
on .J"ii
meot ine nri"--^"r
Tanhoun, wherever he deeired. 'ii;l"tt ;;";#\ffirr"ol
6 rry 3:Tuosday, 18 September, l?68. "
ThiE lottor produc€d its efect and Narayana
pandit
pleded with hie disciple for reconciliation
Uutr"en ti" t.o
'126 UODEBN NEPAL

lortios, rhioh brought obout tho coPturo of the person of

ltivihrama Son. But as alleged by tbe chronicle it waa not
a fact th&t ,thc Raja's Guru had turnod hostile egainst Gorkha
aad plotted with the Ch&ubisia to fight out prit'hvinarayane
Shah, for thig mao, Naray*no p&ndit ePporars ir & letter &8
a confident inhis de&ling with Kaeki visiting &ud coun;olling
the Raja as oftoo a,e was needed.
In the eame letter td N&rayen,, pandit the Gorkho rulor
complained against Viramardana of Lamjung thet the latter
bad developed obstinacy and hostilo mind. Ee &rgued that
iq such a Eituation both Gorkha and Taohouu could attack
Lamjung encl itefda,tiDg its ruler divide tho torritory 8o that
the northern Portion was eunexed to Gorkha and the southem
portion to T&nhoun.
This was a temptation to Trivikrama Sen, which he could
not igoore. ll'he temptation of acquiring a slice of territory to
his ovn benofft acted to turn his hoad aud made him unmind-
ful of hithvinarayaua's concealod designs, the reBult of which'
as it rvill oppear from the followiug paragraph, was tho
Tanhoun Raja'e imprieolment at the hands of prithvinarayana
Shah.

11 In posseBsion oI the archives, SoreigD MiDistry' Nepal'

TANflOUN RAJA IMPR,ISONND

imprieoned
.{t a later date Pritbvinarayane Shoh deceptively
Sen who bad come to meet
the Reia of T&nhoun, Trivikramo
The circumstances
him at Jyamir Gh&t on thQ river Mtrsyangili'
A".o"it"i ty the chronicier are &s followe' hthvinarey&n&
were
tilt that although the rulers of Bhatgaon and Tanhoun
.,'"*,"ua to be his friends, he could not complotoly rely on
,i,li, , *,n* ho feored that in moment; of crisis they might
 corILA, BECOf,Ia f,II{ODOX OI| l{EplL lZ7
harbour a design to hsrr8s him. Therefore, he contrived to
Lidnap them rnd place them noer hie comp undor rmvoillanco.
IIe had no dosign to absorb the two ststog iato GorLho; but
if ho could hold the porrons of the two rulera, he youlil
cert&iDly iufluence the polioy of the administratron iir Tanhoun
and Bhatgaoa. 'Io this end 8omo tr[Eteil men wero aont to
botb the capitala. Those men were to 8ty that kithvinorayana
w&e too eager to meot Il,sn&jitnmalla and ?rivikrama firr
a
yery urgent ta,sk. Two uen Ramaram pande
end Sriba ebha
Pantha rsore montioned to hsyo gone to ,Ianhoul, pandit
Narayanc Pande, eou of Guru Gokulavilasa pande, who ha!-
pened to be o common frieud of both Tanhou and
Gorkhr
ruling houees was approached by tho oonspirators to talk to
Trivilrama. The .latt€r did knon nothiug of tho scheme to
&rest 'fdyikr&!qa,. Being a Guru of the ruler he could not
side wich the intriguero. But ths,Guru had unkuowingly fallon
into Prithvinara,yana,s trap, Narayaoa was a Guru (spiritual
tutor) of tho Tanboun royat family, rnd therefore his advice was
accopted. It rvas suggosted that tho conferrence would meet
ot Jy&mir Ghpt where the psrticiponts would go unarmed.
The meeting plaee.lay ou Gor&ha's Bido, i. e. to tbo eastern
bank of the river. JJut the Gorkhalis has kept hidden their
ar.me undorocsth the send tg uee the eame
as tho occasion
required. So whilo the Tanhouu ruler came in all gooil faith,
they surprised him and ottacked. hie- person. Eie rotinuo
watched holplessh. a,s the Gorkhalis rrnearthed tlreir rreapons,
spr&ng on him witli a show of force and msdc _bim prisoner.
I{c wae taken t<.r Gorkha ald l&ter to Noakot. Thus prithvi_
D&r&yar& rvas frced from the worrics of a eurprite attack
from
th&t quarter. Tlereaftcr he procoeded to grab moro lauds
iu tho valley of Nepal, and nearly oucceoded to lnoox
in no
tiuo stleast half the area thoro and io adjoiriiog hills iu the
sest of it. 'lrivitramo Sen ras later rcleased but he died
a
broken hearlod man.
I{owever, Prithviuarayana,e attomt to c&ptur.e the person
of Rarrajitanralla had failed. But tho ruler of Bhatgron could.
l2s MODERN NEPAI,

know that the Gorkha ruler had aent merr with a vieu' to entic'i)
hiE to go to tho area acoupied by the Gorkhalis where he wae
to bd tu&pped and detainod. Since therr ae rve know Prthvi-
n&f,ay&n& had a hard time to deal with Bhatgaon.
Th6 fact of tho ca,Pture of Trivikrama Sen and of hie later
release is mentioned by Prthvinarayana Shah in his iuecription
oonmemorating tho ocoaeion of the inaugurll eoremony of the
completion of the 7-storey building in Noakot in Saka 1084:
(*?8)- 1762 A.D.1s Therefore the meeting t Jysmirgh&t and
subsequent capturo of Trivikrama Sen are historical oventr,
obout which the chronioler sannot be doubted'
ft wae eaid that BePum&rdan's open sympethy for Tri'
vikrama eud his throat to go to w&r ngrinst Gorkha corupolled
Prthvinarayana to release tbe Raja of Tanhou frota hie
ouBtody.

18, Itih&sepr&kaso, I. P. 36

ffiqsa} ilq nFR 6'ufi faqr {fr{dt {fr{qol: r

fiqoqt drqq lqst qotHtFre) BqE al F{sfud: t
 CEAPTEB V

BATTLE OF SIB,IIANCHOK
Thero was a lull in the state of affairs, which continued for
Bome timo. But the table turned when Hithvinarayana found
his gains envied by his compatriots of the western region.
Preparations were afoot there'to checkmate the Gorkba King.
About this time again Jayprakasa, just returned .to power, was
regaining his lost position in the east. rre sent a coneidorable
force to attack Mahadeopokhri and Naldum, whish fell some
time during the autumn of 1754. According to the chrorricle
one civil offioer ( Najiki ) Dovarshi Upadhyay was killed in
Mahadeopokhri and the Omrao ( military ofrcer ) esceped.
Johangir Shah who was thus far looking after Naldum was
compelled to fleo alive.
According to the ohronicle Chautara
Shah was also killed in Mahadeopokhri. But Baburem Acharya
on some moro iuformation thinke him alive for somo time more.
It appears that Kathmandu could rotain Mahadeopokhri and
Naldum only for a s\ort while. The chronicle states that
Birbhedra Thapa was the commander of the Gorkha forces.
But Baburam Acharya who has read the miseing portion of tho
published lettor of Harideva (800 years of Nepali by Balakrishua
Pokhrel) on the subjeot has seen the namo ofTularam pande
aud Kehar Simha Basnet as commanders on the scene as far as
Dolkha and therefore he stresses that whatever the- chronicler
had said, the commander in the secoud expeditir_rn in Naldum
was Kalu Pande and not Birbhadra. Acoording to the chroni_
clo Jahangir shah and Kehar Basnet were killed in actions but
Jahangir Shah according to another chronicle escaped. As
Jahangir is seen in another field, the. account of his esc&pe
seems to be true,
'The
date of the recapture of Naldum is given in a confusing
rnanner by the chronicle. The date saba 1676 Sraaana, ZI
Thursday 35 ghati is confusing. Baburam thinks that both
tlie forts were evacuated without resistanceg as soon as the
I
130 MODEBN NEPAL

Gorkhalis appeared to knock at the gate on I August, 1754'

This day, howover, is a day behind what tho chronicles sugges-
ted, though, the day of tho week is a all right if one particular
is reconstructed.
The dato of the capture of Naldum is given by other
.sources aleo as salca, 1676 mnsa 4 itinn 21 aara 5 ratri, ghatd
13 pda 25 whiah corresponde to Friday, 2 August 1754 unless
for the oa,ra to bo corrected as 6. In the first attack Gorkha
enjoycd oooperation of Bhatgaon' But now Gorkha had to
fight single handed.l o
Meanwhilo Lamjung, Parbat and Palpa were getting
alarmed at the speedy conquest achioved by Prithvinareyana'
But the Gorkha ruler was a master strat'egist who aimed at
splitting the'combiuation and succoeded at tho eame timo to
isolate ono from tho other. Hc exploited the age old onmity
subsisting botween any two statos as he was playing Bhatgaon
against Kathmandu. flom a Ietter addressed to Rajivalochana
Pandit on Maghatsaild I roj 7, Saturday 4 January, 1746 it so
sppea,rsthatTonhouandKaskiwerestrorrgrivalsinthor.rea
of hill.politics. Prithvinar&yana, wroto that Gorkha and Kaski
were linked by blood aud in stressing this before Kaski's
rulor the Pandit had dono an excellent job. Both could not
eriet without eaoh other's help. He added, "Today wo are not,
pulling together but eaoh one of us might oxpect to bo so
doiug tomorrow. I am prepared to help Kaski to gain terri-
tory at the expenso of Lamjung.- As for giving protection to
the Kazi's men it so happeued that in trying to send them
wo had eaid that they had almost revolted against their own
master and theroforo we wit'hdrew from thai position' Tho
Kazi himself was not behaving properly towarde us' We also
thought not to accentua?e differences between the Kazi and
his men, and so allowed the latterto'go. You 'are there in the
service of our brother. We.are sending other good peoples to
Kaski. The Kazi should be persuaded to come to us."
19. Itihasaprakasana Eandhipatra Samgraha, p' 375'
 OOBXEA BEOOMES KINODOU OT !{EPAI, r3l
The lett€r reveels the strategio move of a cunning man rho
wanted to play one adversary sgain;t tho othor. Prithvi hail
planted his agont8 in every principetity of oonsequence. Thesa
sgoDts wer6 iotive in sOring the soods of dissension rmong thc
princos so that no oono€rtad action booame iessiblo to Deot
the aggression of tho risiDg Gorkba. Wo haye soop, howover,
that Einc6 tsn yeara baok tho ClorLha ruler sas pleying tricks
to further hia enda of expansion and vat.sucoessfu I to a great
€rteDt to achieve hig objeotiYo.
Prithvinarayaua had ordored hie oftcorg &nd mon on tho
border of tbo Chaubisi region to b6 oxtromoly watchful aud
koep in roodinoes dl that waa urgently roquired. fn o lettor
writton on (Aeadho oaili 14 roj 1) Slullday, S May, 1762 joirtly
to Mahodham Kirti Shah, Rana B,udra Shah and Kazi
Kalu Pande ho. suggo8ts keoping Lamjung in humoul and
inoito Kaaki snd Bhirkot to fight their acighbour and ofrsr
moro money to Parbat through Rathimalls.2o Palpa was no
loss to be flottor€d end the ties had to be streagtheaed. Prithvi
aocopted tho sugge8tioa of the recipients of tbe lotter th&t
Bhanu Jaisi was to be botter Bent l,o tho Baiaia by way of
Bhot as soon as possible. Pritbvinarayana wee not williDg to
fight Laujung st this hour, but Lsriiung w&s tho only t&rget
in hia soheme of western ponetr&tion. Eo knew th&t ouoe
I+mjung was aonexed, ho oould easily subjugato Tan[ou ald
othor smaller states &6 far a8 tho river Glandak.
Ono lottar addrosaed to Sridhara Pantha, Sribhadra, Yira
thab antl Motya Khatri despatched on Jyutha oaili 12 rq
.5-Thursd&y, 8 May, 1765 from Noakot warne tb6 offi.cors
against complacency at tho prospect, of on allianoe vith
Lamjung and orhotts them to fortify the new quarterB and
increa8e the qu&ntity of r&tionr for iheir follower8.
The above two lotters Bhow tbe tricks pf tho man who wag
out to sxploit the division in tho ran& of hie advorsarios.
Prithvinarayana Sheh not only usod devices to ta,te adva,ntsgo

00. Copy pr€s€lvel i! the lrcbir€B oI th€ Foteigl Miuistry.

tB2 ITODERN ITEPAI,

of the aliBcord existiog among hiB eouDterp&rts in the region

but eowed seede ofdistrust among thom eo that all the iime
hc was ongagod in figbti4g one of .them all othore wete kept
apart and lulled to little realise tho gravity of a lono fight in
an odd situation,
It is said that Koski hsd ao friendly relation with Lamjurg
but after somo persuasion its ruler was prepared to join the
confoderaoy. Prithvinarayana had tried his level bost to broak
this oombination by exploiting-the difrerencos botween L&mjuDg
and Kaski. Ife aent his emissary to Begt the ruler Sidclhi'
pratapa thah. But the latter did not succe€d in a,ttailiug
hia objective. It appeors from a letter PiithYi Eent to ooo
Nitkanta Joshi from Mahadeopokbd oa Jyealhaoadi 12 roj t:
'Wednesday, May 12, l?55 that one Narayaua Pandit (Pandey)
bad been sent to Kaski to arsuro the Raja. Meanwhile u man
from that quarier had arrived to inform tho king of Corkba
about the failuro of talke snd left on lYedneeday l?th of the
fortnight. It appoais from PrithYinarayaua's lotter to Rajiva-
loohan& that K&ski was being flottered by. the Gorkhalis, and
its Eole purposo was to ieolato this small stat€ from tbe con-
federacy. Auother letter informs us that Prithvinorayana bad
poBtponed his attack because of the rainy eoaoon' Obviously
the &tta,ck took plaoe a,ftor tho rainy Eeason w&a ovor. In tho
Ba,mo lottor NilaLantha was also informed th&t Pri6hvi had
Eettleal m&tters with the traders of Kuti in Tibet and the
Kashmirie had beon given Mokars i.e , royal charters with red
seals to tredo in. tho area. Prithvi also leta the Joshi know
that thero were created l0 outpoats ne&r Mahadeopokhri and
two qoro wero completed on Sunday. These were so cons-
tructod in order to bo ablo to ptevent any fucusion of tho
enemy. But thore could'be a surpriso attaok, though tho
intercalary month had Etorted a'loDg Eith a Jirtapabca' Theta'
fore tho arrangement was suspentled. Prithvi w&nted to wa'it
for Ranajit Malla'e time of aotion for a month aud half'
Meanwhile the siego had to be lifteil and ths forces evacuated
from ths Nalilum Beator' This was also done oD account of tbe
 OOBI'II.I' BEOOUES TII{ODOM OF NEPAL r33

ptossure frdm Kathmandu. It appears that Ranajit Malla

had not moyed iD &ction. But in th€ meantime
the Chaubieis
had idvancod tb cspturo Sirhanchok.zr
About the particulars oI th6 dsto the fact of intoroalstioa
iu the month oI Jgeatha is oorrect for 1755. The dstd corres-
ponds to Weduesduy, 7 May, l?66. On Thuradby the l2th
Tithi ie only '02 ghati vhile bn Tuesday the .llth is .96 ghati.
But no othen yo&r would 6t in, whioh might shor th&t the
oyent dofinit€ly oocurred in that jear.
About the r&iny'season of 1755 the conflict.with tho
Chaubisi had becomo insvitable. Prithvinareyana thereforr
wanted to plac-ato Parasuram Thepa,, who wae & pbworful
organieer aud from whom he expected a surpris€ atta,ok from
the oastern side. Prithvinarayana had not beon able to dislodge
him from hio formidable position.in Kabhro p&lsnchok district.
Parasuram hed been ablo to checkmato the Gorkhali ruler,s
advauoe in thot quarter. Prithviuarayana'a aim woa to noutta-
lieo the Omraoe sorving under Bhatgaon.
Prithvinaroyana had, therefore, acted ir the situatian first
to win over Porasuram Thapa to his side.
Paraguram Thapa, brother 6f Kaeiram Thapa, was now in
Bhatgaon having left the eervice of Jayaprokasa whilo Kasiram
ha.d been killed. Parosuram w&s angry vith the ruler of Kath-
mandu and just to &venge his brothor'r tleath he took sorvice
undor Ranajitamalla, as the comm&trder of Bha,tgaoD. hithvi-
n&rayan& v&nted to exploit the situation for his own onds.
Since somo tine baok hithvinarayana Shah was for a bigger
sohereo of intriguo. Eo surreptitiously invited pa,raturam
Ahapa to Noakot and assurod bim tha,t Gorkha was on Bhat-
geon's Bide &s against Kothmandu. According to Baburam
Aoharya the Thopa oomma'ndor belioved him withoat relerva-
tion, aud folt assured, becaueo this courae would keep his
poaition of tho Omrao of tho aro& up to Dolkha well safe.
Bh6r0gaon's ruler wag opprired of tho situation. Both
Parasuaem Thapa and Ranajitamalla had forgotten thot e
21 Eitihi8ikpetle Bemgrahe, II, pp,68-69
t3r1 rQDaBx !EPAr,

oonqueror who8o moin aim w88 to bo tho mastor of the valloy

could on oay aocount compromiso his sohemo in this way'
But Parasurem Thapa with iunor euspioion of Prithi'e
movsg vould not havo oasily bolievod him.
Prithriaerayana sayr ia the lottor addrese€d Prior to the
btttlo of Sirhaachak, 'you should aot bo caught unawaroe' 8o
be in s stato of oompleto roedin€ss to meet the ohallengo of the
enomy boforo he ottmkt you. You must sdYise yoru meD aa
to probablo aitos of ottposts on such ooo&ssion. Also you hove
to keop men on alort about the pmbablo plaee of atteok by
tho on6Dy 80 th&t in momeute of a call for aid they csn roSob
oa8ily thoir destin&tion. Nsvsr wait to sohomo your ProPora-
tion at tho moment of nght. .{fter all, this Eay lest utmost
l0 ghatis but evorything rrill be oYer' within thiB timo, whilo
p$pa,rations might take just two dtys. The enemy mighf,
oyorpowor you &B you 8t&rt coDsultetion iD the Dick of tims'
Do not tttaok Lamjung by our own forco. Inguoh aoase our
strongth will diminish. Bhirkot and Koski ehould be
approached to lootl the attsok on. Lohiung ftom their side'
Kaaki has beea a ryinnor bocauee thoy m&ko prior &rreog€monta
for sDy eyetrtuality. Your nert move should be to win. over
Palpa to Gorkha'a eide. Our frionilship must be strong' Bo
oortllal io Palpa. If Parbot could'be kept satisfied by payiog
3-4000 in oash in oddition to whot we havo alroady ofertd
this i8 worth trying. I &coept your propoeal to sond Bhanu
Jaiei to tho Baisi stateg through the oirouitous route of tho
Bhot. But he must bo sont immediatoly, while- dealing with
Lamjung we nust aleo talk swoet to thom' We murt not
complotely break with the rulor. It ia dways good to sead
mon who will setvo both the Purpose, tolk with concorned
suthorities and also eooretly gather iuformation likely to be of
help for our purposo'. This lottor revi,sle Prithvinlrayano's
taotics io hie doaliug with w€stern neighboure. Eo wanted to
isolate Lamjung by keepiog ia humour all the latter's ollios'
Ee vas &ctu&lty inoithg two of Lamjung's closest ueighboure
in the west. Ee himself did not want to get involYod in the
 GoB&EA BEoouEg !.!NGDor[ oF Nxpal, 186

confliot with Lamjung all clone. If Kaski and Bhirkot rulers

wero prevailed upon to do tho fighting, that was all good. At
thie time'he could not himseH provoko a war in thq west so he
was instigating others to do eo. If Lamjung'e attention w&s
diverted Glorkhe would feel safe to conduct its war in the
Nopal valley. Eis strategy was comprehensivo.
Lamjung was the nert door neighbour. The ruler was
joining hande with Tanhou to harase Gorkha so that prithvi-
naroyena could not aohievo suocess in his eastward expansion.
Both of them and for tho matter of that most of the Chaubisi
states felt envious of Gorkha's sucqeso in the war against the
Malla rulerg of the Nepal valloy. Prithvinarryron Shrh h*d
to meot this situation while he was busy plauning a strategy
for the conquest of tho Nepal valley.
. Ifis eyes ryore now seU on Iamjung, and he w&s now pre-
parirg himself for tho ovontuality of the fight. Without being
sure.of Parasurama's ottitudd he could not, turn hie ottention
from the ecatern front so ho wae oultivating Paraguram .Thapa
at any cost by caiolry or threat.
It mugt be baid .to hie orbdit that Prithvinarayana Shah
had displayed utmost oalm in tbe.faco of eevore crisis. Ee had
a rogervoir of patience which austained hi'" at, that momout.
Withthetqualityof head ho'neverliked to play an advon-
turoue game. Ee-proceeded on to hie task only with all round
preparations.
But for all these diplomatic tricke Prithvi was not sparod
any time to breathe beoauge thd Chaubisis were already on their
way to fight the Glorkhalis. They had occupied a fort called
Sirhanohok aituated on a ridge of the s&me nomo oast of the
Chepe-Prithvinarayana had to vacate ati tis conquests in the
eastorn sector. The seige of Mabadeopokhri a.nd Naldum had
to be liftod to rush in troops to Sirhanchok, whioh if occupied
by tbe enemies for long would pose e threat to Gorkha, tho
base of the ontire oampaign.
Obviously Paraguram did not yield to the threats and
oajolry of the ruler of Gorkha. In his Dioyop&to prithvi-
136 UODERN NEPAIJ

n&r&y&n& complaiDs that Parasuram Thapa hai giYen him

vorals to join h&nds with Clorkha in the nick, of timo but did
not koep thom. .Ee also accusos him (tto t'bapo) of employing
his brother against Gorkha on behalf of tbo Raja of Kaeki.
But as it will appoar'Pritbvinarayeoa was intriguing in Kaeki
with a view to mslo its Raja &dopt &n &ttitude of hostilit'y
agoinrt Lamjung &nd Perbat. .Ee had surely failed to gain
ground iu Kaski. But hs want€d to neutrrliee K&ski's
commaud6r,
Tho ohroniclo Bteto; that Paraeuram Thaira'e younger
brothor was Eerying in K&ski as the Raja's commander. The
Ahapa was 0nding his positiou shaky in his oroa on tbe
control of the eaEtorn rogion by ?rthvinarayana Shah and
as tho Chaubiei rnere proparing for o ffght without'Ka8ki.
Porasuram tried to imprtss his brother iu Kaski about tho
neod of o conoortod ffght against Gorkha' Parasuram wrote
to hie brother that this reag oeeential for eurvivat, othdrwiso
Prthvinsr&ysne Shsh would eliminats them. But hardly the
letter w&s recoiyed in KosLi, hthvi got Ptrasulam's brother
murdorod in his camp ad Pokhra by a Gurung conspira{or28
of Gorkha. Tho incident took placo boforo tho Chaubigir
attackod Sirbanohok. Prithvina,rayona had thought by re-
moyihli tbe coumandor from tho scoDe that the Kaski Raja
Siddhinarayana Shah would bo discouraged to ioin tho allie.
But thiB Bo enraged hiE that ho gavo the ellies ilstsnt&neous
support by sending his mon to Sirhaachok.
All his hopos from Parasuram Thalx were dashed to pieces'
It spposrs that Sirhanchok wes attecked while tho rainy
ao&son st&rtod. .A l6tt€r to Nilaktntha Joshi by Prithvi-
Dara,y&n& thab from Mohadivapokhri informs us that the
Gorkha forcod w6re being'hold up in this strategic plsoo, sud
from thote thoy had ottaoked 8-10 placos, lut b.ecauso of the
r&ins sU &otivitioa wore suepended. The lettor ae aforeeaid
datad Jge$ha odi 12 roj 4- Wodnesday, May 12, 1766

22. Dityopadet^. Prithylnirsyano ssys that ,hogel Gumlg vbs soDt

to ?okhia.
 CONKEA BECOMES f,INODOI\t OF NEPAL I37

(Eitihasikpatre samgrahq II pp,66-65) ha8 been a,heady re-

ferred to. Up till this time Prithviaarayana had not been able
to doscend to the oven landg of tho valley, Eis ett&cks wero
directed againet places on the hill eroae within Katbmaudu's
jurisdiotion outside the valloy. Paaasuram Thape wss yet
in the service of.Bhatgaon and in that capacity oontrolled
tho dietrictg of Kabhre Palanoho} and Sindhu Palchok as tho
military governor, lt seems that Gorlha courmaud over this
region had not consolidetod, althbugh thoir forcos had ad-
vanced and pushed further along importsnt poinh upto
Dolkha, The Brmo lett$ informs us that Prithvinarayana
was holdlng oul, his attack because of tho rainy eeaeon
(to Nilkantha Paudit dated Jyeafiw rnili 12 roj 4 ald,reawd,
from Mahadeopokhri). Obviously the attack should havo
taken placo after the rainy seasoir w&B over. But Rane Rudro
Shah and others acted in tho mitlrt of rainy ooason to dislodge
the combined foroe of Lamjurg ard Perb&t from Sirhenchok.
Tho ohronicler Btet€s :
But whon rains became heavy and wae in full swing
becauso of the advaneilg season tho Gorkhalig attocked
Sirhanchok. The fuet attack was lod by Raua Rudra Sheh
with a strong oontingent. X'rom Noakot reinforcements
erriyed urder the leadersbip of Chautara Kirti MaLoddom
flhah, Kazi Kalu Paudo, Kazi Abtiman Simba Baenet end
the Dvares (village-in-chargo) of Sallyana and some othor
villagee. Many peoplo were killed in the 6ght on both sidea.
Many on enemy's side wero arrested by the Gorkhali ofrcora.
On Gorkha's ride Amber Pando and Kalbai Dvare wero killod.
Sirhanchok was roconquered on 1677 Srauana 14 Sanirclwravara
giarti 18-Saturday, 20 July, l?55. Sartlar Mahiman of
Lemjung had to pass through an ordeel, going through a
pasago between the two lego of a Iow caeto mau. parbat'g
Balabhanjau Malla was allowed to go baok without being
insulted. Others, hswevor, sufered humiliation.
Tho battlo of Sirhanchok is also mentioued in the noting
vhich I possoss. The date of the fight tallies with that of
138 ODERI{ I{IPAI

ths ohroniclo, But beyond these tbo sources, tho Sirhanchok

bettle iE mirsiDg in other records' The date is oasily veriffed
in CE But is thie enough to eetablish the frot of Sirhanchok ?
But this is not the only occassion we pick up events from the
ohmoioles, and the bsttle of Sirhanchok hss to be viewed ia
thoir light.
Ths ohroniclee gt&to th&t.aftor SirhancUok tho Clorkhalie
uader oommand of Kalu Pande desconded from Pharping to
8ttscE soms pl&oe" vithio th" Potan prinoipality.
The defeat of the Cbaubiei gavo fresh impotus to. tho
GorLhrilia. It vas st thiB timo thBt hithYiuaray&n& stsrtod
a ner phaso of strugglo snb direct'ed r('lu Pande to initiato
the proceee by attaclirg arets in the low land of the Nepl
irlley. This ho ditl tloeceniling from Pharping e criuld
,epture Pharping, Cbapagaon, Khokna, Bagmati, Soneguthi,
Thaibo, Badegaon. X'rom an inder itom picked up by Babura'rn
-Kalu
Aohorya it appears that Pandoy vas persuaded to r€turn
on piyment of Rs.2,000/- by Il'ojyaprakasa who i! s lotter
erpress€d his disapproval of the 'Pandey'e moYemonta onotoach'
ing on the torritorios of P&tsn. The letter ir d*ad Awina
wnirurui 4:20 Octotrer, 1766. J&ylprekaes hail suggeeted
th&t as loag as Gorkha and Kathmandu &re ou spoehirg tormE
ono shoulil not sttack the pther. Although forcoa b retroat
Kalu Paude could hold on to rill &r€&a west of Pharping
inolualirg tbo valloy of tho rivei Kulekhaui as far ar the
Mahabharata range, which tbue far bolonged to the priuoi-
plity of Patan. Acoording -to the chronicle the Glorkhalis
wero pai<I by tho Kazis of Patan oollocting duos from o&ch
house affoctoil by the invasion' The amount oollected was
Rs.2O00/-. Rajyaprakasa had remindod Kalu Pa'nde of tho
traditional friendship betwoen Patan and Gorkha, a fact
rhioh shoulil lxoJout tho two p&rtios from ottaoking each
othor's territorios.
 OOEEA BECOUES EINODOiI OT NEPAIJ 139

trIRST ATTACK ON KIRTIPUB

Encouraged by the suooess both in the weet end e&Et thc
Gorkhali rulor now a,ttemptod to cross the Bagmati to attaok
the city of P&t&n.
But thore remainod Kirtipur an invinoiblo hill fortrees iD
betwoen Kathmandu aad Thankot. In May 1757 ou the 28th
Soturday (19 Jyo8tha Saturday Dasabara f8f4 YS.) he ted
sn ott&ck oD Kirtipur from Naikab, a ridge on the weet of-
Kothmandu but this was repuleed with the death of Katu.
Pando aad Jivan Thapa, and of several other erprienoed
ofrcers. Ths ohrouicler sByB th&t the bettle lasted for nearly
6 hours and tho casualty ou both sidos ra,s ostim.ated rt sbout
twelve huudrod mbn. Glorlho ruataired a Ioes of four hundrod
repoys in thos. killed aud eeriously woundod. A numbsr of
Nagarkotii brought frou outaide Nopal by Jayaprahasa to
fight out tho Gorkhalis wero also killed.
Iho chroniclor seys that st tho time Kirtipur was to be
&ttaoked, Jayaprakas called a conferenc€ of the thr€o rulon
of the valloy, and it woe docided to defend Kirtipur with tho
oombined 8trcngth of tho three kingdoms, Actually tho
Gorkba attack was met by the combined forces oftho three
rtates of the Nepal valloy.
By th6 tino the sttack ou Kirtipur wae plannod, Kalu
Paudo was appointod ss tho pdncip&l commander of tho.
Clorkha foross. But he was uot in favour of an attaok ou
Kirtipur st the time. Eo had felt tha,t preparetions on hie
side wero nnequel to the requirement for tbe assault on an
sdvsntegoouEly situat€d hill fortrese liko Kirtipur. Tho ueually
onthusi&stic astrologer Kul&naDda Dhakal wae sl8o hesitsnt-
and dieolosed that tho time was inauspioious. But prithvi-
n8r&yana ras not for w&ithg eny longer. It was said that
Kalu Pando had to hear hargh and unkind wordr from hia.
King. who was not preparod to listsn to enything coud6lli[g-
pa,tionoo. The oommnnder had not yieldod to it st th&t, but
whilo hithvinarayoaa in o tunse mood us€d olprsssion&
140 MODEB}I NEPAL

queEtioniug his ioyalty and pstriotirm Kolu Pando waB hurt

to the quiok so much so &B to prepsro for the worst to himseU
in order to ssve tho bonour of his king. Tho chronioler st&tei
that boforo Ioaving for tho military engagoment, Kolu Pande
brought hio oqly son to the presenco of hithvinarayana thah
-aud implored him to take csro of tho boy ehould aDythilg
unerpeotod took placo. He told his lrla8t€r that trow th&t
lis motivo wae guostioned ho wos detormined to meet Ehat-
ever comeg to him. Kr,lu Pande had sonsed tho ila,nger of
inva.ding Kirtipur in the wsy his King had ordered him. Ee
had taken loave of hie wife BB if he wae not retumhg. to
hor eny more.
The worst happened, ono of tho killed was Kalu Pendo,
the commaudor. Ths Newar defondors victorioudy took
posseasiou of his weaponr and hung th€m in displ&y or tho
wall oftho temple of Bagbbhairava. Thoso eespons, khuhis,
swords, bolches, bowe and arrowg md mu8kets are Btill pro-
sorveil intect &nd one can have a glimpse of thom st tho
originel plaoo.
hithvinarayana himsolf eacrped narrowly in his defeat.
Thoak God, he was spared; he was sluost killed. Such aE
tbe etrect of a haoty and inadequate measure of ofrenee
sdoptod. It was said that whrlo his army was ovorpowered
it diepersed in confueion so muoh so that PrithviD&raysos
.Shah found himself alons without & comp&ny.
Luckilly it vas dark and the enemy did not havo tho
idea of his situa,tion, But he was too tirod to ru-n. It ves
gaid that a lowly man of the Putuwar oasts of the Newar
community oa,rried him on his bock to Dahachok from where
he returned to Noakot.
' Tho dato of the fight layestha 19 Saturilag of 1814 Ye it
given in my noting, The chrooicle in my posseseion ako
givea Jgestlw 19 daaahara 9at tiky.z8 The date is also
verifed. So thero cannot be doubt &B to the d&te of tho
abortive iuvasiou.
23. 23 }f&y, 1?57.
 OOBKE.I Bf,OOUEg'EIITODO OI, NEP.AL l4t
The attack waa planned from-Dahachok doscending to
Iilaikaf whore thoy orossed the small gorge of the rivulot
Balkhu and propared for 6ght &t & n&lrorr flat oponiug bolow
tho hillook &t s meadow oalled Jhameikhol. The invodere.
however, understogd the eaemy'E str&t6gy and atrongth. They.
forgot thet s oombinod force of the tbree lrings had oomo to.
lesist the invasion. Pntsn sDd Bhatgaon had choeon to
sourrourd tho hill fortreea merchiog from Bbajengcl due eouth
aud reaohed Jhamaikhel through the lcft. Joyaprakasa r,eached,
tbo battlo field- marohing along ttro rivulot and crossing jUst
a f_urloag bolorr. Naikap. , The Gorkhalis woro overpowoied
by shoer aumorioal Btrength. To add to this they had to face
brioke, loga of wood and srrowa throrrn from tho qrland,
rhioh hit them indieoriminat"ly. A" a resdlt they wero oom-
pelled to retreat. Prithvinarayana Sha,h who was watohing
the scero from a high mound at Naikap witnossed his army'e
defeat and hs8tily rook to be6ls.
With tbie defeat Prithvina,rayaue realieod tho ftitility of
furthe! attompts to conqutir tho gatoiay for entry into tfre
other side of the Begmati.' Ee gror ileapondent but ho did
not loso hope. Ifowovor, all thig nade him to call to halt
his attempts to dseooud iuto the deolivity of the valloy. A
E&etor intriguor that h6 w&s he thought to utilise his. time
by further int€Dsifying his intriguing &ctivities to divide the
valley rulom and to woakon each of them intemolly. The
dofenoe put up in Kbtipur had proved tho tircmendoue ofect^
of unity of tho Valley rulere anil if thie bad been mainteined,
Prithvinarayana would hovo boen forced to fall back. But
although thore vero fow internal quarrels in the lYeprgl yall6y,
no attompt wae made to prcsent a uaited 6ght against him
by the throe rulers. This w&8 not wholly due to th; C.orkhlli
rulor's machinatione. But tho Nepl valley rulere o.rhiiited
uttsr laok of sisdom by noi putting up & oommon front ag&i!8t
thoir foo. Thor6 a.re some peoplo rho blamod ths non_Neiar
commanders of their force for tbe defeat sustsinod by them.
But wo ehcll know from the following passoge that tho rulers.
t12 MODERN NEPAL

'Tero whoUy responsible for thoir disoomfiture. Again it was

their short sightod policy and their inability to understand
tho gravo n6ed of united efrort which had euabled Prithvi to
oa.ke thom weak also intoroally.
It wae Gaymi who laid hig life for hiE kiag in Noakot.
Kasiram was as nuch loyal to Jayaprakasa, Ee had fought
siugle hended to got Noakot rostor€d to hie ruler. But the
seryiceg of botb wont uuecognised. It segmed that the Malla
rulers could not do without the uon-Nowar ffghters but they
suspeoted their loyalty. This was also one of the rea,soDa of
tbeir defeat. Prithvi knew thet the Th&P& and Khasa-Mager
ofrcers and mea found themgelYoe in an awkwa,rd situation.
So ho intriguoil to tho best of hie ability to drive further wedges
between the me8ters a,Dd their troops. At le&st their loyelty
to their kiugs wag to be shaken by all meane.
Now Para.suram Thaln wae the only ominont commandor
left of the noa-Nowar contingonts.
But he war aleo the tallying point of all the non-Newar
ffghtera in tho servioos of the three Rajas of the volley. We
hgvo remarked iu the precading Pages that Kirtipur was Eeved
because of the contingerts ooming from Bha,tg&on aPsrt from
Jayaprakasa's own presence thore- If Patan was loft. alono
for tho defonoe of Kirtipur tho'rosult probably would havo
been otherwise. Perhap tho dofenoe in Jhamaikh'ol wae
orgahi8€d by Parasur*m ?hopa. Knowing this Prithvin8rsyans
direotoil his onergy to win ovor the Thepa's loyalty' If ho
succ€odod, this would oripple the military 8tr!l8th of Bhatgaon
-and ultim&tely afrect also tho totsl reeistance of tho Nepal
valloy.
At thiB timo Prithvinalayana Shsh also faceal a thrcat from
ths Chaubisi. Tanhou a,ud Lemjung wore trying to &ttaok
Gorkha from tho lower valley of the Mmayougdi aoross the
ponflueuco of the Dsrraudi. Polpa was Bitting on the fence'
ff Parasuram attookod the oastorn ssctor and made a bid to
oapture the low lands of tho valley of the Tadi, and in orso
6heso coinoided, much that tho Gorkha rulor .had aohiovsd
 GOBtrEA BECOIIDs KINGDOM OF NEPAL t43

would be frustrated. Ho, therefore. immediptely applied

himself to the task of contacting Parasuram.
Ife wae much eager to win over Parasuram Thapa to his side.
Ho wroto to him for the first time from Noakot on Monday l7
August, I?57 stating 'wo have been informing you of all events
inoluding the one about Gyami being flayed alive through Vidya-
pith Ojha. This letter I writo to you as a sacred document
pledging in the name of God my gu&rantees for your security
and safety if you live with us here. You will bo provided
with means of livelihood. All your freeholds have been algo
released'. .There was also a, warning in the lettor, which ended
by saying 'if you do not come in spite of the pledgo given
under religious sanctity, you know tho consequences.'24.
There is a threat as well as persuaoiou, whieh was intended
to influonce the Thapa. The date particulars if they aro
aorfect apply to 1757 or 1761, perhaps to 1757 before Prithvi-
narayan&'s encounter with Lamjuug and Tanhou in that year.
Parasuram Thapa yas too alert to fall iuto the trap laid by
Prithvinarayana Shah. He seems to havo rejected the Gorkha
tuler's advice, for the latter wrote yet another letter with
.similar content id f765. Porhaps Prithvinaray&n& w&s tryiug
to .bring the Thapa to his side all these years but without,
.succees. It ia difficult to say what after all prevented
Parasuram to respond to the dorkha ruler's cajolry aud threat.
3ut it might be the high senee of loyalty toward his masters,
ryhioh had saved him from succumbing to Prithvinarayana's
.approachos. I{o might also have realieed that Prithvinara,yan&
sometimes played trioke, and'it was not safe to oross the side
at that stage.
If Dioyopaileaa, ia to be takeu seriously the Thapa is accused
,of pledging loyalty to Gorkha and inviting its ruler to invade
the Nepal valley but betraying him in the nick of time and the
Thapa had also deceptively sent his brother to Pokhra to
incite Kaeki and make the ruler join the anti-Gorkha confeder-
24. Eitihasikapatra Samgraha. II, p. 57 (Bhsalravaili 2 in ys. 1B0A is
\\'cdnestlay and uot l\fontlay).
tu UODf,B]T XEPAI,

soy of the Ch;ubiei. Ae we have 68id slroady Pritheiner&yan&

had avonged this trestmetrt Euita,bly by getting the Thapa's
brother nurdered in Kaaki. Clrious onough Prithvinaroyaua'r
deeoriptiou of Lia long ffght to wir the Nepal valley is doecribed
just in & d€ntono€ of sir lines in r small folio. But evou hers
Parasuram Thapa alone figures vhile battlee of Kirtipur and
othsr areaa do not find mention, and on toP of it thore ie no
dato. Thus the ectual tims of the murder of Parasuram'8
brothor at tho h&nil8 of Jhagal Gurung is not dot€r,mined.
Wo have also auggostod that this had happoned bofore tho
battle of Sirhanohok. But tbis is iuat a guoss .work. W'o
might as vell r&y with aimilar argumont th&t this took Placo
in U57. But the wording of tbe lotter shows Prithvinarayare's
consistont oforts to win over the Thapa to Gorkha's side eiuce
bis corquest of Nookot in 1744.
Prithvioa.rayana Shah managed hie *froirs from Noakot
whioh sas his headquarter for tho time bsing. IIie half
brothgr. Renarudra Shah rho looked after Gorkha was con-
csrned with mLetion betwoen his- country and stat€s voBt of
the Marayangdi. Rauarudt Shrih negotiated Eettlements vith
stat€s like Lamjung, Kaehi, Parbrt and Palpo, ft apPears
fron a ldttera 5 of Prithvinarayana Shrh o'rittsu to Ranarudrg
or Matgrtaitri 10 roj 3 (.Toleedan December 6, 175?) th&t &
Krzi of Palpa had errived in Noakot for talks and he had
ttemanded the presencti of the letter, Prithvinaryana t'hought
that a direct talk between the Kezi and himself would lead to a
6aal 'yes or uo' end in order to avoid breakdown he wauted
Ranaruilra to loin him. Eo wrote 'Even if he Kazi had not
rr&nted you, you would have summouod you !ere. Ths Kazi
iB not prepsr€d to talk about the egreement without you. So
you muBt oome. You will talk with KasLi about moaota'ry
aid but wo ehall decide here whet amount to giYe them' Eo
furthor wrote to Roaorudra'You have writton.to us that ths
forces of Lamjung and Tanhou have takon tho lorot route.
Ihis is the timo you havo to make adequate arrangements for
tr'oreiSa Mltristly ArahiYes'
'6
 ooRfE BIOOIXS TIIIODOM OI ltEP...L r15

the protsctioq of forts and heodquartors. The fortiffcation

must be strengthened. Thcrn must be men in readiness to
neot ths emorgoncy. You wili bo oarofreo if your arra,nge-
m6Bts are porfoct. You havo also to v&t.ch tho movement of
tho troops adeanchg. If thoy am able to crors the river
Giandak ot Gaighat tho wholo of Nopel would be throstoned.
You must at oBoo inform mo if thoy a,ro abls to oroas Glrighat.
We shall tako care of matters es f*r m thoy conce,rn us h€ro"
I om glad th&t you &re hopeful of an agreement with Pa\n.
"But you must como to Noakot. I have also to contult you
about KasLi. I have eeut meosagos to Mackwanpur warnirg
the Raja against imFonding ontry of wegtern iulors. You must
sotrd J&ga, Bania, to Kaski. Nothing more has happned in
Nopal to let you knor."
Tho contonts of the lettor and tho purpose of calling Bana-
rudr& Shsh maLs ovidont tho etratogist'e mind at work. Eo
knew the advontagea and diaadva,ntagos of diroot talk in which
ho himsdlf p&rtioip&ted. Uhe aogotiated through his agent
tb6re w&s soo1rc for much manoeuvro oveu a"fter it wag con-
clud€d, even & volte faoe could be managed. But iu'a dircot
involvoment thore was little scopo left to prcvaric&to the, isouo
or to rcfirge to accept what \ra8 pledged. Ee know also the
valuo of money. Bribory was one of his itr&trumonts by whicb
ho purcbased tbo frieudship' of msny rulere. Parbat eud
Palpa-wero bigger st&tes. . So he desired to atta,in his objoctive
by ofrering Doney to Parbat. Palpa being richor -he needed
to &fect sweet rea8onableness. Eere he vas tryiug to eludc
Palpa evon though their intorests clashed. Tho rulcr of Palpa
knew well that. if Gorkba becamo a large kingdom bll other
st&tes ryould fall a proy to hie deeign. But thankr to Prithyi-
naryana'e oeeiduously prsotisod hnncricy Dsny judged him
by hie worde. Moro thaa th&t it 8lr happened in m&ny critic&l
hours it ssved him anrioue momente.as he could yot oommaod
the coofidence of some of tho rulorg in tho Chaubisi r.egion.
Even hie invsterste foo, the ruler of Lamjung, wriuld not f,nrl
it possible to suooossfully rttack Gorkha at tho mort critioa,l
t46 IIODEEN NEPAL

moment. Either he was checkmated by interstate rivalry in

the non-Gorkha camp or lacked coqfidenco becauge of . Kaski
and othors going openly agaiust him.
In spite of all theso Prithvi again and again advised his
men not to provoke tho ruler of Lamjung but maintaia friendly
oontact with him as far as possible.
Prithvinarayana Shah had become almost hopeless at this
stago after his defeat in Kirtipur. Ile was stricken with
remorso. Tho loss of Kalu Pande and other ofrcers was
irreparable. Ilo roturned to Noakot much a forl<irn and
dojected figure. X'or two years he harboured no thought,. to
ronew his military excursions. He utilised his time in strength-
ening his position and arranging for supplementary prepara-
tions to an adequate degree in response to the need of the
situation. But affairs in Patan were encouraging fog him and
he, therefore. did not abandon hopes of viotories ia the next
rnove. The city of boauty now Iay without a ruler having
dispensed already with two such within a, ]ea,r; But what
made tho situation most serious was the etate of 6iege and
blockade from .the southwest, and west of the Valloy over
which Prithvinaraya.na had retained his control even in his
critical days.
Eveu salb became scarce, and for want of yarns the
-weavors becamo idle. Relief from euch a condition was mogt,

deeded. Under duross. the nobility of Patan offered the

throne ts Prithvinareyana who, howover, sent his brother
Dalmardan for the purpose. By not aocepting the ofer
himgelf he had oertainly acted wisely, as the other course would
have expo'sed him to risks of a, Yery intriguing situotion. So,
as the exigenby determined, whilo Dalmardan tasted the
bitters of kingly glory of Patan, king Prithvinerayau& watched
the evente carefully from his hill fortress at Dahachok
whioh he had built to statiop his troops and guard approaches
to the main highways to the two cities.
In a quost for the poaee of mind he got reconciled to a
eituation v-hero his gains in the east had crumbled one by one.
 GOBEEA BEOOUES KII{GDOU OF NEPAIT 141

As etaries of conquost of these territories appear undor dato

line near 1700 A.D., we deem it th&t the conquest waa really
o reconquest of areas abandonod o&rlier. Iu spite of his
deceptive eppesr&nca in his behaviour since the bettlo of
Sirbanchok, tho rulor ofLamjung and his allies were oare-
firlly watchiog the situation. Onco Prithvinarayana Shah
tried to make on adv&nce in thot direotion they wero sur! to
marcb forward towarde Gorkba. This foct played on his mind
so much th&t he could not undertako any furthor orpedition
in the eastern sector. Witb the dir&strous end of the abortive
Kirtipur attack, Prithvi ha.d to Bee all his gains in Sintlhu-
Pclcholr, Kabhre-Palanohok and Dolkh& gone out of his
hands.
But he was not e m&n t,o lose courage. Th6 ere&s post of
the Valley were being retained.aud tho gains coneolidatod.

MONETARY POLICY AND TRADE WITE TIBET

PxrrsvrNenav.Axe Sses lxo Tnels-Eruer,lvex Tnltrl
Before hithvinarayana the basic monetary unit of the
coin&ge of Nepal wag tho mohar coined by Mahentlra Malla
in imitation of the Muslim coinago. Tho subjoct hae been
fully described in our book 'Medieval Nepal, Pi-II'. Tbe
Mobar weighs 8 flwsq,B l}Jet ie, in weigbt oftho fndian rupeo
of 12 mataa, Ote ma.sa26 equalled 2l.q dame in valuo.
In practice piecee of lower units vaaied between 5 end 6.5
grains. All coine vere of silvor and coins of lover units ver€
not rare but thoy were used in circulation ofben not in tbe
B&me rate only ae the rrohars. The lower units of coins werc

I and I of mohar a8 well a,s * or r*s and were circulated

comnonly. There was a doublo mohar but not ss commonly
rrsed. The dam wes the loweet unit being 1fu part ofsilver
rnohar. Ono Moghal rupee fetcbed 256 d&ms, ald 2 mohars

96. 18 graiD8
148 MODEEN I{EPAL

or othor units in equivalent torms. Thc dam vas also divided

iato 4 jooo measuring length maEing a l6-anna rupeo for the
ropani, $th of an acre. Tho dsm was dividod as in tola in
l0 cowries (seashells). Iu the mid-l?th cetrtury the NoP&l
valley Et&tes coiued mohars for Tibet, whioh were legal tender
in that country. X'iret,, tho privilege of minting coine for
Tibet wss enjoyed by Bhatgaotr but later Kathmandu and
Patan aoquired such rights to send coins to fibot. At one
Etsge Bh&tgoon obtained silver Eoney to provide coine to
Tibet. This &rra,ngement in Epito of the progrossive diminution
of silver contetlt of ths Dohar until the la,st of t'ho Malla
rulerg was liquidated by Gorkha whioh etood for quite a long
time. In the end of the lSth century Tibet etsrtetl its owD
mint and coined monetary units although the Chinoeo ,@el was
entering to tske its pl&oe in the market all over tho country.
But through tho lSth century tho Moletdra ifotrli wae the only
curroncy in Tibt. It wae called ?azf,a. Prithvinaroyana
Shah c&st hir eyes on 6he advantages obtained through mer-
chancliso and 8€nding coins to Tibet. So he took up the
questiotr as soon as he vas oble to seizo territories ol the.
trado route.
Prithvinaraya,ra Shah was not only & cotrqueror but sleo
a coosolidator, whetever he weut he followed hia military
adveatums with courolidation of power in ths ates &frocte'l-
Togethor with this he saw olso tho need to organise ooonomic'
and trado interset if hs observed facilitiee therofrom' Ac
soon as he seizefl Sinilhu Palchot and had peuetratcd aa far
as Chautara ho beoame maBter of thc situa'tion cutting oE
Kathmendu from its commercial baee at Khaea' Trade
prospoots olnued before him, ond he wantod very much to
hrndlo it for the ner stato he was building up.
Prithvinarayano Shah hBd taken advantage of hig oontrol
ivor Nepal trdtle routo to Tibot both by Bussoa anil Kodari
Khasr. In. this giturtion Khathmandu and Bhotgaon could
not Esitrtsin their comme.rcial relation rith Tibet' The trado
on coinago osmod Pto6t for Nepal. But alloyed coins wero
 GOBEE^ BICOUES X,IITGDOU OT TTPAL llo
,latoly more in.practice, because
of the shortage of silver in
t
Nepal. Prithvinarayana wanted to replaco the Nepal valley's
trade by his own. But all such time ae he was engaged in
warfaro, he could not givo sufficient attention to this problem.
Consequently the trade activity through the ,northern highway
as schemed by the Gorkha ruler had ceased and his proposal
to send coins to Tibet rvas also shelved. A letter 2? addressed
by Nandu Shah and Kehar Basnet said that the Dhewa who
cgrre to discuss ooin problem was called to Lhasa by their
Government a,nd his absence caused irlconvonionce to tho
Gorkh.alig. The officers complained that not a handful of salt
is allol'ed to filter across the border. They reported.that
sihee the Dhewa left, every kind of work had stopped.
the l"tt"" also informs that tho Gorkhalis had arrested
a person, one of the three, who were harassing tho traders and
rnerchants by plundering the merchandise on the way to Kuti.
TIre Ietter dated Brauona oaild 12 roj 1( -Sunday, 26 July,
1752) carries in the last paragraph a mess&ge of blessing from
Brhaspati Upadhyay who adds a note to that effect and asking
for new instrnctions. The letter was sent from Khasapuri.
Obviously the men nrriting rvere Prithvinarnyana's represen-
tatives gono to the place to negotiate a settlement of tho
Tibetan coin system and purchase of gold by Gorkha in Iieu
of silver coins.
Prithvinarayana Shah issued his first coin rvith 'Pritlwi-
narayana Sahi' inscribed on it in the saka year:1676
(1754 A.D:)e8 upto this year he was crying to get gold ballion
from Tibet, though without succesr,. He was to obtain
silver from fndia through the Kashmiri and. Gossain merchants.
The metal seems to have been available easily in Kathmandu
through the medium of these traders. The minting of the
coin was to give him prestige. No other Bais or Chaubis
ruler had enjoyed this prestige.

27. [itiha.sikapatrasarrgraha, lt p. 78
$. Walsh' P. 740.
t50 IIODEB}I NEPAL

In aletterz s to Ilarideva Pand,it writteu on Chadtra Su,itri

2 ,oi 4 (Monday, 18 Maroh, l75l) from Noakot, the Gorkhali'
King had oxpressed his anriety for the neod to acquire gold
which howover should be procured in pure form without
-mirture of all alloys ( biass). He shows readiness to purchase
gold at tho rate of Rs. l8/- if the same was available in a pure
form. The Madheses (lndian traders) had arrived with silver
coins, a,nd they were waiting. So the work had to be done
quickly. IIe expressed the view 'that in any case the mint
had to be opened.
Prithvinaraya,na draws attention of Ilarideva to a letter
of Nandu Shahi. Probably the letter referred to here is- not
the same a,s was received by Prithvinarayana, in July, 1752.
Therefore we have only one correspondence of Kehar Basnait
and Nandu on tho subject. But we have several letters
addressed to Ilari Deva Pandit by the Gorkha ruler. It seems
that llari Deva Pandit was permanently stationed in Khasa
for the purpose of negotiating on trade with Tibet esp. on
coins.
In a letter to Harideva Pandit and Jamadagni Upadhyay
his assistant, Prithvinarayana says that the Bhotyes of Khasa
and Bigu {verq creating troublep for Gorkha's Tibetan trade
by not cooperating with tho corrtractors and custom officers
and therefore they should be desuroyed as criminals' If the
Dhewas of Kuti were at any time incited over the afairs, they
would. also be dealt with accordingly. Everybody would be
suppressed.
In this letter the Gorkhali King also, demanded Rs. 6000/-
depositod with Sunu Saheb and M. Tanjangju. I{e also
asied his representatives to let him know if gold was exchanged
(for our silvor rupees). IIe was ready to send as many coins
as .were needed for the purpose. The letterS0 is dated Bhail,ra
oaili 12 roi 4*Wednesday, 7 August, 1751.

29. Pauehsayavrrsa lNepali)' p. 908'

30. Panchasavavarsa (Nepali)' p' 211.
 GORKEA BEOOMES TINGDOII Otr' NEPAT; l6l
The fact of a kind of disturbanoes crea,ted by the Bh'otyos
of Listi during the days following the recapture of Naldum
by Jayaprakasa Malla is confirmed' by a lettor to Haridev
Pandit by Kazi Tularam Pandit .and Kehar Singh Basnet.
The letter said that the contraotor of Listi was murdered, and
there wero many of those entering the other sido of the boun-
dary, who had earlier taken up Jayaprakasa's c&use. We had
demanded such men. But now we think that we have to keop
bost of relation with Bhot and as such we have abandonod tho
idea. You must assure them that wo do not interid quarrelling
but want friendehip. Those involved in the affaii aro the
subjects of our Government and nothing will hapen to them.
Even the incident of murder we have tried to play down say-
ing that it was common thing on the highway. Although thie
lotter followed six years later (Monday, 12 September, 1757),
this shows the nature of conflict between Bhot and Gorkha,
at the time, which had hindered the progress of negotiatign
between tho two states.
The letter is only a resume of what created obetaclos in
the way during the critical period of late forties. But this.
also ghows that in spite of somo progress in the nogotiation
and solution roached, the situation had uot improved.
fn a letler of Wednesday, May, 12, l75S Prithvinarayana
informs0l Nilkantha Joshi that tho matter was settled with
Tibetan traders and the Kashmiri merehants had been giveu
royal charters to go and trade in the aroa.
But it seems that the pledge was not duly observed.
Prithvinarayana again writing to Earideva (X'riday, Il X'ebruary
L757 : Pllalguna oq,il,i ? roj 6)8z asks him about the negotiation
with tho Bhotiyes. Ee oferod to send necessary amount of
money &s Boon as he kuew that the work was done. IIe
instruoted. Earideva to oramino and weigh the gold supplied.
It was said that the practice prevailing per agreement of

31. Eitihasikpatresamgraha, II, p. 68.69

32. Panchasayavarsa (Nepali), p. 207
t52 UODEEN NEPAL

Bimjiohhumbo Ia,ma was to be followed. No change wae to

be mado .in the price of gold in Kuti and the Dhew&s had
promised to sell gold for silver ooius.
T[hen the Gorkha mint opened, and coins were being
minted Jayaprakasa Malla issued a decreo in favour of Prithvi-
rareyana making Gorkha coins legal tonder in his kingdom ou
a rociprocal basie.33 The coins woro to be unalloyod. The
coins of both Gorkha and Kathmandu were to be circulated
in Tibet and for their commeroial rolation with Tibet each was
to station a vakil (reprosentative) in Bhot (Tibet) The trade
was to flow with the consent of both. If ono or tho othor
party was una,wa;re of the conteuts, the goods might be
ponfiscated.
The merchandise was to be allowed to move after proper
inspection, loads ofgoods not inspected were to'be seized, 'and
thoy woro to bo divided between the twe parties who ever
intercopted. Gorkha and Kathmandu wero also to exchange
resident, political missions and an5z one refusing to accept
coins of either couotry was to be punished physically and fined.
The vakil of both Gorkha and Kathmandu wore to conduct
inspection of goods when it, was to be oxported to Bhot.
Jayaprakasa decroed that all trades for Tibet should be
routed through Noakot. Declared goods ol one party were
not to be touched by the other but clandestinely.transported
goods were to be confiscated.
Goltl imports from Tibet were to be equally shared.
Similarly the coins from Madhesh (lowlands in the South).
ft was further said that Gorkha was free to attack Patan,
while Naldum was to be surrendered to Kathmandu. If
Gorkha found itself weak in Patan, then Kathruandu was to
intervene to strengthen Gorkha's hands. lf ever Kathmandu
conquered Patan it would haud ovor the same to Gorkha. fn
this Kathmandu's interest would como second to Gorkha's.
'Ihe decree is called Karar (engagement) executed in paper-
on Sombhat 1814 Pausa aaili 8: Friday, 26 January, 1755.
i.l. Frr-rm :r copy preservecl in the arohives ol the Foreign lllinistry
 GOSXIIA BECOMAS KINGDOU OI' NEPAI, 153

It ie difrcult to know the exact reaeons prompting

Jayaprakasa to issue his decree. One can surrnise that hard
pressed. as ho was due to Gorkha encroachmente on his-
territory he acoepted Gorkha coins as logal tender on reciproeal
basis. Probably the same roason compellod him to ehare the
benefits ofTibetan trade with his foe. The trado route of
Kuti is not mentioned in the document. Perhaps the area
was disturbed-and ofton changed hands deponding on the
fortunee of certain strategic places on the outer fringe of the
Nepal valley, to its east. If this decree was made with the
consent of hithvinara,yana Shah it will not be wrong to
suppose that at thgt time Jayaprakasa Malla was exhorting
Prithvinarayana to leavo Kathmandu in peace with the offer
of cooperation for his gains in the weak and disturbed state
of Patan. In 1755 Naldum was again attacked and it also
changed hands. Thig was to the utter confusion of tho
Gorkhalis but without Naldum tho Gorkha ruler would not
take respito. I think that it was to counteract this move
on the parb of Prithvinarayana the ruler of Kathmandu had
offered hiin the prospect of the proseession of the areas under
aontrol of Patan. X'rom a letter writen to Harideva Pandit
it appears that he had visited Kuti some time before Thursday,
24 February, 1757. fn the talk tho Pandit had with the
Bhotiya morchants there he lvas told that they were preparod
to sell gold at the rato of Rs. f8/- per tola (:216 grains)
Harideva said that even at Rs. f8/- the Bhotiya merehants
ryould mix brass dust. Up to 12-15 thougand tolas and if
gold of this amount rvas available to offer at Rs. l8/- Ilarideva,
was to ioform his master about the quantity of gold offerod.3n
Harideya probably was also a Governor for areas around
the Kuti route. FIe had been asked to close the route,
Iiecently 40-50 muri35 of foodgrains had passed to Tibet. So
the security was to be tightened.

34. Patrclrusu1'avar.ra rNepali), p. 2u4

t5. .\ rnlti urrasure) u iariy 160 lbs.
 t54 UODEBN NEPAL

The letter was sont by hand of Chandrabhan Pandit who

was alsoto deliver Mahendra Malla rupees 1495 and Moghul
53 and China clothes.
This is just a priliminary observation on the subject of
Gorkha's trade relation with Tibet in the background of the
eonquest of lhe entire route by the Gorkha ruler. We shall
see that Prithvinarayana could not achiove mueh in this freld
to tbe end of his areai]. But to this we shall return later
as we come to narrate the history of the period after the
annexation of the Nepal Vatl'ey Kingdom to Gorkha.
As soon as Prithvinaraya,na Shah came into the permanent
occupation ofthe northern zone on tho l(uti-Kyrong border
he thought proper to issue declarations and granting charters
to guaranteo protection and continuance of royal gifts to the
many Gombas of the locality. I{e executed a sacred gift
deed36 on /8I8 Phal,gztna oad,i g roj 6:Xlitlay, lg March, ITOS
in the name of Gindum pamcha Lama mentioning Gombas of
PunJi, Banthali, Nagerya, likhyankhu, Dumba and Cliarikot
which were to be looked after by the Lama. The subordinate
lamas were to enjoy tho gifts royal or otherwise, whichover
is made over to them. The state guaranteed them full
protectiou.
Prithvrnarayana probably wanted to appease thg Bhotias
by such deeds. Otherwise Lamaism which was held in rospect
by the people in general, even caste Hindus or others, needed
no protection. Tbis might have been necessary because & uew-
ruler had como into power. Nevertheless besides satisfying
the followers of Lamaism, the measujre went also to establish
the Gorkha ruler's liberal attitude towards Buddhists profossing
Lamaism. There was no question of suppressing this faith.
But they could be deprived of royal munificence. Prithvi-
naray&na by extending royal patronagb gave them treatment
as equal to others.

30. X'*"ru e copy pr€sorvetl in the archiveg of the Eoreign Ministr,v,

Ihe ilate is oorroot in termg of Amanta Cuuar mouth.
 GOBKEA BEOOMDS rTITGDOM OF ,\XPAI' I65

But if he had done it to further his intorest in Tibet, it

diil not pay him much.

ADVANCE .TO TEE EAST

Dahaohok i8 & Etrs,togic ridge on the western skirt of
tho valloy overlooking tlie smallor valley of BalLhu Khola'
Although he had lost other spots Dahachok wos in the
poerossion of Prithviaarayana Shah. Ee roalised that unlese
similar ridges otr other sidee wero commanilod, it wss no ute
desconding on tho valloy a,nd contacting the euemy. Prithvi '
thoroforo, used hi8 rosources to t&ko'posse8Bion of aB msily
portions of the surrounding hille &s could be laid hold of.
Eis first objootive after his defeot at Kirtipur wae the poak
of Shivapuri whioh fell to the invaders &t midnight on Aaadha
2l Suuday of Vs 1816 (= u59, lst July)' The date is confirmed
by a lettor of Prithvinarayana Shah to his brother Ranarudra
and Jasak&ma Pando. Through this tottor ho w&8 esking tho
Ch&utsrs to oollect 60 beBt fighters and send thep to him (io
the posBossion of Boreign,Minietry Archives). Ee suggeoted tbat
if the oontingent arrived a day earlier the enemy would get to
know about it. ln the s&me w&y if they arrivod late the work
would fail. So the group must reach Sivapuri on the appointeil
day. The lottor is dntad AEadlw V aili 10 roi 4: Wealnesdsy,
20 June, l?69. Prithvi Ploads that tho r&iuy season I'as coming
so the work was to be done immediately. According to the
ohroniclo ono Yiru Kapardar on the Gqrkhali side died in the
fight. Then the Gorkha force proceeded to P&lanchok, and the
commanders Chautara Daljit Shah, Kazi Harkh& P&rth,
Kapardar Bhadra Shahi and Jethabudha Rama Krsna Kaur
contacted Jayaprakasa'sirregulars. Shimasimha Ahapa known
ar tho tiger who waa leading tho advanceg was killed by the
defend.ers.S? But Palanchok wao occupied u little bofore
Kabhro, while the date of the occupation iE not available

31. Tbis ShiEason ahapa ePpears to h&ve been f&the! ol '{marsimha

Th,;ps, (Sqnsktit Sarutethar, I, 10-12, PP'3r-3e)'
 160 MODf,RN IEP..'L

'€roept tho month of Msgh, mentioned by the chroniole.Bg

After routing the e4emy tbe same forco continued to o;rerate
in Kabhre (I8 miles east of Kathmandu) cnd a ridgo faoing
Palauchok in tho north, which was capttred in, the early houre
of Baka 1681, 11 Magh rdrrzd 9, Fdatay (:1760, J&nuary)se.
Then csme the sealing of the fote of Dhulikhel situated on
tho adjocont ridge. But Dhulikhel,s stra,tegia posrtior dit not
ollow ttre Qorkhalis to touoh it without m&noouvre. Therefore
as o firat ,measure Chaukot wae attacked. At Kahule Jaya-
prakaea's remnant foroe made a aurprise attack, while tho
men almost nakod were busy cooking fooil but it wa,s ropulsed.
'Chaukot roee to tho last maa against the Glorkhas. The young
Don of the area fought valiantly to resist tho foe. In parti_
cular Mahendra Simha Raya and his brother fought with
.oxtmme ooureg€. Chaukot wae occupied
on Jycatho, glldni 6 roj
2. of Saba /683: Mouday 8 June l?6I in a condition ravaged
by ffre. After Chaukot tho Gorkhali advance was h.alted.
hithvina,rayana Shah in a letter of Margauaili 4 roj 4:
Wednosday 26 November, l?60 addrossed to the Omraos and
Dwaree of Kabhre, Suuthau, phulbari and Namura worns
agaiust complacenoy, and ordeto to koep the many places
mentioned equipped with stoaes and. prickly thorne 80 tha,t
these oould be thrown upou tho invaders, if thero was an
attonpt to strike at those fortiffed areas. IIe ileeired to bo
informed without delay if tho onemies tried to encirole their
position so that military enforcemonts from Noakot oould
reach theee places in two days' time and guns and bullots codd
go into sction (in the possession of Foreign ofrce Arohivee),
It that about thie time Kabhre palanchok area wag
appea.rs
threatcned by intcrnal quarrels ae well as by a new raid to be
organisod by the ruler of Kathmandu.

38, Itihasaprukas, I, 716.

39. fhe alato is irregular.
 OOEKII,I. BECOMES KII{ODODI OF Nf,P,..I, r5r
ALLEGdD PLOT TO KILL TEE CROWN PR,INCE
The cbroniclos giye a story iavolviag one Jagat Pando.
kill tho orown prinoe at ths beheet of
Jaisi irr a conspiracy to
JayapraLasa Malla. Tbe crown princelyos oa€ visit to a placo
called Chisopani where he was to hunt. But on inform&tion
of a conspiracy hatdhed up by the Kathmandu ruler ho was
suddenly summoned to Noakot. It was s&id,that the Jaisis of
ThanEot atrd Belbas had corupired with Jayspr&kss& to t ill
tho prince in the jungle. On eaquty ss to tho man who.
advis€d him to go for hun6ing, hatap Sirnha told his fatbor
that Jagat Pande had pursuaded him to vieit , Chieapani. I o
Theroupon Jagat Pando wss arrested and put uuder toituro
&nd it i8 Baid that he confesrod his hand in the conspiraoy
atong with Berren others of hie ca€to. 'The qeven Jaisis also.
were tortured, and they were to pasa tbrough the triol by
ordeal. Fire was placed on their hand, seoing a blister in bis
hand alter hours ono of the Jasis oommitted suicide. fha
guilt was thus establiehed. All the oulprits were sont€ncod
to death.
Baburam Aeharya thiaks that the information containod.
in a letter dated YS l8l9 Jyerih wili 6 roj 6: X'riday, 14 May,
176241 ie sbout this conepiracy. Prithvinarayana wroto in
e letter addressod to Shridhnr paatha, Bhadn Shahi and
Motyakhotri that J&8kann& Pando having confessed his guilt
was killed, &nd thorefore if hie vife wanted to bum hers€lf in
tho pyrr she could do so aud ary of ttro relations of the
decoasod desiring to loeve tho oountry iyere froe to do so.
I do not know if Jasakarua Pande c&n bo the samo person
&s Jag&t Pondo of the chrooicle. JasLarna was a coi.fidant
of the king as lettare rocov6ted by him go to shor. But
Baburam Acharya while declaring the ststemont of tho
ohronicle as alsurd btilieves ia the Btory of conspirocy. Jaya-
prakasa hatched up to kiU Prithyinsr&ysD&'B olrlest son. Tho

10 O! & hill !ee,r th€ source ot th€ Toili river.

tl. !'roE s copy preserveil iu thl} rr.chires of tho Folol8u r\tidrtry.
r58 MODXRN ]IEPAI,

letter inoDtions tho'killing of Jaskarna but doos not give any

reasoo for this kind of step the Gorkha ruler took in retpect
of .the mattel.
ft might bo that he had actsd on sospicion and hearsay.

CONQUEST Otr' MACKWANPUR

Remakrishna Iliur, .,n" of tbe officers, was Ioft in charge
of the area as a mititary &durinistra,tor. He settled down in
Bhowarkot as a perma,nont resident aftor some timo. ft appears
that Naldum and Mahatleopolci wore captured a,bout thil
time.
Unsuc:ossfully dabbling in Nopol intrigues and gotting
dosparate at the failure, Prithvinarayaha cast a, groody eyo
in the dominion of his father-iu-law. Mackwanpur included
a good portion of the Terai. It commanded a rich revenue
on that account. Moreover, it h&d alBo the control of the
tra.do route to Ksthmandu passing to Tibet. X'or tightening
the blocLa.de of the valloy it' w8,s quito olsonti&l that Mack-
wanpur bo controlled' Of lato tho Raja harboured inimical
feoling against tho Gorkhalis and wos negotiating with the hill
Rajns to fight them out. But Prithvinarayo,n& was too
powerful a foe to bo ovurpowerod eo eaaily. On Vs. I8l9
Blad,ra 8 Ttwrcibg 20 Auguat 1761, t at*or.g Gorkhali contin-
gent led by Ch&uta.ras Kirti Mahoddam and Drlamardan and
and Kazis Daljit and Sura Satap, Nahar Singh and Kehar
Siugb and Abhiman Basnait, Bamcaraj Ponde eutered the
Valley of MockwanPur.
The Gorkhalis surrounded the fort and the Raja'e palacc.
The Rala had already fled to l{ariharpur. So Mackwonpur
wa^e easily captured next day. At onother eng&geulent a
month later in Ilariharpur thore waa fierco struggle end the
Gorkhalis defested the Raja, Digbanilhansen, who fled along
with his mini8ter. Pritbvinrrayana annexed immediatolv all
parts of his dominion to tbat of Gorkba, tho oasualty on the
enemy's side was 300-400 killed. But his resistanoe hail
 GOBEI{A BECOUEA TINODOM Ox. NTPAIJ 159

collep8od et the initiat stage. Thus in a way the stat6 of

Tackwanpur had been overpowtired. Eariharpur was attackod
on Aevina 22, l88{:Mond&y, 4 October, 1762. A ohroniolo
gives Saka 168<l Pausa.g Saturday (Docember, l?62).s for tho
fnal capturo of Mackwaapur. But this must be a date of the
clefeat of Mir Kasim. In a lettor dutd Plntgum auili 9 ruj
3-Tuesday,92 February, 1763 a.dtlreeeed to Gyankar Bauda
Prithvinarayana Shah informs lhat ot phalguna, 5-lB
February, Sunday, the Gorkholis attacked the residouce of
the Mackwanpur ruler at Rakhoda ghat (Khuda).!. The
Baja, his father's old concubino and his own sister esc&p6d.
The Gorkhalis also captured 7 olophants and a, sieter of the
lia,ja \z relation. But the Roja had erpressed a doeire.to
cono back. So he was erpectcd in tho nertTew days on Thurs_
day or X'riday. The camiors wero being Bent in ortrnctatiou
of hie &rrival. Eariharpur was fuet attack€d by troops deecon-
ding from Sindhuli. A year earlier prithvinarayena,e forces
had advanced to Sindhuliga.rhi which was oasily occupied. The
d&t€ of the occupation of Sindhuli ie Baha 16g4 Asxhw,=1762,
Septembor 9, Tuesday, acoording to the Dotiag of a chronicler.
This sscured for him the pass&ge strsight to phulchok, one of
the mountaing around the Nopal Valloy iu tho aouth. phulohok
w&8 captured whilo thd Gorkha army advane,ed in its vinding
journey from Siadhuli to roach the peak. Hamilton
roports
that a eon of the Raja of Mackwanput had taken sheltor in
Betia.
By the conquest of Mackwanpur prithvinarayana mad.o
himself financielly strong. Eo also got holil of a large number
of arms-700 Chapawal Banduk (guns) and amnunitions and
several olephants from the vanquishod, rhich addotl o groet
deol to his fighting rosourcos.
Afkr Mackwanpur ths rulor of GorLha turDed his atteation
to Timal and Sindhuligarbi. Timal was situated a fow milss

{9 Iho ilat6 is i!!og!lr!

49 lrom a capy p166s.vsl iD the .a,lchiyB oI th6 trotolg! Minirt!,
160 MODERIr NEPAI,

avay to tho 6sst of DsPth& thon withiu the jurisdiction of

BhaLtopur but just copitulatod to Gorkha. Siadhuli, a forti'
liod ama, lies to tho south'eost of Timel, on the Mehabharat
rengo. From Sinilhuli ono dosconds to the vslloy of tho riYor
of that nane with Tinpat as a markot dopot to nogotisto his
ray forther downward to thc riYer T€rei ecross Sorlshi end
Tanrkpur. The chronicler states th&t Sardar Daljit Shah,
Kozi Bamsaraj Pantle, Jiva Sbah, Ruilra Shahi an'l
Jethrbutlha B,amakrsna Kuar snd othor Najikis, Dvaros and
Sipahis were Bont to sttaek Timalkot whicb was oooupied on
samvat f8l9 Aeoitlarroaiti..loj, vith 300 caeualties inflicit€d
pn tho enemy. Tho dato corrosponds t'o Tuesday 7 or 14
Sept6mbor, 1763.
Erom Timal tbo Gorkhalis tunxod Eouth-e&stward' The5r
reaohed tho Sintthuli riilge, and attaoked tho fort'
Accord'ing
to tho cbronicle the Gorkhalis attacked the fort on Saka
Asviaa 2Q Satur<lay = Tueeday 2 October' 1762' There was a
heavy 6ght in courso of tho resistance put up by the contin-
ge4tr of Maokwanpur but tho fort surrendoretl on 1684 Asvina
i;tn gata 9 roi 3:21 Septemb€r, Tuesday' 1762' The
Gorkhalis lost 5G60 men, whilo tho ouemy casuelty
w&8

200-240. IIer6 the ohronicler has confused tho datea of

invasion and final capture, though on verificatioo
t'ho dates
are correct. A writer has suggested th&t thero
is also a. con-
month is
fusion in regaril to tho sooond dete but as tho 'dsoiza
mentioned in the series of datos givon in the paragraph' tbe
same month by name mudt bave bten thero
also before

ilinagata 9. But tho date of the capture of tho

fort precedes
the date of inv'asion.
Kirtipur was subjecteil to blocLade sovere enough to
exhaust the patience of tho dofenders We already
know how
and tho
the 6ret two attacks failed to achieve the objoctive
invaders paid aheavy price. So this time Prithvinarayan
proceeded with tlue caution' But ho could not
launch an
itt"ok r" the plau ripened' Eis att€ntion was diverted b1'

lltir Kasio's moeements in tho vichity of Meokwanpur'

and
 ooBrEl Btoofra rlxoDor oF lrxp.ar/ l0l
he hurrieJly ayoouated the eiege to meot ths foe in
tbe
Terai, which was neceasary to defend his new aoquieitioaa.
Tho attack on Kirtipur rae resumod after trdir Kasirn,s
invadiag
forcs was e:polled from tho Terai region.

MIR KASIM'S EXPEDITION

Nop to turn to account of the fight with Mir Kasim,s
expoditionary f,orce ve proceed bith the following Da,rrati?e.
So for, the Gorkha advaoce was not looked upou with disturst
end approhension by outeiders. They had thought tLst.it w8s
just a menace oonfined in efrect to the hill areas
and that att
the reperoussions were limited to thom aloae, The conquoet
of Maokwanpur Bhowed that the Gorkhali8 wer! not eotiefied,
with gains short of the conquest of tho wholo of the Eimaleyas-
This provoled the enmity of the Nawab Mir Kasim of Beagal
and tbe English. lfeanwhilo, the Raja of Mackwanpur Jnt.
an appeal to Mir Kaeim for immediate military bo\. Ee
had
escaped to tho Nr,wab's territory &cconpaniod by
his Bon snd.
Kanak Simha Baoia, hia minieter. On 2I January, 1?68
(Saka Pausa. Friday 1684) tho Nawab actually
eent * .*"
under Gurgin Khau to invado Mackwaupur ( Vausistta,rt-l
ltyatloe.
rr, p. t8e , ABS iLR, r?b9.65, p. ia; *Ur" he
hirneelf wotcbed the rosults from, Bettia.. r The commander
of the iovadiug forco vas an Armonian meroenary in the
service of Mir K&siB. Both tho Englioh and tho
Nawab each
in his own way, covoted the natural neaourcea of Nepl.
A ourrent report about Nepal ot the time waE that it was a
oountry full of preoious gold minss.r s Gurgin Khan hodrd
of
this from the Kashmiri nrerchants, and be used this informa_

{4 Re&d lor details of this sroDt NsEdsl&l Chstterji,i book, ,![ir earilo,
1?80-63' (1936, BsEaras), Chaptcr X, pp. t6g-?6 on the iav*eioa
ot Nepal-
IIo is the fiIst and tho onJy authot to bring so tar th6 iubject to ou notrioo.
sEil he hae il€soribed the erctrt br.in8 his !€trlort3 mo6dy o! origiDrl t€tte
l!o!D Bdtbh sources.
a6 gei!.ul-.llut6ghedn p. t4?.
\62 ITODERN NEPAL
'The
tion to work up the &varicioue tlesign of his maeter''6
Nawab was also giveu to understsnd that Mackwanpur ofereil
an advantage of a trado route and a gateway to tho Valloy of
.Nopal ortlinarily in strstogic termg.'
? Mir Kasiu was feoling
all tho time thst h6 h&d only to utilise tho opportunity to
Secome the m&Btor of the rogion.
X'rom Rettia Gurgin Khan reached the Valley of Mackwan'
pur in no time since there was no obctruction. But oB soon
he rescheil there ho met
.ag with s serious tesietanco from the
Gokha sido. | 8
Beoause it was eo designed t'hat bofore the capturo of the
fort of Mackwanpur, tbe ritlge over which it stood w&8 to be
reacheil to facilitate ascent by the invading prrrty a detaoh-
mont w&s sent to contac0 the dofenders in that eroa' The
Gorkhalis now reinforcod and IoC by Kohar Simbo Saenait and
Bamsaraj Paudey oarried on guerilla taotics, and foilod at tho
6rst inetance the eforts of iho Nawab'e men who suferod
hesvy ca,sualty. But lator in tho sscond attempt made
by
tho invaders the ritlge (Bhariiyang) was captured, and the men

from the plains though exhaueted had showo admirablo forti-

tuds and courage in nogotiating their c"urse'a!
N. L. Chattorji quoting the author of Muzafiarnamn aaye
that earlier to this c&mpaign, tho Nawab had sent a emall
tbroo of Tilanga sopoys in an endoavour to test
the eBomy's
strength. But this att&ck was ropulsod with the loss of the
shole of tho contingent fighting there'5o In sending the
do$achment under Gurgin Khan, the Nowsb desired
to take
and eliminate the Gorkhelis Naturrlly he had st*ked
revenge,
.rr""yibilg in this compaign, the &rmy was unusually large aad
ho h.d also made up for any likelihood of ffna'nciel
dificultv'

48 lfirlara, JBORS, V, P. 608.

a? N. L, Chatterii, OP. Cit. P 1e6'
4g Vansitiolt 6aiil thst the Na$ab had stEyed frr behina

brtile becBuso oi his 'koo\'!D timidity' (lI' P' 18?l'

49 Seit-uI-Mutlqherin, P' 441'
50 OP Cit., P, 166'
 OORKIII BECOMES KI!{GDOff OF Ntr?AL t63

The Maokwanpur ridgo dominated tho Valley of Kuns

(Kirkpatriok Pp, 24-26). Stretegictlly it wss an important
outllost that tho GorkLalis had lost to tho Nawab's forces eo
they could certainly not afford to reeign themselves to the
idea of giviog it up as lost for good. This victory of Gurgin
Khau, howei,er, prorled shortlived, as tbe ridgo could not be
retoinod for mole than tv/onty-four hours on acoount of a
surprise and fferce aseault by the Gorkha troop€rs ol1 th6
encampment.sl Rather, the evonts folloving were so full
of oonsequences that they led to the ffnal withdrawal of
the entire expeditionary forco. Tired dter tbe day'e
olgagement the Nawab's forces were at the ridge below
the fori, They were reloxing in a mood of fearlessness and
also uamindful of the dangers that lay ahead of them. ft
'rras a dark fight, (Khulaaat, JBORS, V, P 608) and in those
hours to lie care.free in a state of fatigue end rel&xation va,B
not without risks. The account of the I(tzlooal further aotae
tha,t the men lay unguardod beca.uso they felt that tho
enomy had retre&ted fsr bebind. And all of them were taken
un&warea by ao eneuy who was watchful a,nd sgile. Thie wae
inevitable. Ono could not suppose Prithvinaray&n& to aot
othorwise than to tok€ advantago of tho hour whilo his enemy
rtra,E most indiffer€nt to his own security. Panic prevailed in
the ranks of Gugin Khan's regimerts as tho Gorkhalis swooped
down on thern from the hoight of the ridge. Tho attack lator
ou came from all directions including Tu,plakhar and old
Mackvanpur es the enemies learnt of their helpless condition,
Tbey wero mercilessly treated and stones, missileB and arrcwg
were thrown on them, and as the Gorkhalis cams to giye them
o hand to hand 6ght thoy were hit by musket bolte. The
narrator of lhe Kkul,asat writing l&ter on notes thst the entiro
rogiment in occupation of tle ridge was brutally smashed and
offaced out. Only a few sr)uls oonld return to toll the sonowful

51 Priihvin:ir.y&ns got the nswr o[ the Ns.\pab s loroer beitrg insiil€

Maokwsnpr! iD _ElnrnaloEdi. flom , lettcr to him ileteil Magho sudi I rgj
Sunilay 1819 Vs (Jonua,ry, 1763).
164 MODfRN NEPAL

tale of the defeat and aonihilation to Curgin Khan who wae

enormpiug at the foot of the hill. A good tleal of ammunition
aleo fell into the hands of ths Gorkheli ffght€rs.
T:be Klula" does not give the drto of th6 battls. It rnas
eaid thet Gurgin Khan took his invading force into tbe interior
of the Kurra valley sometime duriDg Dccember of 1762. But
it ws8 6sid thst the battle took place on 6th of Rajab as noted
by ?arihh-i. Mtnfiari. (p. 782 &B quoted by N. L. Chatterji).st
A Nepaleae chroniole statee that Mir Kasim wae routed on
Saturclay ghati night) Pausa I of Faka lf84 (laet weeli of
12
Decombor of 1762) 5! But another noting givea Pausa 27 at
the d&to of invasiot, aod, Magha l0 as the date of final defeat
of Glurgin Khan.
According to the chroniclc tbe Gorkhalis under Kazi
Bansaraj Pande, Harkya Pant, Jivashah, Nahar Sinha Basnait,
f.ehar Sinha Basnait, Ram Krirhia Kuwar, Bangya Basnait
and others met the eaemy aftor seven days of the latte-'s Erst
attaak whioh was being reeisted for full.soven days by the
local garrison ($aka 1684 Pausa 27 Maghq. otdi 8 ro7 6). About
1700 of Gurgin Khan's troops were killed in a,ction and 400-
500 gune capturcd. On the Gorkhali side the c&su&lty was
25/30 killed, Two ofrccre Nan(u and Asa Bhandari werr
killed. But the invading force wae totally routed.
ft tbat sfter dislodging the enemy from thc ridgo
&ppe&r8
on Mqho,/0 Tuesday (last week of Jaouary), the dcfender-.
pursueil tbem in t\e Yalley ss far &s the stretch of the Btitri
Madosh (inuer Torai).
The iuvasion was undertaLen at the inetauco of I[ir Kesim
wbo ooted under advice of Curgin Khan end Raja Sukh Lnl
who wos then the hcad of the Nawab's army intelligence.s I
The Nawab took an eraggerated view of the noturfll
Fosoulces of Nepal, of its Sold and silver and r.lied too
much on his nowly constituted army whose cor[petence

6, N. L. Ch4tterji, op- cit, P. 163

53 fhs dete i6 ilrcgula!
54 Also Suir il-Mataqheri ,P.147
 OOBf,E! BECOUES TINGDOU OT NEPAI, 105

was ovorr&tod but which yet had to be tested (VsDsittart

II, P. 185).55 There was a difrerenco of opiuion ia his
court whilo this question camo for coneideraiiou, and o
section h&d advisod him &g&inst undortsking the invasion or
do so only in coll&bor&tion with tho British pho too hsd their
eyes on tho tressures of Nepal and wore eoeking an oppo unlty
in cootemplotiou of the invorion. Vansittart who *w the
Nawab at about this time strongly &dvis€d egafu8t the erpedi
tion (Khulaaat). But the Nawab would not listen to the
advice dissuadiag him from the path of aggresrion.6 ! By way
of adventur€ he aleo want€d to test the ospacity of tho armn
for which he thought the Eilit&ry engegomente in tho hillg
rould provido suitable occaeion. Probably he had also in
mind troubles with the British if their co-opemtion was
sought and so felt that the question of a joint attack did not
arise. According to Khuhsat (and Abs..PLRp. lg) thc Nawab
vas roported to havo been planuing invasion to oonquer the
territory for himsolf as hie. spptit€ for more tomitories was
wbetted while he found himsolf in poseoeeion of Champaran
and Bettia Bometi.Ee earlier without a hard ffght (.Kialaect,
JBORS, V. P. 608). Ee hrd also taken a very light viow of
his Mackwanpur campaign. Ifs had no ideas of the immenss
difliculties of ffgbtiog in the hill terrein, but rather harboured
an illusion that his general and army would find it an easy taak
to subdue tho mountaiaeers.
This war greatly humbled the Nawab (Illula.aat, JBOR8 V,
P. ti08). In the 6ght ho lost a substantisl portion of his
newly organised army according alrc to Mula4hztin (p. U71.az
arrd more than that he lost all his aspirationa aud ambitions.
tr'eeling thoroughly discredited he now came to patua.5 !
Gurgiu Khan, the montor behind the invasion, was equally

55 Seit-ul ,Vetaqherin,fi, P. .t4l

5A MuzaffN-narnah, P.38.1, os quotod by N. L. Chrtterji
57 Mnzf4 ama,P.93b, qEoteil by N. L. Chrtterjt
.. 6l Scir-ul Mutoqhetin. lbiil ; ,Rjrz-aJ-Sarirrz, p.296 ; N. L. Ohathrjt
lbid, Op. Cir.
166 MODTRN NEPAL

diaor€dited and for fear of courting the Nawab's disple*sure

would not oome to him and he at long last wont to the Na,w&b
only on porsuasion after a good deal of ontreaties and promiae
of pardon. Mir Kasim had now for good givon up any idea of
invosion ia that qurrter. Thorsfore Gurgiu Khau wes s6nt to
bido his time onywhere he liked.
AB N8ndel&l Chatterji puts it, the campaign was ill-managed
an<l itl.judgoit and hasty, aDd the r*utts were what they
should hove been in the circumstonoes.5 e
golw Burli l:Taeday, 26 January, 1762
Io, a laller of M
to Romakrishna Kuar Prithviuarayana Shah observed that
on Magha Tadi 2 Wednesday = l3 January, 1762 Mackwanpur
was besiegod but only one outpost hod fallen to Gurgin Khau'
detechmont. But two outposts wore etill re8isting a,nd ulti-
mat€ly thess performed their wonders. The Nawab'B forcos
rere in l{arnam Garbi. Tho Kuar was asked to maintain
vigilance ancl be in q etate of preparation for any contingency
(From a copy in possession of Baburam Acharya).o o
In tho estimats of chroniele the GlorLbalie obtained as prize
of viotory, ffeld guns, handgren*des and .l-500 matchlooks.
The Nawab'e forcos were in oomplete disarray and had
loft thoir camp abandoning all their weapons. They had left
in panic.
But this was o lorge gairr for Prithvinarayana Shah, and
he had gainod in moral and matorials to tho ertent the
Nawab had loet them. The Nawab's defeat was s leBson to
alt the intenrling invaders from the plains. Every ono of
them now wos compelled to think thrice before venturing to
iuvade the hills. And tho Rajae in the hills thought that
they wore no match ag&inBt an enemy rvho could defoat a
powerful monarcb of Bengal. Later while he became the
m&stor ofthe Yalley of Nepal Prithviner&yana ioscribed an
eulogy of himsolf in a stele, &nd thoro said that he achieved a
glorious victory over Mir Kasim.
59 Mir Kasim, Pp. 1?0-71
60 Prblished by hiln ir LPN. lL
 GOBI.TA BECOUES X,INODOM Or NEPAL t67

BLOCKADE OT TEE NEPAL VALLEY

The three sides of the valley were already blocked. Now
the Gorkhalis were plugging the eastern eide. Eirrlier thoy
had to Iay a siege of theso areas because the inhabitants were
reluotant to suu€nder. In Dhulikhel there w&s a heavy
fighting and Chaukot wae on fire so that Gorkhalis were com-
pelled to retroat. Prithvi had attaoked on other spots also-
His objectivo was to blockade Bhatgaon from the eastern and
\south-eastorn side. At this time, he also croated. new com-
panies of the armed forces, calliug them Srinath, Sabuj,
. Gorakhnatl5 Kalibux and Barbajabani. The Sarduljung
compa,ny was kept at the palaco to guard the King.
Now the Velley of Nepal was completely blocked. prithvi-
naraya Shah orected temporary shelters of deforce on almost,
all ridges of importance and tho thoroughfares leading to these
rvere oarefully guarded.
From one of hie Ietters it appears that the blookado wap
st,rictly enforced and in Jhat eourse he would not even permib
tho traders from Bhatgaoir to conduct their business from
Banepa. (See his letters dated Vs 1822 Srauann aail,j 1(ts6:
Friday, 12 July, 1766 and Marga oadd 5.6.)at The docree
ordering blockade enjoinod on the soldiery to prohibit ontry
of rvool, ootton and ealt into the Valley, the breaeh of which
was punished with death.
While ono army was fighting Gurgin Khan, another wing
was engaged in occupying certoin moro hillocke' and villager
of the Valley viz. Pharping, Chobar and panga, yot a third
had to deal with the ruler of Lamjung whom the Gorkhalie
defeated in two engagemente in Saka l68E:1768 at Lakaug
and Chyamidand. But at this time he had aleo once moro to
face the formidable force of the Chaubisis.
Accordiug to the chronicle the Chaubisis wero lying in
wait from their baies at Harmi, Dhuwakot, Chyangli, Mirkot,
Deorali and Lakang. There was a, general mobilisation of all
6l Tho latter ilato is irregular. But it was written in the samo year.
108 f,ODEBN lCf,PAL

the peoplos of the aroa oo Gorkha s eide and overyono below

0O and iUove 12 ioineit tho frght' Sur Pratep
commanded
Gorkba'e 8000 meu. According to the chronicle tho Gorkhalie
fought the Chaubisie once again at the Chyamdanda on Sa&o
1685 Chairro, g. The defendor of Gorkha, Kazi Iianarudra
Shah, had already organisod defsnce snd was giving stiff
resistrnoe to tho invaders noar Lakang before roinforoement
arrived.
In all the eng&gemonts that fotlowsd, Sura Pratap, who was
the principal commander in the ffght and had been givcn tho
rank of a Kazi gave & defest to tho Chaubisis ot Chaitra oail'i
roj I=Suoday, I April, 1764 and Prithvinarayana being higbly
ploased arrd impressetl by his military ekill trausferrcd him to
th6 eastotn soctor to inr&do Chaukot, Dhulikhel, Banepa and
Panauti, which wore occupied on Saka 1685, Kartih II (U63
ond of November) anil subsequent alates' Thc capture of
Sango ritlge brought them face to fooe to nesr the Yalley
of
Nopal on the oa,stern eido. Sanga was conquort cl on (Soko
1685 Eartiko 14):27 October, 1763. According to aoother
cbroniole thie occorred on Kartiba 10. Tho Gorkhali lost an
able commandor by name Jahangir Sheh in Sanga in a battle
fought at about tho seme timo. At midnight of the same day
Ranikot and Nala were rea'dily occupied' fn the ancounter
ihey killed 300 mendicante (Nagas) cbo came to fi3ht on
Jayaprakasa's sido. Jayaprakasa had come to tho &ssist&nce
of Bhatgaon on tbe lattor's call. It shonld be known that
ag Gorkha iocreased its military pressure on the valley of
Nepal, the ruler of Kathmandu brought all sorts of men to
6ght for him. The mendio&nts wero commonly employed as
ooltliors by feudal rulers of India. It wos eaid tha't Jaya-
prakasa could oot use them in 6ght th&t took pl&co in tho
valloy. Thoir entrY was blocked.
These were a carofree, bold and ovaricious people apparently
givon to renunciation, but engoged in all sorte of antisocial acti-
vitios as occasions ueeded. The Sannyasis were scattered &ll
over northern Intlia. But thoy operated moetly in frontier
 OORXEA BAOOUEA XINODOU OE I{EPAL 169

legion€. Tho cbrouicle Bt&tes tha,t Jayaprakasa could enliet

tho Nagas on bis sido becaueo of oort&in l&adlords of the
Terai who had enoity ogeinst the Kin! of Gorhha. As we
know it, Jayaprakaso had also in hie army aliens catled Naga,r-
kotiee, meroenaries l'rom the Sutlej baain, whg hrd fought the
Gorkhalis in Kirtipur.

A few days further, on }(artilw 2 oqitri ztoj f=Monday,

7 November, 1763 the Gorkhalis ceptured Pharping. Tvo d&yg
later they could occupy Bisankhu, which gave them an adeau-
tsgeou8 position to intereept co;tact8 botweoa Patan ond
Bhatgaori. A letter of Prthvinarayrna co:rffrms th6 occope-
tion of Bieankhu before Samvat 1828 Plwlquno tudi roj 1=
Sunday, March, l, 1767. The dato on which it was rrritton
from Changu. Earlier on Bhoilro 2 =Taesd,ry 4 August,
1764 Chobar, a ridge oo the Bagmati which overlooks Pat&n
on the other eide, was Eeized. A lettar to Boli Pautha dated
Aeoirut, Suili 2 roj 3:iwaday, 17 Soptomber, 1766 states thot
Pharping w&s c&ptured and ffve days a{ter thie Chobar and
Panga, an{ thereafter tho Gorkha ruler ordered hie troops to
plunder tbrt part of tho valley which lay to tho pest of the
Bagmati under Patan.
This was a prelude to the- l,hird ottaok on Kirtipur, for
which preparationa r /ere beiug made sith the baao at
Dabaohok. ft was going to bo the last ditoh 6ght aud tho
Gorkhalis were dotermined to fi.nish it to auoceeq For 12
yoar8 Kirtipur had reeisted invaeion fruetrating every design
of the enemy. The two 6ghts waged earlior by tho Gorkhalie
for the capture of tho fort of Kirtipur hed failed. So all tho
seriousnelg on this occaeion was in eyidenco on tho side of the
ianaderg. But Gorkha at thie timo was thrort€nod suddonly
by the Britieh who wsnfod to ponstrsts to tho Nopol volley
to protect ths ruler of Kathmandu, If Prthvinarayona wrs
dofeated by ths Britieh his dresm of briildirg up a eizoablo
Kingdom in tho Eimirlsyss would have boer shattorod.
Beforo the threat appoarod io tho shape of ths forward
r70 MODERN NEP L

msrch of the coloni&l army of tho ia the Terai, whicb

Britbh
matlo ths Gorkhalis ooncentr&to in their strategy to meet ll
Prthvinarayana ver buay intriguing in tho political scone
of the valley. Ee was trying his utmost to wiu over men in
important. statio[s of life thon rerving tbo rulers of tha
valley Lingdoms. He vas aleo playing his own geme to 8ow
tbe eeed8 of discord emoog them. tf the.v cruldnot chauge
thoir fealty to J&y&pr&ka8a thoy would at least rernain divided-
hithvinarayana waa uEing all meane, fair or foul, to achieve
this end.
According to I lotter of Prithriosrsy&ns addregsed to Bams
Krena Kuar on Jgoatha oaili Troj 7 - Saturday, May, 1765
(LP\ 3. p. d53) it is eaid thot Mudikbu w&B then captured aB
Esri Khedka with hi8 eon ond 20-25 others surondered.
Ifari Khadka 165 -eo of Mudikhu wore kept under
"od
detontion in Nookot. Chamuaingh Kawar, Gajadhar and
LaLemi Siugh also surrendered. Thoy were teken to Noakot
and l3 of them wore atso detained. Tokha, ca,me to be
occupied obout tho eame time. Gokarna was still saved by
tho oombined force of Patan and Bhatgaon. But the aroa
war being surrountled, It was suggested tbat if Gokarna
was conquered then it would be easy. to capture Changu anil
Sanlhu. It &ppoars that tho are& etill remained with the
Malla ruler of Kathmandu.
The letter further informed that the rulers of Bhatgaon
and Kathmandu along with Kazi Devidaga of Patan met at
Gubyesveri. Dhauevanta did not attend the mooting becauso
of certaiu differenoe of views. The two rulers plodged to
support each other sgainEt the GorLhalis.
Prif,Ivinarayana Etstod that he would soize tho fort of
Gokarns within two or threo d&ys of the tlato of tho rrritirg
of tho lottor. Ee acknorledgos the information that tbe
addrossee was abls to pueh back Lamjung but Palpa was
trying to bo aggreeeivo onil wag &bout to attack Gulmi.
Ramabrtna Kuar wag odvisod to keop the rutsr of Tanhou in
humour.
 GOBf,EA BEOOUES EII{ODOII OR NEP.AL t7l
Becauso of tho thr€st of Lamjung snd other ststos of
Chaubiei Prl.hvins,rayana atways kopt himsalf iu readiness to
meot their &ttaak whenever it came.
In Epite of their roslisetion of Prthvin&ray&D;'s triole aurt
doublo doaling, the Chaubisi romaitrod Bplit to tho oDd.
This was the resson thet the ruler of GlorLbe could for himself
win laurcls &ftor laur€l8 of victory and addod ners torritories
to hie kingdom.
The abovo msntioned Kazi Dhanavanta la.ter went to
Dahachok tq live with the Clorkha ruler. Eo divulged all
secrets and koy reourity of the palaoe bf paten to
hthvinarayaua for which he wag made Kazi and gu&r&nt6ed
permanent protection. I{ig eon was aoda Khan Xharoa*
moaning royal privste, wbo enjoyed froe aoooss to palaco,
This man, Tribhuvano, made Kezi by Rana, Bahadur
functioned ae miniet€r of tho oabinst. One of his eisters was.
said to \avo beon a concubino of pratap Simha and mothor
ofthe two Chautar&s, Yidor Shah aatl Sher Bahsalur Shah.
Friondship of Parasuram Thapa did not cost hithvinarayaua
Shah anything, but it eerved hie multifarioue prrpo"u", Io
the firet place it was a guara,ntoo of Bhatgaon's neutr&lity
in his disputo with K&thma,ndu, bitter as the Thapa Omreo,
was pith Jayaprakoeamalla over hir oldor brother's murder.
Secondly as ono time citizen of Gorkha he could take pride
in tho aohievemonts of tho Gorkhalis who were iaflioting
dofe&ts otr tho Rejae of othor principalities. This might noi
actually load tho Thopa to go oyer to Gorkha's sido. But it
w&E e,ertain that he would not holp Gorkha,r enemios as
well.
Peychologicatly his framo of mind was eueceptible to au appe&l
by the Gorhhalis for their commou causo. To prithyinaravana
Shah tho Thapa oommandor of Bhatgaon appear"d onJwho-
oould be influenood. Therefore the Gorkho ruler playeil the
four olassio policios of etato on him. Eis letter of Aeailha euili
12 rqj l=Sundey, 30 June, 1766 is an erample o[ how prithvi-
nsrayana used all stretegeme to draw the man to his side, *ho
ho thought was eo pliable thon.
t72 MODEBN IIXP.'.I]

The letter sterts to praiso Psrasursm for his ffdelity to

the princip&lity which had given him salt. It adds that
though. "you are of lhe vert, Kathmandu gsve your fa[her
grostness. Wo rppreoi&to your Ioyalty to Jayaprakaaa. You
rmote Beyera,l Iettorr fron Naldum aaking for forgivoness,
althrough the timo when Dalamardan was in Pstsn. But
vhefe i8 tho quostion of pardon when you did not commit a
rcrisre ? Whon Kasirom wos tilled, you eDtered Bbatgaon,
Then you and our lbrcee oaptured Noldum. Your enmity is
'against Jayaprakaga and not sg&ihst K&thmendu's indepon-
donce. We thought that you would mov6 to K&thm&Ddu as
Joyaprakasa is removod from the scen6. It was your bounden
duty to defond to the best of your ability snd thig was correct.
If you havo eaten of our selt then alone you would have been
doubted e8 a traitor.
"But you have not even drunk our wator. Whatover you did
to Bplit our caEp, crunot bo condemned by any standerd,
"But do not be afraid of me. You must rogt &sEured about
your safety in coming bere. But do dot hove further oorrss-
p,ondonoe if you do not want to cons to ue, Good men tell
lies only if & $o&t purpose is r orved and not ovor petty
{tr&irs". Prithvin&r&yaD& ofers teEpt&tion with throot 'If
Jou think your &ssooiation with the Nopal Yalloy is to be over,
thea como quickly. But if you want to follow Kathmandu
to it8 death thon etoy on as you like. Bettor lato than uerer.
Kathmondu's fall is inovitablo. Then you will have no option
'but to come to our sid€. But you must coEo in tim6 aE ve
surnmon you. Therre ic an instance of doloyed sctiotr. Ilsri
KhadLa was promieed a reward of e00 worth of Jagir,
Rs. 600 in ossh and an elephant. He aeeur€d that he would
'retum on a partioular day. Then his delxrtue wat put ofr
3 timos. Bot on JayapraLasa's poreussioa he could not leavo
Kathmandu. Ee was, howevor, compellsd to surrender at
Mudikbu. The eamo might happ€n to you. Tho Khadke is
.sp&rod, Blthough there was r protr)osal to kill him, You must
tak6 a lesEon from this inoident, although ovon if you come
 GORTEA BtrCOUES EINODOM OF I{!PAI, l7&
ss prisonor, ye shsll provide miitrtenanoo to you, But if you
join our eide totlay, you will bo giveu an honouablo posL
(Jagir). I pant you to msks s distinct contribution to tho
oapture of Kathuraadu, Kathok bad told me about you, I
keep thie iu mind and this is tho best evidonce of my promiae.,
Parasuram Thapa did uot egree with Prithvinarayane Shah
&nd thor6for6 ho had to floo ooce the letter w&s in control of
Nepal valloy, Conceptions of patriotiso difered between ttro
two: while Prithvinarayaua bolioved thst Pararuram Thapa.
would perform a patriotic duty if be desert€d the Malla rulor
of Bhatgaon, the latter felt oll tho more attached to his King
bocaueo he had eaten his edt. Oorkha was his birth-plaoo,.
but whethor he could idontify this place with hie mothor, he
had no clear idoas.
In any caso tho two woro et difrereut poles, end in spito
of Prithvinarayana's lxrsuasion, thrests &nd cajolry, tho Thapa.
had not sunonderod to him.
Time vent by and they remained apart. pritbvinareyaar
had to wage his war without Poraeuram. fn caso of surreaddr
what f&te rould hlve waited him tro body knows. prithvi-
Darayane Shah wes not alwaye kind to the enemios rho
Burrondersd to botrey their mast6r.
A letter written by Prithvinarayana to Bali panth* ol
Tuesday, 16 Soptember, l66E (.{ soiru euiti Z rq
J) statrs that
after Pharping was captured by tbe Gorkhalis, two moro
villagos, Panga snd Chobar had surrendered. Bali pantha
who was in the command in the sast norr Dhulikbol wag askod
to coDsult the sstrologers as to the attsck on Krbhrekot
Nomira, Phulbari auil Dapcha. These viUagos lio on a straight
line from vest to e&st. The King informs B&li psnth& thst
the forcee in the Nepal Yalley would bcgia plundering the.
the crope after the erpiry of the Dossi festivel (in autumn),
The harvosting of crops in tho valloy ie done earlier than in
the €ast. Prithvinarayanr Baid th&t they would havo done.
their rork by tho 8th or 7th day b Kartiha. Iheroaftor they
would be sy&ilable to Bsli Pantha.
t74 MODEE1Y NAP,AL

Accordidg to this letter Panga onil Chobar hud already

'
been captured beforo l0 September, 1665, preparation was
afoot to attack Kabhre, Namura and Dapcha.
Aftor tlriving away Gurgin Khan the Oorkhalis ocoupied
sll territories rouod tho valley of Kathma,ndu &long the
Mahabharata ridge pierciog aleo into the valley ofthe Rosi
Khola (river) tbrough Biabar down bolow tho Phulohok hill.
About this timo Panaiuti and Khopaai wero throatened by
the Gorkhalie who had advliced to that aroa from north-
oast a,nd south-oast. It took gome tihe to enatch Khopasi
and Pannauti. These two m&rts in tho south-oestcrly routo
from tho Bhatgaon to Sintlhuli vere imPortant from trsde
point of viow. Ihe ruler of Bhatgaon had provided etrong
guards to defend the merts' But we shall ffid s little later
th&t they were wrested by the Gorkalis from Bhatgaon in no
timo auil without muoh ofort. The two marts foll to the
invadors eome time in 1765. Now the valloy of Nepal wa8,
totally blocketl from all eides.

DALMAIT,DAN IN PATAN
The capture of Chitlang aud farthsr north-wast' tho
torritorios, under P&tan providing cotton had dopriYed the
poople and traderg of Patan of valuable raw materialg for
their manufaoture of oloths and their spindles and weaving
machinee were reudered idle. Tho aoblomen of Paten ranted
to get ritl ofthe ilifEculty by ofroring. the tbrone to Prithvi-
trerayana,. But ono could not trust the mioist€r8 sithout
courting risk, which Prithvi had no deeirc to do in tho ciroum'
Btences. A coiu of Prithvinarayena thah with date Eska 1686
ie available. Acoording to S. U. Joshi the omblems iu tho
coiu follow the usual p&ttern of Pst&o coinege epecially the
legetd Lobanalha.o 2 This suggests accortliug to Baburam
Acharya that Prithvinareyana Shah had issued coine to oom-
memor&to his aseocistioD with Pat&n's crown nor hold by

62 Metrtioneil ia iasrlr)a Mu*a,p,716

 GORKE-A BEOO,UEA rINODOII OT NEPAT, u6
fris brother. It is surmis€d that Prithvinarayans himself
-was eagor to bo seatod on the thtone of Patan and seouro
advantago io order to annerthe kiagdom to lul6l hir largor
.expansionist desiga. But there vss a risk involved aud the
ruler of Gorkha heeitated to be diroctly involved in Patan as
its own ruler. Prithvi therefore sent his brother Dala,mardan
to Petan to beoome ita kiag. Thero is a coiq issued in his
name of date 88tr:I764.68 But Dalamardan wae not giv.en
povers; nor he could take any Gorkhali advicers. Tho
Gorkhalie had uo free &coe8s to tho aree- Therofors thero
'was little chauce of rtconeilietiotr a8 to tho problem of importe
'of ealt and cottor to Patan. In this etBosph€ro of distruat
tbere was tittle that hithvinarayana oooid do for ths relief
.of the peoplo of Patan.
fn a lotter addrossod to Ramkriena
Kuat on BMra suili
7 roj 6:fuiday,23 August, 1765 itthat the Kanchhe
was ssid
{youugeat) Chautara Delmardan Shah was 8ubjocted to
insults sDd.humiliation by men of Kathmandu, Bhaktapur and
Kirtipur.br Ee was living in the house of Kazi Dhanavsot
juet with two attendsnts. The Kiog of Kathmandu was
prossiDg the ministors to hand Dalamard&n oyor to him. But
they rofused to comply rith his wiehes, Tho mioisten of
Pat&tr w&ntod to keep Drlamardau stripped of ovorytbing
bofore he was entbmnod. Now tho Oorkhalie could also reaob
tho vioinity of Paton and Ketbmendu without facing aoy
interception. Yot Kirtipirr was tho only hurdle left. Eowevsr,
as Panga,, snd N&gaou olose on tho heels ofthiE fortros8 wsro
occupioil, it w&s thought thet Kirtipur would not be ablo to
st&nd the nert aesrult. So evory €frort pae made, aud all
possiblo rosources voro diroctod to achievo tho objoctive of
securing oonquost of th&t ridgo. Kirlipur wa,s attackod for
the second time in 1764. The forces were commended by
Daljit ShaL, Surapratapa snd Panth&. But as in 1757 tho
Gorkbalis wore heavily dofoated. Tho fortress was blocked
63 Walsh, Pr. VI. 13
64 The date aorr€rponds to Friilay, 93 August, 1765
t70 IIODEBI{ ITEPAI,

from ell sides. So an attempt was made to scale the walls.

The invadere wanted to asaault the fort. One of the arrowe
hit Surap:atapo's loft eyo. He was efforded treatment by
Father Michael Angelo. Daljit Shah forrnd his head broken.
Ee, howevor, fortunately eurvived, The date of the attack is
givea Barwat Saka 7686 man. Dinagata 4 Asrtina, aaili, 6 roi f
=Sunday, lQ Septembor,lT64 as the day of defeat. On botb
the oooaeions the Gorkhali forces were advised by Balakrishna
Jaisi. It said that Kuiananda Dhakal, another astrologer,
had gone to Gorkha being disgusted with Prithvinarayana for
the lotter's refusal to act rrp to his foreeast whioh had led to
defeat and disaster. According to the chronicle Jayaprakasa
wanted to make uii his position by reoapturing the Sanga ridge ,

end river valloys on the other sido and the seven towns. The
Kathmandu ruler schemed to play his strategy immediately
af.ter his viotory in Kirtipur.G
5 ' According to the noting in thc
Eailwaapralcasam,a gmtraaarryraha (p.376) one Bagha Singh who
was eeid to bs the Sardor of Naga,rkotis died in couree of a
fight, whicl, tho Gorkhalis waged at uight in Naldum. Bagla
Singh was seot to Naldum about t'he time the Gorkalie wete
defeated ab Kirtipur for the second time. The Sardar had
already capturod 2 or 3 military outpoets of the Glorkhali.
dofondors. But the timely reinforcement sont by Prithvi-
n&r&y&n& reaching thero savod the situation. Tho fort va:
surroundod on all sides by the Glorkclis, and as a roeult
Jayaprakasa's design was frustrated. It was said .that the
officers, Kazi Tularama Pande, Earivtnsopadhya Adhikari
and Prabhumalla and their mon received 13 awarde from-
their master for their 8ucce88.
After this on Saka 1687 maaa 2,
ilinogata 21 Jgeotha rsaitri
6 rui 6, the Gorkalis ceptured Lutikot. The sams offcers bad.
led the attack. The date in termg of Jyeatlw, ooili 6 roi 6
&grees with Friday, l0 May. But this ia 31 ilhagata of moao I
in terme of the solar' year whereas tho chronioler aays that.
it ie r*aaa 4 (Jyeetlw).
65 Eitihasikapatrasamgraha, I, p. 26
 OOBEE.I SEOOUES (IXODOT OF NEPAL 117

Prithvinareyana Shah had onco ogain to faco attasks on

hia rsostorn 8snk. Iakhajung was hvrd€d by Laml'.g.
Tho chroniclo Et&t€6 tbat in Augurt, 1766, the Chaubiei
made au ottack on Clorkha md preered on a pteco oalled
Lakhoug or Lakhajung e 8trat€gic ridgo on ths border.
Aooording to tho ohroniole th6 Glorkhalis oounter-attaoked
Lalhojung, and defosted th6 onemy oa YS IBZS ouaa 6
ilinagata 16 Sotnaoara: Monday, 26 August, l?66. The dotc
ie regular and the faci ig moro or less corrost. But from a
lettarc E written to Srikrsna Pathak by Prithyinsrayans on
Amina tsadi 7 roX' .5 - Thursday, 26 Septenber, 1766 it ap1nare
thst victory over the Ch&ubisi was achieyed on Awhta 12
Weilnuailay - 24 Septomber, 1707 "while the enemios had beon
erpellod from Lakbajung twelve of them were Lillod, and all
the invaders were c8ught. It might be thot tbo countsr-
ottack had taken plaeo on tho oarlier occassion but th6
Clorkhalis repulaetl it oo the lator dote. With this viotory
Prithvinarayana found tbat tbo Chaubieis wsre at leset ourbed
for eome timo and he waa getting rospito from th6ir ooc&ssioDsl
throots ond provocetions. This ensbled him to devote hie
ontire att€ution to the problem of the couquest of the g oitie&
of tho Nepal valley. We hay.e geen thet BiDce I?62, kithvi-
narayana's forces had desoended to. the velloy and ocoupied
eome marginal ploces. By l766.though oftpn diotpatod,
hithvinarayana aoqoired nore poseessions, some quite adisoont
to the cities. But ws hear that a year later whilo Kinloch
.

was on his way to Sintlhuli, placos liko Sitspail&, MutliLhu,

Tohho, Gokarns, a,nd other plaoes quito in the vioinity of
Kathmandu had been oaptured. Yet vithout Kirtipur the
road to the conqueat of tho cspital citios of Kathmaudn antl
Patan vould aot be cleared.

66 Folelg! l{lEl.t!, Atohlye!

 r78 UODXRN I{EPAL

FALL OF KIR,TIPUR,
Meanwhile unnindful of the sttitude of tho Briti8h &goutB
in India Prithvinarayan& proceeded to ca,rry out his main taek
' of ocnquoring th€ throo cities of the Nepal valley. The valloy
had boon long bosiegetl. The Gorkhalis were &t the very gate
of the trro citiee of Patan aud Kathmaadu by.September,
'1767. Itsja, Jayeprakaaa undanntingly etood to the last to
s&v6 his oapital, but now all was ovor. Yot Kirbipur was
tho hurdls.
Tho socond wing of the Gorkhali army camo at closo
.quartor vith Kirtipur, which lros virtuolly besieged from all
sides. No aid oould roaoh ths fort from outside. Tho in-
habitautg wore suffering from e Bhortage of foodgtuff at the
moment. We havo seen how iu Ootober, l76t the battle
turned against the Gorkalis who woro themselves much er-
aspratod ond had rotired to Dahachok after smtaining severo
casualtiee. But the blockod fortress could not carry on f<rr
loug a,nd after r protractod hardsbip for throo years surron-
dcred to the conqueror. Their patienco had been exhaustod.
Kirtipur had contained the invador for l7 yeare. Nor thoy
submitted. According to tho chroniolo the fort rurendered
oD. ,wEb Ohaitra Sublo 9 (night) of Saka 1687. Tbie ia
Wdilueedoy. fu a long psper contsing d&tes of evento {oreca,Bt
by Kulauanda Dhakal aad eubmittetl by his descondanto to
King Rojendra Yikrams Shoh the dato of tho ontry of the
Gorkhalie into tbe fort ere& i8 mentioned sa Saka 1687 9haitra
3 Buillntsara-Wodnenday, 12 Merch, U66. Thc Gorkhalis
€ntored et 17 ghaii prst after Eunset ot midnight.
Tho chronicle eays that the inva.der oould not scale tho
wells of the fortroge. But conditioa within was serious. llhe
lnoplo wero tirod a.ud erhausted. Kazi Silhwal who ras tho
commander of the fort invitod tho Gorkhalis to enter the
fort st night, This time Kirtipur was attacked with o lar.ger
number ofmon under erperioncod ofrcere euch as Bomsaroj
 OOBTEA Bf,OOMES EIXODOI OT NNP.IL u0
Pondo and Tularam Paude.o ? Thig timo also thoy had not
to rotre&t, bnt they wsiteal tigbtening tho blochatle, rhile
oogotistion went on for tho eurrsndot of the fort. Kaai
Bamseraj Pando was the priaoipal commauder. But RamaLrsna
Kuar had orh,ibited ortraordinary courago ead ranilered
eignal service. Accordiug to & royal lottor he obtainetl tho
utmost crodit for his courage and leader'ship in operatious both
in Sindhuli and Kirtipur.
Accordiug to father Josoph (Asiatio Researches, Vol III)ot
tho surreudcr was mede on the &Bsurancs given by tho king
of Gorkhn that thero 'rill be general amnerty', ahioh howev€r,
ho broke and as a roprisal orderod 'a gonoral massaore of tho
proud defenders and had their nogos cut oS.' The fsther claims
that he'with his own eyes raw all what hepponod to th6
uobility and peoplo of Kirtipur. But tho Btory of atrocitiss
committed by the Gorkhalis was muoh exaggeratod.
X'ather Joseph was a fruetrated man nriting in Bettia shere
ho hod retired ofter boing expelled from the Nopel valley. Eo
wos not & disilrtorested eye witaess.
Joseph roportod (ibid, pp.318-19): "But two doyc after-
warde Prithvinarayana we{t st Nay&cuta (o long day's journoy
dist&nt) issued an order to Suruparatne, his brothor, to put
to d€ath Bomo of the prinoipsl inhabitont8 of th6 tow!, &[d
to cut off ths no86s and lips of overy one ovon the itrfants,
who were not found in tho arms of thei! motherE ; ordoring st
tho s&me time &ll tho nogos &nd lips, whioh had bo6n out oq
to bo pr€seryoal, th&t ho might a,scerc&iD how mrny souls thoro
wers, and to ohango the uamo of tho town into Naskatapur,
which signiffes the town o[ out-noses ; tho order wag cartiod
into bxecution with overy mark of honor and cruolty, none
escaping, but thoso who cbuld play on win<I instrumontst
although f,'ather Miohael Angolo, who without knowing that
ench an inhuman soone v&s then erhibited, had gono to tho
houso of Surupsratna, iutorceiled mucb, in favour of tho poo[

6? Asviaa vatli 5 rol 4 (-r.istat6 tor,Srdr, W€ilac.ilay, Ootobe S, 1(16)

68 Giuseppe in Asirtio Rosolloheo lo!,rciluod io Ktrkprtrlot.
t80 [ODEBlt INPIL

inhabitouts; many of them put au end to thoir lives in

dcspair; others oame in great bodios to us ir eosroh of
Eodioinoq and it was most ehooking to res ao meny living
1leoplo with their teoth and nosos resembling the skulls of the
iteceasoil.' This otory of troso outting ir also given by Oldield,
(I, p.272) as if it wag e great 6vent. Tho chroniole also
supporta this report and eays that the total woight of nosos
aad eora chopped ofr wae about 1700 dhamig (f0xU00-
17,000 lbs.). Bot this seoms unduly exogger&ted aud a hir
torisn h&s to be oautioug in giving crodeneo to such storioe.
Prithvinarayane now schemod to ossault the city of Kath'
mandu. Eo asLeil Srikrsna Pathek to Bt&tion troope st
inportant placos around th€ city (letter, Blwiha auli 2 roj 4-
Woduesday, 26 Auguet, 1767.) Prithvinar&y&ns dir€cted the
opsr&tions from Kirtipur. Thoreforo all his letters arn address€d
from Kirtipur,
Prithvina,rayane'e astrologer gsve the day of l4th brigbt
fortnight of Bhadra (late September of l7{i8) for assault on
Kathmaudu. So ho had to wait for another yeat for the
ffnel ss8sult.
from a o of Prithvinarayana to Srikrsna Pathak
lottar?
,ritten from Noakot it appears that up tiU Maghaoaitri 7 roj 5
the lowlands from Sankhu both' ia the east &nd north-eest
ar well as thc ridge.r of Chaagu and Gokarn& had remained
within Kathmandu. hithvinatayana asked Srikrsna Pothak
to st&tiotr his troops in Sankhadrha over o ridgo bolow
Naldnm. Tho ilsto of the lettor corresponds to CE Thursday
22 Januery, 1767.
But itr a lottor to Sivansnda Upailhya end Srikrsna Pathak
ond 3 othere vdtton ftoD Kirtipur on Aeohu 2 odi 'rq
6
Plithvinarayona asks Path&k to aotum to his station. Ee
issuos inrtruotiong to hig men to repair tho outar well ia the
oourtyard of tho Bauddh stup rith the free labour of
Brahmans and 36 oasto6, This was esg€ntial to neot the
80. F.l,h6r Jo6Efi !6port! !o thousoEa tEop6 oE hl..itl6. But thi! lr sn
qrggeratlol.
70, Ar6Llver, forclgE lfhlBtty.
 GORXE.I. Bf,OOUBS (INGDO OF NDPAI, I8t
propsganda that Gorkha had unnece:ssrily attackod Nopal.
Pathak was directed to go to his outpost and guard
oarofully. Prithvioorayana olso informs him that 700 Phiringir
were loiteriug hero and thoro near Eariharpur. r r
In LPN, Pt. III, p 487, there is a noting roproducd
from the tort proeerved ia the I oa B&id to hayo boon an
€rtr&ct of Pri0hvinarayana's lettar addroesed from Kirtipur
to R&mekrED& Kuar and Sivonando Upadhye wdttdr or
Anina oaili 12 roj 2 whioh has a b6&ring on tho oyonts of
the day. Prithvin&r&y&na wants informstiou about the feoling
of the people and ths counoillors iu Chabol, Eorigaon
and Patan. Ee ordere to st&tion troops in Chsbel stsrtitrg
immodiately on any day except Tuesday in oonformity to tho
advice of tho astrologer. The new outpost was ta bo sbt up
in Chabel.
All theso thre lottsrs aro from Kirtipur, now his tomporary
hea.dquarter and theso were writtea in tho period botweea
the capture of Kfutipur aod fell of Kathma.ndu. Tho lotters
givo irregulu ilatos if they aro followed ag they arrc copied.
f have compared my notes with Baburem Aoharya's. Eis
oopyiet also givos the same voraion.
Among tha thro€ lstt€rs the sooond could be correotsd if
Sudi. replacos ,add. Porhaps it is so. It will thon oorrospond
to Friday, 25 September, 1767.
Tho fortnight iD the thid is irrelevaut, beoauso in both
the partioularr do not fft in. I do not know hov Aoha,ryrji
gtyo Saturd&y, 19, Septomber, 1767 as conospouding date
in OE for,4pdrouaili 12 roj 2, The roj Z means Mouday. It
is not S&turdsy.

11. rbiil.
 CIIAPTER VI
Prtthvharsysna Deleats the Brlttsh
While tho invaders wore at tho geto of Patao in Septomber,
170?'ald wero pros:iu1i for ite unoond.itional eurronilorr,
PritLviharayan hasbily retired to Sindhuli to deal vith another
lmponding invasion from tho Boutb, this time from tho Englieh
who had ma,rohed to that place. Aocording to tho ohroniclo
Jayaprakara had e6nt e Tirhutiya Brahman aB his m€saonger
to ask for asaistanca from tho British, anil they bad now
rospondoil to his roquest by sending an expoditionary forae.
An idea of tho &dv&ntagos the English lrerb in need of
for their commercial expaaaion ir this p&rb of the country
shall be obtaiued iq full detsils from the narrative we have
prod[ced in connection rith tho Nepal-British Trade paot
(see below). Here it ie sufrciont to mention that these
advantalos iere such as th€ British valued ertremely. If
they thought that tbe Rajae of Nepal had to be oxtricoted
out of tho distroso aud be helped to th&t end, it vae beceueo
by this act alone tho Britieh themeelves would be immoasely
beneEted though Jayaprakase also could get the benoffit of
liberation. The British would havo tried to Becuro trade
faoilities without going into war with tho ruler of Gorkha,
but it became inevitable in the face of Prithvi's determinod
hostility towards thom &nd the broak thsir commorce suetained
at his hands due to his blockade of tho Nepal Valloy (Bengal
Sel. Com. April,30, f767). They vere not prepared to loso
tho yoluminouB trade (tettor from Sel. Com. to Rumbolt July,
21,1767), which gave them ample supply of gold (ibid) now
so indisponsoblo on acoouDt of the shortage of the 8a,Ee iD
Bengal, whioh also affectod the annual China investment
so edversely (tetter from Sel. Com. to the coort, Septembar,
1. Oldtield, op, cit, Vol. I, p. 273.
 GOBTE^ BIOOIXS rINODOU Or NEPlf, 183

25, 17671. Besidos, thoy had to proteot thoir own frontier

linea ia North Bihar, which woro ' oontinuouely sutroriog
oncroechmeuts. It was alleged that a largo number of yill&gog
on the bordor specially in Betti& end Chamllsr&n wero being
subjoctod to depredations by the Gorkhalis sinco l?66
(Golding to Rumbolt, April 6, 176?). hithvinarayana hatt
laid his olaims on Eomo of theso villagea. But tho Eogtieh
wore reluctant to part with them, upon which tho Gorkhs
ruler expressed deeigu of forciblo occupatioa (Bumbolt,
January 3, 1767)- But this w&s to bo prevented at any cosC
aDd to th&t end not a moment was to be then lost. All
consideratious, polltiosl as well as economio, dem&uded th&t the
Britieh ehould nov fight out the Gorkhalis.
They had ooted awiftly, the maa who was to lead the
invasion was immediatoly aumeoned to Patna.
fn a letter writtou from Soramadi (volloy of Darraundi
bolow Gorkha) to Dobura,D&, tho commandor in the we:tsra for-
ward rrca oo, Maghaoadi 14 toj-MolLday,lS January. 1768,
Prithviaarayaaa, iesued inshuctious to strongthetr tho many
military statione from Lalhajuug to RsgiD&s by providing
ration of I tnurieaz of rioe and storee. Tho stor6s ha.d to be
providod after inspooting the outposts, and new ones woutd
haso to be set up properly,' A new outpost betweon Ghoreyopo
and Salma w&s a,lso to bo sot up. Prithvinarayan infotaed
Kalu Paado tha,t he h&d asLod Dhauya Khadka.aud Abhiman
Bosny&t to- go to Lakhajung. The pajati of the yeai for that
quarter ehould be dono in colrsultation yith these oftoors. The
Omrao of Roginaa, Bhalu Bhandari, wss supportiDg tho
Gorkhalis, But ho wae not s8tis6od rith thoir tr€atment.
hithvinarayana cautionod hio mon to take carefnl msasur€s.
The measure of succoss would dopend on thoir etrangth.
Becauee of tho
obsenoe of weekday, tho deto 6guro in the
lettor i8 not
quito sufrcient, and vo Lnow that without
woekdey its sccrr&oy osErot be judgod, All by itsalf tho
,. A xouri:160 poutrib,
t84 I(ODEAN NBPAL

ldtld would oorrospond to a lmrticular doy in ony yoar, vhiob,

howeve'r, romains untraoed' But it mugt refer to a time while
Clorkhs had alroady d.ispossosaed Lamjung of its ownerehip
of the atea between tho Mersyangdi and tho Chopo. So the
faots of tbo letter might apply to tho time situation provailirg
oftor tho Gorkha-Lamjuog ffght &t the ond of 1707, when I,am-
juag was dsfoated and GorLha had occupiod Raginas.
When tbe lotter wa,s being written, thero was a fear of
ao rttack by Lamjung and its allies onrtheir old territorios.

KINLOCE'S ADYENTURES
Ae goon as Mr. Golding of BettiB conveyed to Thomes
Rumbolt tho Chief of the Eaet Indis Company's ostablishment
at Patna the ropestoil r€quests of the Iiaja of Kathmandu for
help againt tbe Gorkhalie, the latt€r promptly transmitt€d
the eame to the Goveruor at Calcutta (Letter from Rusbolt
April 20, 1767). Tho Select Committee thereupon decided
to di6patch au oxpedition forthwith for tho Rajo'e &s€ist&noo
(Solect Committoe, Apri.l 30, 1767X undor Captain Kinlooh,
an ofroor, who bad recontly reduood the fort of Tiplnrah' But
not until Prithvinarayan rofusod to be oowed down by threats,
the aotual orpeditian w&8 8ont. Verolet was the Goveruor
of Bongal in those tlays and he had hoped that the Clorkhalis
would bo terriEed iuto eubmiesion by a chow of arms and
throat of invagion. Now tho British GovernmeDt on tbo advioo
of Rumbolt, Chief of the Patna tr&ctory (Bongal, Sel. Com.
April 30, 1767) intimated Prithvinarayan Shah tteir intention
to meali&to botwosn him and the ReiBS of tho Nopal Valley
(May 28, 1767, acgordiog to a lotter from Sel. Coro' to
Rumbolt. APril 30). This Rumbolt was tbo guiding spirit
behind the move against Prithvinarayana Shah' Ee wag
geaerally regarded a,8 &n export on NsPal afeirs. He gavo
the authorities in Calcutt& to uudor8taud th8t hithvinsreyen&
3. Select Oom6ittoo Proooodiqgs. Vol. I9, pp, 197'199.
 GOBT,EA BEOOUAS X,NTODOM O3 NDPAIJ I8B

himgolf wag anrioue to oultivate the good will of the British

and wanted to como to Patna himsolf if he wae given pro-
tection.{ The British thought that the Gorkhali Raja wos
out to forestall the movo of Jayaprakasmalla aud with tho
danger of military intervention by tho British staring him,
he would willingly acoept tLo offer of medietion.. Prithvi-
narayana, Shah was, however, too clevor to allow himself to be
duped by this kind of overture and rely on tho sincerity and
good sense of the foreignors who wore out to exploit the
situation and hd on his part summarily refueed to have
anything to do u,ith them.5 Ee, . howover, expressed his
willingness to visit Patna to argue his cago. But this wag
a ruse.

A war with the British thus eeomed imminont. fmue-

diately aftorwarde Jayaprakas' depuiies X'akir Rarhdas and,
Mukhtar (Muktanauda) a Tirlutiya Brahman arrived at Potno
and met Rumbolt and Captain Kinloch and ooqualnted them
vith the dietressful situation of tbe place consequent on the
blookade (June, l?6?) by the Clorkhalis.o 'fhey also had
brought an &Bsurance from the Baja of Kathmandu that 'the
expedition shall obtain every possible help and co-operation
in rogard to provisions and oommunications.' Verelst wag
duly informed of tho developm6nts.
Somo Chrietian Missionaries had alm implored in strong
Ianguage for the same urgency of actiou on similar grounds
(December 19, 1766).?

4. Seleot Committee Proceedings, April 30.

5. See aleo Joseph's report in Asiatie Sesearches, II, p, 818. Bor
an account of the erpcclition provitletl by the British souroe matericls.
Bead Nantlalal Ohatterji's Ye*lstts Rule in lillia. Chap,ter If. pp.91-11.
Ee is the lirst scholsr.in Inlia to bring to light this forgotteu event of a
Britieh invasiou of Nepal.
6. It^was reported to Prithviuarayena that Jayaprakasa obtained supplic
of horses and presents Irom Utleipur (reference in hig letter tlateil Y8.
1819 Ohaitra Vadi 5).
7. Select Committee Proceetliugs ; truly, ll1, 1?0?,Yol. 13, pp. 839-41.
f86 MODBRN ITEPAL

A draft memorcndum ras propa.red at Captain Kinloch'e

behegts a,nd ou the b&sis of the report intimatod by the vakile,
which emonget othor things mentioD€d tho noed of a awift
aoiion if the suuondor of the Valley was to be avoidod, the'
reeson boing tho yery hffrm position of tho dofenders &nd
thoir inobility to moet tho erigenoy of tho blockado lgnger than
Ootober. A brisf oetimate of ths numerical stiongth of the
6nemy w&B thero. The memorandum credits Pdthyina,reya,D
flhah to have. aeeembled 80,000 soldiore of which about 30,00O
rore in tho Valloy. The Gorkha army had modioval aud
modom instruments of warfate. This account seoms, how-
evor, much eraggerated sB it va8 quite impossible to gathe!
a huge foroe of 80,000 in the spareely populated country of
tho Gorktralis. But it could be erplained to mean th&t the
e8timato ws8 directed to Btrese tho unusual gravity of the
situation in Kathmandu. Captain Kinloch w&rtod to Btstt
goon on his exp€ditiotr (July a, 1767) and finish tbe job befom
tho oad of monsoon, as ho thought 'the junglo choked tho
road thon.t lto memorandum vas then soon desp&tched to
Caloutta, But tho Seloct Committ€e was yet undooided.
Captain Kinloch, thereforo waited in Patna engaging himsolf
in tho toek of prop&rations. This ofrcer came &ll tho wey to
Patn's via Monghyr in reponse to tho order of tho authoritioss
who had takon tho decieion about Kinloch without oven
oonsulting their Chif Military Commander, Colonol Richard
Smith.
Prithvinarayana Shah wae unbending to meet the British
wishes of mediation, Ife uow employed his rosources to defeat
British designs. Iu April the British then gave an ultimatum
to Prithviuarayana Shah to desist from encoaching on tho
teritories of his neiglbours. But it was alleged that he sont
an ineolent roply, and inst€ad of complying with their requost
put forward a freeh domand for tho surrendor of Bettia on
the ground that thig bolonged to his sncastors. About this
olaim on Bottia ws do not know anything from the Nepaloso
8. g6l. Oomlo. Proce. 1767, April 30,
 GOBrEA BECOMES IINODOM OF N.EPAL l8?
versiou of the Btory. In sny c&Eo this could. b6 s&id that the-
Clorkhali Raja p&8 not &ggr@&ble to lilten to tho British, and
thoroforo thoy dooided finally to aoud an expeditionary fcroo.
&gaiDst him. The Select Committee informod the Court of
Directors about their decision to iuvade Nepol in a lottar datod
Soptember, 25, 1767.s
Unfortunatcly for the British, Captain Kiulooh attempt€d,
to lead the iuv&sion juBt at tho time ho rrantod to avoid. For
thie ho was aot to blame, 3ut he with Mr. Runbolt aeems"
to havo put, unduo reliance on the report of the Nopateeo-
vakils regarding tho oaso and faciJity with which thoy promiaed
to escort tho British contigent acrose tho hills. (f,ottef to.
Clovornor, Decombor, f9, U6?). The Soloct Committee wero
informed that the invading army w&s to cover g(i. Kos (t92
miles) altogether by elevea stagos, sir of which lay in tho
hilly region.ro Somo membors in tho Committeo vere aot
proparod to lend their 8upport to the erpedition unloes aud,
until a sure prospect of auscoaa w&a iu evidence. ft eeema
that tho Select Committno woro not much optimietic as to tho
success of the expedition and instructed Captain Kialoch to
halt aud encamp in Bettia if the Raja could be forced. to
eubmiesion. The Captain w&B instructed 'to prooeed cautiously
ghould he encourxter unoxpected difioulties duo to tho season,
th6 situotion of tho couatry and tho power of the enemy'
(July 2r, r767).
In his liigh degree of optimism and bis anriety to save
the Raja of Kathmatrdu before October, Captain Kinloch did
uot- pay heod to the advico of tho Committee. Eo did not
erren put himself in poseossion of full facts as regards the
thoroughfare nnd naturo of tho. difrculties and on the
aa8umption that the Gorkhelis wero not &s inyeterate &B r&a
suggested, which wae in a way overostimating himself, he
forthwith undertooL the journey in mid rainy season (Bezgol"
Pasl and, Piaent, Yol,XI, P. 29 ; Barwell to his f&ther, letter,,
9. Proeeedinge. Vo.l. 13, pp, 2{4-65.
10. IJottor to tho GovolDor, July 91, 1?07.
I88 MODOBI{ NEPIL

Irobruary 28, 1768).rr On the 2let of July tho Committee

haying senctionod the expedition, Kinloch set out immo-
diatoly for Siodhuli with e viorr to c&pturo tho fort (Bengal
Select Comm. JuIy2l, I70?)rr. with 2400 Sopoys (Barwell,
iltdd) and ofrcers posted with men.
Although in tho beginning the Seleot Committoo thought
of the doubtful re8ult of tho €xp€dition, thoy woro hopefully
watching tho progreos of the forco under Kinloch's command
onoo it marohed to opor&te. Their hope as to the Buccess of
the oxpodition is erpressed in their co'mmuuiaatioa to the
Court of Directors, dated 25 Soptembor, 1767. They wroto
that the Euccossful oulinination of th6 step they have taken
will bring immonss benefit to the Company in mattore of
oommercial advantage and more facilitiee in territories under
Nepal's jurisdiction both irl the hills and low lands. They
€xpreB8d tho view that tho step me&Dt going &g&in6t'the spirit
of that system of politics whereby wo the Englieh proposed
reguletiug our oouduct rot&ining the character of merohants
with scrupulous deliceoy'. Yet all this hstl to be dono in tho
btorest of a policy doeigaed to help the Britieh commercial
intoroBt iu Nopa,l,
The roads being oxtromoly bad. and interrupted by marrhes
and bogs as they loy across tho denso forests, it boing the r&i[y
soason, Ceptain Kinloch erperioneed great difroulty in t&kiDg
his foroo to Sindhuli (From T. Rumbolt, December 10, 1967)
But nothing w&B moro Borious than the soarcity of provisions.
Apart ftom tho ehortage of graina availablo to him in the
Torai, tho question of arsuring the port€rs about their s&foty
was Eost vexing. The Gorkhalis were a terror to tho peoplo
of tho Temi snal no amount of porsuasion could sttrsct tho

11. 'Th6 too grsst oonitleuoe ot oioloornilg afilioulttd rs eEcou[t€laal,

gtouniletl on e raean opiBlo! oI th6 oouroge oI tho 'nrtlorlB to t'hloh o[r
srtn8 rle oppos€d', thua Batroll \fioto.
11s. goleot CoEEittee P.ooe€iliugs, Vol. fg, Dp.24f-$.
 OOBEEA EEOOf'g XIIIODOIi Or If,P^L I89
ooolios to theirjo[.r z The gituation was eo bad thst not a
man dared to movs unlees .ho wos oscorted by a suff.cient
foroe'(Jaauary 12, 1768, Bengal Eol. Com.) fn tb,eee circum-
stanoos desertion p&a v€ry oommoa. Naturally the force coukl
not mrroh rapiiuy aa was orpreotod. Captain Kinloch's wos
a limping movoment. Often halting and waiting ho wae
negotiating his course, which oaueod an undue dolay in
rtoohing the destin&tiol and waa likely to frustrato the vory
purpose for which the exp€dition was undsrtakea.
Tho Captain pa88ed from Darbhanga to Janakpur. At
Janakpur ho reoeived the most flottoring assuranc€ that he
would get a largo supply of gr&hs at Sintlhuli but nono oould
bo delivered at Janakpur itself to roliovo immediatoly the want
of his half-etarved troopo, According to e chroniole prithvi-
na,rayan Shah had heord that Kinloch reaobed Eariharpur
oD Asvin 9 of VS 1824 (22 Soptember, 1?6?). But rhore
ig ao aocount of militffy engagement st the place. This is
available only from British sourcos, which do not talk of fght
in Sindhuli.
But hopiug that the oapture of en important place like.
Sindhuli Garhi (fortrese) would place him in a position of
v&ntago from which he could oosily oommand provisions, ho
joumoyed slong the watsrshod of the Kamala rivsr and reeohed
Sirdhuli un-opposed. Shduli was a fort of importanco faoing
the in.ner Torai which commandod tho pa,EB to Katbmandu
loa<ling via Khukoti, Jhange Jholi, Dapoha and panauti
(Eamilton, pp. f6&60; Er. Joseph, p. 26t, Ae. irr,. L6tt6r
from Rumbolt January 28, 1768).11 16 occup&tion waa
certoinly o Btep further in the sot of ponotration towardB the
Nopol Valley. But the problom bofore Kinloch wag tho want
of supply. The ono promieed at Janatpur did not reaoh him.

12. AccoliliDg to Jos€ph Brroh t€dalcitrslt tooplo wet6 hoDged ln a

cru6l lDrDa€r. Eo soys thst h6 rotuslly 6iw th6 b.Dgilrg otr tho sry vitL
.ltotrlo tleil toutra thei{n€cls,
19. Also EIElooh to the Oov€Eor, 8r, tult, lto?.
190 I{ODER}{ I{EPAI,

.flaving boen himgolf ra'duoed to etr&its tho Raia of Kathmandu

had no powor to arrango fot a,ny nors provisions and eupply
{or pmposes of tho British. Sido by side it rrss no less difficult
to brsak the line of blooksdo Bot uP by ths Gorkhalie who were
'very muoh partioular in thig matter and did not leave a ringle
loophole to the advantage of tho enomy.
Tho reeult was that t6o Captain's foroe w&s put to
iiserable pligbt and eufered very much on account of food
soaroity and ill-heatth duo to inolement wosthor. But here oo
going back was possiblo end Bindhuli-ol8o coultl not be held
,for long.
From the looal genealogical acoount, it oppears that a fight
took placo at Sinalhuli Garhi itself. Prithvinar*yan's policy
was to allow the onemy to como up to the bills giving him
a folee hope of their (Gorkhalis) incopacity to rosistance but
making eure tbat tro supply !6aohed him and while on
the hill overporor hi- by tay of guorilla ta'ctics rf Ca'pt'
Kinloch succ'oeded in oapturing Sidhulila, it was becaoee tho
Gorkhalis had abentloned that fort in order to allow him to
'etlvance further so that he might think that the enemy was
woak. The schemo w&s to pounse on him while ho came to
the ruggetl bill ares8, whero tho mountaineers could display
their best Bkill. PritbYiuersysd did not like to msot tho
onomy in tho Eeroi. Drawn above tho hills, howovor, ho had
to encouutsr an overwholming opposition' The Gorkhelis vore
lying in ombush &lmost iu oirolo around Sindhuli, while ono
...y *". ruder Birbhadra 8t Powag&rhi, trlo milog north
of Sintlhuli, enother vaa at Dhungrabas on the south-we8t
ofit. The commandor in charge ol the latter war one Sanga
Gurung who was ln erperioneed officor ill the att of guerilla
warfarc. Eo wag known aE &n erpert huntel' From Sindhuli
tho Captain wanted to move towartls Katbmandu to relisve
tho tlietroes of his starving troops vho v€re t'hen otr the
point

14.ln BiEdhuli Eo hsvo stiu a ti6ta 8un lritrg ln vi6F up aiove the
ridge. This was thE Iiolil 8u! left by o.lteia Eillooh.
 OOEKEA BEOO XA (DIODOM OF NEPAI r9l
of deserting hrm (Lottor to Rumbolt, Janua,ry 12, l?68). In
tho me&n time Eore uuits of the GorLhalie army movod
towartls Sindhuli, &nd woro olosing muod Powagorhi, which
walr tlop attecked by Kinlooh's force. Tho Gorkalis msde
..a combined abtack with all sor[s of implements, ffring
bullots and throwing stones aad diroctly hittiug thoa with
awords & arrows from tbove tho hille and from dopn below
it. Those inside tho fortress aleo ca,me out to do theh bit.
Tho British forco was in a pauic. The ofrcere and pou
dispersed in confusion and loft many wounded and de*d ia
tho field, Captain Kinloch and a fow others wero spared t6
n&n&te the mishap and they fled with their life to Bottie. A8
por the estimato of Barwell, only 800 out of 2400 surviy€d
\Bengal, Past anil, Present, X. P. 29.)
According to Percival Landon who does not of couree
montion his authority, the attack took placo on . the book of
tho river Bagmati west of Eariharpur.ls Eis voraioa is pro-
bably resting on the acoount of Mr. T. .Bumbolt who talke . of
'eurpriae attack' by the Gorkalis in tho arou (Letter from
Mr. T. Iiumbolt, Deoember f9, 176?). Oldfiold does aot oven
talk of an encounter. Eo seys thst Kinloch was obligod to
roturn from before the fort of Mackwanpur bocau8o of sictlosr
and w&nt of provieions.r I But a noting in a tliory of tho
timo gives tho dato of ongagemont *t Eariharpur, YS l82rt
Aevin 2it October, 1767).
Tho Sritish reena,nts of tho forco wore hower Bight€d nea,r
Hariharpur, and Ramkrisnl Kuar wae Bent to meet tho eitus-
tion (lotter of Prthvinarayaar 7 October, 176?). This officor,
however, romainod there for somo timo without coltaoting
tho enemy. But Kinloch was not prosent, and his marching
through Ilariharpur ig not proved by ftctual aocount. Iu
any way the deoilivo battlo was fought in Siudhuli.
Pertaps a wiag of the defeatod army might heyo takon a

15. Vol. I, P. 63.

lq. vor. I. P.273.
t92 UODf,B]S ITT?AI,

ohoDoo to utilise tho Earihar-Mlckwanpur routo. But tberc

wa8 ro ffght.
fhis Dot only contraets with the genealogioal account
wo have just nanatoil but also with tbe ofEoial report
submitted to Calcutta suthorities, which does not mention
the inoitlont altogother. According to tho lott'sr tho British
forco while tryhg to cross tho ewollen rivor by rafts mot with
an uufavourable aooidont and wore oompellocl to rotro&t
(Bengal Bel. Com. February lO, 1768)1?' In Oldffeld'e
account tho British contingont appesr to havo retired becaugo
6f tho unhealthy climato of tho are&. This dosciption'
howovor, does not oodorm to faote and appe{rrs in tho nature
ofa more faoe-eaviug devioe end thoro is no doubt that en
oqcounter took place in $indhuti rosulting ia tho flight of
tho British troops. Thi{ is not only confirmed by tho
chroniolos, but also by tho information roaohing Capuchin
tr[ission iE Ksthm&nilu (Seo below). It is quito likoly that o
minor engegoment with a wing of Kinloch'e forco took placo
in Eariharpur. But in vieq of the 8tstement of our chroniclo,
it will bo wroug to suggost ae one writer hae done thot
Captaiu Kinlooh himsolf came to Ea'ribarpur abandoning
Sindhulil E without a 6gbt.
was said that haviug failod at Sindhuli Kinloch trietl
It
to negotiete tho routo to Kathmandu through the course of
tho Bagmsti. This attempt he hatl to give up as tho river
could not be fordotl iospito of soveral dor icee But all our
iuformation is about tho ocourenco in Sindhuli aud
EaribarPur does not 6guro in it'
Captain Kinloch theroafter managed to como to tho
Bottia Terai on tbe British border with the approval of Mr'
T. Rumbolt and looked forward for a fresh ertrtotli0iou while
enjoying himself in occupstion of cortain hill forts through
wbich ho plonned to launch &rr &tta'ck' The land north of
Bottia up to tho hills was thus absorbod by him (letter from'

Proc€oilingr, Vot. ls, !P.956-68. Vol' 13, pp' {st3't'

18. Atglo-Nepnlese Relariorr, 8. C' OhoudhEry, pp. 2l-2'.
 CIORKEA BDOOTI|S EIITODO'I OI IIEPT,L l9s
Rumbolt, Jaauary 3, 1708) iacluding the p!e66nt ttistriots of
Bara, Parsa snd RaErahsr (Bongal Sel. Com. Jaauary 12,
1768)re. Jt lr&B esid tbat he collootod R8. 20,00O ar revonuo.
for tho year from this Eros, which was supposod to yiold ar
annual inoomo of IiB. l0 lakhs. But Kinloch claimod thrt
this loss wss compeusatod by a more oocure poeition of Beitis
reulting from the ocoupation, which was trow freo from the
usu,&l rside of the Gorkh&lis, o.

The loss Eustafuod through tho failure of tho conque8t of

the Yalloy of Nepal wae expected thul to b€ compeDB&tod,
for Mr. Rumbolt wont olen to tho eltont of chorishing hop,e
for the rsnowal of tho oxpodition (Rumbolt,s letter, Janrrery
3, 1788). But every hope exooptitrg tho ssfoty of tho ttistrict
of Botti& fadetl away, whil6 oven thst distriot 8in0€ it
coDstituted tho lands olaimed by the Gorkhelis wss an objeot
of oocasional inoursiona at their hands rendoriag oven the task
of dofeuce fineucially unworkable' (Bongal Sol. Com.,
Augu$ tr, 1760).
All thie so disappointed the Select Committeo that thoy
gave up for good tho idee of challenging tho Gorktralis and
recallod Captoin Kinloch to tho capital arking him to app68r
bofore a commiseion of cnquiry. (Sel. Com. Decembor,
ff, U67). They woro of tho opinion th&t 'without beiEg
supported by a strorg reiDforcemont would sorvo only to
erposo tho troops to the dengor of poriehing by fomino aud
sword'2r, Rumbolt had been informod that the foilurr of
the erpedition was duo to 'miaconduot in the officor or,
forgory' ia the lettorg aDal information of tbe Vakil and
X'akil,'2z and all this required a probe by a conpetent
suthority. Captain Kinloch was eaved from,beiag disgraced
by a public enquiry on the hterc€ssion ofBumbolt who had
19. Solect ComrEitteo ProoeealiEgs, Yol. 14, pp. 1G11 : Vol. 16.
pp. 13-1I. ,rid, pp. 59-60.
20. Goliliag to RuEboIt, geleot ComDitteo Proceoilings, February
10, l?dd.
,1 Sslect OoBrritioe Prooeoillogs, Yol' 19. P, a56.
29 Ibid, Vol. 16. PP. U'18.
194 {ODEBII !{EPAI,

wigoroudy tlefeniled him (his letter, January 28, 1768)' Tho

msolution orderiug an enquiry into the oonduct of Captaiu
Kinloch was rerciDdcd aftor agood deal of porsuaeionz ' ft
!

*as sa,id that tho orgeniE&tion of the erpeditionary force

ras faulty anal this lecked tlisoipline, and ono of tho units wae
thoroughly usoless for servico'".
Beforo takingup tho ecoount of the ffnal oonquost of the
Valley by Prithvinarayana it is odvisablo that a short observa-
tion bo mad.o as to tho attitudo of the Biitish towardB him in
l?67, It wos not a fact that tho Britieh left him in quiot
aftor thelr defeat in that year. Th€y seem to have continuod to
hrrbour a doep seatod grudge agairut tho Gorkholis, and were
looking for o suitablo opportunity to r€poat the attompts uutil,
of courso, the hope of an attack ou Nepal faded away due to
Prithvinarayana's own doxterous move and his subeequent
o&pture of the wholo of Nepal. Mr. T' Rumbolt wae tho main
alohitect of this &ntiGotiha movs. Ifo soeme to havo givon
the Solect Committoe to undorstand repeatodly that the
Sprfuig ofensivo was most opportune (January 28' 1768)'
Kinloch had still in lis oocup&tion a largo tr*ot of tho Ter&i
on Napalese sido near Champaran and Darbhanga borders'
Ee oould -make this area a spring-board to launch &n &ttsck
on Nlpal prolmt2 6. Ee asrured that he could reach Nepal
in 6vo days' time. In Bottis he bad the assuranco of the
€riles &8 to their full-flodgeil support ag&inst Prithvinarayana
Shoh (Letters from Golding to Ruubolt, Deoomber 25, 1767 i
January 3, l?68)' It appears that the Raia of Tanhou
Trivikram Sen whoso t€tritory touched B€tti& ses pursuading
Goltling to press the Company to opon ofronsivo without
delry. Verelst wae about to be swayed over to bis viows and
ho hatl almoet convincod -the Select Committeoz6. But
diecretion wbich ie always tbe botter part of valour aaved

Ibia, Vol. 15, Pp. 12r-90.

24 8€lsot comiit'r€o Ptoc€€alilg6, Vol. xIY' P9. 6,3'636.
t5 S€lect CoEEitt€o Ploc€ediB8s, Vol. 16, PP. ,6, 122''6'
26 rbiil, P. 1c8.
 ooBtrEA BXCOMf,A trntoDou or lIEpAIl I95
the situation. The idea of launehing e aecond ofensivo was
ebandoned, because the Seleei Comiittee OA
'hestily and indisoreetly. ""t-r""i L ""i
This time the Seloct Committ€e did not think it propor to
underrato tho enemy'e 8trcngth. X.or eu orpedition to be
gucoeesful required a largo contingeDt
of troope. Rumbolt
hod recommendod a batt&lion and four to sir companiea
(February 15, U68)2?. This contingont was to
efrect a
junction with Sorgeant Lo. gan rho had. suneptitioualy
enterod
f,forang to peuetrote to the esst€m gatoway distriot of
Nepal
fron th&t side28. But ie we€ beyoud tho powo" of ih,
Government to spare suoh a largo army at & time whon
Eeider
AIi in the south wm tbreatening tho very eristonce of
the
Britieh in that part of Inclia auit thore wag an urgoat
sppeal
for reioforcoment from that quartor (I,ettgr, fresideut,'iort
St. Georgo, Secret Lottsr, January g, fZ6S). In the
meantime
Kathmandu wa8 conquored and tho Britieh who had
alreatly
t€Etod Gorkhs toughnoes would no more dare
take up the
couee of the vanquished. Oo inatruction from
the Court of
Directors (Iatter, November fl, 176g),) the Seleot Comrittee
firally olosod the ohoptor in their rcsolution of Bobruaty
10,
17682t. Aftor a year they vsre eyetr fouud flatieriug
Prithvina;rayana snd hobnobbing vith him. It was
conioyj
,to him that hio praise had travellod
far and rido to reaoh tLe
Court of the East fadia Companys o. Nor tho etrategy
was to
rosign to what was accomplished in Nepal by prithvinaraysna
&nd to B&ke the most out of it by humouring hi'n snd
esr-ning
his gratitude. If tho Gorkhali ruior proved irreooncilablel
then alone oonflicts would bo inovitablest. But thoy felt that
thi8 wa,B Dot tho tiEe to Btsrt a conflict.
It.eeems that th6 British had not, hovever, renoulcod
theii claim on tho T&uter pargane (Sarlrhi and Rautahar)
q. IbA,pD,l&61.
?9. ll,A, \ot, 14, pp.96.98, Vot. t[, pp.16G.6g
29. lrooe€dlag!, Yot.-rO, p. rte. Oaptiiu I$Dloch dted ncrt vsr.
.- 30, -CPO, U, No. 1686, I*ttor to 'prithviror"y.a Ste4- if
13, 1769.' "rU.,
31, CPO, II,176?.69 No. 107, Letter to prithrtE&lr,yoae Sbsh.
r96 MODEBT TgEPAI,

with 23 mohals. This had kept alivo mutuel antagonism and

suspioion for sometimo mole. The British eaid that tho
Pargona was forcibly occupied by Prithvinarayrna Shah in 1767
antl till then thie wae hold by the Raja of Mackwanpur in
paymont of a tribute of Rs. 1Q000 annually to the Eaet India
Compauy's Governnont *ho had inheritod the rights of tho
Nawab over this sro&.

Eurall€s trom tho Wctt

Although the danger from tho south wae warded of
Prithvinarayana's plon for the copture oftho Nepal Vglloy was
delayed by e yoar on scooutrt of La,miurxg and Parbat giving
him a joiut thrs&t to invado (*orkba. Ee had to keep part
of his force ready for a,ny eYentua'lity . in that quarter' But
Kashki atautliag by him, it for
the two oth€E
wos not possiblo
Et&tes to ;euy out thsir throat inta action aga'inst Gorkha'
B&ther it was tho chie'f of Gorkha who wrosted Ragiuas and
adjoining a,reas of Lamjuug betwoon the Chop'e and Marsyangdi
fiom its ruler, vhioh, howevor, Prithvinorayana had to
abaadon later'
But beforo this phase of the confliot etart€d he was
manouveriug to eafeguard his position in all poseible ways'
In a lettor ad.drossed iD reply to the lotters, ioint &nd 86P&rate
of Kalu Pande and Bhodra Sahi resp'octively rooeiYed on
PlntrCwa -ll, Friiley, 19 tr'ebrua'ry, l?68 ho soid that a'll tho
morcy he hed at hi8 disposal ehould be hanled over to (1),
the remaining wa8 to be sent from Kathnandu' .Prithvi-
ner&yan& auggested that both the officers Bight not' come to
NoaLot for the coming lloli festival. They were told that
when o longer tine than ? deys was neoded to tleliver tho
tetter the amount of .money tent over eimil&r dietance from
Noalot might not rea,ch tlem at ths a.ppointed hour thoy
wiehod. But money was on'the way and they vero to p&y
B,s. 500 to tho seoond prince, 600 to trho third prince and'
Rs. 300 to Daru Raut,r2.

92. Arohivos tr'olstgn l{.r.ai8trr'

 ooBKBA Bf,OOXna xlroDox oE nlptl, 107

Prithvinar&ysna iaforme in & Eop&rsto lettor tbat mea who

travellod from Clorkla oa plalgutu yon; ru, Mondsy: 16
Bobruary, 1768 had takeD 6 or 6 ala,ys to cover. the diJtonoe
having reachod No&kot on I'irday phalgana Bd, f,:fg
X'obruary, 1768. PrithyiDarey&n& informE Kslu p8ndo also
that ho had sent a hawk for tho Reja of Bhirkot. To enable
Kalu Pando to fulfil his promiso he vas algo soadiag ono
elephant end a sum of a thousand rupees for ths Chautan
of Bhtkot. Prithviuarayana omphsEiseal thot Noakot
shodd
como under Gorkha's control ot &try cost. More
mouoy would
reaoh Kalu Pande and ho should spoad aa muoh aa
ho oould
lbr th&t purpo8o. As for thoir propoeal to toke Riaing,e
oleph&nt, ho was arrauging to eead furthor irgtalment.
Prithvi hed baen told that tho Kazi had left ftir palpa. Of
.couree, they had aleo eout
a man of Kazi's rarl along with
another. Prithviuarayaa& informed Kalu pando that ha baa
eager to know hor things were ruaning thore.
The letter cont&ias-e few linoe moro aud this about
Sitabs
Rai'B tour of the Tautar pargana to vhioh wo
shall hovo
also occssion to refer s little lster, Sitaba Roy
wos toported
to havs vieit€d Kes&ria *ud returred to, patna. The
indlan
oepoys ofthe oorDpany vero not msny in
Ba,ra rud parsa.
In tho osst tho English end Fronoh Fore sghtirg. It
"sppoared th&t th6 Eottlemonts of Bagaha, Judpani end
Pathrani had ahifted to the eagt. The dato of tho letter ie
?tulgutu - Pliday, lg Februa,ry, t768.
Suili 1, roj,6
Tho reply war eent on tho sa,mo day rhile Kalu p&nde,s
lottor hod reached hithvinaroyana Shah.
 CEAPTEB VII

End ot the Malla Dynarty

BID TO ATTACK KATHI{ANDU

Ina letter to 3 Brahmanas of the Paudyal family who
wore living in Bisankhu, s villsge to ths south sast of P&tan'
Prithvina,rayana Shah informs thlt ho hsd Etruck of tho
bstarco of dobt thoy owed to ons Tauclhik Bhaju of Patao,
tbe rest having tlkon by himeelf. The doounsnt is not
impo$snt otherwise than a proof of Prithvina'royana's overell
importent poeition in tho vioinity of the city of Potan. That
the TaudhiL Bheju was prtpred to accopt the <fisporal of
tho o&se in tho m&nner suggested abovo aleo ehowg that
tber€ wss coneidsrebls following of the Gorkhali oemp vithin
tho city of P&t&n.l
Prithvinarayana Sbh'a a.rny lvaa .now threatoning ths
vorycity of Knthmandu. Eaving coptured Balaju *ud the
Nagarjung ridge only & milo to tho north-Yost of tho city on
Vaiaa*ha irlrrla ltl Saturita,y 886-7 June, l?66, the
Gorkha ruler was knooLing at ite 'very door. It apPesrs th&t
all plaoes in the uorth-eret€rn p&rt of tha valley fell one
by one to the invaders without resistance. But Kathnandu
rsgieted for a period of another two years and no. furtlbr
than that.
Jayapokasa Malls put uP s hatd rosistaEoe to the bost of
his resourooe. No botter oxamplo of a heroic rcaistaltoo'
nppe&r€ in the hi8tory of lha Malln rulers of the Nopal valley'
But that alone wae not sufrciont to tlefeud freedom or to drivq
away an invador. In sPite ofhis good rontimonts and heroic
qnalitios, Jayaprakaso vas devoid of tact. Ee ofrended hio
people by taking reoourse to inhumou mode of rcprirah and

1. Ys 1899 Ptstgua Sulli 1 ror l -EuEilsy, 1 March {67 publirLod

ia Eilthosikopafia Sdrr$aha,1. p. 26.
 GOBrf,!' BEOO EE XINODOU OT Nf,PAf, 199

to a hasty and indieorimiDat€ war policy. Moreovor, he had

to Eoet e qu.ning foe who always threw scruples to winds
to win his game. Jayaprakosa vas equally unscrupuloue
but this did uot bolp him much.
At the laet moment he go found that baning hia owa body
guards not a soul wae left there to eympathise with him.
Eis army had rebolled. Eis mirristors and noblemen wsrs
mostly dissatiefied. finding that his otu people wero quite
apathetic to hime€lf he 8ot np a rogiment of tho sepoys from
tho Terai, which acted like a thorn to pierce tho patriotic
mon of the Nepal Valley, who by temperamont felt vory much
hurt by thiB act. Besides, an alien army of hirelings was
costly. It wae to be eupportod at a, greate. oost and for thia
he had oo mouey,oxhsustod as his treasury waa by a long
var. Ife, therofore, bogan to approlxiate tha storod weallh
of the templ€s. Tho €xigenoy of tho sitiration justified the
action, but oD constant iastigotiou by the euomy the
Brahmanas srrd the people of roligious tomporament tooL it
as an impious encro&chment on their saored belief aud mode
of worship. To a high degroo of a mountitrg unpopularity
thie factor w&s &ddod, which did a groat deal to inflame tho
passion of a tired and cnraged lnpulace. According to Father.
Josoph thc Clorkhalis also trought support of the courtiers and
von oy€r & good many ol the inh&bitant8 with ve8t€d htoroEt
in Eirla lands by promises to p.oyido socurity ead aid to
thom. Prthvinarayana Shah had won ovor to his side a
grest mrny of tho wealthy familiee. From a lottor he srrote
to a Bha.dol family of Bhaktapur it sppeers that some of
these men were &cting as his agonts croating splits and
confueion in the opponent,e camp2. One Kirtirajanantl,r

2. The d.te is irf€gulr!. But if ,a4i ssB itr Irlaoe ofsuAi, th6dr,te
rorldl correstrmnil t Wedn$ilsy,,g fuly, 1?e6, (Foreigtr Ministry
lrchiyo ; olso e€e Er'rihotlkpatra-Sangtqla, j, g'l
Th. lett6r is d,,t{. Awina vqdi 9 rcj 4 Bdl $,e6 rdillesloil f .oa Kirtipur
200 UODEBIT NEPlI.

Upailhya reone to havo hel@ Prithvinarayana's war from

'iasiale the oity of Pttan. This man wa8 to sot sviftly to
rubiort Kathmcndu in concort with hi8 uuole and cousin in
furtheraaoe of Gorkha's interests.
Baburam Acharya ho8 giYen a content inder of a letter
ftom the Red bor; which purports to givo aome more facts
obout Kath*andu of tha day' The lettar ia dtl.r,d Aahw &di
75 roj 4:Wodneaday, 7 Ootober, U67 Tho letter iaforms
Roma,krisno Kuar'that I meaEonsor from ihe British had
reaohotl Katbmandu. This meesenger convoyod the inability
of tho Brititb to oomo to the aid of Jaytprakaso Malla auy
oore. this caused ilirappointmont to the ruler but all otheE
vore pleasod.
Prithvi furthor iuformoil that tho Nagas who bad entcrsd
Eathmonclu wore eoeking to esoapo.
Ramkrisne Kuar hls been askod. to attack the Phiringir
in Eariberpur. Ee arks them to P&t'oh their mevemonts'
.sDd to provoko thsm to flght. WLen thoy ra'n ewsy
they
v€re to be cheged. Tho diubled wore to be keenly watched
.nd wort to bo ilepriveil of bolongings if thoy woro caught'
Men were to be posted on duty to guard the area'
tr'rom this tetter it &pPoarB that at the time of writfurg
Kuar Lad gono to EarihsrPur'
Bor sometime JoyapraLaeo had not given up the hop'es
of British intervention on his sidc' Thig wse becaure Captain
Kinlooh wes yet in Bara waiting for an opportuDity to iDtor-
rono iu Kathmondu. Eo seemed to be in contact
with Kath-
aandu occasionally rending meesengem to tho B'ai&' But the
lagt of theso had ssid that tho Britieh were unablo to to
go

lie essistsnce.
Up to this tioe the remr&nts of Kinlooh's expeditionary
forcs woro yet loitoring iE Bars and Paraa, end somo
of thom

vere also iu Eariharpur. hobebly Mackvonpor was tho

tsrg6t. But tlue to insslubriouE olimeto thoy oould not Etay
thore for long and wer€ seoking exour€ to leavc' Thero
voro
tho"" tho Yere wouadd tnit dissbled' Suoh eoliliore nooded
 OOBXEA BIOOTES EDCODOX OF IIEPI.L 20t
trtnefer to Bottia. Thoy did not pose &ny d&ngor a8 th6
othors. But the British suthoritieg in pataa woro in no mood
to start mother campoign agoiast prithvinarayaua Shah,
Thus Kinlooh ryas foroed by oirou,nstrncos to abandon his plon
of invaaion, as a result of whioh Jayaprakasamella found hin-
eolf without an ally whoso aesist&nce could bo ofective in
tho circumstsnc€s.

An agreement iu regard to Nepal's right of sending ita coins

.to Tibet camo in the next roiga. We
do not Lnor why thia
was not possible in the tims of hithvina,rayanr Shah. But
for simetims moro the florr of trado continued, howevor, iater-
ruptod. The trado was ornied on by the Gossaine who lived
in Katbmandu. They were the suooossora of Kamalsb&Da who
had lont motrey to the Gor.tha ruler. A charter granted by
Prithvinarayana Shah on I'riday B June, 176g in tho name
of
Dorbaeabana, Bhagavatibana, Lakrmanabana aud. Jagosverabaaa
.&llowod the (named) Glossaiur to o&rry otr
trado tbrough Liati
ro long as the merohandiso woro oxposod to cheokihg,
Thoy
paid customary tares on goods concomed. to the coutraotoD
(Jar;rd). ThiE shows that the trod.s ras still maint&ined aloog
ths traditioDal routo. There wa8 some kind of etato levy oi
the pieces of loeds passing through. Tho tra.de, horuver,
v/aa not very lsrgo in volumd. The security pmviiled
through
the charter to tho Gosssins was ample onough for. smoJh
treDsit. But this wss not to last long bocauso of the Chinoge
.dieliko of this tr&do a.ro8s 6[9 Ei'nrfuyag.

About this timo through a royal decmo ono Dhaoadstta

Novar was released from the elarery of Visvamitra Misra who
'had earlier received hin as slave from kithvinarayrna
Shah.
Visvamitra Migra had roleased tho mro t"longirrg to tU;
Nowar community from bondage and prithviaariyoua hrd
ondorced it by granting him freedom of movenont.
The lottor
dated VS 1826 Blwilra aue l roj 2: lflonilay, 12 Septembar,
U68 in Lutikot wa,rns that aone had e claim over the person
'of Dh&nadatt& sB a former slave or ss
ouo who ws8 lowercd.
N2 xoDxBlI r{f,PlI,

in his oasto stetu; (frdiddo Patra Sangrulw, I p' 27, alro

ForoiSB Mi''ietry Archives).
Somo psoplo h&vo bt€rProted this aot of hitbviuarayana
as iniligative of his liberal mind whioh was &gainst
ElaYoryl
by the same letter i8 a&id to
But thoy forget that Dhanatlatta
hd,vo be€B ensleved by ordors of Prithvinarayana'
It is possible that tho rsloase from bondage of the mau
was efiooted for tho Purposo of plcaeing tbe Newar inhabitents
of tho Nopal valley whose suppo$ tho Gorkhali ruler neoileil
to vanquish tho rulcrs.

CAPTURE OT KATEfrANDU

Prithvinarayaua Shah cnteroil Kat'hmandu itr three direc-

tions. IIis three pronged attack wa8 moro than a matoh to
the alreatly attonuatetl foroe of tbe Kantipur ruler' Although
yu"" *Uu" Bhetgaon and Patan had plodgett their words
"to como to the eitl of Kantipur whou attacked, it turned out
out to be smooth sailing for hit'hvinarayana ss nono of ths
two kept thoir plighteil words to turn up in defence'
On tho tlay of Kumari Yatra (celebroted up till
now) whlch
occured on the fourtoentb day of the bright fortnight of
Bhailra of NS 888s = 25 Eeptember, 1768' and while Jaya-
pralasa was witnossing tho ceremony in the he&rt of
tho city
amiast puUUc rojoicing (Eamilton, p 23l), the conquerors
surprlsinlly entored the heart of the city at the head
of a
rays'
subst&ntiat force whioh bod penetrated through
three
Bhimaon Than, Nara.dori and Tunilikhel from the south-wost'
west and e&Bt reBPoctively. No resistsnco worth the name
be ofieretl although thoro wae a fight for 4 houls'
whilo
could

3. On this ilaY Goadess truEeri ras taksEi! Ploo€ssiotr plscstl

oheriot through th6 PrinoiPal roails'ol
the oity. The ohotiot wss iLavt
by moa ofiering volont'atY lrbou:' A girl beloro Pub€rtY boloD8i!8
to BBltla oaste por6oniti€d th6 iaoor!6tioD oI Godil€ss KoErti I Ooto!6t-
a. 1826 AsYin.l3, Viri l rsttt gh' tl. 2,1 pslr 49 thtrt6ilay,
1768,
 conrEl Bnoo ES xlxoDou or NEP.aL 203

tho people ran in penio. Tho whole of Kathniandu was

oecupied by midnight of thc eame doy.

It is ssid that for somo time Jayaprakasa took rofuge in

the temple of Taloju iaside the Royal palace, and ho had ths
routes to tho palaoo mined w{th gun powdor but he ilid not
ffnd his refugo safo for a siego ofthe onemy. Tula,ram pande,
a Gorkhali Sardar, waa Lillcd by tho erploeiou of guu porder
thet l&y Bpread on the path to tho paLace. Ee waa grievously
wounded and died at Aryaghat the nert d&Jr. Altogethor 16-20
mea wore killed on both sides.

Jayapraloaa had a narow osoepe to potan but as tho

lattor city surrendersd to Prithvina,rayan8 some twelyo
days later beoauso of the treaohery of the pradhane,
the uoblemen of that plaoe, he retirod to Bhotgaon rith hiB
comrad.e Tejnarsimha (Oldfiold, II, p. 2ZB) and 300 tr[adhesiya
Sopoye. Aocordiag to o chroniolo patan wae conqu€Ed on
eaka 1690 masa 6 ilina Ztl roj 6,

fn luuar Pause tvo months after hithvinarayrna Shah

entered Pstan &t tho he&d of the triumphant prooession.
The chroaioler Etatos that ho slso osusod the doath of meny
uoblemon vho betrayod the Malla rulor hf the a,roa.

About tho evonts lead.ing to tho fall of the Nepal Valloy

we have the following Iines by X'ether Joseph vho was thon
Iiving in Kathmandu but yho wroto on rocollection aftor
being erpelled from Nepal. Ibo article of Joseph oppearcd
for the first time in English in Aeiatic Rexnrahes, (Vol. II,
1790) by otrorts of Sir John Shore.

"The King of Clorkha having m.rde himsolf master of

Cat'bmandu in tho yoar l?68 poreistod iu tho attempt of
possossing himself also of the oity of Islit Pattan, promiai4g
&ll the Doblos, thet ha would eufrer thom to remain in
the possession of th€ir property, that ho would ever
augmont it ; and, boo*use tho nobles of Lalit p&ttsn pl&ced
no rrliance on the faith of his promiras, he eent his domestic
204 UODtrBN I{XPAL

priost to meke this proteatation, s thst if he failed to

acquit
himself of his promiso ho should draw curses upon himsolf
and his family oven to the fffth past aud succeeding
geuerations, 80 th&t the unh&ppy GsinPrejas and tho king of
Lalit-P&ttcn, se€ing that the nobiliw were dispo8ed to rcnder
themselves eubject to tho King of Gorcha, withdrew themsolves
trith their people to tho King of Bhatgon ; when the oity of
Lelit Pattan bocamo subject to the KiDg of Clorcha, . ho
oontinued for some time to treat tho aobility with great
attention, and proposed to &Ppoint a viceroy ofthe city from
emong them. Two or three mouths afterwartle having
appointed the day for making his form&l eutra,Doe into tho
city of Lalit Pattan, he made uss of innumerablo stratagems
to get into his possoasion the Porsons of tho nobility and iD
the end succeed€d ; be had prevaileil upon then to permit
their Bons to rema,in at court as compauions of his son ; he
hail dispatcbed a noblo of each house to Navacut, or New
Fort, preteatling that. the a,pprehenrioue Le eutertained of
them ha.d preyented his making a publio entra,nco iDto tho
city; and the remaining nobles vore Eoized at tho river
without the town, whero th€y vent to meot him agreeably
to a prior eng&gemoDt. Aftorwards. he ent€red the city,
made a visit to tho temple of. Baghoro (Bagh Bheirov)
adjoiaing to our habitotion, aud passing in tliumph through
tbo city amidst immonse numb€ra of soldiers, who composod
his train, entored the royal paloce, which hed boen prepared
for his reoeption; in the moantime parties of hie soldiers
bmko open the housoe of the nobility, Eeized all their effeots,
and throw the inhgbitauts of tho city into tho otmost
@nsternation : after having caueed all tbe nobles who wers
-to bo-
in hir power to bo put to death, or rather- thoir bodiee
mansled in a horrid manner, he doparted with a design of
beeieling Bhatgan, and wo obtained permissio:r, through the
intere'st ot hie ion, to rel,iro vith all the Christi&ns iDto tho
possossions of tho English."
5. JoseDh repo*s that s lBrgs ltEEb€t of cl6e€r Brshlla,tr6 o( Pritbvi-
-;;-"-pl;y"d
d Ksthm.snilu oB 66?ioDr8€' work' wLo,
";;r;';-;id"
however. wero trying to Ptss Es Jsyaprlkc6rb f,61?er€'
 GOBKEA BIOOMES EII{ODOT Or NEPIL 205

A rosumo of what .8'ather Giuseppo Rovato writes to

Rorre ou 29 Decomber, 1769 uudor the ila,te lino patna is
prepared in the fotlowing paragraphs to give an ide& ofthe
happenings in Nepal in bet$'eeu 1764 and 1768, tbe years
of Gorkhali invasion6.
"In the beginning of 1764 the king of Kathmpndu was
assailed by o combined force of Patan and Bhatgaon. But
God saved him. Then taking advantage of the feud, Gorkha
laid a siege on Quipolli (Kirtipur, Kipo). Tbe attack,
however,was repulsed. hithvinarayan,s brother Surapratap
was hit in the eyo and w&B treated by X.ather Michaol Angelo
who was eummoned there. Again Kirtipur wes besiogeil---..
Oth€r kingB tried to help. tr'inally after many months of
siego, tho Gorkhalis won over to them rnen who were guarding
ono ofthe gateB, through which thoy entered the city and
rnaormood general aniorty. But thc promire was not lopt.
lton followed cruel vengeonoo, outting of aoms, oto,, which
.contrsdiot€d their profession. Tho city,
themforo, wa8 cell6d
Nasikatopur. The Eatlera wero also rorriod boceuso their
pofeeairin varied rith their deoda (Gorkha).
"In the Summer of 1767 the Kiag of Gorlhaa leitl siege of
P&tsn, and took 12 thanae on the o&8brn side of the oity aad
dostmyed all the bsrutiful houres therein oa ths outskift;. Ihe
advauce oame as neer as th6 Esnotuary of tho mission, antl
tlie
bullots 6red by the Gorkha trooport wore reaching our com_
pounds. T[e X'atherg of Kethmeldu porsusdod us to loave &nd
go back to K&thmaDdu vith the corryerts to rsye thomgolves
from the rirte of tho aessutt. But suddenly ono night the Gtdr.
khalie dvaouat€d all the.tha,tras aud ,wo came to know th*t they
hsd gone to meet the invosion of a sma]I Briti8h erpedition
phioh vas oa tho wey to Nopl to
holp Jayaprakasa on hia
roquost. Tho British foro6 aft6r taking Bindhuli Ga.lhi (then
undcr, Gorkha) had rdvaaced as fa,r ag the foot of the
mountain
cloeo to the Valley but the Gorkhalie sho had
collootcd thero
0 Doounlotti & Uirstolui It lirll lol fibot ot nol Nopol
hy L. pat oL
Vol. 11. eAtt rL h. 2?B ff.
206 UODEBN I{f,PAL

in sufrcioat numbers ropulsed the Euglish throwing stones

ot them fmm above the hills, proventing them from climbing
tho mountaios. Tho English army retrerl,ed, and wae iD
oocupation for sometime of the low la"nds that had earlier been
oouquered by the Gorkhalis, But our troublos multiplied
boo&use they suepocte{ that wo were responsible for summon-
ing tho British to invade Nepal. Tho Gorkhalis thougbt
that all the Europeans wero of ono party and of one miud
and tho ['athers hatl inspired tbis expedition,
"Fathor Marco Dollo Tomba in Bottia was anxious because
he obtaiaeil no newg about the Capuchin missions in Nepal.
A Srahman \r&s 8ent with gift of a binocular to the king to
find how we were faring. Thie man oamo to Quipolli and
sccrotly handed over the lotter to Michael Angelo who was
tr€&ting the King's eon iu the c&mp. Aftor aomotimo, howevor,
tho fo,ot of the lotter leaked out aud Michel was summarily
order€d to go to Kathmandu. The Brahman lator oa got
into ttoublo and Ta8 Bent to Gorkhs for itrcor(tration. We
did oot kuow what fate awaited him thero. Ae it vas an
unfavourable eoasou, there was no chapoe of the English
foroe to mako a fresh &ttempt to msrch furthor. So Kinloch'r
Gxllodition ended abruptly and oll ideas of repeetiog it
abandoned, aad, thoreforo, Prithvinarayana Shah called the
mojor portion of his, troops, atrd collect€d others for his help
aad with them ho occupietl the strong point which wore round
Kathmandu. Then ho surrouoded tho to\yn, and beeieged it.
The X'athers ia Kathmandu sent their belongings and thoir
wsrds to Patan, because the Gorkhali8 now occupied their
cametery, and uado it & thsna aad the wiadowe of thoir
church lay exposed to firing. The tr'ather's, however, staydd
as they had received prouiso of protection from Surapratap.
ln the uooth of September of 1768 the Gorkhalie ontered the
towa, Four Brabrn&nB were sont t,o our placo to protect u8.
Poor king of Kathmandu who w&s abandoned by evoryono,
oyon by his own soldiore who gayo no resietance whetsooyor
to tho Gorlrhalis managod somolow or oth6r to rua to P&tan
 GOBKEA BECOUES EINODOU CF NtrPAN 207

with ,00 Botdiers who stuck to him and defendod him up to

the last. These wero uot influenced by the deop and subtle
intrigues and espionage of the Gorkhslis. In Patan the mission-
aries were apprehonsive about tho fathers in Kathmandu.
King Prithviuarayana deeired to tako P&t&E without any ffght
and bloodshod. To this ond he sont his master of roligion, a
Brahman, to negoti&te with the Prailhans. But tho lstte!
feared revenge end cruel treotment and hositated to surmuder.
Ilowever, on repeated &sBur&ncea iu writing of proteotion of
bheir life aud proporty and on swearing that molediction
would fa,ll on his 8 genorations ('&ntprior and poeterior) if he
failed to carry out pledger, the hadhans gavo in. Tho king
of Patan flod to Bhatgaon whero Jayaprakas* had already
taken refuge. After noaily o month of this coaquest of
Kathmandu, Patan foll to the iayeders. Prithviaa,rayana used
oll dovicee to lay hold on Patan. Sweet words, loud promiees
of kirrd treatment and of rewords of tiuos and hououre and
iasulaDceB of safety for life and proporty were abundantly
oxtendod. But oncs the troops occupied Patan, thoy deprived
the Pradhans of their property aud detaiaod women and
girle of their familios. The lattor wero engloved s,ad some
of them hended over to the lowty, Iho coming of Gorkha
rpread terror evorywhere. Suoh a big oity ao deusely
,populated looked &lmo8t desertod, bocauso eithEr many had
run aw&y or kept themaelves in hidiag. King hithvina.rayeaa
with this &chiov€ment left for Noakot whero he hail eent all
the Pradhans made prisoner. The Gorkhali Govornor lof.t
behind was a gr6at enouy of the Europeans, Ee maltreated
the niseionariee &nd tortured the Christian cotrverts. The
missiou was closed whon the fathors secured permisrion liom
the Kiug to go bock to Prtan."
The last paragrapl of tLe lotter reads :
"To end the nows about Nepal let te edd, the soa of tho
King of Gorkha after having coaquered Bhatgaon, the last
city which fell to the Gorkh&lis, sert to us to B€ttieh tho
few belongingr left by us ia Bhatgaon through- somo of hie
208 MODEBN NEP.AL

I)6ople. Ee kept for himself whatover valuable of the goodt

rrs left there. Through these mon, Po c&mo to know thst
he hatl the throe klngs of Nopal taken prironer after having
maseaored many poople. The Gorkbalig also esized ths
persons of many Pradhane to whom ho had sworn prot€ction.
Later he massaorod them all in tho DoBt horrible way. Somo
of thom were floyed alive atrd yet more woro torturod to
ileatb opplying B&lt oYot tho flayed surfacb of tho body.
The tortured diotl of violont psin, othors were sawed .and
moro othere had their abdonen opened and intestines ta'kon
out, etill moro of thom woro cut into bits; thet tongue'
oyes, noee and hande one by ono torn ofr One c&trnot €YsD
imagine how terrible it ras."
The Capuohins had boon forosd to loave Nopal on acoount
of Prithvinarayona Shah'e hostilo foeliug towords theh aotividy'
'wero
Ae such they pmJudiced against him and wero prone to
give credence to aDy &ccount of Prithvinarayan's trestmsDt
of his vonquished adversariep' So what was reportad in tho
above paregpphs cannot be taken as aomothing fully
coneistont with roality. The voreion ig that of one who
barried a tollt&io to give a highly i!flated &ceount of tbe
happenhgs in Kathmandu after Prit'hvinarayan&'8 Yictory oYor
the R&j&. ft weg all a hoeraay that had appeartd in tho
writing. Ib cannot bo denied thtt in the boa't and hurry o{
aotions wbdo fright and confusion widely provailed aome axceas
wes commit'ted. Prithvinarayona Shah was also not eupposod
to alesl latiently with thoso who had betrayod their maators
But boing an unsoruPulous intriguer himsolt he could not
ofortl to do othorwieo. Wo shall however retorn to this themo
a littte lator.
The people in genoral vero not touohed at all' Thereforo'
thero \f,as no question of their aufrerilg at Pritbvinarayan's
hands. Rather, they felt reliovcd of the unhappy situation
vbioh hail prevailed for long in their country in the wako
of court intriguos and rivalry emong;t tho thrce ruleri,of the
Nepol Vatl6y. It could not be said on s[y account that there
 GORKEA BXOOUEA XINGDOM O!' NEPAL 209

w&s feeling of di8content or h&tred towerds hithyirar&yana

Shah. As far ae tho general mass of tho people wero cotr-
ceraed, his victory had only introduced a change of ruliug
dynasty. Iu ploce of a scion ofthe Rajput Malla family, they
were no'w baving a desc€nalsnt of tho Chittor clau of Rajputs
to rule over them. This did not mske any difroreuce to them.
But hithvinarayana Shah had put an ead to tho chaos and
misrule of petty lords and restored peaco and security to I
cousolidrted kingdom. Tho people had aow eecured wbat"
wae primarily necessary for their prosperity sDd progress.

CONQUEST OF BEATGAON

For about a year Prithvinarayana did not intorforo within

thtq city of Bhatgaon. Earler in l?66 he had tried a way to
imprioon the old king in a place near Banepa, which greatly
strsiaed theh frienilly rolation. The ettempt could not
suocoed owing to unexp€cted rircumstances. But as Ranajita
Malla was lullod into a false senso of security by hia promises,
he did uot get prior information of tho proposed imprieonmeut,
vhile he at tho ssno time Bincerely observed hie wordE of
noutr&Iity Btanding &s au -eyo witness to the fall of hig
brotberen. ? But when Prithv'insray&ne demanded the sur-
rsnder of the refugees from Kathmandu and P&tan, his senso
of brothorhood roboll€d in him. Yot another coneideration
would proyout him from giviog ehelter to the refugees, Tho
chroniole ns.tr&tes hor he refened the matter to publie
approval ond ffndiag that tbere w&s & general eaaetion ofhis
policy of giving proteotion to tho erilos he turnod down
Prithvi's requeet. Thanks to hi8 ottituale, Joyaprakasa Malla
now acquireil & brcathing time aod organiseil whatever ro-
mainetl of his Brmy to try oysntu&lly one more ffght with the
Gorkhalis.

7. naDtiite M6Ue b6il issusil o ileotee callilg upod hi8 tr)ooplo to go to

th6 siil of tho Golkbslh (1A LStE MnCa vabi I0). ruaEucry, 1769.
210 UODEBIT ITf,PAL

Although Bhatgaon was gtill to bo conquored Prithvi's

sttsntion ves &lways tumed to the west rrherr tho Chaubiei
rulers were seeking an oppoftunity to frustr&te his deeign.
This wes the rcaeoa why he was asking of Deburana to look
sfter th&t seotor &nd to write to him about tho movement of
his opponents as occarsionally as possible.
fn & letter to Deburana, Prithvinarayana said that having
oonquered Kathmandu anal Paten recently he had now orderod
to corner Bhatgaon and for thie the peoples and sepoys of
Gokarna, Changu, Sanga, Lubhu, Patan and Kathmandu
were instigated to pluntler the paddy crop in tho areas belong-
to Bhatgaon. The lettor informed that the soldiers were
proceeding from Sanga and como to occupy the foot o[ that
bll (Atuhw Buili Sroj 6 - X'riday, 14, October, 1768), Debu-
t&n& w&s lastly asked to furnish details of events in thet
quarter concorning tho Chaubisi. Iu the letter to Srikrisna
Pa,thak, the local commaadcr, he asks him to station troops
nert loon in Dobukot and Saughaphedi (1825 Kartiba Sud.i
6 ro7'J-Tuesday, l5 Novedber, l;68.)8 Ee could not surely
loovo Bhatgaou oven otherwiae, as now thie had beccme a
refuge for Jayaprakasa, Tejuara Simha and others who wero
likely to uee the opportunity to manoeuvre against him. Thoy
had tog€thor organised also a force of the Rais and Limbus
besides the Negarkotis and it was rumoured that Karna Sen
of Chaudaadi would join them soon. The ruler of JajarLot
was & friend of Prithvinarayana who had upheld Gorkha's
cause in his region. Prithvinara)'&r& was always in corres-
pondenco with him impreesing bim of the mutual friendship
8Dd respect. On thot account Prithvi bad no cause for
wony io thnt quarter. But in the immediato west of Gorkha
his enemies wore ready to attack hie territories aa 6oon aa
suoh an oppoftunity arose. If Bhatgaon's ruler could combino
with the Chaubisi allies, end Sona Raja of Morang were l,o
Eupport thom, the situatiou would be full of disquiet for him.

8. Alchives oI ForeigD lliEisbry.

 GOBREA BtrCOMES KINODOU O]r NOPAL 2tl
Prithvinarayana could not therofore, sit quietly in respoct
of Bhatgaon. IIe had also to be extremely watchful about
the movoments of his adversaries in the Chaubisi region.
ft appears from a lebter of Prithvinarayana add.ressod to
Ranarudra Shah that he was afraid of Palpa, Tauhou and
Lamjung combining against him. IIe occasionally rofers to
the dangor of Tanhou and Lamjung crossing the rivor
Marsyangdi. Thero was a pbssibility of the combined foroo
of the opponents taking a southerly diroction and the Chautara
had been asked to defond tho forts on Gorkha's side. To
meet the challenge of Tanhou and Lamjung it was necess&ry
to keep Palpa and Kaski in humour. fn a letf,er of Prithvi-
nar&yana to Ranarudra datred Rarti,kaaadi 13 roj Z:Monday,
7 November, 1768 despatched from Noakot whero he had jus;:
,arrivedr it has beeo said that eibher Vamsmani or Nahar Rana
should be eent to Kaski to flatter its ruler. Kaski was to
bo offered money in addition. Prithvinarayana often reeorted
to giving bribes, and he won the loyalty and friendship of
rulers by cash payment and gifts. Prithvinarayana informe
the Chautara that he has sent a letter of warning to
Mackwanpur. Ee expresses his opinion that Jag Bania should
go to Kaski. The letter was dated Marga aail,i 6 roi A-
Tuesday, 29 November, 1768 and wag sent from Noakot
through Kalu Khatri. As palpa! Kazi was in Noakot,
Prithvinarayana wanted Ranarudra to eomo in Noakot
for urgent consultation about striking a deal with that country
in-regard to cultivating friendship. Prithvinarayana oxpresses
his fear that if the talk was held without Ranarudra its
guccess was not ensured.
It is not clear whether Ranarudra c&rne to Noakot. But
Pribhvi wrote a,nother letter to him and Kalu Khadka to be
vigilant about the movement of the Chaubisis.
212 trcopnnlr Nf,PAL

FIGET WITII LAM;TUNG

It so appears thab while Prithvinarayana was engaged in
the propaiatiou for an attack ou the city ef Bhatgaon, he had
to fight the Chaubisi onoe again in an encounter aoross the
river Marsyangdi in Bandipur. The king's Iettere addressed
from tho Gorkha valley oa Magha suil,i 6 roX /-Sunday,lz
February, 1769 to Srikrisna Pathak says that the ruler of
Lamjung was def'eated, and the Gorkha forcos had advanced
ag far ag the Mahibol valley with the objective of capturing
the trade mart of Baudipur. Bandipur is a hill. It was
strategic and a commercial eeutre for the hillmen also nego-
tiating trade route to the valley of the Rapti, in Chitaun,
through which the border with Moghul Indio was conneoted
via Bhikna Thori, south of the Somesvar& rengos.
Lamjung was fighting by the side of Tanhou, and it i$-said-
in the letter that Bandipur was evaouated. But no furthor
details are mentioned. Atthough Gorkha had nothing to fear
from the actual presence of the British who had already
exporionoed the bitters of the fight on the hills, yet there was
a probability that the rulei of Tanhou might bring some
reinforoemente to his eretwhile hilly kingdom through Chitaun
from acrosg the border. So whenevor there was a flere up
in this aroa, aud it so happened that on eYery occassion Lam-
jung was the instigator, Gorkha had to be approhensive on
that account, and always retain a stato of preparedness.

BHATGAON CAPTUR,ED

A few months bofore Bhatgaon fell to the Gorkhali cou-

queror, an incident took place to arouse Prithvinarayan to the
action of taking arms against Ranjit, who was all along his
admirer and supporter. This was : one day while he wae

9. Archives, Foreigo l\finistry. Nepal.

 GOBXEA Bf,OOIIES TI}IODOU OB NEPII, 2r3
eurveying some iportant outposts on tho o&8tern border, a
party of Jayaprakaea'a Nagartroops led by Bhebani Simha
attacked him noar about what is now callod Evanghvang
Pati; he ws,s about to be killod but timely int€rvontioa by
Harkha Pontho averted tho fatal blow. This so enraged
possible threats of ropriral.
Bhatgaon was sunounded ou all sidee by the Gorkhali
troop stations towarde the end of 1769 A. D. Tho dato
mentioned for the capturo of Bhatgaon oity by the chroniclo
in the possession of a Borlang Thapa family is NS 890 K&rtika
sudi 12, This appears oorrcct as we hayo anothor eouroe,
rvhich gives Vilcrama 1826 Saka 1691 NS 8g0 iti,na 29 Ssturdsy
(: ll November, 1769). Botb point to the samo day.
According to Wright tho oooupation was efrectnd without
ma,jor resistaoco, tho Gorkhalis h&ving entered tho pslaco
through cert&io tetlpleB could esBily penetra,te into tho
habitat of the refugoes and suddenly oyerpowor thom. AII
the threo R.ajas were imprironod. Ranajit howevor vas ttroatod
kindly and in conformity to his roy&l dignity. IIe later bogged
lqlye to go to B&n&ras, which was granted.
According to the chroaicle Prithvinoroyana,s - forces od-
vanced.through two diroc0ions, east and north-east anil eot
fire to housos in the vicinity of tho oastorn gat€ at Bol&kh{i
Iola to cause panic. Ran*jrt and party lay insido the pa,leoe
at the shrine of Taleju, but by the time they could oolloct
themsolves the Gorkalis under Vamsaraj Pande and Sura-
pratap had reachod tho main door through the ehrines of
Brahamayani &nd D&tt&traya juet in the o&st. The lettor
quickly scaletl tho outer wall and in groups took posaesaion
of the roofe of a portiou of Eitichok noer tho golil door. Out-
side Jayoprakas had placod a fleld gun, it thundored but
missecl the targets while firing w&s ontiroly ineffective. Thsn
Ranajit sent a recoaaaissance unit to know the moyemetrta
of ths Gorkhalie but they were shot down one by ono in their
place from & portion of tho palace which had fallen to tho
invaders. Now tho Gorkhalis reaohed the very roof of the
2t4 MODERI{ Nf,PAI,

Mulohok (main oourtyard) from tho a&stern side aud started

Bhooting th6 inmates beneath. Two men wore killed instautane-
ously, and there w&s on uproar, and was follotred by ll deaths
due to another showor of bullets. The defenilants tberoafter left
Mulchok for Chaukot which was the tallest part of the building,
inaccossible from other parts due to its height. It was thought
that this would give thom a placo of rofugo, whero no bullets
from around coutd bs fired. Whilo Ranajit and Tejnarasimha
wore already thete, a bulet b'it Jayaprakasa in his right leg
as he waa just getting up the sta,ire to join them and
outeide w&s perpetuated a gruesomo trageily resulting in
murderous killing of a largo number of defondants. Everywhere
the invadors marchetl unchalleaqetl. After a while it was
felt iu the defender's cemp thet resistance was futile, and all
eurrendorod. Tho rulers were t&ken prisoner. Jayaprakasa
becamo aoriously il1 because of the grievous wound, and he
died eoon aftor. Tojanarasiuha wae kePt in confiqemeut
whero he died, while tho ruler of Bhatgaon was psrnitt€d to
go to Banarasr o.
It iB said that Prithvinarayana rewarded Vamsaruj Pande
as the principal oommander ofthe fight who had won victory.
Sura Pratapa thought that he plpyed the major role but was
ignorstl. So he loft his brother in disgust antl wont to live
iu Tauhou. About this time eg&in Kehar Singh and his
brother were also being calleil Baksi, which literally meant
an officer io charge of account, paying salaries to employees.
One Nepali author thinks that tbis was a title superior to that
of a Sardar. Perhaps Kohar Singb after assuming tho new
post a,cted &s paymaster in the army.
Immediately after Rana,jit Malla had surrendered Prthvi'
narayana appointed Vamsaraj Pande to administer tho state
of Bhatgaou. But ho was at tho Post for e short while. A
permanont appointee came somo time later.

10. See Moilievsl Nopsl, Pt. II tor fulth€! iletails ebout ths 68ht in
BhatgeoD. The city Bhatgaon lost neerly 5oo meE' But s ohroBicle
of
states thrt ody 17 m€r w€ro Lilleil ilutilg th€ Iight lastilg Io! 3 days'
 GOREIIA BEOOMES KI]ICIDOM OF NEPAI, 216

The firet civilian admir Btr&tors woro Suragimha Rana and

Kalu Khadla. They wero appointed aB Ama,li by s letter of
l83O Karrika Vaili 5 roi 4 (:Wodnesday, 6 October, 1773)-
Shatgaon was sxemptd from all taros exoept customs,
purqnotusal, (al old levy) and dolatr (brokera ge) arLd. tho Amdi,
literally collootors of rovenuo, were asked to adoinieter the
city, rehabilitate the citizeus and onoourage Dew settleDent.
They were also to dieponso justioo fairly and. squarely. Tbe
trouble makere were to be sternly dealt with after rsference
to tho King (Gurung-Magar bo Vammoali,, p. 43).

DEATH OE JAYAPRAKASA
Jayaprakas died in Aryaghat on the bank of the river
Bagrd.ati at tho fset of Paeupatinath. Prithvinarayana Shab
went thero to seo him as ho lay on his death bed. t ho two
adversaries had elroady faced each other once just a day
earlier in Bha,tgaon, while Jayaprak&sa, lraa being surrendered-
Prithvinaroyan had then said "Jayaprakae, wha,t do you
think now. You boasted that you woultl humiliato me and
put mein chaine". To this the reply wae, .'I aocept defeat.
a,t your h&nds. Bato willed it so. You c&mo out victorioue
end I loet. But I am Batisfied th&t I fought to tho end.
I only regret that owD peoplo betr&yed me. They wero
treacherous ; they had taken impure food." Prithvinarayaua
Shah was inpressed with thie reply of his bravo adveraary-
While the viotor ond vanquishod met for the eecoad timo,
bocause tho l&tter was dying nstuelly tho tone w&s soft a,qd
words worr sympathotic. But Jayaprakasa proudly said that,
he was so happy that death came to him so eoon. ft would
hove been an imult if fate had docreed to kiU him iu prisou
after somo time. Eo had loathed to die s8 s c&ptivo iu tha
hande of hig adversary and it would havo been torturous to
languish in prison. Jayaprakaso rres then asked to *ry if
ho had any wisheB to fulfl. But he kopt quiet indicsting
that a dying per.ron had no eartbly rishes, hithyinarayenr,
howevor, insisted on getting tho anewer antl assured him th&t
2to IIODERN Nf,PAL

ho wouldfulffl whatovor earthly wae possiblo for him as tho

King of Nepal. The euggestion was that thodying ruler of
Kathmandu should perform Bome ritee ond givo alms to the
Brahmsns aud the poor aud needy. But Jayaprakasa thought
othorwise; hie faco glowing with e smilo. Thon he foll
into a poneivo mood. It a,ppearod thst h6 was thinking about
aode serioue m&tt€r, &nd suddenly he got oxcitod, &lthough
tho lsst momont was slmost como. Then gaping wide his
mouth he eaid. "All right, you giv6 me an umbrella and s
pair of shoes." At thie all sitting aroond the sick-bed
inclutling tho now Kiag of Nep&l voro Btunnod. But
Prithvinarayana calmly told him thot ho would not havo his
real denand fulfilled not uutil the third generation after him
vas soated on tho throue. Neyerthelese a pair of shoeg aad
umbrells were provided to him.
It was said that Jayaprakasa desirod to have power to
take revenge upon many of those who had betrayed him.
The chroaicle giyos ar account of a simila.rly poignent
scoos while Ranjit wae bidding the laet goodbyo to Nepal.
As all tho elderly members of the ruling Malla familiee wero
permittod to proceed to Bauaras, Ranjitmalla was aleo
giveu to know that either he should go to Bansres or live
enywhere outside the limits of tho three prinoipal cities of tho
Nopal Yalley. Ho chose to go to Banaras forsaking the
pleasuro of living in ths midet of his rolations and country-
men. The cbronicler wroto that with hie loog experience
of association with the atlministration of his country Ranjit
had grown bitter towards his former subjects. Ee did really
foel as ho h&d to le&ve his cquutry, but he wept profusely
for the faot that mon hore had Dot boen onlightened enough
to respect certaia precious values of society. Wo b&ye a
song attributed to Ranjit eaid to have beeu composod as
he enjoyed the.last look of hie home town from the top of
the Chandragiri mountain, but which aeverly attacke tho
roy&l family, the ministers, the priests, tho ofrcere and other
leaders ol tho Valloy of Nepal for their treacherous rolo during
the last thirty ffvo years.
 GOBKEA BECOMES XI}IODOM OjE' }IEPAT, 2r7

Thebewailing and dosire for revengo on tbepartofthe

former King of the Nepal Yalley against their erstwhile
associates certainly roflect on the state of morality in the
Valley of Nepal, which to all accouuts w&s poor and extra-
ordinarily poor. ft isnotthat the defeated rulershad fouud
a fault with someone aud apportioued blame for tho mishap
of the failure of their own ga,me, and we catch tho issue to
make a sweeping generalisation about the moral stato of tho
people. But what was in evidence indicating a eorrowful
picture of human degradation in Nepal was the fact of a series
ofbetrayal by those eurrounding theee rulers, which surely
was oaueed by a deplorable situation where morality had sunk
very low. Tho event of the defeat of the rulers of the Nepal
Vallgy is not so important by itself. Where two combatants
ataud in the field, ono surely wins and another is defeated.
But the defeat of a ruler at the hands of an outsidei, brought
about by the machination of those very perscns who wielded
influence in the state, is not something which we can dismisg
a,s an affair isolated from all moral considerations.
It was said that both Ranjitmalla and Jayaprakasa
warned Prithvinarayana Shah against the iatriguing climato
of the Valley, and it wae for this reason that the latter had
rised tho most cruel measures of killing a large number of men
in an endeavour to eliminate the Ieast possibility of a hosuilo
underground baso of iutrigue against himself.
Until Bhatgaon was conquered, Prithvinarayan Shah
maintained his hoadquarter in Noakot. But since tho
conquest of Bhatgaon, he shifted his camp to Kathmandu
which was formally declared the capital of the new Kingdom.
It was said that temparamentally Kathmaadu etood to satisfy
the main requirement. It was suggested that Patan was a
hotbed of ministerial intriguee aud its condition allowed free
scope to its ministers to plot against its ruler, and Bhatgaon's
people wore turbulent enough to render the throne always
infirm. Kathmandu, however, was freo from the traditional
weakness of the sort associated with the two cities. It was
218 UODf,RN NEPAT,

to gua,ranteo his security anil the cecurity of central porer

in N6p&l tha,t deteimined this choico of Kathmandu a8 capita,l.
It is al8o being said that originally ho planned to Bhift the
royol rtsidonco in Dahachok, As soon aa Kathmandu was'
mado tho he&dquarter of the Government of Nepal, Prithvi-
na,rayan& added sevoral wingB to tho roya,l palaco, oao of which.
he nomed Yaeantapur to surpass in beauty &ntl grandour all
that had so loug appeared in building in Lalitpur, Kirtipur,
Bhaktapur and Kentipur.
The chronicler state8 that hig nert step w&s to ordor a
Eettlement of land. By this ho m&do uniform not only the
eystom of land teuure but &l8o the tax on land. This unifor-
Dity was enforced by bringing the land meaeurement i[ the
Valley of Nepat in lino with what obtrined in tho hills.
It was sa,id that the m&ss of the peoplo in the Valloy
wore muoh fsar-stricken becauae of the nsw mast€r i they
hesita,teal also to appear in eustomary rituals. While hithvi-
nsr&y&n& ca,me to know all about this, ho made an &nnounoe-
ment that all subjects of the Government worb oqual il the'
oyes of la,w irreellective of community and casto thoy belonged
to. o also declared meagures to &8sure them .full rights in
respect of roligion, traditioral rites and pr&otioes. Prithyi-
Dalay&n& went a step further. Ee himself participated in
mauy celebrations and perfo'rmances qhero previously the
Malla rulers hail figured. Eo aleo helped to repair damaged
temples and donated lands for their upkoop.

ACEIEYEMENT OT' PRITHVINAR,AYANA. SEAll

A New Btate Born
In the prevailing asmosphero of the Velley mutual antago-
nism workod to a pitch had the only cotraequence, and tbat
was to invite the Chief of Gorkha to take advantage of tho
situation end push his orn plan of conquest in troubled
waters. Prithvinarayana Shah did really succ€ed in ta,king
advantago of the situation. The conquest a,nd anuexatiotl
of tho Nepal Valloy tended to Bo enlarge his domain that ho
 GONKEA BEOOUEA KI]YODOIT OF NEPAL 219,

could now c&rye out a substantially large and viable kingdom,

of which he beoamo the soveroign.
But it wag all for the best that Prithvina,rayaira Shah was
to cotrquor and anner a good many portions of tbo erstwbile
kingdoms of the Eimalayas. Eis failuro would havo only
helped the forcee of disintegration and kept tho diviaion
intoct, and tbe birth of the kingdom of tbe m&goitudo
envisagod by him ae handed down to ue would havo nover
taken place. In tho wako of Pritbvinarayana'e defoat the'
British colonial interest was sure to aoquiro a 6rm footing.
Nepal would uot have been destined to booome a unifiod whole
ae it is today. The Ctraubisi, Baisi aud the throe Nepel
Yalley kingdoms-olt would have beon there. Our fate woultl
have been little better than that of the emall states in fndia
in Britieh days, whore petty princes ruled tho roost under
Britiuh paraoountoy. Tho err,mple of ,Simla and Oriesa states
ie beforo uB. After all, Prithvinarayana w&a no elien to tho
peoplos of the centrel flimalayan region. Eo was r trus
native of the soil of this regiou. All these sta,te8 wore
difrerent members of a eingle central Eimalayau family,
whether the Baisi, the Choubisi or tho eo called No war
triumvirate. It would be wrong to take Gorkha conqueet
ea &n event of ompire building, No alien peoples were
involved. Geographically, historically and in raco and oulture
the va,st majority of the reoples all over the Eimalayas are
&like. Prithvinareyana Sbah's victory wa8 in the nature of
the victory g&ined by the King of Weseer over the lleptarchy
in the British fsles.
Ilistory ehall remember Prithvinarayana for keeping the
uamo of Nopal in the uap as a political entity. If
Jayaprakasamalla had his rvay, tho Englisb would have been
in the eaddloin Kathuandu eince 1767 with the Valley of
Nopal as their ffrst protectorate evon if the Kathmandu ruler
might not have likod it. The political importance of Nopal
as the capital city of a large independent Kingdom in modern
times owes to Prithvinarayana Sbah. Under British suzerainty
220 IIODEBN NEPAL

Nepal would havo been at best another Srinagar (of Kasbmir

State) of a small princely state of India. fts area would
have been no larger than tbat of a ffrst-class district in
British Indian proviuces. Sikkim or Tohri would. have been
ite nearest parallol or utmost Mysore or Baroda. It would
ha,ve nover enjoyed the glamour of the Capital of a largo
country. Except for its utility as the surnmer resort of wealthy
Europeans and fndiars and as a trade centre of present
Kalimpong's importance to link India with Tibet; the Valley
ofNepal woulC have appoared of no consequence.
Prithvinaray:-na Shah could be rightly called the founding
father of Nepalese community or Kingdom as the term is
understood at the present time. Prior to his laying the
foundation of a Kingdom that was dostined to be the state
of Nepal of the present dimension, there was actually no
community of the name Buggesting the one spread over &
territory which toda.y constitutes Nepal. In the dirpensation
eristing under the British rvhat we might witnesg was the
motley crowd of petty feudal dependencios, that would give
a name to these iodividually in accordance with the situation.
Thus instead of bearing a common designation of a.Nepali, the
peopleo of this region would havo been oalled variously after
each state, e.g. the Lamjung (from La,mjung), Parbate (from
Parbat), Jajarkote (from Jajarkot); Palpali (from Palpa), etc.
In the Iate medieval age the inhabitants of the Vnlley of Nepal
had come to be known ae Newars. They spoko one language
called Newari in common usage (this was designated a,.e
Deshbhasa or Nepalnbhasa in inscriptions of the l6th and
lTth centuries). They also shared in common certain
features of social customg and mannerg. They could la5r a
claim to a sort of homogenoity over a major part of the
Valley.inspite of diversity of racial origin. But they could
never have been equated with the Nepali as is understood
in a larger context. The Nepali of today bears his name
not from the Nepal of the olden times, but from the Nepal
of the present which comprises at least twenty-five times its
 GIOBKEA BECOUET' KII{GDOU OX' NEPAIJ 221

original sizo after the amalgam effected by Prithvinerayana,

and his successors. Modern Nopal appeare in the capacity
ofa whole consisting of several parts, oue of which is old
Nepal. But as we bave said, this old Nepal. is not a largo
part, its importance lies only in its position as the capital
of the Kingdom of Nepal. Otherwise in point of territorial
stretch this looked even more insignificant because it was
also divided. Thus the Nepali would havo been conspicuously
absent from these denominations.
This much about King Prithvinarayana at this place. IVe
shall havo occasione to say more about him.

PR,ITEVI R,ECEIVES A MOGEUL TITLE

As he became thc master of a sizeable territory prithvi-
narayana deomed it proper to get recognition from the
Mahammadan Emperor of India.
A letter in Persian along with its reply complying with
hie request for the recognition of the title of Maharaja
Bhumsher Bahail,ur Jang is preserved in the archives of the
Foreign Office o[ the Gevernment of Nepal.
Prithvinarayana Shah solicits the favour of a grant ofa
title of 'Bahailur Shumsher Jang'. He addresses himself
as the landlord of Gorkha (Zaminil,wr) ornamented by the
title of the Bardar and. Amir. Ee describes himself as tho
Barilar of Amirs, brave in the battle field, helper of the
Emperor and a statesman and deplomat.' He was the ruler
who understood the inner mind of the followers, their loyalty
and deeeptive actions. I{e wa,s also Bakei yul Mutk
Kayamuililaula Rhan Bahailur Kagam Jang Bajawat rnuUc.
Ee hoped to get the title with Rs. 5,000/- income and 4,000
cavalry under him.
Both the lotter and the reply are in Persian character.
There is a Nepali translation of the letters. The Ietters are
sealed and written in fine hand. f wanted to eramine the
translrtion by taking theso to a loarned seholar of persian
222 IIODDB]f NDPAI,

snd for this nentod pormissiotr to photogr8Ph them. But

the authorities under falso sonse of nationalism would not
allow mo to photogrsph the dooumontE' Ar a result I had
to dependon the translatiou attached to the lotters ss
presorved ia the archivee.
Tho documents beering tbe d&te F zri ll84 month Jikadam
and 25 day purport to show th&t h"thvinarayana Shah was
awarded the title of Samsher Jang by tho Emporor.
The dato sequence gives us 1770 A.D, This was aftcr
[he conquost of -Bhatgaon by Prthvinarayaaa Shah. Who
this Emperor was to confer on him the title t Was hs Shah
Alan II the titular Emperor of India whose possession
covered the district of Allahabad aud arouud and uothiag
more ? Tho Engtish, tho Marathas, ths Nawab Yazir of
Outlh. tbe Nizam, Ilydor Ali, and others vero the real
maeters of India in their respootivo atoas of control and the
Emperor was just titular. Tho seal has to be eramined
thoroughly before we come to decide if it was 'shah Alam 1I'
3ut it might also bo that tho sealed charter wag iesuod to
Prthvinarayaua Shah through some local Nawabs in
North Bibar.
Eow ie it that Pdthvinarayana Shah thought it treodful
to eoek the title Maharoja Bahadur Shumsher Jang from the
Badshah 7 If the facts of his submission for a title is truc,
ho has admittod bimself as a Zamiador of Gorkha implying
tbat the ruler of other petty principalities wore also subordi-
uate chisfe owing allegience to the Emporor in India wboever
ho might be. Tho acceptanco of the title certaiDly reflectg
on tho indepondonce of tho Gorkha ruler in wh&toYer looso
8en8c this word roigbt be used. It appears th&t ss we h&vs
already suggosted in the beginning of the book all the
principalitios in the region both in the wegt and east as well
as the Valley states &oknowledged the suzerainty of the
.\Ioghul Emperor. The titlo conlerred on Prithvirarayana
Shah is a further proof of tho faot.
The lile'Bahad'ur Shunuker Jang' camo to bo ailopted by
 GOEEEA BECOUNS KI]IIGDOM OF NEPAL 2

?rithvinarayona Shah einco 1869. Previoua to this yoar,

'his royal opithets were iuet Maharajailhiraja used iu hie
.corlospondonco. Bot Jbyaprakasa iE his iDscription of tho
Svayaubhunatha calls him the Raja of Gorkha. Ilovevor,
it l,he illnrmapaha of th6 ye&r V S 18fu1 Paaaa ?rodi 8 ho iB
celled Maharaja.
fa the records of the years following tho grent of the
title the epithets Maharaja Bahadur Shumsher Jong, aro
unavoidably present ia tho royal titles of hithvinarayana
Shah and hie euccegsors.
Prithvinarayana Shah hail obviously attached much
significanco to tho conferment of the title on him.
After tho conquost of Bhatgaon when Prithvinarayana
held complete Ewa,y over the Nopal Yalley he had to do cortain
things both pleasrnt and unplea,Bsnt to eD8ure poBition &8
the ruler. Among the unpleasaut things that ho did thero
wae the act of physicql reuoval of all thoso porsons in
Patan and Katbmandu, who had plotted to overthrow their
rulorg and helped to facilitate the coDquoet of these kingdoms.
We havo already naEated the story of how potential
enemiee from insitle the c&mp of the Valley rulers wor€ thus
elinoinated. But Prithvinarayana aleo rerarded thoso whom
he fouud to be truetworthy a,nd who had boon by his eide
from tho very beginning thougb they woro helping secrotly.
Prithvinarayana did eertainly discriminato betwe6n activitiee
rendered by men iu the enemy iamp, and he de&lt with
each caee in tho light of hie eocurity.
He seoms,to have amply paid the Brahman priosts who
were secretly holpiag him from Patan aud Kathmandu oourts-
According to lottero alreedy cited they roceived free-holdiog
of lands. Similarly religious loaders obtainod munificence at
bis hands for their clandestino assiatance. Bnt ia goneral
the treatment whioh could bs termed as generous worc givou
to e few persoD8 ouly.
Iu tho beginning of the Gorkha.Nepal valley oonflict
.the Gosai.n trsders lent money to both aidoe as thoy were
224 UODBBN ITEPAL

uot suro of the outcome. Bnt two years beforo the capture
of Kathrnandu and Patan they had wholly cast in their
lot with Prithvinarayana Shah. The uncertainty had closed
and tho Gorkha ruler had now eeemed to come oub victorious.
In a charter dated 7826 Pauaaoad,i 10 roi 6:Rtiday' 22
December 1769 granted to Bhagvatibana and Lachhmanbana
King Prithvinarayantr, Shah declares that he had taken
them in his protection and guaranteed the continuance of
their rights to enjov their ownersbip over certain lands in
Gokarna as well as the monastery and fields in the city
of Bhatgaon.

11. Itihasa Prakasa, f, I, P.90,

 CEAPTER VIII
Relation with the Chaubisi, 1770-1774
Tho Yalloy of Nepal was & prize for Prithvinarayana'r
undaunted courage and steadfastness, and loyalty, honesty
and bravery of his officore and mon. But this was not the
end of his story. Ee coveted more possessions. Ee was a
conqueror and he was imbued with unquenchable thirst of
an ambition. But he had to move cautiously. Thoro wore
enomies here and there in the west' and east agitated over
his military gains, fearful but out to destroy him whenever
occasion suited.
Prithvinarayana played both a defensive and ofengive'
game. If he could, ho attacked. IVhere he could not, he
shook hauds and pretended friendship. . Ee manoeuvred to
keep in humour the Iiing of Jumla in the Baisi rtgion and-
the rulors of Piuthan aud Kaski in tbo Chaubisi.
Prithviaarayaua had not only in mind the Chaubiei
principalities for his eonquest, but he looked beyond them
to tho region of the Baisi. X'rom the very beginning he had
.made friends and created foes by his attitude and politioal
m&noeuvres.
The Raja of Jajarkot was already his friend and by giving
hia daughter iu marriage to the eon of the Raja of Sallyana
he had fortiffod his poaition in that part of tho Baisi. Eis
inveterate enemios were Palpa, Lamjung and Parbat.
Ee wrote a letter to the Raja of Jajarkot on Saturday,
1I, February, 1769 (VS 1825 Magha suli 5 roi 7) dotailing
his movo againet the hostile principalities in that quarter.
Eo also pledged support to Jajarkot in lieu of the assistance
the ruler had rtnderetl him to enhanee the glory and posse*
ssione of Gorkha.
Prithvi had wou over Jajarkot to his side. He planned
to make a friend of Sallyana also and he won its friendship
by giving his daughter Vilasavsti to the Raja's son Ranabhima'
225 IIODEBN NEPAT.

Shah, the marriage being performed on VS f 823 in Noakot.

Since the marriage the R,aja of Sallyana became a dear and
close friend of Prithvinarayana Shah.
It appoars that ae a result of long prevailing amity these
two states were bound to Gorkha by tios of abiding friend-
.ship, and they stood in Gorkha's hour of trial while the latter
was involved in crucial fights in their region.
In a letter of Jyestha Saili 13 roj 5:Tharsday, 14 June,
1770 addressed from Noakot to Gangadhara Pantha, his
ropresentative in Kaski, Prithvinara,yana, said that Hikmat
rShah had been sont to Kaeki to strengthen his hands and not
.because
there was any kind of distrust felt by the King
in his works. The officers of Kaski wore used to speaking
in a harsh tone in their dealing with the men of Lamjung
and Parbat. Hikrirat Shah's presence in Kaski could create
confidenee and the Rajas of the west should got afraid of
the Gorkhalis when there were two represontativos. Ile
added 'thinking that two are better than one, wo have
sent Eikmat'.
It appears that this was a reply in protost to the appoint-
ment of Ilikmat Shah as co-representative along with Gaaga-
dhara Pantha: Prithvinarayana reassured. him that the Pautha
belonged to the four families enjoying royal trust. fn the
sa,me w&y Siva was also trusted with tho same work but ho
was dismissed because of his misdeeds.
Gangadhara Pantha was asked to press the ruler of Kaski
to attack Lamjung in the coming Jtua Pabsa (auspicious
fortnight). Because Gorkha had acted at an auspicious
moment it could establish outposts within Lamjung's
territory, Bohra.village, Manya Gaunda, Salume and Ghosarpa
and as a result Lamjung could be pushed back. Gorkha
had done five actions but Kaski had not done any. Thie
time Gorkha was to open the attaok on I Asara: TuesdaX,
l9 June, 1770. Kaski was to be exhorted to follow the action
on the same day. Kaski must show determination so that
the success becomes within reach.
 COREA BECOMEA EINGDOI{ O' ]YEPAL 2n
From tho Eoriling of this lottor &nd folloring oDo givoB
g little later it is clesr that Prithvinarayona's main aim wae
to humiliate Lamjung and grab its teuitory. 'In addition
he was anxious to hear whrt tbe ruler of Dang bad to my.
fn particular he wanted to kuow the relatioa botwes[
Piuthan aad Parbat oud how Palpa was bohaviug in
Gorkha's afairs. The eddresse€s hod reported that tho second
princo of Palpa wos going to Piuthan. Prithvinarayana
asked ifit was just eocond priaco or tho Raja himself who
wanted to vieit Piuthan. Even the tbird prince might be
coming. So Prithvinarayana wauted to kuow how ths
&uthoritios in Piuthan talked about tbiE matter. They wore
esk€d to ascortaiq whethor the seoond prince intended to
destroy Lamjung, encourego Kaski and uphold Tanhou or
any other principality. The lotter ie dated l82g Plwlguna
Sudi 3 roj 4:Wednesday, 28 tr'ebruary, 1770. Tho prinoo
of Piuthan was to visit Kathmandu. So there ie a letter
to Kalu Pande at Gorkha asking tho Pando to &ccompsny
him. But if he delayed and was not reaching within l0 days,
Kalu Paudo wa,s to go to Kathmandu for au urgont work.
A royal lotter to Gangadhara Pande aud Dbanya Khadka
BeDt orr .ltarga oadi 3 roj 3 - Tuesday, 6 Novenbor, l7?0
from Kathmandu informe the addrees€es that Gorkls had to
Etation troops in Manya Glunda, Bohra villago and Lubhu.
They were to check tho posts carofully. Prithvinarayana
suggests that there should bo an outpoBt in Lubhutar os this
ie vulnerablo from Manya Gaunda above. But the troops
should reach just in timo as ffred by the astrologer to ev&da
euspicion of tho enemiee who must bo kept in dark. Eo
wrote'till the actual moment the plan has to bo kept e
secret i if the ruler of Lamjung comes to know about the
attempted Bovement, ho moy forestall uB', It was ropotted
that Lsmjung was erecting a stocka.do around a, place (tho
letters are not 016&r), and the ofEcers of Gorkha were to
oramine tho position. Tbo king also wanted to know about

l. crtnng-Maga*o Yamsovoli, pp. t2-13.

.228 UODEBN NEPAL

Kashkiz, We saw how alertuoes saved Gorkha's fate, aud

thoy coultl stave off crisis after crisis in that qu&rter. Wh&t-
evor leud Lamjung possessed ea8t of the river Marsyangili
hod fallen to Gorkha becauee tho former was overconffdont
and listlose aud the latter was cautious and well guartled.

in tke Weet
Ad,oanae

Tho import&nt mombere of the Cbaubisi Btates wero

jealous of tho aohiovoments of Prithviriarayaaa Shah. So
thsy wero trying to oombine to Presont a front sgainBt tho
kiug ofNepal. But Prithvinarayana war also gettiDg a,lert.
Ee was creating a dissention in the camp of hig adversaries.
First he tried to win the new Raja of Tanhou to his side. This
Baja Harakumara Datts, Eecond son of hig father, was living in
Piuthan rnd aftcr the death of his brother was tryfug to
.oome to Sur, the capital with the holp of Gulmi aud
Piuthan. A letter of Kalu Pande said that the Tanhou
rrler raa marchiug to Sur with the support of Gulmi and
Piuthan, Ee wauted Prithvi's consent os to the stoP h€
should take, whoth€r he (Kalu Pando) ghould also proceed to
Sur along with the psrty or be should wait for hie master';
presonce. Prithvinarayana repliotl on Pal6a sudi, 11 roj 6-
Rriclay, 28 Decembor, 1770 that Kalu Pando should go to Sur.
Eo rrote &nother lottor to Kalu Pande asL.ing to press the
Raja of Tanhou to go to Sur. Ia another letter Prithvinatayana
deehod Kalu P&ude to tell tho Raja tha,t tbe lalter sas also
to rulo oyer the upland fmm Sur and not alone the low lands,
Obviously he wentod the Tanhou ruler to aesert his rights and
clash in that courge with Lamjung.
It appe&rs that Earakumaradatta Sea c&me to occupy the
throno at Sur. But ee against the wishee of Prithvinarayana
he had th6 company of mon from Gulmi and Piuthaa and
more from tho Chaubisis wore in cont&ct, which Prithvinarayana
did not liko. Iu the gecond letter he wrote to Kalu Pande that
tho king wonted to be apprisotl of the situation and also to
2. Itr ths possossio! of tho Arohives of tho Foreiso tr{inistry.
 OOBKEA BTOOIIES KI]IGDOU Otr NAPAIT 229

t.now if Dang had withdrewn its outpo8ts oreatod to mako an

ettask oa Sallyana. The letter ig dated Maghoodi 8 roj 4=
Wednesday, 23 Jauuary, 1771.
Obviouely Prithyinaray&na Shah wanted Tanhou to abandoa
the ruler's eretwhile holpers ard beoome hia owir protago. But
Earakumara Da,tta, acted otherw.ieo. Ee saw his eeourity in
th€ uuity with th6 Chaubisie and could not eido with Gorkha.
Prithvinarayana Shah was in Gorkha whilo his men wetro
flghting in ths wost and e&st. But he hail msalo little
headway in the wo8t, deepits temporary auccoss€a.
During his ongsgomont iu the Nopal valley, eome of hi:
offcerg Kazi Vamearlj Ponde, Kehar Singh Baanet antt Sarda,r
Prabhumalla wero moaeuring sworde with his adveresries in tho
west. For the time boing they wero suocasEfrrl. Th6 fghthg
started after Prithvi's manoeuvre hed failed to boor fruit.
After byparsing Tauhou aod Kaski, the lattor bruieed in an
ongagement oa tlo bank of tho rivor Soti, thoy rcoohod the
bank of the river Oandak. Luujung v&s the targot but
Prithvinarayana had ohoeon the other couree and this was to
€ettle matter with the smaller ffrst. But although Syangza
wae csptured, at the hill fort of Noakot the Gorkbali forcoa
met vith a stif resistance. Noakot muld not bo conquered.
But Rising, Ghiring and Bhor had acknowledged Gorkba,r
suzerainty. Paiyun was occupied on }Ionday, 6 May, I??l
(Yaieahha 2? of VS 1828) and a day Iator the Raja of Bhirlot
took to flight ort JgeE ha, d,inaqata 5 oara J:1771, TVedaesday
Mo,y 15 (uaru should be 4) Gorkha ffnally eonquered. Garhon,
Bhirkot, Paiyun oo, Jgeetha Zioaru 2 (:Monday, 13 Juroj
l77I), But by this time Malaibam and the Raja of Lumjung
sroused to &w&teneas of danger threatening them made a
combined efrort ia collaboration with other Rajas to challenge
tho Gorlls ooDquert of these a,reas. In battleg whioh
eobsequently followed in Satahua, the Gorkhalig wore defo&ted
aad thoy wero again pushed back to the Seti (yS lg2g pozao
5 aara Z:Monduy, 16 Decomber, t?7f). In Sata,hun the
s&Eo day Kobar Singh Basnot v&s killed. Another attempt
230 MODEB}I NEPAL

to get thos€ areas loBtor€d by a difrerent unit advancing from

Tanbou met with a rebuff, the forces were led by Dhauhat
Simha Basnet antl Sriharkha Pantha. They were bosieged
in Dhor and escaped with diffculty to the east but the
oommander Vamsaraj Pande {ell into the enemy's hands.
Dhor had now joined the Chaubisie. Gorkha abaudoned
Garhou and Paiyun on Magha 13 oara 5 ttaili 3:Thureday,
23 Jauuary, 1772. Thus the advauco in the westertr Beotor
came to a, halt. Nert day the Gorkha commander Atibala
Bista rethed from Rising ot M a4ha 15 Saturday, 25 January,
U72 snd the Gorkhalis disengaged themselvse from Tanhou
and crogeed the river Marsyangdi back to reach Gorkha.
Two important ofrcers, Sardar Prabbumolla antl Ranasura
Pando were aleo taken prieoners by Parbat ot Ma4ha vad'i 2
ro.1' 4 : W'ednesday, 22 I atuaty, 177 2.

Ihe date of tho doath of Kehar Sinha Basnet es given by

the noting in my lnseession ie Monday, 16 December, l77t
(Pausa 9ukl,a 5 Bomaoara).
The ohronicler says that the Gorkha captivos were releasod
by their ca,ptors after some time. The Rajas vho had fled
from their c&pitsl duriDg thoir defeat had returned. They
wero posing a, new throat witb vengonce.
Thie wae an unpleasant happening for Prithvinarayana
Shah. But he was helpless. IIe va.s to compensate his loss
of tho west by & gain to be obtained in the eaet, whore one by
one, the small principalitiee were falling. This was for tho
last in his life timo tha,t he had marched in the wost. In the
ousuing struggle,Gorkha again did not achieve much.
It appoa,rs that the ffgbt wos unceasing during the nert
year. The inteusity had increaeeil so soou after tho conquest
of tho Nepal valley. Eero Gorkha ras claehing with ono
or tho other member of the Choubisi Rajas in tho westerD
soctor. Eaoh party tried to Eecure advantago ovor the
other, and Gorkha was egain and egain subjected to com-
bined attack. Now beoause Gorkha had expandod to &n
anormoua size, &ll tho Chaubigis had risoa to o Esn agiirs!
 GOBXEA DXOOIIXS TINODOU Or NEPAL 23I
the Gorkhali Raja. Whilo addressing Kalu Khadka, who
was stationed in Gorkha, from Kothmundu prithvinarayana
wroLe on ?hal4una Sudd I roj d-Thursday, 12 March, t77Z
that io the valley of Parevakot thoro was a clash with the
eaeEy but 'their men were lyiog in ombuch in the forest
snd our Boldiors killod 4/5 mon on the enemy side and also
inflicted 6/7 caeualties. It wae reported that Ramadass Bairagi
also was wounded, and eo were B/4 of our Madhesia sepoys.
One of them was aoveroly wounded'8.
According to thir letter one Bairagi Ramdass had. escaped
to Terai. But who is Rauadags Bairagi ? fs he tbe samo
one of hie name, who had cerried Jayaprakaea,s letter to
T. Rumboldt I
Iu this letter hithvinarayana wants to know whether tho
Raja of Bhirkot had returnod and whothor it was truo that tho
priacess of Khanchi wes &at€d ia her trrost. hithvi also
waated to know if Suravina Sene had really como to
Bongiraha. Ee wee reported to bo in Sonpur. IIe aske Kalu
Khadka to rend mon to get tho true information about the
the condition of Kaski and Bhirkot.. Kalu raha.dka had
roported th&t Eome men ha.d caEied false news to parbat
&nd Khenoh about Gorkhais dilapidated condition, tha,t it
waB norv & place bereft of its usual charms, whero men lived iq
dejection without dances and festivala. hithvinarayant
sskod th&t euch rumour be scotch€d and mongers were to be
tracod and punished. Kalu Paude had lea,rnt thie news from
a visitor of Khanchi. Kalu Khadka had informod him thst
Simha Thapa and Aohal Thape bad visited Gorkha. prithyi
Buggeeted thtt they should be watohed and if need arose tboy
ehould bo arreeted.
In & lottorseut to M.
Bhagavantanath tbo new kiog of
Nepal gives further informetion about Gorkha'g oon{ict yith
the Chaubieis. ,Parbat inva.ded Katyarg but its 40 mon v6ro
Lillcd, 32 of Kaski werc also killod. parbat and Lomjurg wero
 UODtrBN NEPAL

soting jointly, &nd Porbet's men &na etlll in Lamjung'.

Eo added 'Kaski, howover, Iost its ruler olong with 7 othere
in the 6ght at Munggya. Iamjung sufrer€d a loes of
67 livee. From our side, s Chautara and eome companioE
arr miesing from tho battlo fiold whero they hed gono
to help Kaeki'. In onother lettor sont to llf&hanta Bhagvan-
tatha Prithvi claims tbat ho was trying to be a friond
with both Iomjung and Kaski. Eo says, ho had sent Visesvar
Upadhya and Siva Ghimire. They rrete BeDt to m&int&in s
eomblance of frionilehip. Balbh*dra Thapa was represouting
Oorkha io Kaeki..
Prithviuarayana wae edoptiog tho policy of divide and
rule. IIe played one ruler against tho other, creoted dieunity
in their ranks, afrsctod to ono to bo a friend as &g&inst otbers
and ultimately grabbcd sll ho could. Such waa the policy
bo peraued to oliminato tho Chaubisi rulers.
Eo had attempted tho ssme policy whilo he att&cked tho
.Nopal valley- But in this work [e oould aot aohieve euccess
in his life time a8 for &8 tho Chsubisis wero concotnsd.
Lomjung and Pa,rbat were his sworn oremies. Tanhou had
Iost conffdenoe in hio long ago. So it wae Kaeki who in
momonts of dnewarenese ligtenod to Prithvinarayana. There-
foro tho repeated sttempts at inoitement to ffght a,g&inst
Lamjung. But st long laet evon Keski had loet faith in
Prithvinarayaua Sheh.
Prithvinarayaua was absorbed into the disputes Tith
hig adversaries in the rro8t for at least 4 yosrs since tte ffna,l
oonquest of the Nopal valloy. Eia echeme lay iD noutrslising
his enemies by playing ono ag&in8t the other. Ee would
corta.inly givo his support to one of the parttos in diepute,
necesearily tho onomy of his eaemy, just because this would
encourago one of tho parties to keep olivo tho dieputo, wbich
meant continuous ha,rEssment to hia enemy, Wo havs seen how
Kaski was incitod to tho embsrsasment of Lamjung. Ee hed

4. IPg8, p. 8. Aleo ForoiSrt Miaiatry Atohivee.

 GORKEI BECOUE€ TINODOU OI. NEPAL 233

oko cast his oyc on dietont Jumlo whioh, however, could not be
Ton over oD &Dy &ccouBt. But thon Piuthan he had bofrieadod
by ono or anothor type of holp. In tr'obruary, 1773, Piuthan had
recoived Gorkha's rrpr€BeDtatiye8 Kalu Pa,nde, Radhakrisne
Upadhya and Vansidhor& Bohra and Sroetha Khatri. Thego
poople had uot the R&js of Piuth&!. They reportoil that
Shallyana hed resistod tho onoroochDont of tho Baiei ( Jumia
ond.sstollitos ) and Pituhan had gono to the roscuo. Altogethor
200 nen wero wounded. In reply ( letter dated 1829 PhalCma
Suni 3 roj 4:Woduesday, tr'ehruary. 1773) Frithvinarayrna
spproved of tho action eonding Piuthan's foroes to ffght for
Sal\rana and rrote thet it ra,s Piutha,u'e primary duty and he
r&E Sled that his represontatives had helped tbe ruler to do
tho job. Prithvi, howover, eaid that thoy hsd not writtetr a,ry-
thing about tho couditioD of thot a,reo. Eo asked them about
the result of the miesiou of Gunauanda Pantha sent to Da,rog.
Thoy ahould not 8it idle without oollecting inlbrmation. Kaln
Pande war to let his lioje hnow about tho relatiyo Bupport
Parbat aud Piuthan enjoyed &mongst the rulers. Ee wae al6o to
ffnd out how Palpa wss feelilg in the matter, and who was
expoctod to como to Piuthar, the B,aja of Polpa, or bis second
or third broth6r. Prithvinarayaua added'se have to eend
materiels to Sallyana. These are lying etranded on account of
blockade of the Baiei. Ouce it is raiBed we shall immediately
.despatch them. X'urther let me kaow, if the secoad prince
meintains Tanhou, oad he helps Kaski and becomes also an
iastrumont in tbe elimiaation of Iamjung'. Ee was roforring
tothe now ruler of Tanhou who war erpected to he obligod
to fight Lamjung-
The lottor to end suggeets that a,s aooo as the Baisi raisod
tho bloolado, tho proseuts meent for Sallyaaa should be
traueported .

Vlo are not aware if the prince of Piuth&n came to Kath-

mandu. But in hi6 lett€r of VB 1830 AsailLo t)qAi 12 roj 14-
'Wednesday, 16
June, l?73, Prthvinarayauo aaks Kalu Pande
to ecosmpsDy the son of Piuthani Raja if he was coming rith-
234 MODNRN IEPAI

il 8/10 rlays. If the latter's departure is delayed, then hE

ehould loavo for Kathmandu reithout w&iting any longer.
Kalu Pande had informed him from Gorkha that tbe Raja
of Palpa, princo Surapratapa anil Garudadhvaja Molla had
reached Butwal. Ee had aleo he&rd tha,t Tanhou, Lamjung
end P&rbst had combined to entor Gorkha. Prithvi iu hie
lebter of Maghaeud,i I roj 6:hiday, 2l January, 1774 wanted
to consult Kalu Pande and he desired his presenco in Kath-
naudu without dolay. Ka'lu Pande when visiting his
accrcdit€d &reas was to take with him presonts for the Rajas
of Piuthan, Bhirkot aud Jumla. Ths Chautara of Galkot had
roquested for a wholo pieco of cochin cloth. Prithvinarayara
informed that this was too small & present and ho would give
more. The R&ja, tho princo and Chsut&r& of Mallahi ha,d
eaoh received one wholo piece of cochin cloth. Kalu Pande
bad been asked to maintain good relation with Birkot whose
rcpresetrtative had just yisited KsthmaDdu. Good relition
ehould eubsist aleo between Tanhou and Kaski.
Prithvinarayana had reooived an assurance from Kalu Pande
that he wae establiehing goocl relation betweeu Tanhou and
Kaski and that because Piuthan wae strong thero was no
apprehension of attack on'it from ahy quarter.
bad comoitted one or two unpleasant things to
KasLi
causo a breach of friendehip between the two. This should
bo healed up by pa,tcbing up the quarrel. Prithvinarayana
desired to know what was tho truth in the report that
tbo Phirirgis ( Englishmen ) had reached Bagaha on their
way to Chitaun. Kalu Paude had written to him about the
advancing troops of Lamjung and Parbat. Siva bad also
writteu to him about this from Tarhughat. Iu a letter of
Sunday, 23 July, 1774 Prithvinarayana was'actually asLing
Debu Rana to prepa,ro for an eugagement against Lamjung.s
Debu Rana was to wait at Liglig in full preparations with
forces aseembled for the purpoee of merching against Lamjung-

6, Lette! in tho !,oss€.sloB of Foreign olic€ Archiv€s.

 GOBTEA BEOOUEA KIIODOM OT NEPAL 236

But they ehould r emain in hiding and in the rdck of timo aB

it suited thoir objoctivo, then alone should cross tho river.
It was not prudent to wait for actions till the other p&rty
moyoil. Tl6ir sction ehould not dopond on whethor Lamjung
or Parb&t crossed the Mareyangdi. The Gorkhalie must
spring surprise,
Prthvinarayana hed askod hiB agent in Kaeki that all would
be well with that principality if abovo all itg rulor listened to
Gorkha. As tho lotters wer6 ofton intercepted nothing but gootl
newe shouldfind placo in such lettere (Aeadha Suti 4 roj 3
from Kontipur: Tuosday, 12 July, l?74)6. Tho contents of sll
octivity of Prithvinuayana Shah in the
these lettorE reve&l tho
different st&tes of the Baisi and Chaubiei regiour. fle wos
directing his onergy in apprising himeelf of tho ha,bit! aDd
movoments of eome of the rulers who displeased as thoy woro
with Prithvinaraya,ns rrere seeking opportunities to destroy
him. Gorkha had also evor to be alert against tho combiuation
of Parbat, Lamjung and Palpa whom he feared most.
According to the chronicle tho Clorkhalie allowed tho
snemies in occupetion to be hllled into inaction by their own
inaotiviy. Moanwhile the Gorkhalis allowed tboir preparatiou
to be completo. Prithvina.raynaa wrote to Ranarudra otr l83l
Asad,hat, oaili 10 roj l=S-^ary,3 Jdy U74, to be fully prepartd
with tho foroes at Liglig. The preparation waB to bo made in
all secrecy.
As long ss ho lived a,nd for a long time more ths Chaubisis
lived on no good terms vith Gorkha, and the gre&ter
its acquisitiou in the eaat tho moro inimical becsme itg
relation with the wost. Prthvinarayona, however, had
not Iost hopo aud he did not oa&se hie efotts to disrupt
the combination. But he failed, 3ut in caso of Jumla,
Jajorkot, Sallyana and Piuthan he succeeded to alienato them
from tho fold of the Chaubigie. To overy one of these he ssnt
deputies with presenta end pledges of friendship. Ee ha.d.

6, Foreig! Mini6try ArchiYes.

236 UODERN OF NSPAL

made a paot with Jajarkot and to the Baja of Sallyana, he gavo

his daughter Yilasavati in marriago. From a letter written
to' Mahant] Bhagwautuath who was of .great help to
him iu this matter, it appears that the doputies had to take
the circuitous route of Ruhi Bhot to reach these statee as tho
Chaubisis would not allow them pass through their territories.
{Itihapa Pralcasa, I. l5f-53). ft was proposed t6 send the
.deputies under Kalu Pando. According to the letter Parbat
and Lamjung had m*de a combined attack on Kaski. fn a
place called Katyang 40 men of Parbat and 32 of Kaski were
killed. Parbat had captured and fortified Pangdus. Lamjung
sttacked in the meantimo Mugja and Thak, and in the fight
there wero 6- *7 caeualties on both sidee. Kaski'e ruler was
killed. Gorkha was being reinforced and the ruler was to etart
his operations in Raginas on Marga 4 (18 November).

March, to the Eaat

The dofeat sustained by Prithvinarayane Shatss forces in

Dhor and Satahun cost him some of his best soldierg like Kehar
Simha Basnait who gallantly died while fighting for tho flag of
their King. Kehar $imha had also acted for sometime as tl,e
I(ing's chief Minister. According to the ohroniolo they fell
into the hands of Parbat in a serious condition ofillness, on
being wounded and later died.
Tho aonquest of Bhatgaon enabled him to lay a claim
on tho portion of the hills right up to the river Dudhkosi.
They crossed the river on 1695 Baka Bhailra Suili 8 ili,na 13
roj 4:25 August, 1773 Tlednesday. On Aw,tna 5 of VS 1830
-X'riday, 5 September, 1773 the Gorkhalis occupied Dingla
and places west of the Arun.
The local Brahmanas of the hilly region of the Dudhkosi
basin were the main allies in the Gorkha attaok on Chaudandi.?
They had helped Ramakrisna Kuar and Amarsimha Tbapa to

7, Reatl Chapter XVI of LPN by Baburam Acharya.

 GOBf,EA BECOMEA KII{GDOTT OT NTP.AL 237

sftor vhich the troops marched towards

cross th6 Dudhkosi
the Arun. But this could bo dono with much difEoulty as tbe
Iocal Khambue aud Limbus ofrered stif resistauc,e' According
to Prithvinarayana'e letter to Mahanta Bhagavantanatha the
srmy 8oou marchod to the rivor Arun killiag about a thowand
enomies, of vhom 400 had tlrowned. The Gorkha ruler
announces the conquost of 'Yallo' (this aido) Kirat&, i. o. uP
to tho risht-bank of the river.
A lotter written by Prithvina,rayaua Sh&h to tho Mahant
Bhagavantan&tha (Iitihaaapru*oaa, l, 16l) informo thet at the
timo of miting (d&te lines orasod) the frontier wae pushed to
tho river Arun with nearly 1500 casaultiee on the Bido of the
eneBieB.
In a letter of Bhaibd Sudi l0 to Earinoade
addressed
Upadhya Pokhrol commander Ranakriena Kuar erpressos
high appreciation of tho servicee rendered by tho formerin
helping the Gorkhali contingoncy to cross the river Dudhkosi,
This Brahman had also leut tho ofrcors Patna SirrcarRs. 3568
to distribute among the eoldiers. In auothor letter of YS 1830
Phal4utw sud,i 15 roj (Saturday, 26 March, 1774) written from
Aubarpur to the game Earinanda Upadhya by Abhiman Singh
and Partha Bhoudori thore is again high sPpreciation of tho
Brahman's serviceg in respeot of their victorious m&rch over tho
Kir'ata area. It speaks of Esrinanda's work in splitting the
900,000 Kirata peoplo and in helping the Gorkhalis to c&Pturp
Chaudaudi and Bijopur. Tho Brahman had offered a loen of
Pataa Sicca rupees ?466 up to the time of the occupatiou of
Chaudandi and thereafter again more amounte from timo to
timo, which tota,lleal rupee8 ll05l. The letter Dote8 tha,t
Prithvinarayaua Shah was highly ploased with I{a,rinanda a,nd
afrred his signature to a Red aeal document giving him a
lsrgo plot of land in Middle Kirat ss freo hold.
The river Arun was crossod on VS 1831 masa 4 Aaadhq,
Sudi, roj 7 (Saturday 16, July 1774, but this is tho S rdt d)
and occupied Choudandi desoending to tho South. The army
ailvanced to the capturod Choinpur and Yijepur ot Sraoatn.
238 MODEBI{ Itf,BtIr

5 garo Aeadha eudi I roj I (-Sundsy, l7 July, 1774).

Ilamkot surrendered ou 73 Anina oaili 5 rq' l-Sunday 25
Septeuber, 1774. Now the frontier line was Kanlazi or
MaiLhola as they oall it to d&y.
Many Limbu chiefs aad village hoadmen Bur€nder€d to
the viotors, So there was no problem of sondiug troops to tho
presoat d&y districte of Dbankuta and Taplejung. All the
outposts and m&rts on the Tibetan border subsoquently c{,me
to tho hands of the Gorkhalis.
Raja Krmadatta wa,s the Bovereign of lhe eaetorn baein of
the river Tamor which inoluded tbe provinces of Vijaypur,
Chainpur8, Athrai aud Morang. But owing to his eumity
with a Limbu Chie{ Budhikaraa Rai, vho had beeu dismissed
as a ministor, he wa,s Dot in a position to ofer rosiBtance to the
foe. Yst he stood with aU his might against the invader
end halted his progress if only for eomo months. A few
monthe beforo tho Gorkhalie ettacked Vij&yspur, ho fell a
proy to Limbu treachery and wae killed. This Kamadatta,
while proviously an oxil6 &t Calcutte, had opproached the
Daet India Company for holp against Budhikarna whose
f&the; had scted. earlior to overthrow Kamadatta and instal
on the throne his uncle. These papors ore still. available
(See Persian Corrospondenco. Yol. II no. 241 ; Hamilton,
p 140). Acoordiug to a British source he olaimed territories
as far ae the Gandak. Ee also said that he was legal hoir
to the doposed king of Bhatgaon. It ie said that as the
eanyosi robbers were often makiug raids into British territories
for occasioual plunder, antl Purnea was ravaged by
Budhitorna, the British authorities very much wanted to
back up Kamadatta a,s sg&inst Budhikarna with sn eyo to
th€ p€rm&nent occupation of Morang. But this calcu'lation
wes upeet by the timely invasion Prithvinarayan carried on
that &roa.

8. Oh&inpor ccver€d a ti8 slico of hilly terlitory et the llorhh €ltmllity

Jrom the baal oI the riveE Am[ Lr tho w6st t tho bsnt oI the riyo! If&Eor
iE th6 €ait'.
 GOAEEA BECOIITS XTNODOM OE Nf,PAL 230

If Kimta chroniole is to bo believed, the rulor who

the
fought the Gorkhalie in this area w&s a, Kir&ta, Atbing Eang,
who had atlopted customery prsctices of the country of tho
Sonas. Eo was defoatod in battles, &s he h&d aleo to ffght
the Bhutiae in another Boctor itr the northorn part of hie
Kingdom, which caused a divereion leading ffnally to his
rout at the h&.rds of the Gorkha Commander Abhiman Basnait.
Accorcling to tho eamo sourco the Sena Raja of Morang,
Bissaatar Seaa, Kanadatta's youngeet uncle had died without
any issuo to euccoed him. Thereforo, Budhikema R,ai, his
Minister, brought At hing E&og, au hoir to tho Kirata thmno
in Libuk Eang's lino, to rulo ovar Morang. Athiog E&trg
was formally electod by an assembly of the tribat heads
of tho ten Kirata tribal provincea and eldormou of Morang.
But as Kamadatts hsd alserted his right over tho throno,
Athing Ilang loet his ground and retired to hie nativo villago
without ouy ooutost. A little lat€r while Budhikarna
suceeeding his father controllod tho nothern portion of tho
priocipality Athing E&Dg wae regarded a,s the do jure sovereign
for this areao.
Earlier whilo Morang was ruled by a Rcgent Queeu duriag
the childhood of Bisgantar and his elder brothors tho Sikkimeso
invaded the country and aunexed oertain portion of outlying
aroas in the hills and tho Terai to their advantago. According
to the Kirata ohroaicle, nine out of the ten tribal heads of
the hilly region did aot co-operato with tho defenders owing
to dissenaion ragiug among them. This had a had etrect
further on thoir int€r-r€lation. Accordiug to oDe souroo
Budhikarna Rai declared himself king of Morong but uone
of his tribal ohiefe coop,erated. We haye two decrees issued
by him, whero ho addresses himsolf Bo7o. Tho circumstaacos

9. The ohronicler oI the Kiratas Darratos tbat Builhiksm& w&! shot

down by a bullet whi!6 b€iEg Pursueil by th€ Gorkh& army. E6 wss riding
an elephant rttomptitrg to escaps through an eeste y route a,long the,oot
oI the Lills. Ihs chroaicler tlieoouEb th6 story ot BuilhakirDo,s tr.arhetT
to his mester s,Ddl 6s,€ that he ra6 true to hiB till he br€atheil his Isst.
240 MODEBN ITEP.AI,

of Budhiksrno's ileath ie con6rmed by o letter of the king

to ths comm&Bd€r in-cbargo of tho opretions, Abhimen Singh
(Srarn \a oadi 2 roj*.). The Bamo lotter s&ys that Budhikarna.
was Litlnappod from the British territories whilo in flight.lo
Abhiman Singh tho ofrcer commandor was rowarded with
a froohold and so wete the othore rosponsiblo for the conquest
of the areo.
Budhikaraa oould have menaced Gorkhali position in
Morang. Thorefore Prithviuarayaua wrote to the British
Goseruor roquosting to withhold all help to the Ktati Chief
who had usurped K&ma,datts'8 authority over Vijay pur and
Ambarpur. Two Vakils. Parsodh Pandit and Aka Misr
(Mishra) i.e. Brhaspati Pandit and Sriharra Miehra had come-
to Cslautta with tho lotter of the kingrr. Thore was also c
communication ftom Dovadatta Shah about this afsir (Dowan,
CPC). They wore asked to meet the Clovernor in P&tn&.
Tho British lator compbined that they did rot cer€ to tunr
up in Patna and requosted tho Nepaleee kfuxg to 86nd in.
r 2.
future porsons with a greator aen:e of respoaeibility
Karno Sena of tho middlo priucipality botween tho
Ksmala and Kogi was erpelled a year earlior (Eamiltou,
p. 140). Eo v&s & aon or nophew of Jeget, uncle of Kamadatta
who had fountled the rtoto of Chaudaudi with Ajitrai as
minister. In British documents he ie refoned to as Cor&ina
Sen. X'or some timo the British bebavod with him as ifho
was the lawful chief of Morang' Eis career euded wlile the
British Btopped their intrigue &g&inat Nopsl' Tho British
documents provo that there was a middle prhcipa,lity botwe€n
Morang aad MackwanPur.
It appoars that K&madatt& often roferred to in East
Inilie Compauy's p&Pors w&8 a direct sucoeegor to the throne
of Morang. Ho wae a legitim&to membor of the royal fanily

10. hihata Prukasd,l, i,9. 11.

11, CsloBilet of Psrsialt Corr€Bl,olraloaoe, IV, Eo.. 3gg, 381'
12- Ibid, u, ?63. lstt€r ot 14 J.ousty, 1??4.
 GOREEA BAOOIIA TINODOU Or NEP.AI 241

laying claim to the throne in the sitoation which doveloped

after he was suporceded by a coup d,etat. Eo could stage
& coms back as the Rai minist€r'e protegeo had diod. Initially
he had eome dificulty in gotting his olaim recognised by the.
minist€r8 of the principality, but after sometimo.ae Budbikarna
had fled to Sikkim, he could eet e down a€ the lswful rulsr
ofthe soil. In tho ffnal act of tho dramr, however, Budhi_
karaa tried to go agaiost him and so teribly haraseed hirn
that hie idtinl succoss proved of no avail to him to frustrsto
the design of his adversaty.
King Prithvinarayana iseued a royal cha,rtar (ganad,) lor
the rogulation of tho relationabip to Eub8ist botweon the
cspitsl and tho Kiratas. Tho fonad was addreseed. to Kiratas.
ftom MacLwanpur under date liare VB 1g30 Braatn (detaila
mieeing): fZZg A.D, August and was thus worded: you eFe
the faithful subject of tho Raja of Maokvanpur i you ato hir
aalt aud you remained true to him tiU tho laet hour nor
;
the Mackwanpur prinoipality ceases to exist; we have bocoma
its rolo mester, and we take you under our prciecton; a&
you rerotho subiects of tho Raja of Maokwanpur, eo today
you aro our subjeotr ; wo havo pardoned you for any ofencee.
comnitt€d ir the past; so all of you livo in your laail
without eny fear yh&t8oey6r; do not bavo &ny Lind ofdoubte
about your aeourity i we guar&nt€o the mmo to you and we
valuo your friondship &nd Ioysltyr s.
...Prith:ineriyane Shah also proclaimed that tho Kiratcr*^'
will aot be doprived of Lbeir kipat landr, snd
mortg&ge, no outsider vill take pocsession auen&iiDt"r""-rtliiil;r;
original ownor.
This Sarlad gusrantceing slso c€rt&in other rights to tho
Kiretas wsnt a long way to pacify them, snd all over the.
Limbuan headmen of villages pledgett loyalty to bim sven
before tho rulor in Morang had been dsfeated. Their coming
over to the sido of Prithvinar&yaDs Shah not only guarenteod
a stato of ttanquility in that quarter but also enabled
*r, * rho . Sanad ir tyilg ir tho po!6o.doq of EoEo tf,hi.tt7.
ffi. ^
 242 IIODNBN NXPAI.

frim to pueh ahead in his victorious march with conffdeacs

&nd 8urcty.
Tho B ti8h had their own ioterest ia the afaire of
lforang. Eaving resigned to acceptiug Prithviuarayana's claim
over Nepal snd its sdjoining sre&s, they w&ntoil &t lea,st to
save Morang for themsolves, bocause this region not only 'was
importont for reasons of trado of fir and other wood productg
but it also provided a paes&go to Tibet. North of Moraug
the Eim&l&yas had a pass, Eatia by name, that wes easy of
&ccess a,nd could be ueod in all we&thors. A flourishing trade
mert oalloil 'Wellanghunggolo lay on this eide of Nspal at tho
pas8. The British authoritios in Calcutta h&al thought 10 get
hold of this pasa and tho m&rt failing to secure control over
sffairs in the Nepal Yalley. It was eaid that the British
desired to help Kamada,tts to 6ght out the Gorkhalis. This
was, however, not possible in view of internsl squabbles ot
his court. At a,bout this timo agein Kemsdatts was living
in lower Moraug, and ffghting Budhikarne on the border.
Tho latter wo8 in ocoupation of a little portion of tho are&
iucluding tho eastem hills bordering Sikkim. From Britigh
records it appears that Karnaaen approaohod tho Britiah
revoral times for assistance and at the last instauce even
sent reprcsent&tion to Murehialabad and Calcutta to pereusde
the Britieh to tek6 up his o&ule. Accordirg to I documont
in the possession of the Nopalese X'oroign ministry. Karalasen
even promised 600/o of revenne to tho Britieh. Tho proniso
was couveyod through Mr. Poacock. Ee alao approacbed the
Nawab of Bengal (Murshidabad) for military help, who however
directeil him to tho British. But ths Britigh with their
experiouce of mountain warfam duriug tho expilition of
Kitrloch hesitated. Ksn&d8tta wag roturnod without any
assulancer 4 and a little lstor he vas killod by BudhiLarna's
tirelings. After this Ajit Singh of Purnoa suggested to Mr.
Peacock the idea of helping Builhikama Roi,r6 iD his sttomPt
1',i. O.l6Dile! of Por8isll Oonqpontl€Do€. Vol. II. Dos. 177, ,33. 211.
16. Calenilor ot Ersiro Corrosponilcaie, Yol. I% E. 1884 (L€ttat ol
oI Oc l. )I, 1771).
 GOBTE.A BECOUf,S TI1IODOM OT IErAL 243

to cepture tho wholo of Morang. Meanvhilo the Gorlhali ermy

oveEan the wholo of Morang. fn s lotter to Prithvinarayana
Shah dated August lQ 1774 the British Governor pmte8t€d
against the occupetion of Vijaypur (Bijepur) and Amirpur
(Ambarpur) cl&iming that theee hod beeu parts of Bengal.
But tho Gor*-irali King replied to say rha,t they belonged to
Mackwanpur &nd Kamada,tta was the logal beir. But as
Kamadatta vas dead and Prithvinarayana had gained martery
of the area by dint of conquest, ho vas now tho real soveroign
of this tr&ct. It was said that Prithviuat&yana was propa,rod
to aoknorledge the British as tho suzerain over Vijaypur
(Bijopur) and Amirpur aud pay to them as rent, Rs. ?5,000
rr,unually. But how the settlement was ofrected ultimatoly
rve do aot know. The Britieh do not seam to raise thi8
afrair afterr&rds. Ono of their offcors continued to givo somo
&ind of aeeureaco to Krmadatto,e minirter Bhuvaneawar,
vho rr&E thon tating oero of hie baby son. A littlo eorlier
there came s Buggestion from tho British ofrcer that tho
Britiah should back up tho causo of Raghunath Sona, unclo
of Kamadatta, because then th6 b&by princo was deed,
8rd tho Solect Committoo did not liko to act up to
thie suggestioul o.
In October 1774 Budbikaraua waa e:polled and tho
country wa8 fnally abeorbed into the aew stato of Nepal,
According to a letter of Prithvinarayana (9ruoana oaili Z roj),
Saptori and Bijepur with their stretoh in the mountains
yielded over more thau Rs. 20,000 in revener. Budhikama,
was afterwards kidnapped and killed by the Gorkhali Sepoys
(Eamiltou, p. r40). By March of 1714 (yS 1830-J1 Magha
to Phalgwn) the Gorkhali army reaohed tho bank of the
river Tamor on the other side of Limbuau. Tho area knowa
as Limbuan was ruled by tribal heads in ten divisions who

10. S6l. CoE, Pro. Vol. pp. l8r-89.

IheaooouDt oI KatlE gon olil hoir leto! Bhuvarcivs! wsitea
on the suthotitios in O6loutt& is giyol also iL . Nelale6e aocourt rubDitt€d
by ao anonyooua rritdr of the iloy.
241 MODEB!{ I{XPAL

rero oelled Bongbas. The loader of the Gortha army wat

Abhimsn Simha Basnet who in Sata 1698 Pausa i\ his
iaacription at his old house in Koltole cells himself Kirota-
vilayi ard m@ntrg (aitistat) belonging to the Sona dynasty.
IIe wag a son of Sivaramr Baenet who vas killed in Sangachok
earlior in aation.
A tettor (VS L848 Jge kaudi5toi6)11 seot by Rana
Bshadur Shah to Abhiman 3aenet statee that places including
Anbarpur on the hills, and districts of Sapteri, Morang and
hils liko Bijopur aud valleys of Kanala, Dudhkosi and
eastrards upto the river Kankali wero conquered iu two years
between VS 1830-32. Abhiman was beiug ably a86i8tod by
Roma Kri:na Kuar and Amarsinha Thapa. Rama Krisna Kuar
who harl reoently become Sordar is said to have obtained
rocognition form his king for hie valour. Ee had roooivod
from Kathmanilu 600 bullets. 2l pitohors of gun powder and
again 20 pitohore of gun powder and 6826 bullots, 45 steel, 760
chip of stones and 900 papers. Thees were to be dietributed
to tho va,rioue fiold commanders (letter to Amar Simha and
othore iqcludhg Rama Kriena Kuar, Maglt'a aaili 5 roj 1'r8
By this time tho entire portion of tho Khata region came
undor tho Glorkhali rulor. On Sraaana 5 of 7830 h*vitg
captured Chaudandi aud Vijaypur next day Plithvinarayana
Shah coultl olaim mastery over a large elice of territories in
the Terai ae far as tho KoBi and upwards at leaet fifty per
oerit of Limbuan to tho line oftbe rivcr Arun. ln themonth
oI Maroh of 1773 the Gorkha army desqondod into tho
Morang Torai.
Alotter ofPrithvinarayana d'e,bed' Phalguna oodi I toj',
addresseil to Rama Krisna Kuar congr&tulates him on his
victoriouB m&rch over the Kirot area. Thia was a feat aore
praisewortby thsn wh8,t other Saral&rs shored in this field'
Ilo was given 22 sets of rewarde.
This letter of Prithvinarayana w&s written in 1774 from
77. Itilstaprakasa,l,lr. Th€ Art€ corle6poail! to U I{ar, 1792'

18. gu layr Jeuu&!r' l?Ia.

 GOB,KEA Af,OOrIEg f,INODOU OT ]IEP.AL ?46

Kathmandu to Abhiman Sinha, Partho Bendari, Kirt'i Simla

I(hawas and Bali Bania asking tho offcors ooncoraod to
atrengthen their position on ths border of Islinbs a,nd
Ohamthapur, Prithvinarayaue further tolls thom tho neod
for pushing the frontisr from tho Kenkaji to tho Tut&,
bocause thue fa,r has yet boen outside the boundary ond
it should not be loft unacquired. If Silkim cl&imed tho right
oa fslmba.Chamthapu sido, then also the nevly con-
quered land on the plains should not be aboodoned' Tista
was the border in the timo of Einilupati, thereforo Clorkhl
wos a logitinete heir to all lands west of the Tista.
It appears that up till the timo of writing this lott€r
Builhikarna Rai had not boeu iraced beoause Prithvinarayana
admits tbis fact. IIe howover, asks his lieutenants to got
Budhikarna Rai killeil by any availablo means giving the
aasaein rewarda itrcluding Bs- 10O0/1200 cosh.
Prithvina.reyana Sha,h had heard highly of Buddhikama's
elephant and he wantod to possosB it. Theroforo he had
instructed his ofrcers to employ tboir mahout to contect bis
counterpart and see if he could disposo of hir ward by
accepting Rs. 400-500. IIe askeil thom oven to uso tho
counterpart's family if they were settled inside Nepal,
Prithvinarayana strictly forbade hie ofrcere to encroach
ou Sikkim's own territory. If the ruler wanted a clasb he
should be waylaid anil dealt a blow. ff Gorkha wae aggrossiro
against Sikkim, the relation betwecn Tibet and Gorkha
might b€ strained.
Tho letter at tho ond Bends gr€etings to Balakrisna Joshi
and Virabhadra Upadhya.
After all it was sehemed thrt Buddhikarna was to be
killed surreptitiouely. We have soon how ho was ambushed
and killed. Thoso who hed Lilled hin had done so in confor-
mity to the iDstructions of Prithvinamyana Shah.
Ae Buddhiksrana Rai was killod, hithvinarayana found
himself relievod of any hoatile action iu thet quarter. Ifence-
forth not much trouble aro8e on th&t side, which had necesei-
246 IIODEBN NtrPAI,

tatod sction by tho king. Thero wero howeyer some distur-

baaceg io the torritories uDder control of tbe Sikkimoso ruler.
It &ppears from the same letter that Prithvinarayana had
demandod of the ruler of Bilkim to surrcndor those porsoas
rho hatl esoaped to hie torritory to avoid arrest aud punish-
ment in Nepal. Ee even thro&tened var in case the Sikkimese
did not comply with hil demanals. Gangananda Acharyya and
Visvamitra Upailhya sero oa a mission to Sikkim to negotiate
eottloment of all tbo pending disputes. But within a few
moDthe of this Prithvinarayana died, and Nopal's relation with
Sikkim was left uncortain &t thst point.
 OIIAPTER IX
End ot Prithvinarayana's Oarreer
Prithvinarayana Shah ha.d in mind the olimination of thc
small prinoipelity of Sikkim, as he immeusely desired to makb
his boundary contetmiuoue with Bhuton. $ilrlrim. [ail
emerged as a priucipality under a rulor of an emigrant dynosty
Namgyat, ginco 1640. The principality was built round about
prosout G&ngtok. Iu course of time tbe dynasty onlarged
the domain to iaclude psrts of Limbuan. Towards tho ond
of 1774 Prithvinarayana fought Sikkim, the result of which
w&s the ca,pture of the district of Illa.m upto Ielimba an<I
Chomth*pur aad pueh Sikkim to its origiaal frontier (Bogle,
pp. l4a, 149, 617). But he wa,E too c&utious to a,void &
conflict vith Lhasa, ft was reported that Tibet vas sendiug
help to Namgyal. Eo had atrictly ordered to stop &t tho
original boundary of Sikkim, aud not to push Nepal's froatior
iu that rogiou at the coet of Tibet syen to the erteDt of
grabbing 5 inches of the formor'e torritory.r
Prithvinarayana wanted ,hie froutior to be firod at tho
Tista in dealiag with Sikkim. As tho information of tho
surreDder of the Limbu Chiefs yrithout resistance had resched
him, ho wae etrconr&ged 6o iesue instructions. fot further
&oquiBition of territories as fs! as Ielimba and Chamthapur,
which wero acquired eoon aftor as the letter ho addressed to
to Abhimsna Simha, Bali Bania, Partha Bhandari ond
Kirti Simha Khawas shovs. These ofrcers were inshuot€d
to make Sikkim a,gree to accept the frontier liuo at fslimba
and Chamthapur. If Sikkim aocopted th6 Gorkha conquest
in oll grace, thoir advance was to be direoted to the Kankaji
and thenco to the Tieta which was tho original boundarJr of
the Eihdupati Raja of Morang.

l. I,ette! to Btl$grsfian th,ItihasaprukJq L pp. 151 fi

218 IIODEBIT NIOPAL

The lettor abovo m3ntiousd wae written on Astintz, uedi

40 roj 4:Wednoaday,6 October, t774, lt
from this
&ppeare
letter that Prithvin&ray&n& also seems to b6 worried a.bout
the wheroabouts of Budhikorna Rai aud asks his offfcers to
clnse his death by any moana employing assaesins on promise
'of money, Rs. 1000 or Rs. 1200. PrithviDarslans had also
aoyoted to Ilossess tho Rai's elephaat, and officers were
advised to bribe tle mahouto aud evon give a pose of threaten-
ing his family residing in Morang to that eud.
The King eent his rospoct to Balatriena Joshi and
Birbhadra Upadhya. These two Brahmanas were accomp&ny-
ing tho advanciag contingoots of Gorkha troopor.a2 in the east.
They were astrologor politici&ne. Tbey had helped to got
tho forcss on thoir fe6t.

ANGLO.NEPALESE RELATION, U68-?4

Wo have now to drell upon th6 subjeet of Anglo-Nepalere

coDflict rola,ting to the Terai possesssion of MacLwanpur.
More will follow in tho next ehapter whero we deal with the
aubject of Nepal'a rolation with tho noighbours. hithvi-
aar&yana had kept interest in his relatiou with them and
tho attitude wag vell defined by him. In regard to tho
3ritish hs pursued a cautious policy ae we haye emphasiseil
earlier. Thoy were etill soheming agaiaat him. 3ut he
know that this was no reasou to keep quarrollitrg with them.
Ee know that the British were eatrenched in thoir position
and it was never possible for Nepal to extend ite frontier
south. But to keep going to othor directiong the Nepalese
aeeded peoco on tho eouthertr border.
The dispute about tho Tautar Pa,rg&ne Bo long enjoyed by
the ruler of a landlord was from tho very
Mackwanpur as
teginning keeping the conflict between the British and
Gorkhalie alive.

,, Itihasapnkqso, l, Lg.
 GOBKEA BECOUES TINGDOM OT NEPATJ 249

Prithvinarayana wanted to settle tho dispute amicably. I{e

wanted to have a direct talk with the British over the affair.
Prithvinarayana sent Dinanath Upadhya to Calcutta for
the purpose. He was prepared to pay to tho company both
for thc Zemindari of Mackwanpur and Bijepur. This was
in 1772. Tho Raja of Bejepur was living in Puraia, while
the successor to the throne of Mackwanpur \ras on the border.
On the question of Mackwanpur's proprietory right on
Thatar Pargana we have a contempora,ry account present in
the archives of Nepalese Foreign Ministry. The following is a
gist of the account obviously representing the Gorkhali view-
point in the dispute.

Major Kinlock wae living in Baragarhi controlling the

the Terai of Mackwanpur aince YS 1825:1768. In tho third
year Dinanath Upadhya was sent to Darbhanga and ho
presented the considered opinion of hie Government as to tho
overlordship of Mackwanpur. Ife said that as a successor. to
the old Kingdom of Mackwanpur they had a title to all such
possessions as lay in the Terai in t'he old Kingdom. But as
the Sena rulers did, Dinanath's Government was prepared to
give some kind of revenue (Malaajai,) to the English. The
matter . was then referred to the council at Patna, which
suggested that Nepal should annually deliver an elephant
measuring 74 cubibs ( hath ), each cubit of 14 tasuk.
Dinanath accepted the suggestion and promised to pay the
amount of money due to the Britieh. The monoy was
actually paid in Patna through this llardy. X'or 3 years
elephants of the requisite size were also delivered. In
fS30 more documentg were available, which showed the
measurement of tho size of the elephant was 12{ cabit of
12 tasulc each. This size of elephant was delivered in the time
of Nawab Mehabat Jang and Raja Ram Narayana Singh by
the Rajas of Mackwanpur.
The English further reduced the size of the elephant to U+
cubit of l0 tasuk,and accordingly the olepha,nt a.nd money wero
 2l)O MODNBN NEPA',

depositod iu Darbhangha. Thia arrangemont continued to hold

ground for some yoars. 3ut the Tribute was discontinuod.
It was eaid in this yery dooument that one Abdulla Beg
was trying to oocupy Reutahat ae his Zomindary. But on
Lord Easting's order he was dispossessed of his right anil the
jmisdiction of Nepal over tho &re& v&a ackuowled.ged
by the British.
According to the letter ot phalquna gudi 1 Roj 6:Eriday,
19, Eebruary, l?68 Prithvinarayaua had infor_med Kalu
Pando that Sital Rai, the Suba of patna, had vieited as for
as Kes&ria but tho purposo of his visit was uDhorsn. e
uight have come to suryey the area for waging s, war oI}
our teritory. But the Suba had returned to pstna,. Ib
vss loornt that the troope of the East fndia Company in
Bara and Parsa were not ma,uy. In the e&Et tho Erench
and Englirh wero fighting. The English raised their campc
in thoir sottlomotrts in Bagaha, Judpani and pathrai.

DEATE OF' SURAPRATAP

Thore is a oopy of a lettor preservod in the Archives of
n'orcign Ministry (Nepal) which is addressed to Kalu pantle
and Gangadhar Pantha on YS 1831 Bhailra aaild 4 roj 5r. ln
this letter Prithvinarayana informs that he had conquered
all the areas of easteru Limbuan. In the Terai the frontior
lino was fixed at tho riyer Kankayi which flows B0 miles
oast of Ea,richanda Garhi. The son of the Dowau of Sikkim
bad come to a distance about 4 days journey from the
border. Ee ri.aa aot in a position to do auy harm to Nepal.
A treaty ras goiig to bo signed with Sikkio. 3ut something
had to be doue in regard to Gorkha,s relation with piuthan
and Jumla. TheKiog thought that Kalu paude should be
sent there after congulta,tion, So Kalu Pande was oalled
to meet him io Kathmundu. Ee was to travel non-stop.

3. The alate oo.rospoEtls to 95 August, Tlursday 1774

 OOB(EA BECOMES KINODOM OT NEPAL al
In this lotter Prithvinarsyan . rofers to the fact of'
Surapratapa Shah teiug killed, Eo was told by his oftoers.
that Kagki's rulers had detainod ? mon ot chargos of
conspiracy to killing him at the bohost of the Gorkha rulsr.
Palpa hatl killed 6 men. Kaeki's action wss indofensible.
Peace betweon the two countriee was not possible if K&ski
harraesed simple visitora.
In what oircumstancoa Sur&pratap Sheh was Lilled the
lotter i8 not erplicit. It ie not aleo clear as to who killed
bim, The princo had eorlier accompanicd tho prince of
Palpa to Butwal. Perhops this ras not 8n accidental deoth.
Eig eaemies might be followiug the gane to kill him. They
h&d just acted iu time takiug advantage 'of his movononts
in Palp.
It i8 Ba,id that tho Gortha ruler had approhensious of
Surapratopa acting against tho interests of hia nowly carved
Eingdom, aud therofore he had schomed to phyaically
romove him. But all this has to be eeon in the light of
material which might eBtablish hithviaarayana's haud in the
murder. But such a material is not so far available to us.
While Surapratap had dietl, another brother of the king
of Gorkha, Dalsmardana Shah had forsaken his brother and
taken refuge in Kaski. A toxt of & landgrant made in the
name of Dalamardala by Siddhinarayana Shah of Kaski on
yS 1831 Pawa aud,i 12 roj 6=Bid,uy, l3 January, I?75
Btst€s thst tho Cheutars was to build hie bousl ou the same..
Dalamardana is sddressed as the elder' broth€r to the donor.
The copper plato eeems to bo sn innocont document. But
it must bo looked in tho light of Prithviuarayana'g relatious
with his brothor. Dalamardano had left tho Nopal Yalloy
immodiately aftsr tho victory iu 1768. IIe was spending
his tine ia the Terai. IIe wag accuEed of plottiDg to oyet-
throw his brother's throne and inciting Abhiman Siugb,
Probably on Abhiman'e oomplaining egsinst him he abandoued.

1, Eilihasikpartusangrarra II. p, 87€8.

 }IODERN NEPAL

tho Terai and w6nt to livo in Kaski. But Prithvinarayaua

tad already died two dsys earlior to the date of the grant
'of land. Kirti Mahoddam Shahl was rot altowed to go to
Kathmundu evon uador the Regeuoy except in VS 1830
in on ertr&ordinary situation. But anothor brothor of Prithvi-
tr r&ya,na had played his part ae Chautara vhile Bahadur
Shah ras acting as Rogent.

INTENTIONS OX' VICIOR,Y TEROUGE

DIPLOMACY
In a Iettar ho wroto to Mahanta Bhagvantanatha of
Ranagram (Sallyana) Prithvina,rayana said that tho frontiers
were pushed to the riyerB Ta;uor in the hills and Kankayi in
tho plains. Ee aleo erpressod his conffalence of vanquishing
Sikkim and teching it a lecson.
hithviaareyaua's letters to Bhagv&at&D&the written
ftom K&thmatrdu dated, Bhaitre Eudi 6 rgi 6, providos a oluo
to his cliplomotic approach to various questioD8 of treaty and
peaco with the priDces on both 8ides of his frontiore.
Ee sa,id that Jumls had sont ropresenta,tives to I(&thma,ndu
to talk poace ageinst tho backgmund of tho blockade of
'Ohaubisi. Tho Gorkhalig wero procdeding to Jumlo via Bhot.
The same was being done in regard to Jajarkot. Tbe Mahanta
iu tho courts of Jajarkot aad Jumla. So
'enjoyed influence
Prithvi ha.d requost€d him to bring ebout peeco botween
Gorkha and these couutries. Bhagavautanatha who bolonged
'to tho seot of tho Kanphatta yogis vas held in high estaem
by the Glorkha rulor. Ife had accepted to becomo the
Mahanta's disciple. But hithvinarayana was too politicel
to do it for purposos other thau political. Ee wanteil to uso
the Mahanta to push Gorkha's interost in tho Baiei regiou.
hthvinaroyana's Bolo sim ot this stage was to coneolidato
the territories he Lad conqured iu thc eaat. Ee was ooncorned
to m&inta,in peaceful relations f,ith tho Chaubisis, rroro
5. Tho ilot€ is ir!€gul&r.
 GOBKEA BEOOUES KIIIODOU OB NEPAL 25&

particularly with his immediate neighbours, Lamjung an&

Tanhou. Ife informs the Mahanta that he had maintaine&
a,n appea,ra,nae of friendehip with Lumjung.' Viseswara
Upadhya, aud Siva Ghimire were residing thore to look after
Gorkhalis interest. Kaski was supported 6y Gorkha. Ee
had sent Birbhadra Thapa there allowing two Brahmanas.
from that principality to resido in Kathmandu.

PR,ITHVINARAYANA DIAS
Prithvinarayana Shah was ailing in Kathmandu for somo
time in the past. The damp and cold winter of the Valley
of Nepal further injurod his health. He was advised to rest
at a place of lower altitude. IIe went to stay in Noakot
but after a few days shifted to a site at the confluencs of'
the river Trisuli with the Tadi, which was situated at a lower
altitude, 2600 feet above sea lovel whero he breathed his
last on Wednesday, 11, January(:ZS L831 Ma'glta' Sankranti
70th ?i,rthaof bright Magha) 1775. fn a lotter of Phaguna
aad,i 3 roj Z:Monday, 27 January, 1775 to Chakrapani Sharma
at Baneras King Pratapa Sinha informed the rocipient of
the letter about the death of his father on the above date.
ft is ruggested by somo historians that Prthvinarayana
w&s on a visit to Noakot to arrango his second son's marfiago.
ae well as to finalise talke on trade relations with Tibet.
But why should he go to Noakot just for these matters 7.
After all Noakot was not far from . Kathmandu and the
digtancc intervoning .botween Noakot and Kathma,ndu was
just 16 miles, a day's journoy from dawn to dusk. IIe
could arrange Bahodur Shah's marriage and talk to Tibetans
in Kathmandu.
Baburam Aoharyya writes (LPN, III, pp 629 ff) that as
Prithvinarayana reached Noakot he was already a tired man.
This was after the misgion of nearly thirty years, all hectic,
on account of uncoasing struggles ho had to wage against
d[o foes. . If he was tired it was but natural. The Acharyya
 '254 ITODEBII I{EP-II

''hoyover goes on to Boy th&t Prithvinarayaua undertook

to dictst€ hie Ditgopd,cEa at this timo, adding eoro straitr
tct his physic&lly olh&ustod body. Tho Diogogndeea is regarded
without historical evidence ae Prithviuarayana's pronounco-
meDt on the political and ecoaomic policies to be pursued
by Nepal in the contert of ths situatiou prevailirg in Iqdia
against thc background of tho decadent Chineso Impire and
Nepal's bufer like positiou during the later half of tho lSth
contury. Tho writing was unknown before lg54 or so. This
was brought to light by a, doscend&nt of the old Bosnet family
and published. Accordhg to the editor's uot€, the whole is iu
the handwriting of Abhiman Singh who had written verbatim
as Prithvinarayana utt€red tho words. Tho language is of
olal Btylo and some of tho statements attributed to Prithvi
narayan& look ft itr the rituation. But oue cannot youchsafe
for its beiag in reality tbe pronouncement of Prithviuarayana.
The Ddoyopwd,esa .might aot exclusively appertain to
any einglo rulor as the tre&tment of tho questions discuseed ie
goneral. It crudely mentione tho mottoes anil proverbs as
aayings erplained io that fashion on tbe polity of o state
managing not very gigsntic probloms. Thue this m&y belong
more to the medioval world than modern and it i8 too Bhort
as a treatiese. We do not know hok it etrained Prithvina,ryanas'
bealtb to the poht of kiling him.
It iB strange that the Ditgopadecc does not giys anythiDg
about the long strugglo he waged to capturo the valley of
Nepal and eaateru regioD. Thore is iust mentiotr of the event
of conquest of the Nopal valley, and it coverr just two
lines, No other places find mention.. As a proliminary he
obsorvos that ho was invited to attaok the Nepal valley by
Parasuram Thapa but was betrayed. The latter had
instructed hie brother iu Kaski to incite the Chaubisi
against Gorkha. (This was done with a view to distract
his attention from tho Nepal soctor). Eo had sent one Jhagal
Clurung to murdor tho Thapa's brother. Tho Gurung disguised
ao a folk singor with his daggor coaoealod murderod the Thapa,s
 GO?KEA BECOIIBs XITODOM OI NEPAI 255

brother wbjle he was eating his lunoh uoguarded. But the flght
gt NoaLot and exploit of the 12 yeer old Mahoddam Shah ie
described in detail.
In the light of the a,bovo wo are constrailed to Bay that
tho Dioyopalzsa ie ueolosg as a historical troatise.
The etatemeut mentiona that he had four brothora born of
threo mothors. Ife aho obeorves tho fact of his marriage with
Eomakarna's daughor and subsequent rofusa,l of the father-in-
Iaw to send tho daughter along with the son-in-law who wanted,
tho bride ae well aa a precious elephent and jewels. Ee had
joumoyed baok homo disappointed but had a stealing look of
the Nepal valley en route, which had excited his passion for
the conquest of the Malla kiugdoms. Ife consultod three of
his brrve comrades in Maidbi, a fey milee east of Gorkha and
with thoir consent attacked Noakot succesefully. Tho bio-
graphical note ends with compleints against Parasuram Thapa
ae described abovs.
Prithvinarayana calle himself the Raja of Mrgerat (couatry
of Magaro), who had saved bis country from becoming a
Turkish empbe. Eis procopts lrere me&nt for the 12000
Gorkhalis.
But this is & contradictory Btatemetrt, becaues at a timo it
was igsued bis subjects had vastly increaeed and tho aroa
.enlarged at least 25 times,
But we might view the Diayopailuo in a ditrerout light.
It is not unlikely that this represented Prthviuarayana,s views
ou topics he thought important and asLod his followers to sct
up to tbese as occaseions aroge. These vierys aro Dot coDsiltetrt
and are not scientifically presoated. But they might be trea-
ted as those reflocting the guiding thought bohind Prthv!
narayana's policies anil actions. Prithvinarayana also montions
some evonte ofhis lifo and soitr somo reapects fho Diuyolnnaa
provides clues to happenings about which tho chroniclerr wero
apt to iutroduce imaginary or controyerEial ideas. But tho
Divgopaitresa gives no dates, and it might not fulffl the vent
of chronological flll up.
266 IIODERN NEPAI,

As we have alreaily quoted at&tements mado in Dh,goynileaa

in relation to various policies of etate laid.down by prithvi-
narayana Shah, we m8y not E&y more rbout thi8 potk here at
this atage.
Somo urriters p&rtisularly, Wright, Oldffeld and Hamilton,
havo wrongly put hir death ia17?1. Kirkpatrick, howevor,
who yisit€d Nepal ia early 1793 heard that ho died in early
l?75, and so did Bogle. Markham iu the l&tter's biography
rritos that Bogte had been informed about Taehi Lama con-
gratulatitrg Pratapasimha ou his essumption of ofric€ in early
1775t. And the ma,n writing only after l8 ye&r8 would not
commit a mistako so as to writo I wrong dato of his death.
hatapsimha had informod ths British Cloy€mor at C&lcutta
iu & lotter roceiv€d on 20 Novombet 17757 lhat his fathor died
and ho h&d succeedod to tho throne.

r C halmter
P rithui,naragan'
Two Europeaa travellers, Eamilton and Kfukpatrick, who
visitod Nopal in the l&st decado of tho l8th century wroto
a.bout tbe now ruler of Nep&l in tho following terms. We firet
quote Eamilton !
"Pritbvinrayan ras a p€rson of insstiable ambitiotr, souad
iuilg6m6nt, greot courage atld ullcessing activity' Lind and
Iiberal, especially in promises to his frionds and depondants,
ho was regardlees of f&iths to Btratrgers and of humanity to
otremios, th&t is to all who opposeil his views" (P. %5). This
writor goes on to 8ay that he was responsible for tho introduc-
tion of ffrearms and Europea,n disciplino in the army, but he
took few Europe&na in his service. This shows how dietrugtful
ho was of the E uropeaD8 &nd how tactfully he m&naged hi8
afairs.
Here is vhat Kirkpatrick says :

" There are contradi;tions in hig charaotor vhich our

some
imperfoct knowledge of his history does not ensble us to
0. Bogle p. 191,
7. CPC. fV, E. !048,2019.
 GOBTEA Bf,COMES trII{ODOM OT NEPAL 257

oloar up : thus, notwithstaudiag the cruolty ho manifested

in bis treatmont of the iuhebiterts of Kirtipur and in hie
ungotrerous ettitude towads tbo Patan nobilitios on somo other
occaeione, ho is said to havo disgraced ono of his principal
adherents for wounding one of the enemios vhile in the aot of
fleeing from the field of bottle. In frro, we msy conolude from
tho r€sp€si in which his memory is yet held by tho Parbattiaa
and especially tho milita,ry part of them, that whatever hie
oond.uct as a conqueror or however gevere his naturo nay havo
beon, he was not il-&ttontiye t,o tho Eosns of conciliating those
on whoee support ho principally relied" (P' 271).
We may not wholly agree with the abovo mentioned
writers in their ostimate of Prithviuarayana's character and
&ttainmetrts. 3ut there was no doubt tbat ho was ons of
the greateet figuros of the timo. IIiE grestnegE was ackuow'
ledged by his advorearies, and thore could bo uo greater tribute
to his genius and ochievemeat than tho oae from tho writiog
of two European writors.

No', a bigot King

Prithvinarayaua is often accuscd of boing haroh &nd oruel
tow&rd8 the peoplo of tbe Nepal vally in general. But thie
is an unjuet allegation. After all he annexed prinoipalities
after principalities by defeating thoir rulers. IIir was not o
war of attrition directed agaiart the people. The peoplo did
rarely comerinto picture in any sphero in those days. Prithvi'
narayena had fought the rulers and the quarrol rvoe Bn iDtet'
neoiao ono. The ffght waB a sort of civil war. Exeept with
those in power ho tlealt with all others fairly and humanely'
Ee diil not interfere with their mannerg and customs, and ho
upholtl alt the granta donated by former rulore to tho mah'
tenance auil worship of templee. Such an attituile becpeake of
his liberal mind. IIe never ertended his intrigue into tho
ilay-to-day &frsir8 of the people ancl he had uo intontioa to
haraes or deroraliso them.
 268 ODEBX ITBPA}

Baburam Acharya in hia LPN, lII (P 46t-02) has ropro-

duoed a documsnt iuoorporating o grant of land made by
Prithyina,rsyena Shah in tho nome ofa Buddist prieat who woa
to utiliso the esraing for various fostivall oonnoctoil with the
vorship of e temple in Kirtipur.
Prithvina,raya,na Shah played all tho parts of the Malla
rulers in public functiong appea,ring aud partioipating in the
many featinale when tho king's prosenoo wss domauded. Of
courso, ho movod cautioualy. But his dogire w&s to tre&t them
.as his orn people and any kind of diecrimination wes far from
hie mind.
Prithvinarayara Shah rose from a small ohioftain to the
ting country. ff ho hail no qualities of hoad and
of a sizoable
hoart and no following of equ&lly ablo mon the kingdom he
c&rved out would not havo omerged in that form. It
wss not
shoer luck which had enabled Prithvinaraysns to &ttain this
glory. Suroly worth hs h&d, worthy his Deu pero. But ho
had also erploited th6m to the best advautago. And he ha"d
the qualities to knor best exploit tho rogourcog and
how to
talonts. Thus ho was not only a valiaot soldior but aleo a
milit&ry gener&I, not only an orgeniser but aleo a str&trcgist.
Other qualities of Prithvinaraya,na Sh&h wors : hs nevor
lost patience even in momonts of rttcr dofost and he collect-
.ed Btrength ogainst repe&ted failuros, oud ondeavourod to
got oyer them. Mors than thot ho could incpiro coaGdsuco ia
thoee who had despairod. Thus by thie qu&lity hithyi tided
over many orieis, and ralliod hig mon in hours of dofeat and by
darirg turnod tho tebl6 to victory in momonts of impending
dofeat.
Prithvinarayana Shah, however, fought uusorupulously. To
him viotory was the ond snd he dial not care by what moans
it camo. IIe did not hositrte to usoany mesns &t his disposal
to achievo a oaugo. Ife was not only a stratagist but one wlo
pl&yed every Bort of Btret&gems against his opponents. Quito
ofton he displayed liboral attituds towards tho enomies but
ox & nqmb3r of ocoasions ho did prove hiorrslf all crafty and
 ooBxf,r BEoOUXa rINODOU Or NEP.el 269

cruol. Abovo all he, thrsw tll consoionoo to winds vhile ho

had to aohievo hie objootive.
Take, for instsnce, tho capturc of the Raja of Tanhou on o
pretoxt of a friendly iutorcoutso and killing af Psrasura,m
Thapa's brother while ho wae eerving loyally hia master, Ono
could suggest that th6 story of Thapa's promise of support to
hithvinar&yena is a concoction on the lattol's paft' fn almost
oU letters he addressed to his ofrioers he persuaded them to
deceivo the onemy by feigning frieudship. Ee rolied as nueb
in decoptive taotics ae iu srorals. To serYe his ends he would
,ppurl to parochial sontiments; aud ueo soorct dovices to
ooat€ splits in the ranks of advers&ries. Bribery wa€ one of
hie woepons to divide the oppononts. We havo soon how bs
won tho loyalty of rulers; collaterals and ministers by oforing
money, oleph&nts and cootly articles, Ee won ovor men by
o;ploiting their weok et&tions &nd by corrupt moana. As if
this was not enough he betrayed their trult at timsg. Eis
dealing with those enemies who had surrendered with ell faith
in him was not praisorofthy. No other man e:copt those
with ingrained suspiciou might havo thus washed theit h&ndg
in blood. Becauee he was a rank intriguer himaelf ho wae
aftaid of any man who had crossed over to join his side. Ee
ltraa ever foarful of court intrigues even. But thir was, how-
eyer, not uaiversally practieed, It depended on the utility of
the man concerned. Prithvinarayana erploitod human wesh-
neBB, but he wag not ueed to show toleranco towords guch
goaknesg.
We need aot go fa,r to substsntiats our stetemonts by ex-
amplo. The aftermath of tho victory over Kirtipur end Patan
is desuibed by the ohronioler thue:'tr'or eome timo ho show€d
himeolf in favour ofthoss who had intrigued with him, after
three uonths he eeoured the persons of tho mon as vell as their
children feigning the ploasum of their oompany to his 8otr ; ho
also could send as hostegos eome noblomon to Noakot as a
his entrance to Paten and till he retumed ssfe
condition for
to Kathmandu, but all theeo safety provisions wsre eet aside
 260 UODEBN NTP.TL

when ho arrestod all the Prrdhaas rhen thoy cane to meet

him ; he took thom all to Noakot, vhero they woro probably
put to de&th.'
One oould s&y that the men erscuted wore thoeo who h&d
botrayod their ovn m&ster8. But wh&t about the Corktrali-
king who persuaded thom to desort their sido ? Prithvinara-
yana Shah seemed to follow in lettor aud spirittho dictum
that thore ir nothiog unfsir in w&r.
Tho only tribute to such a polioy is that a new Nepal was
born which w&s much biggger tho eize of the old one.
fn reslrct of war stra,tegy ho nover fought a battle which
was not dir€cted against a ringlo onemy. Eis strategy was to.
isolato one enomy among the many and hit him at a suitable
momont, IIe fougbt them one by one as againet thoir com-
binatioa. It is aIBo truo that he did not ffght with a suporior
we&pon or organisation. Nor he wae succeesful to make an
inch of a.dvance in the hilly woatern &re&B ac[oss the Mar-
syaagdi. Eowevor, he achieved Buccess in besting down tho
yalloy rulor8. But hor6 too even while he wss ffghting the
thres rulerg of the valley, ho fought each of them eeparately.
He sucoessfully intriguod to bring about fa,ctionel diBputes in
tho rank of his opponents, What holped him to echiove
suoooss in tho battle field or at least to keep his &dversries in
cheok was the intrigne ho played. Adilod to this was laok of
acruplos iu tho meerrs ho omployod to win the w&r.
Prithvinarayana fought with guna and probably the poss€B-
sion of its lat€st modol holped him to achieve yictory oyer tho
ruler of tho Nepal valloy, who elso posseseed tho knowledge of
guns and powders. But th€ lstter probably had no efEciont
meoh&nio. fuhvinarayana Shah on ths other hand was in a
tr)ositiou to utilise the servicoe of ono Shekh Zabbar who wag
a master mechenic io m&LiDg matchlocks and gunpowders.
Shokh Zabbar was & rocipient of some londs at tho bands of
of Prithvinarayana Shah. A writing incorporates o l&nd gr&nt
in his name. Tho Dioyopadasa also speaks of him as a meoha-
nio brought from Banaras.
 GOBKE,6. BEOOUES trIIODOM OF NEPIL 261

Prithvinarayana fought his battloe both with regular and

iregular soldiers as well as tho rabble. A batch of l0O trained
soldiers on regular servioe wso c&lled s compauy. Theeo handloil
glns and daggers as occassion r6quired. Every eoldier
ofthiB typo vee, ca,lled. tiliwa. The irregulare handled aleo
diforent weapons but they were not aB muoh trained &s tho
regular. The cornpany was led by Subedar under whom thero
rvere sir llavildars and as much Euddae. The latter two were
junior officere.
At times when numericel etrength was called for to reia-
force organisod defsnoe tho peoplo ilr general were olso omploy-
ed. But then thie vas never done iu a pitohod battle. Only
duriug akirmishes euch a rabblo was usad for tho pu4roso of
creating terror itr the mind8 of the invaders.
Prithvinarayana took uearly twenty four yoars to vanquirh
the Nopal valley. Even aftol a euccessful blockodo it stood
resistiug for several yoors. The valiant people of Khtipur
fougbt 12 yoars boforo they sunondered. Obvioudy hithvi-
naray&na, noither fought with superior weepns uor with
superior organisation. If it was a ffght of ekill, it waa worat
in the form of intrigue, in which Prithvinarayana had excelleil
anybody, so ultimately the inttigu€ had triumphed over every-
thing elso.
Eis army rvhe juet a rabble like the armies of the noighbour-
ing principalitieo. If he ha"d raised a few corpa of tilangaa
(soldiere trained h tho srt of gulr warfare) I thjnk thet others
had aleo done so-
Bu! Prithviuareyana oould not have introducod a modern
&rt of rarfare without tho requisite background.
But he was Eghting an ofonsivo b&ttle, lhile ,others wore
defending their positions. This croated somo diference in the
mode of fightbg. By the requiroment of circustancec the
GorLhali ffghtors acquirod agility end mobitity, r,vhich othore
lackod. Prithyi alao ehowed ertreme vigilance to gua,ril tho
outposts ho conquord &lthough th€ main winning factor w&s
political intrigue, but tho quality of the mon fighting on
262 UODBB]I }IEPAI,

Gorkhr,ts side thue genoroted had &lso oontributed to its suooeso

in tho battlsffold.
It wss hithyinaray&na'e dosirc th&t the troopero \f,6ro sll
kopt oontented. Io, Dixyopilaa he laya stross on thig factor
aB m6&ns to tho achievcmont of the objeotivo. Tho soldior
as aoon as ho was eDlisted wse to be looked ofter by tho rulor
providing him a home and land, If hs died in aotion his family
obteined m&intonaBco until tho male member: camo of ago to
be ablo to hold daggors whoreupon they wor6 promotod to
posts in regular soryico. This would ensure his loyalty to
the throne and mako him undorgo utmoat sorvioe for tho
causa. Tho Subodar of a oompauy was the most tru8tod man
with his roputation of achisvemonta in 4 or 5 battles' Ee
appointed hie junior oEoers tGsting thei! cour&go, the rulo
being the most cour&geoua of the men would get promotiea to
the poat. Similarly when the meu were rooruited they found
thoir plaoe according to tbo courage dlsplayed. The lowest
rankiag offioor oalled Eudda and abovo him llavaldar wore
extremely clever aad couragious men. All men and oftcere were
thoso who wore prepared to do or dio in the action. Tho
soldier was rocruited from caetos other than tho Brahmonas.
Aocording to hi8 st&toment ia Diogopadesa PrithviBarsy&ns
admitted that a rulor drew his Btrength meinly from ths
eoldier and the ryots (raiiis). Tho soltliers were recruits from
among tho eubjoete. So there was uothing to discriminate
botween the two. But tho soldier weBt in ection while tho
Eubjeots supportod from his base. This was a difieronce of
proportion. Professionally the soldior wae & Ean of action'
The soldier, thereforo, was always kepc onga,ged, otherwiso he
might play into the hands of tho rebel8.
I do not thiuk that a great military strategy was invol-
ved. in such a practico. But vhotover hia organisation he
know human nature woll. This understanding helped him to
ln&noeuvre succeesfully through the cobwebe of intriguo in
tho troubled gituation of the country st the timo.
Prithvirarayana is regarded by many people to-day cs the
uniffer of Nepal. But therc is nothing to show that he over
 OOEB.E.I BECO XS r]}IGDOU O' TIEP-AL 263

concoived of the size wo havo for the present day Nepal;

while he advanood to the oast ho waa not, ablo to a.dvance
beyond the bouadary of the theu Gortha. Within the limits
set by his conquost tho Nepol beyond tbo valley was bom.
But all this happoned without his having thought ofit. Eo
was an uuconsoioug tool oftho dostiuy which ha.d marLed him
&8 A COnqUerOr.
But io his Dioyopileaa tbe river Ganges Es8 the fronti€r
lino shown by bin for his eouthorn frontier. Thia occurs in
his referenco to the likelihood of a fight whth tbe British. IIo
thought that the British Eight sttempt to invade Nepal cross-
iog tho Churia ghati (South of Iletauda) and inetructed his men
to fight even a last ditch battle with tho enemies. He fore-
cast a crushing defoat on tbe Britieh and hoped tha,t they
rould rua away by abandoning huge trtarures. The Gor-
khalia were to chaee them away beyond tho Ganges (perhaps
upto Sonepur).
Prithvinarayana emphaoieed tho need of fortifyiag the n&tu-
ral defonoe of Sivapuri, PulchocL, Chandragiri, lfahadeo-
pokbri, Palurg, Dapoha, aud Kahule. Eere wero to bo Btationed
feld guns and evory blwnjyang iu the area was to bo provided
with an iron g&te so that entries were pro;rorly checked. Five
a,rmod moa and c ffeld gun aleo wero to be placed at eaob,
of them. Prithvinaryana thought that io the circumetancee
.to one, tho Chineee or tbe British, could havo courage to
cmss the f6rts thus built.
It appesrs from the abovo that Prithvinarayana had in hie
miud the protection of the Nepal yalloy aDd it8 ert€ntion to
the east. So wo caa imagioo what ultimately he aimed at-
Tho conqueet of the valley was tho only objective he cherished.
€,t the initia,l stage. Ee proceoded as far aB DolLha in that
queet for a situation to reoliso his schems. So foll to him Mack-
wanpur, which puehed hie conque8t to the bank of the riyer
Dudhkoei in the billy region and to the river Komala in the
Torai. Lator he pushed his oonquest to Morang and tbe pre.
sent boundary. But oll this automatically followed in the
264 MODERN NEPAL

Eft€rm&th of th€ conquest of tho Nepal valley or as a prelimi-

nery to it.
With what we have deecribed in tho abovo paragrapba it
will bo wrong to call hithvinarayana the creator of modern
Nopal. But we are putting this stetemont in the sense that
he did not consciously plan it. Nor can we take irto account the
f&ct that he eyer drea,mt of an ompiro hig successors were to
build in the Iate'I8th and early l9th conturiee. Truo to his
initial objoctive &ll hi8 attontions wero dirscted to protect tho
Nepal volloy in a fashion similary as he desired itE conque8t.
But as so have olready euggested for all tbat in the procoss
of conqueet wont on to the making oft sizable kingdom, and
beoause tho conqueror was hthviuarayana Sh&h, he must
get his due ae a buildor, even though overything happened
vithout his forethought.

Dconomic Policg

Prithvinorayana Shoh encouraged Nepol'8 tr&ditiotlal haDdi-

crefts and art industries euch as braes rnd oopper ware,
making statua.ry objects, wood oarving. homo spinning aud
weaving. Ee asked his countrymen to we&r cloths Eanufac-
tured in their country. No merchants from tho Bouth should
bo allowed to cross Ga,rhpars&. But the design in the cloth
industry of the soutb should be copied by the Nepalose. e
advisod hie country men to shun luxuries so that dependence
on couutrios outsido Nepal could be avoided. Nepel had
s subgtaDtial trade both with her northern and southern
neighboure. Ee felt that tho bulk of trade with these ooun-
trios should be haudled by the Nepalese traders. He had
expolled the Kaghmiris anil Goe&insr and now that the route
to Tibet wao controlled by his Government the ontire share of
iho entropot trade passing 0hrough Nepol came also to bo
hantlled by the Nopaloso. But it appears that ths Tibetan
g Markb.m's Bogle, etc., l!,lE
 GORKEA BEOOIdES rINODOIT OI. NEPAI 246

msponEe to. thie eituttion was 'not favourable to Nepaleso

points of Yisw.
Tt \ia ilityopadeta Prithvinarayana stroosor tho requrr€-
aent of an unalloyed coin Bystom if the conntry ]fl&8 tO
prosPor.
Earlier he had eecured a, DLqrrnapaba from Jayaprakase
.nalla about Gorkha'e trading aud political rights in Tibet (VS
l8l4 Paueo oa.di 8 roj 6-Iriilay,22Decombor, l?58). Jaya-
prakar had oonceded negoti&bility to Gorkhali coina in
Kathmandu as a reciprocal measure, and along with thia had
&coeptod export of tho former country's ooins [o Tibot as well
os distribution of Tibotan and Iudion (Madhyesh) gold and
eilver in oqual proportion betweon hie oountry and Gorkha.
This meent that Gorkha was playfurg as much a dominant
role in Tibetan economy a.s the two kingdoms of the Nepal
valley. According to another provision, Gorkha also had obtained
equal rights with Kantipur to iutercept and confiecato contra-
band goods eithor from or to Tibot, while each ofthem was
to give protootion to legitimete trads carriers pa8sing through
thoir territories (Kathmandu and Gorkha).
Bofore his time Gorkha had no ooins of its own. It
deponded on Kentipur and the two othcr kingttoms of thc
Nopal valloy for the supply of the medium of oxchengo even
for internal markgte. Gorkha' first coiu dates Saka 16Z0
(= U54 A. D.). The reforeace to Gorkha coins in tho above
is en evidence of the economic advaacoment the territory had
come to sosuro during Prithvinarayana's rroigne,

Diplmaay
Prithvina.rayana weB a msstor diplomat. He conducted his
foreign polioy cautiously and tactfully. The following oxtract
from one of hie lettere is revealiag for informstion in regsrd to
9, For tbe ooiEoge oI GotLhss s€e Wdah. op. oit., pp. ?aO-41. Ih6
f,rst coin hss o!! the obv6E. 6lgit-?et&l lotus rhe&ia iB insclib€,il g/ Bd
Ei Gorakhrratha, gri sri gri Bhavani, .Eri gti Ptithtinarayal Bahadevd,
1676. Other ooiD6 ilated 1680, 1683 oait 1691 are abo trao€il (Irirar
Prokasa, i, p,l17). The roar used is saln.
266 UODER}I OF NEPAL

ths various missior:e he set up overtly or covortly in impoltant

oentreg otrtside his oountry. This bears testimony to an advan-
cod grstem of diplomatic organisation he created, even thougb
it In a lottor he wroto, "Yritraspati Pandit
wss rudimenta,ry.
has goneto Purnea, Kirtimali to Patna, Vaikuntha Upadhyaha
to Nawab Sujaddaula. Theso porsons are statioued there,
Dinanath has left for Calcutta and ehall roacb thsro soon,
Xor Lhasa wo have Bhimgiri's disciplo Rojgiri and he goee
there."r o

The fact of Gorkhali roprosentatives being stotioned at

British headquatere is conoborated by a Britirh source. In a
communication addressed to the Britieh Governor, hithviaa-
rayana Shah hod informed th&t his yaLil would wait on him
to talk about oertain bordor disputes,l l The nsmo of Dina-
aath figures as bie vakil.

Relation with the British

In dealing with the Britiah in India, King Prithvinarayana

Shoh handlod his foreign policy astutely and firmly. Ee knew
that the British were oot reconciled to the situation tha,t, had
emergod after his victory ovor a large part of the central
Ilimalayos now coneituting the kingdom of Nepal. Ee undor-
stood fully well that the British weto profeseiog friadship for
him only outwartlly. fnwardly they nurecd secret iui.mical
feelings against him. Ae thoy had failed to acquire domina-
tion in Nepal by adventurist tactica, they had uow adopted o
policy of intriguee and looked for an opportunity to harass
him and weaken his etrength. But tbe Eoglish by that time
had becomo a great power, snd it was not alesitable to pick up
a quarrel with theln at that Btege unless supportod by a
combinatioD oI forcee all over the Indian subcontiuent. There-
foro, Prithvinarayana too adopted a tacticel policy of main-

10. L€tte! to lfsbatrts BhrgwantEeth, p. cit, 1.

ItihaB! ?rakssr, I.
11. Caleatlar of per3ion oorrostrroEdeac.e, Yol. IV, No. 1443, Noyoabor,
28, 111t.
 OOBEEA BECOUTA XINODOII OF NEPTL 267'

tainiug a slow of friendship for tho Britieh whilo building up'

strongth &nd resouroos in his owa country,
hithvinarayana hail a clear vieion of the future of hir
country. IIe felt that if he could koep Nopal freo from tho
influonco of tho Europoan colonialiets, his oountry'a progroes
snd security were assured, Eie primlry objootive was to avoid
both confliots and contacts with tho foroignors, particul&rly
the immediate noighbour the British. Eo oleverly avoided
likely imbroglioe. IIe shelved problems that vould involvo
him to undertake noar friendly intorcouree with tho British
because he folt .that any iatimate conduct woultl givo the
British protexts to interfere in his aEairs. Wbile he was pre-
parod to disouss questions of disputes he evaded oll negotia-
tions for permanent rel&tion of any kiud betwoen Nopal and
the Britieh. Thia evasive policy wae al.r:rost baffiing to tho
British. It sevorely taxod their p&tience ebout the queetion
of border diaputes. The Britieh were anrious to obtein
Kathmandu'a a,cceptanoe of thoh claims on certain greae on
tho border then occupied by the Nopoleso. But ho maint&inod
consietently a noncommittal &ttitudo or dl questions of
border dispubo as it concerned tho very integrity of his country.
Eo knew their stratogem and str&tegy and would uot bo
caught unawares. The British complained that it was hard
to negotiate with him because of tbis attitude. ft was said
that oa a partioular occasion (whilo nogotiation ahout Baijit-'
pur was boing conducted) while somo kind of commitment wee
tanted from the Nopalose Yakil, it was found that ho wa,s Dot
aoquainted with the bueiuesc eDd ha.d no full powers.r2 To a
requost for Buppressing the Sannyasi raiders on the Ch&mpa,r&n
border the Gorkhali King had reeponded by ertonding
a olaim on psrts of BettirE, In both the cases the rosponse
was as good as a rofussl. But all the whilo ho pleaded with the
British'not to be projudiced againet bin by the mi8ststement
of hig onomios.'r 8 At the time when Warren Ifastings
1!. IDid, No. 1616.
13. oet, Pe!. Oor!o.., IV. No. 1t13, Novoebcr, 28, t??1.
268 MODEBN NEP L

w&s h&rd prossed in Banaras ( 1772 ) the Nepalese Vakil

evsn made an offor of militory assietotlco es a gesturo of good
will on bohslf of his master, nhich, however, rraa not eccepted.
It is said that a largo forco of the Gorkalie rpas waitiug at
Maekwanpur, but it returned &s th6 Banaras revolt was sup-
presBod.l' Obviously Prithvirarayana Shah was playing to
app€ar ss a friend of the Britieh. The lattor a,ttitudo Bmacks
of hypooriey, but Prithvinarayana had qnly actod in pur-
suance of a policy dictated by his circumstances.
His feeling towads his oompatriote in India, howover, wat
one of brotherhood. Ee looked upon the peoples in India ar
his own fratemity. Tho Nopalese and Indians were kith and
kin ofoaoh other. Tho English were advancing in pursuit of
a policy of military conquest and they were polluting tho soil
by their impuro and inffdolisb touch. India was gradually
being brought under thoir hoels and sacrileged that v8y.
But Nepal vas eaved fiom the British. Tberefore Prithvi-
norayana had said about this country thst it wos tho 'real
Eindustana'16 whore'Cows and Brahmang wore duly rovored,
and larrg of caste striotly enforced(.lo
As European powers wers sproadiug their tantacles in India,
tho under cuuent of hie feeling .manifested through eatremo
hatred of thom. It was not in any way direoted against other
country Powors of India.
In the same vein Prithvinarayan Shah tried his lsvel best
to preyent 'the British fron gaining aecendancy in Tibetan
commoroe. He wrote to the Tibet&n &uthodtios requelting
thom Dot to l)ormit the entry of English goods into Tibot,
I{e also advisod them to discouroge British eforts to penetrato
into Tibet.r ?
1.4. IIEckwalrpur Btrtil6r Psp€! iE posBession o, tr'orei8! I\[i!istry' NePrl.
1,1r. B. C. Chsuilhurt Anglo-Newlete RelarioxJ oto., Pp.5l-65.
15, A 1iD6 lro!! hir ,ibya Upddesh, p'oblisbeil by l{. NllohulDAth.
16. A liDe floE hir Dibya Upadesh, pnblisheil by lI. Nalahlritroth,
17. This inform&tion lvas giveD to Bogle by the Porchea Ialto,
,u.rkhaE, p. 169.
 GOBIEA BEOOUES TTNODOII OT, NEPAL 269

Rela,tions wi,th, kie brothers

Although born of different mothers, tho fivo legitimate

sons of Narabhupal had worked for a common purpose with.
ertraordinary devotiou to each ether.
But near tho end of tho mission they had fallen apart.
Thero is no doubt bhat Mahoddam Kirti, Dalamardan,
Daljit, Surapratap on tbo legimate lino, and Ranarudra on tho
illegitimate line served Prithvinarayana Shah to the best of
thoir ability and courage. But his relatione with his brothers
though quite intimate till his conquest of the Nepal Valley
were strained as soon as ho showed sings of consolidating the
various territories oonquered by him iuto a siugle state. At
tho initial stage the second and third of the brothers occupied
the posts of super-ministers (Chautara). The .fourth servod
the common caugo in the capacity of a commander and fought
several battles at a g-roat risk, in one of which he lost hig left
oye. Rut scoording to the chronicle they covoted a princ!
pahty for each &s new territories woro boing annered and when
they saw that the division of territory was not possible they
6von went to the ertent of withholding cooperaton at the last
stago.
So much so, that the author of Bhaktaa\jaya hatrya Iocates
the threo of them in Noakot at the timo the attack on tho
city of Kathmandu took place. Only Surapratepa had been
with the invading force but he too Ieft immediately aftcr the
conquest of Bhatgaon to domicile in Palpe. It was sajd in
the chronicle that Prithvinarayana rewarded Keharsimha
Basnet for exploits in the battle at Bhatgou ignoring Sura-
pratapa who had outehone everybody else in bravery on the
occasion. There is a lettor of Prithvinaraya,n& to ahow that
Kirtimahoddam had written objectionable letters to some
courtiers in Kathmandu, which had been intercepted.re ft
appoars from tho letter that the Choutara wa,! attemptiag t6.
incite influential men against the king. On coming to know

18. To Kehaningh Bosnet, ltihasaprakasa, I. pp. 14 off

270 UODEBIT ]IEPII,

&bout the interoeption of his lett€rs Kirtimahoddan haston€d

to write to Prithvinerayslre clarifying his position' And be
osoapetl to kaeki. Though tho lotter had pleodod
innocence'
on his guard as
the incideat was onough to put PrithYinarsyana
to tho Ettituite of his brothets ; and both Kirti and Dalamar-
dan woro not permitteil to oome to the capitol in the life
time
of King Prithvitrsra,y&na' At ono time during Bana Bahadur's
reign Kirtimahodtlam exeroised groat iufluonco at tho oou'rt'
Bu-t Kirtimahotlilam died in oxilo'Dalamardan had onoe
succoetled in securing & pessage to tho favours
of bis nephew
.but was ag&in compelled to retroat to Betl&'

Not the slaaess of Orn rnan alone

Prithvinarayaaa's 8ucoa88 was not tho suocess of a single

'por8on. Eo hsd oble generals and diplomats &round him'
Ws have &lro&dy recounted the services of those placed
in
charge of military afrairs. But for o11 these br&vo 3nd honest

mon tho seri68 of victorios ovdr oppononts was not ooDoeivablo'

Tho ohronicle proYiilos sbout fifty D&mes including tbose of
his brothers, rho bad rendored signal service to the causo
of
Clorkha's victorY.
 CEAPTEB IX(A)

PBATAPASIMHA
The eldest eoa of Prithvinaray&rur was atowtod, ot Ma4ha 2
(Magha Krana 10) oJ VB 1831 saka 1698-1775, Thursday,
i2 Jauuary, but the tithi, ie wroag. The occaeion wae
celebrated by issuing a new coin in his aams which bea,rs
the dato 1831.
Pratapasimba w&s married to Rajontlralakemi who, how-
ever, did not wield as much influenco on,him as hi8 concubine
and miuistor€. But she #as destinod to rulo as B,egont after
the ileath of hor hugband.
Prithvinarayana had left two young sons behind him. Botb
af them woro born of tho same mother, quoon Narendraloksmi.
At the timo hithvinarayana diod his successor Pratapasimha
tas 23 years old. Ee ras in Kathmandu looking alter the
business of state, The eecond son, Bahadur Shah, was with
his father. for tho suoooss-
Pratapaaimha was being groomed
ion einco 1770 while he had only reached17. In a letter
under dato 78 1827 Paus@ eu,ili 5 roj 7 -Satwday, 22
Docember, 1770, addressed ftom tho valley of Gorkha to
Abhiman Singh B&snot by Md. Kumar Yuva,raj Pratapsimha
gives the officer a cloarance &s to tho exponditure ho had
iacurred irr courso of time from Marga su.ili 5 ta Pausa eudi 10
( -22 November to 27 Decembar). As Prataprimha becamo
,king he oleared the Eccounte in tho n&me of Kehar simha,
Abbhiman singh and Dhoukol Simha jointly. This was standing
fuom VS 1827 Vaisakka oaild 1 roj 4-Weilnuila,C, 11 Apil,
1770 to1830 Chaitra eud,i 15 roj 4 -WelJ;rLerdLoy, Z April
1773. This involved ths revenue of4 years, which thoy had
billed and depositod in tho tressuryo. The clearance was
iesued on 1833 Pausa auil,i 15 rojl. Ae thoro is no weekitoy
ia the published letter we canDot verify the date oractly,
But tho document rougNy belongod to 177?.
O. h ihasaprukasa,l, 73.
1. lThe published lioe tloos Dot gire $oekalry but Jadi JJ is Thursday !a
JaDuery, 1??7.
272 N@DEIf I{EP.AL

The dates iu both the documents (unless we add 4 for aail,i

in the first one) are irregular. Probably tho copyist made
the mistake in oopying the date figures.
The first letter suggested that even &s crown princo just
beyond his teens ho aould do the job of an accountant,
general. Pratapasimha had been groomed by his father as.
crown prince to fiually discharge the duties of a king.
Pratapasimha is to havo beou disliked by his father
said
for his negligent behavior and life of ease. But this Eeoms.
to be untrue.
It appearo that Pratapsimha was a m&n of modeet habits
ond fell ordinarily under the influence of one or another
courtier. He had been worked up by his wrong advisors to
treat hig brother as a potential rival. As the two brothers
foll foul of each other the field was set clear for more intrigues,
in tho court.
ft is said that initially Pratapasimha was under the
influenco ofhis ooncubine, who happened to bo a daughtor of
Kazi Kalidasa, his Guru Brajnath Paudol and Svarupasimha
Karki.
Vamasaraja Pande also had gained influence at the oourt.
This man and Svarupsimha Karki bear the title of Dewan
in a document'of 1833 Bhail,ra auil,i 3 roj 6: Friday, 2 August,
1776 (Itikasapralcaaa I. 92), in which they are witnessos. Kazl
Vamsaraj had just returrred from' Parbat whero he w&s
.confined as a prisoner having beon caught during a Skirmish.

Prithvinarayan&'s second son Bahad.ur Shah was living

in Noakot at ths time of his death. The prince was accom-
panied by one of his uncles, Dalajit Shah. ft appears that
Brajnath Paudel iustigated the uew king to arrest and detain
tho two princes for their alleged aetivity against him. They
were actually arrested within a week of king Prithvinarayana
Shah's death. Eofrevor, Daljit Shah had escaped. The
King's advisors wero determined to remove the collaterals from
 OORTEA BEOOUf,S EDTGDOU Or ]SEPAIJ Ng
the royal .ptesence. They wore afraid of ths ohanges in
thoir fortuue if the Chautaras woro sufrered to live in
Kathmandu. It so appea,red that after Bahad.ur Shah and
Dalajit Shah were romoved none of thom wae spared.
Surapratapa Shah had died and Kirtimahodda,m Shah wac
in Kaski. ft was said by the cbronicle that tho latter was
living in Katarban. But this is wrong. After being suopectod
of hostility against his erder brothor the chautara shifted
hig
residence to Kaski. Thue the instigatora enjoyed tho
monopoly of influsace. On the assumption of powers
Pratapsinha distributod the key posts as follows : Kazi
Svarupasimh& w&a appointed chiof minigler (Mulkazi) and
Brajanath Paudel, Shaktiballabha Arjyal and Bamsaraj
Pando assisted him &s ministors (K"ui). Thore w&s
Chautara. "o
Sometime later Bahadur Shah was releesod from priaor
and was allowed to go to Bauaras on the intercossion by
Guru
Gajaraj Miara who had then repaired. to the capital from
Banaras. Bahadur Shah left for Tanhou where ho lived
aearly I yea,r and half moving Iater to palpa.
for
fn any desctiption of evonts Bahadur Shah always a,ppeare
as a, m&n of kind disposition, and broad outlook
and bravo
in word and doed. He wae widely respected because of his.
unblemiehed character. ft wae said that prithvinarayana
liked Bahadur more than pratapasimha if only for his
qualities. Prithvinarayana,s partiality for his eecond soll waa
not unooncealed and it was natural that the crown
prince
became jealous of him. The suspicion that Bahadur
Shah
would harm his position was born of jealousy which was
further aggravated by hia ministers who equally feared
unpleasant consequencos of Bahadur,s presence in the
court.
Bahadur Shah had not intrigued against his
brother.
But tho suspicion of his intontion harboured by his
brother
wa,B 60 deop that the latter had to rive in orile
far from home
until the death of pratapasimha. Daljit Shoh, his uuclo,
shared the same fate. But he was recalled oarlior
to Koth_
274 MODEBN NEP.AI,

maEdu by the influenoe of queen RajendralaLemi. Bshadur

Shah war living in Betia whils tho royal letter from Katb-
mandu reaohed him with the roport of hig brother'e death
and invitation to be proeent ir the paloco.
Aocording to the chroniclo Bah*dur Shah had troublei
with his brother in the very begining of hie reign, oud wag oom-
lnlled to loavo tho oountry. 8o was Dalajit Shah. his uucle,
the younger Chautara who was oriled for the secoqd time. The
oircumetancee iu which Dalajit Shah met hir fato.havo been
described by the cbronicler thus; Kazi Swarup Karki wes
ably aad honestly eerving tho palaoe and thef were immensely
pleased with this man ; but ono day tbe Kazi comEitted Bome
errors' oncl the Chautaras Bahodur Shah and Dalajit Shah
oomplained to'the king and had him imprisoneil; on the
queeu's intorvention however, the Kazi was pardoned and
released and Dalajit thah wbo was the principel band behind
the incident had his entire hoosedold and propotties GonfiBce-
ted aad himself with his family erilod. Their ptoporty was
giveu to Kazis Bhotu Panile and Jagajjit Pande.
But this story iB wrong. Ths two chautaras had been
imprisoneil before tho funerel ritoe of Prithvinaray&ae wa8 over.
Uulike eome other relatious oftho new king, these two men
always wished well of tho king and no evidenco of a miscon-
duot oould be proiluced agaiast them. But unfortunately they
wero Bent to live in exile.
It appoars that
Pratapasimha and Bahadur Shah had not
broken off completely. But we do not know what exaotly
prompted Pratapasimha to so seriously deal with his brother.
During Bahadur's exile tho two brothore were aleo in
corroepondence. Bahadur complained in ono of his lettors that
his brother hsd exiled him to s country which was not hia
own. IIe had never thought ill ofhis country and the king.
IIo wrote that he wae then eating the s&lt of Tanhou &nd he
was to &biile by whatever its rulsr orderod. But if Itatapa-
simhe tre&ted him well, ho would be truo to him. Ee wanted
to como back home. The elder brothor had replie.d that his
 ooprE^ BBOOIES xnxoDoM or rrpll, 276
elile wss & medicine for the wound adding,
you were given fare
well by us rith all pleaeure, atthough jour acfi." fia *"""i
&nger but we auppressed it. your return aup"oa"a yooi
oo
actions ; if you give evidence of feslty
to tn" yoo"*ltt
be allowed to return,. Bahadw "oorrt"y
Shsh hsd *p.*uj itr, i"
Rajas of L&mjuag and Taahou-
l* :": -rhe
talkod of Gorkha's frindship, which pratapasimb,"nil "o.iorsly
,;p;;;;;;;.
The lat-ter informed in reply that yamearaj p.ia" -""i
pantha were boing Beat
|:ii*r*r to Tantrou, Lamjung and
Piuthan to talk peaco rvith their rulers. The
.qimha is dated. Sraaana ead,i l0 roj 6_
letter of il;;;
Friday, ZO .f"fy,
1776. Ia a poetscripb ho mentioaed that for
Sahadur Sta;g
uso ho had despatched a bodtting
and a box full of dry fruits.
Another letter wea s€nt to Bahadur Shah
*ith ,"""ri ;;;;;
by the bea.rer. This lottor ie d,ated. Bhailra
; ;;";
:Tuosday,20 August, 1i76. But
tho month ie""iliatorcaliry
This w&s in reply to i lotter which
had informed hin thot
Brahman was beiDg eriled. Bahadur disliked
Ibanjsh the the 8;gg;o;;
eon of.hig spiritu&l tutor. pratapapasii-ha
infor
mod tha,t ho had sout to Bahadur numorous
artiolea for bis
use during-the Dipavati festival (
Kdfidka sla lS roi Z - lfronalrl,
25 November, l?26.) In the ledter
of S&m"", iAal i";r"ii)
Z 5 - Thurndan A1xil, t777 pratapasimha
Y; .*i
th&t the report of the death of potala
informa
Lami and ;; ;;
quont departulo of Tashi Lam& to peking
had reached him.
He also lets hie brother know that, Father
Miohaol Ang"fo hail
come to Kathmandu ond left for
Beti& aftor staying a
rrighte.,
The last passago in this lottor suggeets
that Bahadur would
learn more from Chautara Suravira of palpa;
that- Rahadur was liv.ing there at tho
it i, po*iit"
timo of writiug this
p,uticular letter.

x. All the tettgr! ErDtioaeil ate pubtisbeil

3
i! ? unioa, 17, pp. g!-AS-
27i ODEBX !IIPAL

Bbik of ,tw Oram Yinne

Rajendraloksmi gavo birth to a eon who waa to suoceed hia
fathor two antl holf yoors later. He waB botn oo Jgutha vdi
70 rcj 5:Tharwy' of YS 1832. The a&me w&s to grow eg
Rana Bhadur wboso capricoa caused troublee to NoPal PrataP-
simha haal concubiue of the Newar Shrestha caste who had
a
almady born him a son by name Vidur Shah. Later a posthu'
mous Eon was boru of her, aod this was Sher Bahadur, who
killed Rana Bahadur in 1807.
It is said th&t since tho birth of a son Rajendralaksmi
wieldeal more iufluence over the king than anybody else'
Rajendralaksmi ruled for sometime io the name of her
husband. But the priucipal bande wero SvaruPeBiohs aud
Brainath. Theso two mou had the king uuder thoir thumbs'
Tho kiug was Bot & rorthy son of hie father' Ee ras ewtmped
in lu:urios, was oaslly influenoed aad liat€ued to tell'tsle8' It
ie doubtful if thoro wero oouspiracios at all &8 iB tried to be
mads out. Tho story of plote and counterplots omsnsted
from intriguors who waoted to ri8e to povor &t ths cost of
their rivale, A vory suro woy to elimiurte ths rivals veg to
implioate thon in a conepiracy &gaiDst the king. Thie succeed-
ed, the meu implicated wsre killed and the survivors had s'
freo timo to go ebout thoir business. Tho plots ofteu
proved false after a number of yoars. But viotime werc not
to rise out of the a.shee.
The fear o{ oonepirooy haunt€d tho palaoe ogain and again'
Wo ehall s€€ lator how Swarupasioha Karki himeeif foll a prey
to Buch I foar.
And oven as tho king was dyiag news had reachod that a
conepiracy wss sfoot to Eurder him. Tho queou exploited tho
rumour to hor orrn Edvantago by imprisoning her erstwhile
rivals.

TtdQ W, u/ith Tibet

Io ths timo of hatapasimha Nepal started e frosh desl with

 GOEKEA BEOOUES KIITODOTI OF ITEPAL 277

Tibet. As we know thig was in regard to the export of Nopa-

lese coins into Tibet.
Ee aleo entered into a trade pact with Tibet pledgiag
afresh tho commitments of a former Gorkha ruler Rama Shah
towards the Potala.a (For the copy of the draft seo appendix
below). According to the document of tho paot the agremont
was signed on Bhailra su,il,i 6 oJ YB 7832 (cotrwpondiug to
X'riday, I September, 1775). Of courso, the export of coins was
the main thome. Ouo of the provisione of tho treaty reguired
Nopal to sho\p in advance the samplo of silver to bo coined for
Tibet. The signature took place at a place oalled Khaea on
the border. The trade was routed through Kerong and Kuti.
The documont gives a fair idea of the settlement of the
dispute between Tibet and Nepal over the quostion of coins,
whioh however, could not he very much of succese; The treaty
was negotiated by Svarupsimha's brother Rupauarayana.,
Vamsaraj Plnde's sou Jagdhara, Taksari and Bhaneari Pratapa
Simha, Jasram Thapa, Baijanatha Upadhyr, Laksminarayana
Upadhya, Semantabhadra, Laksmisimha, I)amodar Upadhya
and the best reproseutativos of 32 kothia of traders and others.

Mdlitary Ail,aenture
Like hie father. Pratapasimba wanted to earn glory of
military conquest and additioual territories. He sent Bansaraj
Pande to invade Tanhou with the support of Lamjung, but
the latter's ruler Viromardana Shah was not willing to come
to terms. Similarly Kaski could not oblige pratapasimba to
invade Lamjung. But Abhimansingh Baenet did perform
a commendable act by bringing into aetion his forces from the
far east to operate in Chitaun.s Abhiman could occupy
Upardang Garhi, and isolate Tanhou in the hills. The whole
of Chitaun fell to the invader. Together with Sardar Abhi-
1. This is ealletl Dharmapatra, anil the tert is preservetl in the archivee
of Foreign Ministry. The script useil is Newari, antl the language also
is Newari,
5. Itihasapatrasongraha,T. 74.
278 IODTR,N I{XPAL

man the Psnde Sardar oould drive away the few soldiors in
Bta,tion on the etrategio spots of Churia and Someevar ranges-
Kavllaspur was capturod by Abhimansingh ou YS 1834
Sraaana 2 Aadha Buili I raj Z:Morday, 14 July, 177?. Sardar
Ramakrisna Komar ras charged vith the administretion of the
aroa aud he liveil hore for fivo yoars in that position.
In pushilrg forward to Uperdang Garhi Kazi Swarupasimha
ag chiof acted with a design to clsim all tho glory. While the
brunt of the fight was borne by Bamsam! Pande and Abiman
B&snet who had thrown all resources in the fight, the ohief
Kazi wantod to mako a ehow of it. Aocordingly he led a small
contingent of troops and lay in wait in Jogimara. Eo also
moved to Kavilaspur when this had been coaquered. IIis
preeence in Kavilaspur after tho event of fight excitod the
jealousy of Abhiman and in particular of Vemsaraj Paude,
who poisoned the King's ears againet the Karki. Tho king w&B
angry with Swarupaeimha, whoso action in Chitaun was reg&r-
dod as irresponsible and importinent. The kirg was provoked
by the Karki's enemie8 to iead in his attitude some kind of de-
fianoo and. there were rrauy who would even go to the length
of raising suspioion of shady practices nothing less than cons-
ptatorial. As a result of thie machination Swarupasimha
Karki was compelled to run awa,y from the capital out of fosr
for his life. X'roB the letter referred to in the next paragraph
it appears ihat he had straight gone to Banarag.

I ntriguec qqain st Pretaftasi,rnha,

That eome kind of attempts were being made to over-

throw Simhapratapa's rule or &t loest to harass hio government
from the baBo in Beti& oppo*rs from a letter of Sashidhar
Upadhya who soome to have writter from a firet hand know'
lotlge of the movenents of Nepalose erilos iu Betia near tho
bortler, This was towards the end of Pratapasimhe's reign.
The attempi seems to have ended infructuosly with only a few
raids carried iuto Nepalese territories.
 GOBTEA BDOOINS KIXODOU OT NEPAI, 219

Maay important porsoualitlos liviug in orile in Betis were

involved in thie afrair.
It soems Bahadur Shah had for some time lived in Tarhou
and then vent to Palpa. Most of the refugees from Nopal took
eheltor in Betia. Ife ha.d shifted hi8 residenco to Botia from
whero ho occasionally vieited Palpa. Betia wss theD the head-
quarter of a Cbristiau Miasion, and wae olso the Beat of
Mr. Glolding, the English sgeut of tho Bengal-Bihar dioant
(revonue administration) for that &ree. The Missionaries ond
English civiliane woro not slow to activiso tho rebols if any of
thom wantsd to hit Nepal. A letter written in 1778 by
9""616661 frpadhya to hatapasimha roproduoed ia Ei ihaadka'
Tnlra San4raha (P. 29-30)' PurPorts to show that thsro wss a
oonspiracy afoot to overthlow l,he government of King ha,t&pa-
simho and the conepirators were waiting for Babadur Shalr
to reach Betia and take the leadership. Tho king's uncles,
Dalamardana Shah in patticular woro inplicated. It is not
known whether Bahadur Shah's coD6eat w&a obtained for the
move. But according to tho information ooutained in tho
lettor it \ras suggoBtod th&t Bahadur Shah's participatioa wae
sure to a,ttrect notice of the Engliohmen, a,Dd ensute their
co-operation. ABougst certain facte montioned by the writer
of tho lotter the following cover m&in points: Dalamardan*
Shah admite that there wae a raid on Nepaleso territory ; it,
was organieed by Sane Khawas who ombraced Christianity to
escape penalty; Dalamardan'e othor Bons who were in
etraitened circumstatrc€E wore aleo thinking of embraoing
ohristianity. Dalamerdana Shah had realisod the futility of
&cting ag&iost hie motherland snd bevailed that in his old age
he had been branded a rebel unjustly. Dalarna,rdana dopended
Iatgoly on the Buppoft of Golding. Dalamardaua wac
approached by Rana Jungan and Kasinsth to orga,niso &nother
raid, but he discouraged this ide& ; aome poople, oro Bbima
Khawas and one Kaei4aih, were deputed to fetch Bahadur
r The ila,te liueg are rabsiag, The s6py ol the odglDsl ir lyilg t?!tb
. BsbulaE Aoharya.
1N IIODERN IEPAI]

Sheh whoge mesrenger ha.d just roaohed. Betia. In the above

Ietter Saahidhar mentions thet D&l&mordsDa. s&ye that on Do
.aooount he would harbour evil iutontion againet Gorkha.
Ee never thought ill of his oountry. Ee had been only
misunderstood. Others, howover, were preparing to enlist
aeu for oonspiratodal a,ctions. Sworupaimho was planning
to go to Banar&8. IIe often complained that he woe punished
for no fault of his. Again, according to tho lett€r Sashidhar
informs tbat o report of Bahadur Shah'e movemonts thst he
was roaching Betia ie ourront, Nayanasimha Nowar and
Claugasimha Basnet also have trrived from Pelpa. One
Loloji Madhesia caooe from Calcutta. Ee and the emperor's
nen lcft for Patna on Thursday.
Bhim Dvare and Kaehinath Padhya wero reported !o be
thiaking of fetching Bahadur Shah from Palpa. Uptill norv
thoy had not left. They were reported to have seid that
they were to do somethiog in the moath of Kartika (October-
November)
Sashidbar encloses the reply of tho Padre.
Sagbitlhar reports that a genoral transfer of English
ofrcers was beiog contemplated and perhapa tho heeidont of
tho Potna council would also leave his post,
Daljit Shah .rr&s thinking of going to Gorkha but wae afraid
of being o&ught on tho way. Many wero thinking of
embr&cing cbristianity.
Sashidhar suggested that Bahadur Shah Bhould Dot be
allowed to come down to Boti& otherwise tho English would
exploit his presonce to harm the cause of our h&r&ssme[t.
It appears th:rt Bahadur Shah in exile moetly paesed hia
time in Tanhou and Palpa. IIo aleo visited Betia wbers ho
becomo a friend of tho Capuchin miesiouaries.' But he paid
only short visits to Betia.
Reading between the lines the ildorD&tion provided in the
r€ports by Sashidhar does not actually suPport the fact
of couspiracy but it might be tha,t the exiles had triod to
x Ostholious, Replilt, 1942
 GOBXEA BNCOUES KIIODOI OF NEPIL 281

goin British eupport for osu8iDg d.isturbsncea iu Neprl. The

leading ffgure was obviouely Dalamardaaa Shah rho hld tri€d
within the lifetime of Prithvina,rayana to be a king of o part
of tho newly formed kingdou.
Bsh&dur Shah had kept doof from euoh activities. Even
whilo in orile he was working loyally to servo the intorest of
the country. At th6 time while Dalamardana wae iaoiting
the Rajas of Kaski and Lamjung against Gorkba, [abadur
had dono everything possible to provent &Dy mieundorst,rnding
betwsen Gorkha and Tanhou, Lamjuug &nd K&ski
As it will follow Dalamardana was I suepect in tho oyee of
the Royal palace, f,lor this reason he wm prevonted from
&ttendirg the funera,l rites &s Simbapratep died and was stopped
&t tho froutior, while Bahadur was cordiolly invited to the
capita,l &lthough for somo roaeon he was not allowed to pirform
the rites, But even though in the beginning his presenoe
in Kathmandu was welcomed, he again fell into tho eame old
trap, IIo had to f&ce again cbarges of conspiraoy and
ultimatoly we8 ,forcod to leave homo. Ifero history was
repoatod. But this repetition was lnseiblo aE tbe atmosphore
of intrigue end coDEptaoy hsd coDtinued to domioato.
In early January 177? Bahsdur Shah was in Palpa and
from there was intending to go to Betia. But he bad let his
brother know of his mov€ments in his correspondence. Eo
had not eecretly left TaDhou nor hi8 iat€ution to go to Botia
'was kept a secret. It appears however that Pratapa,simhe
had not wbolly approved of his going to Palpa and Betia.
In a letter da,ted YS Pau.Ea uad,i 8 roj 5:Thursda,y, 2 January,
1777) Pratapasimha wrote to Bahadur '!ou went to Palp&
but I heor tha,t you ale now intending to go to Madbesa. You
must have the firll awareness ofour ability and resources, and
also we must trot lbrget, the oxperience of our forefatherc. I
hope you havo realised all this, and I can only tell you that
if yougo thero in full re&lisation of the gravity involved
you shall achieve all that we need". The lbelirg erprossed by
Pratap&Bimha doee not seem to ouppod Bahailur Shah's going
282 IODEBII NEPAL

to Betia. Probably he wae getting suapicious as to Bahadur'*

Iikoly involvoment itr intrigueB hatohod up in Betia against
tho est&br-shmeBt iu Nopal. Ar it appears in Saehidhara's
ietter, this was the time when persons with hostile desigus
&g&inst Pr&t&pasimha were getting together in Betia. Uptill
now' Bshsdur Shah was st€oriDg clear of any involvement. This
rrar the re&Bon why he was reoeiviug lottere from hie brothers
and the letters kept him informed of political eventg inside
Nepal. Pratapasimha ha.d furthor written to him io tho Bame
lotter "you had Ieft eome moDey to crea,to a,n ondowment
(Guthi) on the oocaeion of our father's 6rst death anniversary,
and lately I have fixed eome lanals to this ond, which will bp
handed over to tho truatees es eoon as euitable prsons are
available. In rega il to the question of demarcating tho
border on ths eouth we have sent Bavanuani with the mission.

might also settle the iesuee of various contracts. With

Bavananaai &lso left Dharmangad.i Pandit aDd 4 others ha,ve
Eith their destination to Banaras for sacted bath. Priest
Narayana &nd Ra,mebh&dr& Pandit followed thom to the Eeme
deetiDation to reach oa tho occasion of the eclipso. Dhauksl
Singh Basnot has eurreptitiously gone to trladhesa. We knew
that he would eBcape to Madhesa although as ho left he had
erpreseed hie desire to serve the governmeDt to crusb a minor
rebollion in the area west of tho Aruu, which we willingly
&ccept€d. But we aleo had thought evea if ho went astray he
would come back repented. Actually he crossed the frontier
by way of Sindbuli. It was reported to us that ll,amaganga
Shah (son of Surapratap) w&s looking indifrorent and he aleo
caue to bid me fare\pell ao king for permission to go to
Kaei to take advantage of the occasion of a sacred bath
during tbe eolipse. We knew th&t this w&s a pretext
to onable him to arors the bordor but allowed him to
havo his way oforing &lso the psss&go money. Wo think
that if he camo back soon after tho eclipso, this was
all to hie good but if he tlid oot do 80 ho must come
 GOBXEA BEOO TS trIITODOIT OF I{EPAI, 283

back aftei uodergoing certaia troublos, and thorefora we let

him go. Ranajuag iB eccomp&uied by Jam Singh Madhesi&
(belonging to tho Terai) and Dhanawant's brother-in-l,aw (the
husband of wifo's sister)"r
Bahadur was inform,€d at the end of the lotter thst due
to widespread outbreak of smaI por in Nepal Yalley, tho
route to Tibot was elosed, but a€ tho epidorcic had eubsided,
the route was opened. But aa it vs8 wintor tho inoidence
of tbe disease might not increase.
We do aot know if Dhaukal Singh &nd Rauejung wont to
Botia. But Bahsdur had definitely gone thero. lt wsr not,
howevor, possible to find out about tho state of his mind aad
range of activitioe at that otege. But talks of conrpiraoy
ond euch other activitios soem to h&yo boen currcnt owing
to tbo very intriguirog situa,tion prevailiDg in tho oapital.
Aotually as Bahadur was invited to the c&pit&l to perform
the l&st rite of his brother, he we8 without doubt not
auspeoted of consphatorial a,ctivities. Others who had left
the capital and sought shelter ia Betia could also be eronerated
from charges of couspiracies ae ao tangible ovidence has como
to light, so far. It would be wrong to draw conclusions merely
on the basis of rumours. The refugees in Betia wero mostly
those who had escaped from the capital out of feor to ssyo
thoir lives from the wrath of tho king whose behavior iu all
caaea waa uncert&iu.

A l,antric p hi,losopher
Pretapasimha2 is crodited wirh the knowledge of Tantric
philosophy and he wroto a toxt ou thie subject3. But we do
not know if he was the real author of dre book.
r. Tte tetter is tcpt iu Keusitoss Khrrna recordirrg to ttrc pubtisher
(PurrimB, 20, pp 30e-I0)
2. Pr.tapasiDha was also LEowII es SiDha |!ah!p itr seyr..!l couteEt-
poBry lecDtals (see Bhimsen'a Bagmati i[scriptiou), But tbe coin:inal his
lit€rery wolks hsv6 Platapasimhe, trirhprtricli. 1,. ,72 i Oldtcld, I, p. 229.
3. Purascharyafiavah Moharajadhirajeha Srimod pratapq Si,l,hena
vidyadrepara driscena samvaatare nitanathavanhinagadhurahkite tapasyarjuta
pakse hi ,ithau bhatkqtq yoliarc, otc. (VS 1$r, pbrlsuu.r tlarcb, 1??5).
-
284 MODEBN NNPAIJ

Duth of Prureryirnha
Pratapasimha diod towards the ond of l??Z st th6 ago of
26. Eamilton wee wrong to ssy thst hc died at Dovighat in
1776 (p.z(I). Obviously hs had confosed the fathor,s desth
rith tho eon's. But Old6eld repeated Eamilton,e mintako
(I,p.2ZO). Accordiog to tho ohmnicle hie death oocurr.ed on
Mondiy 6 Marga ol VS 1834 iu the morning ( t777,t7
Novomber). This is th6 corroot date. In a royal lotter to
Bahadur Shah eud Dalamardan Shah writt€D in the name of
Rana Bahadur tho ssme date is givon for Pratapa Simha'e
doath. Ee rao siok for many years passing blood through
tbe stool. Lotor he developed tuberculosig i oight coeubiner
wor€ burnt on the funeral pyr€. fn s copy of tho Karunda,vyuha
writt€n on Alnitra atdi 13 of 898 lV8 (9 April, 1778) Rena
Bahadur, the infant soa of Pratapasioha, is referred to as o
.sovoroi gr ( M aharaj adhiraj a).
 CE.APTER, X
Brby Kiog and Rogoroy
Rana Bahadur succeeded hig father Pratapasimha wLilo
he was s baby of two and half years old. Eie corouation
took place a year ofter his father'e d,eath on Marga aadi 3,
1834 YS. The coin struok in his name is dat€d Saka l7OO
(l?78). Sarvajit, Rano wae appoioted tho chiof Kazi and
Daljit Shah took the post of First Chautara. It so happons
generally that when ao infant ie placed on the throno, tho
mothor sote aB regent. So it happoued while Rana Bahodur
euoceoded to tho throne. Eie mother who also by tempora,mont
v&8 a Btrong woman began to efectively exeroiso power
ia the name of her son.
The quoon mother Rajondralakemi rra"s the sole peraon
to monage tho affaire of Btoto in tho period of vacrncy ceured
by the death of her husbaud. As it happonod ehe leaned
heavily on Daljit Shah Chautara and Sarvajit Rana. porhaps
through their oouusol ehe eont a, meaaeng€! to fotch Ba,hadur
Shah, the late King'a youngd brother, Sbe might havo well
hoped that the brother-in-law sould cooporate with bor to
the best of his capaoity without ony prot€usion to hi8 own
claios ovor tho rogelcy.
Swarupa Simha Karki, a friend and miuister of tho lat6
king hod already fled to fndia. Vamsaraj pande algo mado
good his esoape foering reprisals.
Bahadur Shah ehould have beon uuohollenged in tho
aituation. Bot fmm tho circumEta,ncos he returned in it war
clo&r that ho was not to oajoy a long rospito.
Bahadur Shah wsg not sllowed to rptum until the funeral
rites wero over. Although he was givon an honourablo place in
tho court, irll th6 arrengomenta for the runufug of the Govern.
ment woro complotod bofore he arrived at tho scsue.
286 UODEBN INPAL

Sron tho following it will bo clear that Bahadur wanted

to porfom tho mortuary rites by hie own hauds, which he
was deniod, and hic srival wta also delayod by his opponents
.st tho oourt.
From one of tho myal lottere of VB 1834 Agaharw
Vaili 6 roj 5 Thursdan 20 November, l?77 it sppoarg
that tloso who performed funoral rit€s were Naru Shah,
Jiva Sheb, Bhotu Pande, Niladhoj, Bhavani datta, and
Iudramani Baenot. The two princee Dalmardana and Bahadur
oleo wore esked to obsorvo mo[rnilg. After tho purifioation
oeromoy thoy would be recoived by ofroora of stato, and thoy
roold prooood to Kathmandu. They were asked not to move
ifrom their quortors until the officers reschod. But the two
soos (Maharajadhirujo Kumara) of tho King had haetoned and
came to Parsa. The letter of ll arga aadi 10 roj Z,:Monday,
24 Novomber, 1171 a.ke tbem to halt there until the ooucerued
mer contaot them there. 'Thero was nothing to be hasty'
a,<Ids the messsgo. InsPito of this wbilo Dalmardan Shah
h&d thought it wise to stay oh' Bahadur Shah had proceodod.
Eoaring this, 8, written meEailge was s€ni to L&ksmiram&n
Upatlhye or 1834 Agahan tsaild 11 roi 3. tho Suba of the
area askiog him to Etop Bahadur Shah but not to turn him
blck, The mossago read "Oo the purificatiou day all
rslations and courtiers aesemblo together. Let them couo.
Let him not feel th&t ho had been pr€vonted from coming.
Eo is roported to be sick. We aro eending Ballabbo Joshi on
his request. Let him be troated. But Dalmardana Shah, the
youngost Ch&ut&ra must be stopped at Persa. When Babadur
Shah reaches here we shall decidd'. Tho letter of the sams
date Fent to Bahaitur Shah in the same connection asked
him to stop et Eet&lda till the day of puri6ca'tion, &fter
whioh mombers of the nobility rvill fotoh him. Bahadur
Shah had written abont his illness. So the physiciart was
seot to trea,t him. But Bahadur did not stop at Hetaura'
Ee had come to Bhimphedi. Again a messago was sent
to Laksmiramana Upadhya to stop him there till,
 GOXEA BECOUES XINODOU Otr NEPAL 287

Dalgit Shah reaches with meu of Pande P&nth&, Argy&I,

Khanal and othor familios (I-nttme, Agahan l)adi 12 toj 4=
Wedneeday, 26 Novembor, 1777) Bahadur Shah rcoeived a
lettcr of the Bams d&to askiDg to stop in Bhimphedi un-lil
omcers w&it on him there after tho day of purification. He
was asked to proceed ot easo aud not hastily to oauge him
disqomfort in his eicknose. The faot of hie haviog couo aloue
leaving Dalamard&na et Perso w&B not lookod with dis-
pleasure. Bahadur had written that he was snxiouB to
perforh the rules of the I lth &nd l2th doys. ae ther€ was no
other porson to do so. Bahadur had said that tho Chautara
uncle and he himself had hsctened to returo ou getting the
roy&l letter through Mahadeva Padhya; Bahadur Bhah,
however, was told that he was oicL enough to porform tbeso
rit€8. They had arranged to get them douo hy Daljit Shah.
The roply disturbed Bahadur Shah. Ee insist€d on roaching
Kathmendu for tho oereoony of the llth day. Ee comploined
that he had ruD to be present at tho o,eromony but this vont
in voia. Eo w&a truo to the throno and this treatmeot he
did not deserve- Bshadur Shah s&iat thst iu tho ultimat€
oyent ho would return. Again another royal lottor w&s sent
to him erplainning that the delay was duo to hie own siokueBe
..&nal tho &axiety of the royal fa,mily not to givo him &dditionsl

trouble. This mosssgo was oontaiued iu a lettor of the seme

.d&te 80 that it I ppoars thst the paloco prl8 yery promlt in
replyiDg to Bahadur Shah's lett€r. Wo do Dot krow tbe
roasons \rhioh had led the palaco, in efect tho guo€n mother
and her advisors, not to let him arrive for tho puriEc&tion
ceromony. Bahadur Shah'e desire c-on be oaeily uldorstood.
Eowevor, ono thilg was clear that nono waated to displease
Bahadur Shah. So he rras politoly told that if ho was asked
to stay on in Bhimphed, this wes just to onable him to svoid
.inconvsnionco in his time of illnesE.
Noxt d&y, Agalan oaili I3 roj ,5:Thureday, 27 Novomber,
177? Bahadur Shah recoived yot another lottor iaforming him
that articles litely to bo neceueary for tho puriEcstion wero
288 MODf,BN NEP L

b6ing sont to him. Eo was aesuled that D&liit Sbah would

wait on him, on Sunday (30 Novemombor, l7?7) a day aftar
the rites of the lSth dsy mourniog. After all ho was coming
back to his own house. The lotter epprecieted that hehad
consentod to Et&y oo in Bhimphedi. The articles listod are in
addition to rupeee 100 in cash, Khasi, Boka 4, rice muri-16
(:100 lbs), l[ung]oda!' Pathi+ 2, maea0kodal pathi 5, ghee
I jar, oil I jar, Sugar 3 dharni, rcquisito opioos, oooking.
pot l, oary€t I, SatroDi l.
Boaidos thesa, he w&B to moeive rioe 10 muri in mearure
from Gourikanta of Chitlang. AU those toro mosnt to bo
di,stribntod as gifts. Tho messlge w&8 ssnt in viow of
BahaduCe woak Sasnci&l Poeition.
This mossago was aent on Thumday. Tho following tlay
Bahadnr Shoh wroto thrt ho had left Dalamardana Sffi at
Loksmipur but he had proceeded to Garhpersa on his 'ora.
Eo had sont, ll strong lotter through a soldior of Baman Daju'
If nocessary he would aek Ramakriena Kuar and Lata Bama
to go to Porsa with a company of soldiorg. In roply to thie
aoseago Bahadur receivod a royal letter aPprecisting all th&t
ho hatl dono. It Ba,id thot a decision would be takon about
Dslamardana as soon as Bahadur roaehes Kathmandu. Until
thon ths unole ehould bo stopped in Parsa. Eo vae onoo
agaiu essurod tha,t men woro going to receive him ou Suuday.
Bahadur insiated that hs ghould not be detsined at
Bhimphodi longer than Sunday, to which once more &n
assuara,nce was given forthwith. But it does not seem thet
Bahadur had reachod on Sunday. There is a letter of
Wednesday Agakan suili 3 (:i December, 1777) which
suggests th&t there wa8 Bome hitoh yet to bs settled. ThiB
Ietter reforB to messages from Misra Guru Gajraj, which
Daljit Shah sent through Laksmiraman Upadhya. Bahadur
Shah had seid tbat his grand father
had strictly told hia
not to viola,te one's duties and ho was serious to observo

x ! rariety oI Pul6e o 16116l 0 bleck besEs

 GOBKET Bf,COUES XIICDOU QF NXTAL 289

th€se. fn roply* ho wae told tbat ae during the grond fathor's

roiga ho obeyed the King'a order, he should also oboy the
presont King. IIe was, however, fre6 to come to his nephow
to live in hig own houeo sithout hesitsting to vrito thc
requisito 2 lstters. Tho corrier of this letter and other
docum€ats is oallod Bsbhannani (a young Brabmau) who wae
alao to speak moro to tho Chautara. This man seemg t,o bo
very important and iB often mentioned in corrospondonco
regardiug relatione with the British.
Wo do not hnow whon actually Bah*dur was recoived at
tho lxlace. But he might heve reached Kathmandu soon.
It ir aaid th&t aB Eoon as Bshadur Shah hod reached
Kathmandu, he took ohargo of tho admiri8tretion aloug witb
the queeu nother but to play a eecond fiddlo.
Regenay

Pratapasimha's death ie followed by a poriod of rogency

which continuod for full sevont€ea yeare. During this timo
two notablo personalities of tho court, one a voman and
another e man held altoruately the roins of power. Tho
rogent queen was poverful enough to iesue a eoin ia her aamc
(Saka 1698- 1776 A. D)r iu tho lifetimo of her busband.
Bahadur Shah ond Rajendralakgui were of different
tompera,ments. But both v€re smbitious. Their unity did
not last long. They fell out after eomo time. Dven as they
had worked together, the real power lay in the hsnds of tho
queen mother.
Rajendralaksni wanted sll thoso persoDs to be romoved
from the ecens who h&d beetr dominating tho court duriog hor
husband's timo. The immoiliate viotims wero Parasura[r
Thapa and Brajanath Paudel. Thoy wero charged with e
crime of conspiracy to overthrov the regiEe on tho de&th
of Pf&tap&simhe. ft was alleged that Bohadur Shah helped
hor to this end and coneolidato her position, but this chargs
. Th€ l€tt€ls :rentionetl here ,!o fto$'Purfiintu' I?, pp {O-43. I have,
with tho oriSiEal.
however, uot retifi€al thelIl
1 we1sh, P. ?11
250 MODOBN Nf,PAL

wbs discovered aftar some month8 at tho queon mother's

oonvenience. It was atlegod that Brajanatb Paudel and
Paraiuram Thapa had conepired to kill the baby prince and
his mother. Tho Paudol had confessed to havo committed
the offoncs and as a ro8ult wa.8 banished beyond Sindhuli.
But Parasuram Thapa takon to be tho cbiof couspirrtor out
to destroy the ruling house was kept in conffnemanlt it botz
boing subjoctod to triel by ordeal. The information ie given
in tho royol letterr to Dalamardaua Sha! ond Balbhailra Shah
rent from Kathmanilu in the name of Rana Bahadurs. The
lotters Beem to have beeu writteu immediatcly after the death
of Prataprsimha.
Nobody can vouchsafe for tho huth of tho alleg&tion
tevelled against these persons. But thoy had been surely
implicated. The queen motlrer had brought a caso against
theo with a,n intent to remove ihem from tho post8 they
held so far. We do not know if Bahadur had hig hand in
framing up the charges.
For a long time it seeme that theii guilt P88 not establishod
and later the charges wero proved to bo trumped up. But
neverthelees they werc punished.
Many persons who had fled from Nepal during the time of
Pratapasimha could not obviously'come back in such an
atmosphere. So with Brej&nath and Paraeuram Thapa
removed the old order of trusted offcere had ended. Now
no\r men younger in age wete'to play their part.
Dalamardana Shah's request to onablo him to go to tho
capitcl was turned down, though the pleas put fqrth wero
based on the fa6te of malarial season aud difficultios of the
proposod trip. Being of olil age he was .directod to live in
I(asi, ond the Government provided his mainten&nce.
ft appears that tbe case aga,inst Brajanath was cleared
after some years while the king came of age, but long before

2 A hou.e with s eourty&ld built os 611 ailiuDot to the pslsoe where

srEts rver6 kept, &aa ceitsiD loomB os6al &5 plisoD fo! politioal snsPootr.
3 Eitihasikapatru Samgruhu,l. N. 6.Dd,7
 GORKIIA BNCOUES KIIIODOU OT NBPAIJ 291

that, the p&laoe was feoling that he vae not troat€d Tith
justice. Brajanath could not find hia placo bsck in tho court,
but he had the s&tisfaction of obt&ining tostimony written
itr terms that showed that he wao unjusuy trea,ted by tho
Regent. Brajanoth pessed tho regt of hie days in Banaras
prayiog and spying for his king and thie he did to eem hig
livelihood and we come aorose epecimeos of correspondence
he had with the paleoo on va,rioties of eubjeots. Ee recoived
conffdential l€ttters from the king ond bis mothor, which
showg that his innoooace in the conepir&oy had boon
establiehod, E[d ho Es8 restorod to his usual position es r
well wisher of thc my&l family. But we do not know wh8,t
happened to Paraeuram Thapa. Kirtimahoddam,s two sons,
Balbhadra Shah and Krishna Shah were tho only persons to be
iavited to reach the capitel. Letters to thou are clothed in
words that ehow the high osteem thgy were held in at the
time{.
It was the policy of tho Rani to keep all possiblo rivals
et bay. Thie must be tho reaeon why Dalamardana Sheh w8s
debarred from coming to Kathmandu.
Dalamardana's confession of errlier guilt and repontslce,
however, rrere fruitless as his presenco wae not desired by tho
ruling cliquo. Perhaps Bahadur Shah aleo was not in a mood
to invite troubles on account of his prosenco,
But Bahailur could not pull on well with hie sist€r-in-l&w.
Thoir personalitias olaehed. Bahadur Shah wag suddenly
throwa into prison on the allegation that he had taken part in
a conspiracy to kill his brother on Prithvinaroyana,s deeth.
Tho quoeu mother had for eone time surreptitiously aorked to
capture tho person of Bahadur Shah, and Bucceeded iu doing
so with the holp of Bahadur'e opponents.
A briof account of the eyent of the plot to overthrow
Pratapasimha is provided in a writing of the time, tho originel
of which ie preeerved in the X'oreigu Office. The account
runs : hithyinuayana Shah left for Nockot, while tho crown
4 Eitihatikapatru samgraha, I. Lotter D.8
252 UODEBI{ ITtrPAL

priuoo ros in Kethmandu. On that very day Prthvinarayana

Shah foll ill and on tho eighth day ho died et Devighat
Thia croetod suapioion. Then when Pr&t&pasimh& waE
cmwned, domeatic quarol forcod Baha.dur Shah to go to
Botia. Lator thero was recoroiliation and the roya,l prie8t
thaktiballabha started for B€tia, to fotch Bahadur Shah.
Ee had tsLsn lesvo of the kiog and hed moved to Tankesvara.
The king had ruled hardly for 2 yoars l0 monthe. But &t this
time he bsoamo seriouely ill due to an attaok of small pox. The
chiof Kazi Svarupesioha arranged for the distribution of
gifts and othor ritos but ho was no moBe aeen in Kathmandu,
Tho king died anil overybody grew suspicious. Meanwhile
Bahadur Shah had arrivod according to tbo earlier arrange-
tnont. But qu66n Rajeudralaakmi arrestod Balabhadra
Acharya and othorr of his kin, tr'or 10-12 davs investigatione
were oonductod ond the Acharye confessed that on Svarupa-
simtra's a.dvice they had used evil spirits against the king.
So all of thom were killed. A few months lotor Bahadur
Shah was aleo imprisonod to be relooseil on the intercossion
of Gajraj Miera.
Wag there really a plot or w&s it a cooked up atory to
ddve away Bahodur Shoh ? X'acta mentioned in the reports
about the plot suggeste that it ias all a oooked affair. The
men plottad to kill the king, father end Bon, not by any
veapon or organised attempt but by invokiog tho goddess.
Probably they had vieited the temple to seek the blessing of
tho goildess to ravo the king. A confeesion ertracted by
ooercion wag no evideoce. Thue the wholo basie of a plot
falls to piecee. But Bahadur vaa now charged $ith an
offence of conrpirocy eaid to havo been hatched two and &
half years earlier.
Bahadur Shah had boeD a rival to the queen mother ao
long as ehe lived though on oDo or two occ&ssion8 they patched
up. So whenovor somo incidents took place. he figured as
plot leader. The lady, aa Kirkpotrick observed, wae'posressed
of ertraordinary character and talents ood gifted with tho
 GORTBA BECOM'S TINODOIT OT Nf,PIL 293

ofo rulsr'. Bahadur thah oould not pull on with

o&psbilities
her temper forlong. They disagree{ vith esch other efter
somo months. Her brother-ia-law waB no match to ber iD
tho art of intrigues. So he found hiuself in prison olco
again. Lctor ehe forced him to leavo Nepal for tho socold
time-
In tbo beginning Bbe waB gree y influenced by Bahadur'e
tactful haudling of tho admiaistration snd by his capabilitiee
aud gonial tenperam€nt. But this hfluoaco waned ae soon aa
ehe realised th&t he vas a mighty poreon&lity and she began
to be afrsid of him and u8o her efforts to oust him from the
powerful eeat of vaDtsgo ho occupieil in tho reelm.

The Regent lmprhond

The Maharani had hor own pattiaan in Sarvagit }taaa

and his group, to which lrero allied a fow Basnets. Due to
their influenao aho got Bahadur Shah and his sietor Jethi
Maiyan who was liviog in Thankot deprived of rants and
power and thoo Bent to prison. But somehow o! othor thoy
were releaged but erpelled fr<.,m the capital. Things, however,
were not moviug eroctly as the Rani wiehed, Bahadur's
erpulsioo had ontagonised a laige section of his adherents,
and ae a reeult tbe court ras divided into two groupr, and as
the collateralr and Pandes were togother on ono sido and
supported Bahadur Shab, the queen had to face a formideble
opposition. Rajentlraloxmi's moDopoly over stat€ power
showed eigns of cracks, as there aroee opporition from
numerous Eupporters of Bahudur Shsh.

The maitr compl&int against her wss th&t Ehe was DisusiDg
Bt&te reyenue to lead o life of lurury. She maintained a
very expensivo court. She bought costly articles from
foreign cou:rtries. Sbo was a dynamio peraonality, no doubt,
warlike, she handled the sworda and guns like an ofrcer
experienced in the battle ffeld. She rode horses snd m ched
et tbe head of a procession of soldiers bidding them farerell
294 UODEE}{ OF }IEPI.L

to go to the battle fiold. had raieed a corps of womon

Sho
voluntgors arming them to the teeth. Theeo she posted sa
SuqDdB Bt vatrtsgo points iu the palaco. But thig was douo
to the chagrin oftbe traditionalist nobility, who took ofrence
ot her manly habits add otrlen intorcourse with mole membsrs
of tho court. A powerful opllosition w&B now working to
brio;ing sbout her downfall. Daljit Shah, tho ohief Chautara,
vas tho loedor of this group. Eo contrived a situation which
led to. the quoen's imprisonmo[t (Blnil,ra, 19 oJ VS 1835):
3l Auguet, 1778. Sho was accused of misconduot. This wae
ofrected whito her favourito Sarvajit Rana was murdered
ono night. Erploiting thie situation Bahadur triumphantly
returned to his post and it seemed that this time ho was uot
to me€t with a rebuff.5 A letter of Rana Bahadur to
Narayana Malla aud Brajabasi Pande dated 1835 YS Bhail,ra
ttt/li 1I roj 48 Bt&kB th&t Ba,ha.dur Shah had beon &ppoht€d
the Bogent and Sarvajit Rana wae killed for the offence of
boing a paranour of the queen.

Balnlur thak as Regent

During the regimo the domain carved out by Prithvi
neraysna Shah extended in oll direotions though it was not a
smooth drivo. Now the advanoe wae to be in tho woBt€rn
Boctor. The routhern frontier too wae equally ettouded to.
.Thers was not a single inst&nce of slightest unooncern,
inolertners ond nogligence. Flom the very early days thet
main oonoora in thie sphere w&s to prevent tbe British from
g€tting poesossion of the Narayani rogion in the plaine below
tho Churia Range. Earlior lla,rakumardatt& Sena of Tanbou
had already oodod to the Britieh a part of his territory in the
Torai, now comprising the Ramnagar oBtate, (iD Bihar, India)
whero he maint&ined his own Zomindari rights uuder tho
Ecst India Company. Thero was every likelihood of thie
t. Th6 ohrollicle.
6. fhe ilrto ooE6spoDil6 to W€iltresilst, 2 SgptoEbor, 1?78.
 COBEIJA BECOITES KINGDOM OF }IXPAL 296

Zamindari being enlargod to cover Chitaun, and if this

mppouod tho way to further Britieh influence in thst ersa
would havo beon wido open.
As etated oerlier tho Clorkhalie fortiffed thie region, oad
placed it under Ramkrisbna Kuar and next yoar he rent his
forces to attack Tan\ou (Magha, VS f$6). Thoy wore also
thinking of acquiring areas beyond the Kali, croBsing tbe
riyer at Deogha,t and procoodiog aloug its course. But this
waa not to materialiee at this hour.
Upto 78 1835=1778 the Gorkhsli fotces were not
ehcoura,gedto adyanco to tho west. But in tho ab8enco of
the quoen mother wheu Bahadur Shah held the roinB of tho
government? the advance was renew6d.*
All this tim6 a oizable force of the GorLhalir was alao
watching for sn opportUnity to grab Lamjung and its allies
of the Chaubisie.
The aocount of the chronicle is couoboroted by a lettec
of Rana Bahadur to Babadur who was thoa elong with the
troops in the forward march. The lett€f is d&t€d VS 1835
PhoJ4una oaili tl roj 5: Thuredty, 4 trebruary, 1770. The
lettor is o rcply to Bahsdur'e report which had ssid "On
Sunday after l, ghati at night 2t Magha our forces oroo8€d.
the Marsyangdi at two ploces, Dhukurdi ghot end Marryang
ghat. Thero was a 6ght with bows end stonos. One or two
person8 were wounded but we are engaged iu setting up &
suspension bridgo," a
fn March l?78 two companier under Sardar Bsli Ram
Bania anil Sardar Ramkriehna Kuar advanced to Balithum,

7 ltih4likapqtrusangruha, l. 18-41
8. Pur,liEE. 30, p 31O.
,* Fathe! Josoph wlots, 'rBut Ecarc€ly two ye&rs sfte! Pt&tcp
Eimha's al€ath e youDgor brothe! by usb€ B6tsdu! th&h Fho vo6 re3iiling
witb his uDcle Deluraralsns ghah ot Boti., wrr in"ihA to accelrt dhrrge
of the governDeut stril the b€gitrtriEg of hir govomDent t'as DatL€il rith
ru&uy m&slaoros. Tho loral ,aoily ii ia th6 Brootast ootrfusio!, beoaulo th6
queEllsyr olaim to the govortrxoent in tho !!!Ee ol hr .on.-''&ieti
Roeoarci€g, II. 1'190, p. 39r,
296 IdOD'BN NAPAL

rhsro & bsttlg wss fought but this resulted in the discomfiturt
of the Gorkhalis (Plwlgum 30 Cllaitra oaili I roj 4 of VS 1835
: Wednegdoy, l0 Msrch, 1770); thiE was while Bahadur
Shch wae ruling a! Regont. Thie time Palpa fought on the
gido of Tanhou. In the fight Boli Bania wae killed tlong
with 6G70 men aud the rost flod. A force of tho Tanhou
Raja oroseed tho Gandak from Parasi and also recapturod
Somervar-Churie ratrges. But tho ranges wore cleored of tho
onemy &8 Bahadur Shah sent re-inforoemonte from Gorkha.
According to s lotter written by Rana-Bahadur to Brajnath
Paudel in VS 1836 (l?79 A. D), Bhail,ra Sudf 7 (Soptember,
17) rqj 6 (:Friday) the progress of military conqests in Kaeki
waE m&intoined &t a level lefc &t the time of the death of
Pratalximho. But now tho central authority wss in lhe
hands of the queon mother and her advisors. Ilere, howovor,
thero wos a checkmato. The position was further weokoned
ty Tonhou croesing the Mareyangdi ot 3 Chadtra otdi 11 roj 7
-Ssturd&y, 13 Ma,rch, 177e. But negotiation had etarted
with Porbat, Lamjung and Kaeki for a settleuoot of disputes,
vhich, howevor, was abortive. Meanwhile as a result of
defoat tho Gorkholis were forced to retreat relinquishing the
hold of Upardanggarhi aud Somoavar rangee ( 78 1836 Vaisakha
fJ). It was said by the chroniolo th&t on SaLa l70l VS 1836
Yaisakha 13 euil,i 6 rqi 5-Thureday 22 ApriJ, l7?9 Tanhou,
Palpa aud Pa,rbot aeked for peace. Gorkha captured thoir
l[adhesia Sipahios and returned. This, howevor, did not
bring an end to tho coaflict.

Tha Qu.e.en Mothpr's Second tentu as Regerrt

The queon mother, hovever, vae reecued (VS 1836 Andha

I0) by efrorts of Bahadur'e adversaries. They had taken
adyantsge of Bahadur's absence in Gorkha. Soon after
Mehoddam Kirti Shah was summonod &nd ho suddenly
reaohod the oapitrl on her requ€8t. Immediately after*atds
ahe applied herself to aveuge Sarvajit's death. Bahadur Shah
was tgken aback but was helpless. A host of his associates
 GOREEA BECOtrES XIITODOM OF N-CPAL 297

werc killod inolutling hi8 Dearcst rslaf,ions. Daljit ren away

to India for his life. Es olso advised Bahadur to flm, whioh
he did again to come to Betia. Kazi Earkba Pantho was
banishod to LBmjuDg. Although Vamearaj P&ndo was not
physically touohod, he fell out of graco aud was forced to
totiro to Betia. A siuilsr fate rraa mot by Siva,narayana
Khatri who wa8 then lookiog after the middle Kirat-area.
In e&me chrouicles Bamsaraj Pando hae been reportod as
killed. But thir happoned later ag we shall come to know.
Brojanath Prudol was aleo oalled to Kathmandu but ho
desired to help the king fron his own etation. Eo oontinued
to live in Baaaras and whilo in Banar&s h6 usod to sond
political information to the palaco. This ir evidont from
euother lettor of. 1836 Bhad.ra atdi 7 roj, 6:Friday 17,
SopLembor, 1770 which w&s seDt to him in
acknowledgoment
of tho reoeipt ofhis !etter8. It i8 s&id 6hat ho was appointod
Nopol'e Agent in Banaras in place of the Misa Guru.
The Guru had informed that tho Englieh and Mabrattss
had fought bittorly ia tho South. Thie refers to the bo,tiles
of the Peshwae, Ilolkar aud Sindhia wagod against the Britieh.
IIo had also iotimated the court about conditions in
West Kumaon.
In roply Brajanath Paudel was told sbout political t&lkB
Gorkha-hold with its neighbours.
There is algo a reference to llrrkha Paotha. Tho lotter
sa,ye that tho Panths was involved in th6 oerlier conspir&cy
a,s well as in tho second ono. Ifis caso waa judged by a
commission (Panclu,), who g&ye a verdict after hie.confeesion
of guilt. The punisbmont &s usual was conffsca,tion of property
and buraiog of s p&rt of bis body by a sealed iroo piece.
This done he wae banished across tho M&rsyangdl
The Rogent held the monopoly of power. She could not
tolorate tho preeence of any other powerful personolity near
ber. The result wae that no collat€r&ls got a,r opportuoity
to Iivo in tbo c&pital. All those happened onco again.
9 Eitihasikopalratangruha,l. 13 4a
298 IIODXBN NXP.AL

Mohoddam Kirti Shah, the Chautara, could havo been the

most povorfirl maa iu this poriod but ho could not eerve hie
full term ; he was baniehed to Kasi on boing accueed of
killing a Brahmon.
Tho rvoman regent who could not tolerete o potenti&l
riYal n€ar about her regarded Kirti Mahoddam's erit as a
good riddance to a bad riddlo.
As mogt of her aseooiates wero either killed or were
liviug in erile without the courage to como baok in view of
the fost changing fortuae, the Maharani .was tryirg her band
to get minisl,orial a,Bsiotance from Bendu Rana snd Deodatta
Thapa who vere given tho ranks of Kazi. Damodar Pande
raa another Kazi. Ee, Amareiugh Thapa, Ramakriena Kuar
and Pratiman Rana all the three Sardars were busily engaged
in activitios on the yestern front.

Bahailur thah qnce more in erile

As in hie
preyiouE exilo, Bahadur Shah cotrtinued to
correrpond with his si8ter-in-law through tho lotters Bent
in the name of tbe boy king. The roplies seut to his totters
are availablo. One euch letter refere to Bahadur's recoomeada-
tion o[ a caeo of a Brahman who desired to bo rehabilated
by tho palace. Also on hie recommendstion another person,
one Visvoeimha Karki had recoived royal ssal to enablo him
to re0uro to his post. The lettor ig dated YS 1836 Phalguaa
uad,i 4 roj 4r0:l{ednesday, 23 X'ebruary, 1780. Another
letter dated VS 1837 Aaal,hq, suili J0 ro.1 4= Wednesday,
12 July, 1780 sort to B&hadur Shab aseures hin that tbe
man who roported against him would be brought face to face,
and the truth of the sllegation examined in an impartial
msnnerl r. Bahadur Shah wanted to convinco the quoen
mothor that ho wae not inBtrument&l for hor oarlier chango
of fortune and thet he was not doing anything at the momont

10 Prrrr:rr4,. Quertoly h Nopoli n. 15 pp 46.{7.

ll t, rbta
 OOKEA Bf,COUIg TINODOM OT NEPAI, 295

to horri her osuso, But all this corried little meaning

to hor.

Thoge letterg show thot Bahadur wae not completely

estrangod from tho ioyal family and he w&s tondoring advice
ia state afairs evon from & distance ss it happeoed duriDg
his frst erilo in tho &ign of his brother,

After 6 moaths it BeeDB tha.t the queen mother was

convinced of the falso naturo of tho caso ogainst Bahadur
Shah. This ie oyident from ths fact thst Bahadnr Shab
was in rogular oorr€spondenco with ths palaco sinoe this time
uatil ho roturaed. Brom ono of the letters of Rana Bahadur
dated yg 1837 a4h.a adi 15 roj 5-Thursdey, 8 February,
1781 Bnd this was eent in roply to his two lotter8 written
from Botia it appears that ho holped the palace in dealiog
with tho British on varioug isgues of importance. Bohadur
Shah had writton to the pela,co that ho had talked with
Mr. Grim &bout tho royal elephants kept at Alau which had
beon forcibly takon away to tho other sido and he had eo
sucoooded in convincing tho Dnglieh ofrcer about tbo impro-
prioty of ths aotion th&t the Nepalem had thoir elephaate
baoL. Quite a few elephante bolongiog to tho British also had
been foroibly carried eway try the Clorkhati Suba iu rotaliation.
But not all tho elephants hod beon roturned. Bahadur Shah
hed &lso written thst Babhannani &nd othorg went to Mahisi
in th&t connection end thoy ha.d mot Mr. Grim with the result
th&t all the romeining elephoDts bed been returned. Bahadur
Shsh had suggested in the letter that Nepol had to livo il
peaoo and liiondship with tho British, Tho capturo of
olophents by f,'audyo ou offcer in tho employ of Nepal, would.
bo tho act to spoil this rel&tion. Eo Frsonolly disapproved
of the royal awards to Khyaliram and the Suba. Tho palaco
had replied that this was in roto to tho aotion of Tulasi Raut
who had forcibly driven away elephants from tbo eide of
Nopal witL tho assistsuce of Kalchuria (an inhabitant of the
villago Kolohur). Perhape the Euglish had no knowledge of thie
300 if,ODBBI{ IIIPAL

sction. Tho royel letter added.rThis iB not all. The Nepdese

Suba had felt tbat be ebould aleo not BeoL permiesion of his
govemment in pursuing his retoliatory measuree in the
rircumstances. The palace pleaded that this wss s iust deal.
Faudya had only discharged his duty. Tulasi Raut wae paid in
his own coin. If he wae killed while io operations, this bappened
also becauso the Kalchurias wore active in going from words
to blow aod brgudishing of we*ponr. Otherwiso, the Nepaleso
did aot touch even a eingle man on the other sido, nor they
had raided the village as alleged. The Nepaleso Clovernment
had beon apprised by Suba Dnanath that thie affeir was not
taken soriously by Calcutta authoritieg. It was vory good of
the hoeident of tho Patna Council to have aaked Mr. Grim to
return the elephants. ![e aro pleaeed with MsD Siagh who
wes instrumeuta,l for thie order from Patna.',

Bahadur thah had couveyed Mr. Grim's demand that

X'audya should be dismiseed. In thie regord the palace had
to eay that Mr. Grim at 6rst should rurrendor Nopal's enemy
priaoe of Mackwanpur who was in his protection.t2

Bahadur was asked to consult Babhanaani if he wanted

to go to Banarae.
Thoro are more lettars addreesed to Bahadur Shah of
January and tr'ebruary, 1782. lheso reyeal that Bahadur
thah was no moro hold in ruepicion but vas held in respect
ond his proseace in Katbmandu wa8 sought by the palaco.
IIiE Btars were again in the ascendancy. In a lotter o/ yS
1838 agha su,il,i, roj f-Suturdoy,26 January, l?82 in reply
to Bahadur Shah's inlbrmiug despatch of pitchors of Gangoe
*ater through the hands of Putuwar Norarr from Pstna
the palace in the Dame of Rana Bahadur Shah srid,'{the
Putuware havo arriyed. We do not koov how you are
meoting your expens€s. When you left, mother wa,8 ill, a.!d
no tolLs could be brooohed. We wanted to eend monoy for

l, Puloi66, 20, pp 3fl.l9

 GOBXEA BECOMES XINODOM Or i{EEAL 301
your oxp€rues. But now tho Chaubisia are in tho
occupation
of Sinjung ready to pounce on us. you have undertakei
the
trip with a view to tako eacrod bath in Kosi. If you
have
completed your mission pleaao return here rithia
Magha. lf
not, r€turn &t o,ny rato Eo aa to reaoh herc
b, plwlgun.
Gorkha is the rkin of all of ue. Wben thig is throatened,
it is proper tha,t you come hero. Dinanath could not achiovo
anything from bis miscion. If you can do it, pleare
orert
yourself to settle disputoe regardiug Rautahat and pacbrauti,
and the Terai of Someewar &nd to B€curo tho extradition
of.
the princo of Maokwanpur. This you ghould
do before you
leave for home. Othorwieo you might entrust
the tagk to.
Babhannani. IIo bclongr to one of the 6 loyal familiee.
Babhannani c&n rettrrn later when he suoceedg
in his mission.
ff he needs your advlce on any issuo, you will kiodly appriee
youreelf of those. W'o shall eonil ordors
after duo
Regarding developments in the west, Narsing and"on"ottriion.
Joya Siagh
would toll you"r r.
Bahailur could no6 leavo Banaros as desired. According.
to & lettor of Rana Bahadur dated VS lgIg phalguna todi -6
rry Z(:Sunday 3 February, lZ82). (This day is
6th whilo
tieing but 6th tithi immediately startod to prolong
for d6
ghati, wheress the noxt day ie ?th with E0 ghrti.)
Bahoilur
Shah at frst Broto tb&t he could return withlut
performing
ritual bath a8 the country was tbreatened Uy tle CnauUiairl
Ife could take sacred bath later. Ho also had
informed
that he had mot tho Badaeaheb wbo had now gone to
Cslcutts.
But in eocond letter he wrote tbat ho was Buffering
from a
bad disease, &nd had shiftod to the padre'e haveli (residentisl
house). The palaoe through Rana Bahsdur,s tetter
erpressed
concern over hie illnoes. The letter eaid that
they *"rJ moeh
worried as uo details of the sufi'ering had
been provided in
Bahadur'a letter. Ballabha vaidya and Vir"rm.
ftawae
wero immediately sent to pstne to look after
Bahadur Sheh-
13. PuruimB, 20, p 314
302 MODERN NEPAL

Ee was advised to congult both the Padre and Ballabha

Yaidya for treotment. If he felt aftor congultation aad
treatmont that his illrrose would not heoomo sorious, Bahadur
Shah ehould come back home. Since the palace wrote the
lsst letter (26 Jauuary, 1789), the Chaubisi had not advanced.
But if he was Bot ir e position to moYe a,bout, ho should at
once inform Kaihmandu of bis actual condition. IIie two
letters had reached at the s&me time on Dlagh& 24 altbough
th6y wore seat at &n interv&l of 4 days. Ono elephant and
4lolastt of gold had boeu eont to him to mako gifts to the
Brahmauas to ward of the evils of the planets.! 5
Tho nert letter is dated 7 X'obru&ry' 1782 (-yg 1636
Pha),,1una va.d,i 10 roj 5). But this givee & resulne of the tight
at Sirhanchok, and there is no vord about invitations to
Babadur Sbah to como home. The Gorkhalis had dofeated
tho Chaubisi. The b&ttle 8o€ms to have tsken placo soon
a,fter tho lettor of 26 January was tlespatohod.r'
We do not know when Bahadur Shah reached Kathmandu.
Was it th&t onoe tho exigency over tho P&lace juBt did not
need him, and so there w&8 no more persuation ss to his
roturn to the coPita,l I
But it appoars from a bunch of other oorrespondence
botween the court and Bahadur Shah thet tho latter w&8
again persuaded to return home and ho oventually agreed'
W'o ghall have occasion to eay about this affair a littlo
later'
Eutthet qilwnae ta Wut
Rajonrlralakami wanted to make her own contribution to
adding more tarritorioB to Nopal'
The Gorkhalis seizod the opportuDity of a'ttacking tbe
Chaubisis when the latter occupied Sirhanchok' On Srrka 1703
VS 1838 Pausa 22 Magha rtofi,i 3 roj l-Wednesday 2 January'
u82, the Chaubisie captured Situng aad fortiffed tbe area'
In the ffght 14 Gorkhalis were killed But after some time
I4 1 tole -216 8(aiDs
15 Puruiroo, 20, P 316
PutDiEr, 20, DP 31e-17
 OOIIKEA BECOUES XINqDOIT OF Nf,PAIT 303

tho Chaubisie were driven out sust&iniog e casulty of ?0.

On account of these happenings thoso placed on the western
bordor had to be eyer watohful. In tho month of I'ebruary
of 1782 another battle was fought at Sirhanchok vhicb was
then occupied by the Chaubisi allies, but the Gorkha commen-
ders g&ve them & stitr fight. La,ter they inflicted a crushing
dofeat on Lamjung's ruler Yiramardan Shah. Garudadhavajo
Pantha of Tanhou was tho le&der of tbe Chaubiei army
supported by Palpa, Parbat and pluthan.
The following gives a graphic description of the ffgbt .at
Sirhanchok by a reliablo authority.
Accordiog to the lettor of Thuroday, Z Fobruary, l7g2
ad&essod to Bahadur Shah by the king it wes said .,fn the
earlier letter wo wrote to you that tho Chaubisis were
in occupation of Simjung. At that tims our forcs had
Eet up & new outpo3t on the uplrad in Ajitgarh. But aear
it in Bhachyak the enemy had tried to ostablish e etockaded
fort ia defence. Wo eent tro field guas for Ajitgarh in chargo
of Ranya Lama. The guns went into aotion as tho stockados
in Bhachyak wero to bo complotod. IIerc tho tteath toll on
the enemy eide amounted to 20-26. Thoy could not Btoy on
the upland, and ha.d by thon ehifteil their quarters to the
lowland in the volley of the rivulet. Our non, borever,
could not traco tho whereaboute of thc 6uomy on &nother
side. Moanwhile, they had made dofoneive po8itioDs at
difroront sitee ia a place called Jhimryak in tho vioiuity of
Sirhanchok, 3 made of Btotxe, 2 of vood and ouo of
stockades. The whole preparation was comploted oD
24 Magha. But next day thoy aleo know that we woro
intending to attack their positions. Erom Ajitgarh wero aent
t[ compauies of soldiers undor Sardar Srivar Singh Thapa,
On tho morning of Sunday a8 the aight passed the enemy
advanced to cross our position &t Chiplyati. But the hostilo
marching force was given a tough ffght. Th€y woro puthod
aside, aud our men reacheal Sirhanchok. X.rom there
at
2 ghati past morning the enemy outpoat at Jhimryak waa
304 UODEBN NEPAI,

uuder heavy attaok by our men. The 6ght took ploce

for 6 gh&ti.
"Meanwhile Kazi Balabhadra Shah with bis forco roachod
to tho ssistanco of the Gotkhalig. They inflicted a heavy
casualty on the etremy and 120 men along with Dhanaraj
Tbapa rroro killed within tho barriere of tho potpost. The
enomy wsE dislodged, and many wers chosed away to tho
bank of ths rivor Chope' Even acroes Chepo our men'were
ablo to kill 15 soldiors. They succeodod in capturing 2 drums.
In total both in thoir outposts and outaido tho enemy lost
300 men killed and 400-500 wounded. Sardar Ganegamalla
of Parbat, Dilaram Karki and Jayaeingh Bbandari, wore
insido tbe fort. It i8 not sure vbich of them was killod, and
which escapod. After thi8 our foroe marched to Ajitgarh
to atteck Simjung. But as our men roached thoir destinetion
they found tho outposts evacuated. Thie vas on tho night"
of 26. Ae wo wero oarlier defeated at Jyamruk and our forcor
had boen oompelled to rotrost from our victorioue position
aoross tho river Kali, the result of which had also been thc
ey&cu&tion of Tanhow by Gorkha tho enemy had underrated'
our strongth strd therefore they had dared ett&ck us. Our
cosurlty has been 67 dead and 2G25 wouuded. Wo celebrated
tho occseion of victory offering prayers to gods. Wo bava
beon abls to defe&t the enemy by their blessings."l
?

The combined forco of Lamjung and Parbat was defeated

again in Tarkughat vhither Amarsimha had advanced
through Dordor after crossiog Marayangdi' Sirhanchok wae
abandonoil by the allies, rnd thereaftor Earmikot and Liglig.
In the Sirhanchok 6ght KasLi was unwillingly drawn on
the eiale of Chaubisi &nd its supllort wae nominal.
But for this Kaski was punirhod. Raia Kirtibam Malla
of Parbat attacked Kaski white roturning from Sirhanchok and
forcetl Sitldhipratapa Shah anil his son to seek ehelter
ir Gorkha"

1? PumiEs, 20. PP 316-17

 GOBrga Enoour8 &roDox o, rDPlr, 306
Taking advantago of the Baie's prorouoo tho Oorthaita
seourod promiaoe from him binding hin to Gorkha in thc
frturo.
At this timo danger of a more vigoroar ettaoL,
- the Chaubisiseusing
from the Regont Mehsra,ni sought reconsilirtioo
with his erstwhilo foos liko Swarupasimha Karki and Vamsarai
Pando.
Vamsrraj Paaale got reconclied to tho queen mothor sc
gooa es ho rscoivsd hor
call. Ee oame bac&. So itid Swarupe_
sinha Karki.
Both these mou wor6 sent to tho forvard areas to 6ght
&gainst the dofonding onemioe.
Yamsaraj Plndo was sotrt to Gorkha to ruooearfuly guidc
tho oampaign against Lp juog.
Tho Gorkhalie osptur€d tha fort of Ragioae aud 2I Iorto
ot Anitn 25 Vara ZVS t\gg (:Monday, ? October, lI82).
But attocking Lamjung w&a ro esBy Datter. Lamjurg wro
vigilaat on both oounte. And to this vas addeat the goirlsling
by the Gorkhalis of o number of outposts on the lrontier
froi
whioh thoy atlvanced ia ithree-pronged drivea
; Kszi D6vdatt&
Thapa (Magar) through Bhote yyoildar, Damodar paada
through Roginos, whiis Bardar pratinan Rana
and Kazi
Amareimha uade a direct .assault from Drglungpani
(north_
wert facing Lamjung) and Lamjong f€I ;itho;t
firiDg a
bullet. tr'iret Chiti Bud Chiaapani fsll on Karlika 1I oaru 4_
Wodnesday, 30 Ootobor, 1782. Lanjung ras Captured
oo
1782 October, gt (yB 18J9, Rartila I8 iara l:
Winosdcy)
Sometime baok Kaski,e rulor Siddhinarayaa Sbah
bad taieu
shelter in Gorkha undor pressuro from Lemjung. But
Lam_
juag'e ruler Yiramardeng fled to parbat. Earlior
the cotrfiD-
gents of Pelpa aud Perbat had in their momeDts of frustration
attaoked Kaski. Kazi Godutta Saha in hie turn had
beea abl6
to oocupy Kaski in the ssmo wsy in l?06 gaba
Jyeatha(:May,
1782) as he did earlior in sn attompt to get tho prinoipality
rastored to tho orginal ruler. ?ho Gorlhalis neutralir€d
Tonhoo
by a troety, But the'Rsis of Taohou who ras
taling ehelter in
300 IIODERX I{IPAL

Lbmjung f,ed from the hilh 6t Viramardana took 0o heolr.

Soth thcso rulerc found themso'lvos later in tho Eaet ladia
Companyte teritory whilo Parbst wos thoetened by thc
advanoiug Gorkha ormy. Tanhou fell without having to 6ight
.and rea annerod to tho stste of Nepol.
It appear8 from a letter written by Rana Bahsilur Saho
'to Yiramardaua addroreing him as eldot brothor that th6 lottor
had run away in panio leaving hio family behind and that ho
wrnted leave to go elsowhore &nd had writtcn to tho court to
rllow hie family to join him.
From Rana Bshadur'r side it was auggertod thlt Gorhbr
and Ltmjung woro ono and Virauardana neod not abendon
homo for politic&l roasons which had lod to his dofo&t &nd e{t.
Aftor all, they had personal reletions ap& from Politic!.
Glorkho was olso tho homo of the Lamjung rulor. Ae his family
ras in Krthmauilu Lamjuug's or-ruler Yiramardana pould do
vell uot to go elaewhere.
Although Vira.msrdsna vaa no molo a ruler. yet Rma
Ba,hadur'r lette! sddreoocs him as Maharajadhiraja with
full titles.
Vamea,raj Pande roturned to Kathnaudu &ftor Lsmiung intl
Teuhou rero ounerod, Moanwhile Bhimo Khawas had rlso
rctnmod.
After eiguing t't.o Dh.armapatra tho rulor of Eoski sas sent
back to his oapitrl to rule. But wo shall see that his ruto rE
rbort lived.
In the eaet ths situation was distutbod but Kozi Swarupa
Simho and Prabal Rana could suppresa the anti-Gorlha elemeute
ond pooc6 returoed to tho land of ths Kirstes.
Kazi Srarupa Simha came baok to Kcthmandu aftor 6ni-
ehing his t&!k in that quarter.
not finol in view of Clorkba'a
Tho conquest, howovor, was
ambitign, and tho enomy's thmstening posturoe who was yot
to be tot&lly round- Burther as Glorkha tmops advonoed
 OOEEE BAOOIIES EIITODOII OT NDPIL 307

it encouotorod moro onemioq and for thia o ner otretegy wrr

aaodod.
Pelpa and Pa,rbat had not been dirhoartenod by tho defcat.
It lra,s ropolted in Kathmaudu. thst thoy pore planning to aeet
Sritish aid itr me[ and moDoy to Eoet tho challonge Gorkba
.had thrown to them. This wae e oritical time for Grokba.
If tho British holpod Palpa tho Gorkholig who vere now
mestorg of Nepal wore to confront a totious situatioo. At
this hour the queen mothor thought it ossenti&l to patch
,up rvith Bdhsduc Shah vhose conneotioils with Csloutta
roro well known. A lettor writton by Rana Bahadur Shah
.or Pauta elaili II roj t:Tuoeday 14 January, 1783 statod
'tb&t ono Tiwari wa8 being deputod hy Palpa to meet tho
English o6oere to sosk their help anil to purchaae crme.
.Bahadur was requeeted to Bee thst Tiwari's miE8ion ws8 proyed
.unsuccossful, I{o ws8 to rend friondly agents to oontsct the
Engiish and porsuade them Dot to listeD to ths Tiwsri. Tho
feudatoriee of Clorkho were also proparsd to 6ght ogainst
Pelpa and Parbat, and were aeking for orders. Bahadur Shah
ves epproochod for edyico, anil if ho oounsolled collision with
th€ tso oppoBing principslities.
Raua Bahaalur'a lotter furthsr asid that perhap they voultl
have to roquest tho Englirh for 4 or 5 coopenies of their
-trlops Bs w6ll aa arm8. Evon otherwiso should thoy
,now stort a 6ght t At suy reto Palpa and Parbat rhould
'uovor get British holp. Let tho British aeauro Clorkha to
'that ofroct.
The roysl lettd
informed that Bhim Khavag waE going to
soe Bahedur Shah immediately with oral message.rS A sum of
Rs. I .000/- was algo sent to him.
About this tims information rsached Kathmandu that the
west rulers 'including Parbtt had sent their roprosontstiveo
in Caloutta. A lettor to Behadur Shah by Iiane Bahadur
18' Bhiro Tsksali spporrs in OirvsEs Juddh. Vikram's inscriptioE oI
Isloiu 8€t up sltor the d6pertuls oI EoEE Brhsilu! thrh to Baoslrs.
308 IODEBX N'PAL

Shsh rith drte lire Mqha oaili I roj I-26 January, 178&
eaid'you must hsyo kuown about this otrair. Ploaso tber€foro.
como to 8eo us, Or if you oamot movo due to illners, send
advice througb Bavannsnilg and Bhim Khawae back. We shall
Bg6iD deputo thom for oonsultatioD with ptesents'.
Bono Bahadur wroto back iu roply on 7830 Ohaita oadi I
raj l-Wedneeday 19 March' 1783 that no Engliebman had
arrivod in Katbmendu!0. Eo was discouraged i[ this ventuo.
It war suggestod that bo would get apything he raated if ho
aeked for but his prosonco was not deeirablo. Bana Bobadur
said in tho lotter thst all this wae couched in polite languago.
Tho opproaoh to tbo English was not made in the aamo of
Bavannani. fhir roulil have caueed worries to him. The
Eaglish elso rould have thought thst thig rroe aot the final
answor, aad held hopee. Bahadur Sha! also wgs to make
offorts in that dioction. It should be a polite rofusal for
tho intondoil vi8it. Bst if ho ingieted on a visit, Kothmandu
would aot as Bahattur thah advisod. Thoy woro woitiDg to
hea,r from him.
In thia lottsr thore i8 oo mentioa of a request to Bahadur
Sbah to visit Kathmsndu.
But iD tho usxt lotter 20 days lster the Eamo lequest was
reported. Babailur Shah had elrlier been askod to judge
tho frcte of gome aotions done by Bavannaai and Dinanatha.
But ho bail mplied that be w&e never asked to backbito whilo
in the royal court. The king had not asked him to do any
such job even while ho drew his salary. That which he did not
do while beiug near, ho was not goiog to do staying far from
his home. Eo would be happy to rot&in the old posture.
Rana Bahadur on his part Buggosts in hls reply VS 1839
Chaitra auili 4 roj 7=Soturilay, 6 April, 1783 th&t he would

19. Wa &r€ trot avor€ of BovsuD&Di's lileltitt, but ho EeoEB to b€ sn

iufueBtial EaD iD th€ coult'
20. th6 tlsto is i*egulor as ehown ln tie Prblishetl toxt l hsv6 ret to
examine ih,: original'
 GOBtrEA BEOOd,ES EIIIODOM OF Nf,P.AI] 309

rrot do anythiDg wrong if he had conduotod tho enquiry to

&now the truth. Evorybody muat rorrdo! his duty towards
thir country. Bahadur was told rAfter otl this ir your ooutrtry
.and we wrote to you thinking thie vae somethiog which hed
gotto be investigated. Ae for your coming herg ifyou are
oured, pleaeo Gomo Boon. If ss th6 padro aaye you
.ought to tako healing bath iu the rivor for eomoting more,
you might delay."
In tho me&ntime tho court hoard a rumour thot Mhj&
Abdulla Beg was advanoing towards Eatbolla with forces, a,nd
he waa eucouraged by the British. Brhedur reooivod a lettor
from Rena Bahadur sritten on 1840 Vainhha oaili i roj Z:
Ifionday 2l April, 1783 asking him to go to Kathnandu et
onoo. It wae said tbat the torritory urdor dispoto woa
oocupiod by Nopal with the ooneont of Mr. Brooks. Eov Brools
could agree to giviug this lend to Mirza Beg is rot und€rstond-
able. Bahedur Shah ves aeksd to ffnd out tho cause of thig
'volta face. Ho should also keep tho oourt informed of tho
movomenta of tho Engliah. If it vss only the Mirze they
would deal with him without sp,ecial orrangeoont. But if
the Englieh had ranted to cross ovor tho mountainr, tb€y
should givo a serious thought to the problem.
In ths nert lott€r writtotr oa Magh,a aaiti 7 roj I (-
Saturday, S February, l?83) Rana Baha.dur ropeats his doaire
thot Bahadur Shah should como immediately. Ee complliood
th&t eoEe courtiers wero causiog woriea to tho court. IIo
TsE directed to come immedi&toly on seoiog tho eealed royal
letter. Bayannaui and Earikrighna had aleo rritten to
Babadur Shah aad in groater dotaile. Tbe former's ralary
'vas goiug to bo ssttled in his favour.
Bahedur SLah was dolaying to rospond favpurably to bis
-r6quoita.
lopbew's Probabl;r hs gtill dreaded tbe queeu
.Dothsr, sud w&s Dot prolrarod to faoe rieks of the court
lifo ia Kathmandu. Eo wds not euro if the goodwill contained
in the royel letters was ainoorely erprcrsad. f,i8 past €rperience
varned him thrt it might bo a ruso to tr.p him.
310 UODEBN XEPAI,

But Bahadur thah on his part bore siooore goodvil!

towartls his nephow and his mother. Tho royal lstters aati
intercossiou therein simply provo that ho was exiloil for ao'
fault of hia.
Oo tocoipt of thc sbove letter Bahadur replietl th*t he had
not complet€ly rocovorod and he would himeelf visit^
Kathmandu &ftcr reoovery' B,ana Bahadur, however, again
suggeated thot he shoutd qomo soon if he wss foeling botter'
But otherwise he should undtrgo further troatment' At &ny
tuto in viow of the imPending malarial season he ehould make'
a move. This mesesgo iE couta.inod in e letter dated 1839
Phalguna va.tli 2 roj 4:Wodnosday, 19 X'obruary, 1783'
Bahatlur Shah was appdsed througb the same lotter that
Bavannani and Jorabara Khawas were on their way to
ses him.
The requoet for his immediate Presence to Kathmandu'
was agaio made in the royal lettor of Phalguna oadi 6 roj 1:
Sunilay, 2 Msrch 1783 r. ft waa steteal that Bahadur Shah
ha.d boen given & iagir (maintenance allowance to bo realised
from land holtling). Tho 8a,me plea that he ehould avoid tbo
molarial eeason in the plain wag made in this letter also'
Ee wae advised to ropair to Krthmandu without furtber
dolay. i'or cont&ct with the Britieh,' Bahadur wae asked to
seod Bavannani to Patna.
Babadur Shah informod that Bavanooni and Jorabara
Khawaa had loft for P&tDe on the fult moon day. Babadur
Shlh hact s6ot a gift to two bilds Saranga and Kulung but
they died on the way, while other articles had been deliveretl
uadamaged.
IIe had also written that Foxcroft was ready for departuro
to Nepal &nd Bava,nns,ni was going thore with a messago of
advioe. Borcroft had himself epplied to Kathmandu for
permierioa to eater NoPsl.*

9r. Tha firhi 6 ts iust ons thati oE thb ilsy.

. All ths letters roforreil to hore are pubishsil ia Pqltrlltra. 2I.
 GOtxEA BAOOrrg rrroDol oF NnPrI, 3rt
It appoarr thnt Bahadu Sf,ah had reeponded this time
to the requost of tho court esking him to reaoh Kathmandu
toon. From a lottet of Rana Brhadur Shah dst€d Vg l84O
Vaieablw ooti 8 roj.5:Thureday, 24 April, l?88 wo cono to
kaow that th6 oourt had doputed men to receivo him and
teke hiu to Kethm&ndu. Iu an oarlier letter Bghadur Shab
hsd ssid that ho yas getting bettor aad ho waa villing to go
to Kathmandu in view of the hot season.
It caa be &Egumedthst Bahadur reached Kathmandu,
rhortly aftor tho reooipt of tho abovo lottor.
It'was obvious that Bahadur Shah was hesitating to go to
Kathmandu in spite'of poreiatont roquests. But iu vior of
ctitical stato of affoirs in Kathmandu, for which the oourt
noeded hie advico ho seoms to havo roluctantly agreed to go
to Kethmandu. Ilowevor, ae usual Bahadur was compelletl,
onco mols to loave tho capital after a briof stay.
We do not know for wha,t rea,sons Bahadur had left,
Kathmandu again and eo soon after hie gtrival, But it
appears from the folloviug that he had gone to Mackwonpur
in tho winter of VS 1840, and ba.d delayed hie roturn to
Kathmandu eud this wsB oDe moro occaeion thot tho oourt,
had iotorceded io him to coue lack to the capitat.
Wo have seen that v&rious quostions affecting Nepal
wero raised in tho Kiog's corrospondence with Bahadur Shah.
It is certain that Bahadur Shah's sound advice wae neodod
vhsneyor the court faced a crisie. But as eoon as tho criric
wos oyer, Bahadur Shah bocamo a person non grstB, a,D.al he
hod to leave the capitel. It appoars that Nepal was to
worry not ouly for tho iutrigues of Gorlha,s rivals in the
Test but &lso for landlords 1n tho Indo-Nopaleso bordor,
who wero dopending on the Bricirh. Abdullo Bog war guch
a landlord. Ee threatpued etrife olong yith the Briti8h,.
vhioh could end i[ & full eo&ls war.
Wo shsll hsve to aay Dore cbout Abdulla Beg antl of tbo
mttloment arrivod ot regadiug tho disputed hod.
3r3 IIODEBIT ICBPAI,

Bahadur thah hed reaohod Mrokranpur in Pauo montb

of 1840:1783. Thia is ovideat from Rana Brhadur's lctter
to him datail VS 7840 ?aua atu/ii 5 roi I = Sundsy,
28, Dooomber, 1783. Eo had left the palaco apparently for
tbo porpooo of sponiling wiuter in the Terai wbero ho had
plennert alao to hunt. Eo hail apprieed the court of his
orrival in Mrokranpur antl hatl promised to resoh K&thmanalu
eoon but had etayad on thsra for months which had oausod
tho oourt Bomo worry and thoy appeolod to him for his home
oomiug. Bahadur Shah had ogair pleeded hir inability to
uovo bacaugs of illnesr as king also for the despatch of one
of tho oourt physioiaue a,nd medicineg.
Rana Bahadur had writton that tbo unolo had no work
;in Mackranpur while hil serviosg woro needed in Kothmandu.
So ho ros to couo baok. Bsllabha Vaidya was doputod to
look aft€r him on ths way. IIe was told that all cares roquirod
for & pstient woro rrot possible in Mackwanpur' Therofore
,he should imnediatoly acoomPsuy th€ Vaidya.
We have iaformation to the offoct tbat Bahadur Shab
.wont to K&thmsndu to attend tho iuitiation ceremony next
yea,r inJauuary. But ag we shall knore a littlo Iator Kazi
Vamearaj Pande was also allowed to rotum. Both Pattici
patod iu the royal initiation coremoDy.
Inll lor Trn mon hs anil Allaits in Kalkmatdu
Tho quoeu Regont about this time aeomed to be sufforing
{rom tuberculoeiq though it was th€ very oarly stage. Sho
vos uudergoing tre&tment but feared that she had fallen a
wictim of au incurablo die6ago. It wae but naturgl that itr
this Eitu&tion eh€ folt & dosiro to get reconciled to her brother-
iu-l&w anil uucleg-in-law. Sho aooordirtgly sont wold to
Daljit Sbab md Bahadur Shah who sho thought oould be
aocommodated.
Eer meio dosiro wog the safety of her son anil having had
cxporienoe of charaoter ghe oould trust them.
The auspioious day of Raoa Bahadur's initiation oelomony
 GOBEEA BECO![B8 EINODOU O.r NAPAT, 313

vas fired for Jantary, 1785 ond all preparations wcae made
to add to its gaiaty. Aa opportunity was offered to the
tollatorals to attend the ceremony on spocial invitation.
fn VS lSal Daljit Shah pledged loyalty to the king and
hie motber. In a letter dated 184L Kartiba aaili 14 roj 4:
Wednosday, 14 Ootober, 1784 he executed a ilharma, gntrd,
e pledge talen on eerth of religious oharacter, in rrhich he
promiaed unswerving loyalty to the queen mother. Ee
promisod to abide by hor wishos, never hide faots from her,
,and sorve tbe throno loyally. (Pwnfurw, 1,3. p79),
it appoars that Daljit Shah was rehabilitated just after
this lotter was sent.
Daljit Shah wsg made a Chautaralon return home.
Perhaps duo to hie interoession Bahadur Shah was invited
to attend the initiation \Vratabanilha) coremony of Rana
Bahadur.
The invitation was,also ertended to Vamsarj Pande.

Bahailur Sholr anil Vamaaraj retur%

Bahadur Shah had just returaed from Palpa having
married the sister of Rajo on Magha l0 of VS l?41. He wae
'in Gorkha where Ra,uo Bahadur's initiation oeromony waB
porformod. Perbaps he was reconoiled with the que€n
'mother onoe again.
Bahadur Shah returned to Kathmandu, after several
yoara and this time to attend the ocoaeaion of tho ceremony
.of Rana Bahadur's initiation. From the lotter Bana wroto
;later to the Chineae Amban casting charges against Bahadur
Shah it appeaxs that the latter had accompanied the party
to Gorkha where the initiation cerenony was porformed. lt
.seoms that Bahadur Shah had reconciled to the situation aud
had promised help to tho queen mother.
Bahadur's roturn had a soothing effect on the intricato
,politics of the Nepal valley. But & curo had yet to como.
The Maharani though ill was yet maohinating and laying
,Btrstegoms to trap her oppononts.
3r4 ![ODEBI{ NE?I.L

Vemsaraj Pendo also returned to Kathmandu st &bout

this time, IIe was probably iovited for the occassion of the-
initiation coremoDy oftbe king. We do uot krow ofhic
proEonee in Gorkha at the timo. 3ut ho hsd cortainly
hurried to the palace on hea.ring noes of Bummors by the
queen mothor.
lu spito of tho di8tra,otion to tho oyonts in Kethmandu the
ffght ia the weat we8 still going oD. But about thie time
Gorkha was compolled to ovacuate conquered torritories of
Palpa on being prerso{. jointly by Satahun and Parbat. lf,aha-
dattasen wbo had fled without fghting returnedrzaod occupiod
the ihrooe. The Chaubisie came ae far as Makaidaada on YS
1841 Aaadhq 12 eail,i 4 roj 3=Tuesdav, 22 June, 1784. But
Iomjuog vzas saved by the Gorkhalie. Tho tre&ty of friend-
sbip was broken by tho Raja of Kaeki aud iho Gorkhalis nor
assembled at Lamjung, wbore the wings stationed at NoskoL
joined hands. Noakot was ovaouated nert year on Jyedtha
25 oara 72' . The now line of defonce extended from Tanhoun-
sur to Gorkha to $anang. But advancing from tho sido of
Tanbou the Gorkhsli ofrcer Kazi Abhiman-"imha Basnet
reca.pturod Kaski, Satahun, Bhirkot aud Rising and also
Noakot, whioh greatly cleared tho ground for tho main
seotion of the troops to sprawl atound the vautago points.
The Raja of Kaaki got back his old principality aftor sigui.rg
I treaty to remain ilependont on Gorkha for all timee.
In VS 7840 Vaisahha euili 15 roj 6 = Friday' 16 May, 1783
Kaeki and Nepal (mentioued as GorLha) pledged to work
together &geiD8! common enemies. Thie pledge is containod
in a copper plate submitted by the RBja, Eiddhinaray*na
Sheh, to kirrg Rana Bahadur in Kothmando. The statomont
s&id thet if ever Kaski ected to figbt Gorkha in collaboration
with Andhikhola (Bhirkot). Jumlo, and BsiEi Etates, if it
2l llhole iB ! aistrke elther iE gtte or eer!. lrhe rder oI Pllpa vaa
r€rtotoil to tL6 tblotr€ oo. Jyestho fi Atadha vadl 5 rfi3:Tuesiley, 8 Jaae'
1]184.
99, 4 Juro, 1786,
 OOBXEA BEOOXtrg TINGDOT OF }IEPAL 3t5

tried to revise the Gaddi of Lrojung nor slroady annered"

to Gorkha, if it triod to incite Oorhha's snomios tskilg refugo
in Koeki and if it did not oboy Gorkho iu timea ofneed,
oithor while boiug tbreatoned or threateoing them, thon
Iieski would invite tho wrath of divino beinge.9l
We do not know how far tbis kind of pledge. helped the
Gorkbalis in their desigos but wo Eeo thot thcy wero advauciug
inspito of Bhat Kaski was doiug to promoto the objective
of the copper plate. In fact this wag done ia coercion, and
the Gorkhelis had further coerced tho Raja to leove hie
capital by inarcbfug iato his capital.
tr'urther west Noakot was oaptured io 1784 (yS 1840
Plwlguna 2I aara l:Suod.ay, 29 Febrlary, 1784) by 6 com-
ponios of sepoyr led by Kozi Balabhadra Shah, aud Pratiman
Rona and Suba Jogamalla. Tbe latter two wero stationed
there, whilo a wing advauced towards Palpa through the
coureo of the river Kali Gandak aud captured Paiyun then
ruled by a chief of impure doecent, Kali Gaudak wae crogaed
on Phal,guna 29 oara Z-MolaLday, 8 March, l?84. A few days
uftar ot Chailra 26 aara 7:4 April, Sunday, l?84 P&lpa'e
capi6al Tansen fell to tbe advanciag army without e fight.
In tho capital, however, the queen etarted playiag tho
same old intrigues. Tho forgotteu memories of hoetilities
towards her rehabilitated oppoDents woro revived. It wae
said that the queen Regent promoted Bbim Khawas to tho
rank of I(azi. He aleo became a favourite of her. This
eudden riso to a high rank incensed many noble men. The
llani dreaded tho repetition of tho event of VS 1836 and
therefore l-ranished some courtiers including Vomsaraj Pando.
The queen was tho camo ambitious woman, as tbo was
previously. Sho had not changed a little, nor her intriguer's
h&bits h&d gono. AB befors ghe distrusted all but the most
elavish. No powerful and self respocting matr could withstand
hor suspiciooe .Frtduct. No ono was spared for compromiso.

24 Gtrrung-Mqgar Van savali, P 45 4$.

3t6 ODBB]I I{f,PAi

Thereforo Bahadur Shah oould not sustsin hir poeition by any

means. With regord to him it res mid that hig very presonco
vos doomod to be out of placo in the sohsme ahe had planned.
By his disposition he drew eurpioioD of her8. So never the
two agreod eveu if they w6r6 brought togother by forco of
oircumstences.
Rajondralakemi epuroed mon of noble oharactor &nd
m6rit8. Sho always liked to bs surrourded by flatterers.
Sho was elso uneteady in her faith towsrds hor friende. But
shb know bow to uso them to further hsr enda,
Eer aesociation with erperionoeil &nd [oritorious persone
ront ss f'I as it went to serve her ambition. Once thie wsg
fulfilled she droppod tltn in fevour oi lew sllios.

Muriler of Vanuaruj Patde

Ths ohroniolo roportB s 8ta,to of enmity betveon Vamsa,raj
and the other two porsors of importanoo, tbe Kazis. The
lattsr bad oonspirod to o:pol him from powor. They improeeed
the queon about his suapicious D0ov€mont8 and ae a rosult ho
wgs killod in Bhandorlhal unoeremoniourly on 2l April,
1785 about & month &fter hig errivel.
It is said that the Regeat was now showiog doffnite
symptoms of tuberculoais, aod thought it proper to remove
all porsiblo opponents. In this sho had acted on the edvice
of Svarupa Karki and Bbim Khawae.
Baha.dur Shah also was again kept in confiuemont and
letsr banishod.
But now we are coming to ths snd of the r€goncy of the
queen mother. Eec hsrlth w&r f&8t deterior&ting, and her
family phyeicians had loet sll hop€s of her survival. The
king was hardly I years old, and the questioo was 'vho was
to teke c&re of hio if the queen diod.' Thou thoughts
naturally turned to Bahadur Shah. They advised the queen
to vrit6 to him to rBturn.
A lettor written to him in tho name of King Rana Bahadur
.Shah was soat on 7B 18t12 Aeadha ardi 5 toj z:Mouday,
 OOBEEA BXOOUES KINODOM OX I{&PrL 317

It July, l785and boree messago reqtroeting him to retura

homo. ft 8ay. that tho emilsaries Na,rayana Ariyel, Juthyl
Khowas and Bobra, vho vor6 sont to goo Bahcdur for no
other purpom than rooing him ia Banaras with tha govern-
mont'g order had oonveyed to the oourt all that the Kiug,a
uncls had to say, Tho lett€r gsvo &n oxpre88 call to Bahadur
Sbah to coms baok to Kathm*ndu. It added .The visitors
wore there not to the maohinations of others. you are
delaying 6o return. Ploaso do not dose. If you are delayod
there for any reason, you ehould leave for home as aoon ea you
soe thig sealed lotter. You had gono there oa pilgrimage
rnd this is no timo to dcl&y home ooming,.
Ba,hadur Shah roached Kathmandu ofter some timo only
to hear of tbe queen mother'r death.
Tho lotter wae addressed from Kathmandu but it fails to
givo tho rocipient'g addross. Where was then Bahadur Shah
living ? According to tho ohrodolo it res goid that he psg
living in Botia. Et might hevo gono to B&narss.
At tho time she diod she was fully coneoiouE snd msitrtsi[-
sd her a^esortivs charaotor. Only a few days beoL she
paseed orders of baniehment to tho Tes&i on Bahadur Shah
vho sctuslly reaohed Pharpiug bound for hig journey. She
had passod another ordor to dotain hin in pharping-
Bahadur hosrd ofhor doath ia Pharpiug whilo raiting for
another order.
But the lottor
8sy8 th&t h6 trss on pilgrimago or a,t least
had left
home profeoing oponly to go on pilgrimago. The
plaoo rhere he war liring, to whioh tho totter vas direoted
oannot bo located for yBDt of inform&tioo.
ft is quito that the letter s&B 6ent to him at
possiblo
Pharping, although the same suggested that ho had left out
of hie own sitl.
Deatk ol Bajenihalabami anil Aecendanay of Bahadur
Aocording to a noting :ho died on Aeailha auili, T roj I
of 1842:13 Juln Wotlnordoy, 1285. With her doath o power_
3r8 UODEBII NIPIL

ful personality had boon withdrawn from the potiticol acone.

As long aa she lived, ahe had dominated the political situation
of hor country. Now gho lraa llo moBe, her rivals made thoir
ro-eppearanco. Eer death p&vod the wey for the ascendancy
of Bahadur Shah oud bis group. Bahadur becamo tho Rogent.

Atather Marak to Ka.ski ond Surroutiling Arcad

The lonquest of Ka"qki and rmall etates folloved Rent
Baha.dur's initiation o€remony and tbe frontier was again
pusbed to tho river Kaligaudok. But atl tbir could happen
bocause tho army command pss not mixed with palaco
iutrigue except io a few cases. The Gorkhalis had not rest€d
and vero all tho on march even if thore wae a ground for
fruatra.tion. Accordiug to tho chroniole of Saha 1707 VB
1842 Jyeatka 30 cuili 2 roj 5:I\ursd&y, I Juue, 1785 Rupakot
fell to the Gorkhalis, Thie eector wae attouded to &t tho
command by Swarupsingh Karki, Partho Bhanilari, Amarsiugh
Thap&, PratimaD Rana, Kazi Nsru Sabi, Abbiman Siagh
Basnot and Chautara Daljit Shah. Arghouu wae conquerod
oa JgesrLa 3f, Friday, 19 June, (1786) vithout a fight. Koeki
wa8 finally annorod to Gorkha on tho capturo of Sarakolon
oo, Aadha 1 Jycatln cu.ili 4 roj .7:Saturdey I I Juno, 1785
cnd o\ AEal;he 2 Jyeeth.a atdi 5 rq l:Snuday, 12 June, 1786
Noakot fell to tbe Gorkhalis for the second time. Again,
Aeail,lw 7 Jywlh,a eadi 10 roj 6 was tho day whon Satohun
called for aid (:81;6rr, l7 Jurro). Garhoun was conquerod
oa Asditrfui 16 Adailha oadt 4 roj f (:Sundry, 26 Juue) while
tho Gorkhalis hsal moved to defend Satahun.
It was said tbat ll,aendralaksmi dieliked expaneion of
territory snd eo were her Bupporter8. But sll tho acquisition
of territories to Gorkha mado till l78i vas duo to tho
continuance ofthe policy of erpansion, which she could not
but follow,
B,ajendralakami wa,s a wom6n of extraordinary courage.
She moaut to rule while {unctioning eB regent. Giyen to
 GOBEEA DECOXEA XINODOIT OT NEPAI, 3t9
manly b&bit8 Bho rodo horree,. played with gwords a,nd
addrseeod soldiors deporting to the battle fields. Sho hcd a
rotinuo of trained women to guerd her innor oomp&rtmont.
But if somotimss eho led a hardlifeof a atruggling woman,
ahe at times govo evidence of a lust for power as well as lururi-
oua living, which comes in tho wake of an assurcd exi8t€Ece
furthered by stato power. This rendered her weak in epirit
a.t time8. But thore ie no doubt that she stood fast in her
etruggle for power up to the laet,
Beforo eho died ahe coatinued to
deal harehly with rome
of.her formidablo opponents. Wo havo already eaid that
about a month or two earlier to her death shs had Bahcdur
Shah conEuod in a houso near Pha.rpiug. Eis aupporter
Kanchbi Maiyaa, Prthvinarayana's youngeet dsughter, wa6
olso pining for freodom under houge arrest placed in Thankot.
With the death of quoen Rajendralakami, Bahadur Shah
automrtioally wag ellowod to return to Kathmandu. Eo
porformed her leet rites, and then ocoupied the chgit of the
Nayab. All tho Bharatla,re gavo thoir full support to thc
now Nayab. IIo retaiaed tho council to govern. Daljit Shrh
who was tho Chaut&rs once about a ye&r w&a allorod to
oontinue in his p,ost.
 CEA?TER X(A)

ncgont Bahadm'. 8k Yorrg

ID tho six yoare from 1786 to 1794 Bahadur Shah aoted
as Regont. As soon ag bo beoame the rogoDt, he took caro to.
soe that tho adheronts of the qumu mother wers dielodgod
from positions in the administration snil army. Howover,
few wors actually removetl from tho eoeno. Tbere was only
ono doath, Kazi Svarupasimha was killsd. All this did not
afreot the hard oore of tho army command. For gomo timo
th6ro waa a lull in militery Botiyity. Aftsr rome dsys,
howover, tho lull broks. Cheut*ra Jiva Shah, Kazi
Sivana,rayen Kbatri, Sardar Partha Bhandari, Sardar Amr-
simha Rana, Suba Jogamallo and 6thsm left forthwith for
tho conquoot of regions wost of tbs river Kali. They orosaed
the rivor oo aaba 1708 VS 1843 Jgettha 10 oailiT roj 7:
Saturday, 20 Msy, U86 th6 ,;thi w8,' 7 sterting &ftff 24 Gh&ri.
From a royal lotter addrees€d to Kazi Jiva Shah, Jogatjit
Poude, Partha Bhandari, Amar Singh Rana and Prabala Singh
Rana, whioh is dated Samvat lU13 Pausa rsaili I roj 3:
Tuesday, 12 December, l?86 it appears that Satahun and
Bhirkot had accopteal the overlordship of Gorkha (Nepal),
and thorofore they gainoil additiouel toritory, Bhirkot
annexing Jahari, and Satahun gotting Darmu. The officore
had beon asked to demarcate tho boundary to the convenionce
of the two rulors.
Thero was a large scalo advance of troops in the two
directions, one towards the weBt under Kazi Damoder Pande
to attack P&rbat and another to keop the moveEent oD to the
eastern Torai under Abhiman Basnot, Damodar Bt&rted to
attack Parbat ot 16 Asadha:Mond&y 26 June, 1786. As we
saw it tho purges effected by the now Regent did not at all
touch the Iligh rank of the army. Tho soldiery behaved as if
nothing had occurred wbich cotrcerned them, as s,bsolutely
no new ohanges had taken pl&ce in the armed forces,
 ooErEA BlOOrr8 SnSODOX O' r,EAr, 321'

Gulmi wes then attsolod by a:eotioa of troolx stetion€d

in Pokhara. X'or aomotime it Yss u[der aicgo. But beforo
that its ruler was friendly rith Gorkha. Wo sholl loam from-
tbe next paragrsph thet ths rulor wsa oocouraging €lorkha
militery activities iD this rogion with tho prospeot of getting:
a rowa,rd in rsturn. Tho GotLhalis had' howover, erhaust d
the utility oI Glnlmi's rulor, &lthough st 6rst h&ud thoy woro'
hobaobbing with him. Ilaviog grabbed a.djoiaing 8re&8 tho
Gorhhalis had orossod tho rivor Koli, and Gu}ni was vulnorablo
to thoir attook. Obvioualy they could trot lesvo tho march ot
that poilt. So tbey had advsnoed to attsck Gnlrni prcper.
dthough Noekot had to bo given up for sometimo it woe
fully aonered to Gorkha just a few monthl lster. It appean
from a letter of Bena Bah&dur to 888hidar Khatrir of Gulmi
drteit l84l Marga udi 14toi 4-10 or ll Novembor (oaili 14
ie Thursday, so tbe dat€ is iregula,r) that the latter had
suooessfulty helped to maintain friendship betwoon the ruling
houaee ofGorkha aud Gulmi. At oae time Gulmi wae evon
tompted vith tbe prospoct pf adding territorioe at tbe cost
of Piuthan (Raaa Bahadur's letter, dateil l8{2 Staoana auili
11 roj 8:Ttead.ty, 16 Augult, 1785). But thie kind of
hobnobbing with Gulmi through Sashidba,r did not go furthcr,
and ag eoou es it w&8 Eeeu tha,t the situBtion ilemanded its
anneration, Gulmi'e fate was summerily docided. The
invaders reached the Bheri on 7 Matga ozudi 14 Bundoy-
19 Novomber, 1786.
In the ye&r 1712 Baka (1790 A.D.) they coaquered Dailekh
after a haud to hanil 6ght at SurLhet. As the ruler wae trot
seen any more ofter thie 6ght Dailekh was merged with
Nopal with immediato efect. The army command was in
the hande of Sardar Amarsimba Thapa, Captain Golaiyan
Khawas, Captain Ranvir Khatri, Sardar Shatrumalla. The
ner frontier in tho west was now the river Bheri'
Piuthan was governed by a Suba who wae agked to allov

1 I tihasaprakasa, 1I, 3, Pp 464.65.

 UODERN NEPAL

to rsturn all such people to his are&, who had ofrsnded the
ruler in the pre-Gorkha period.
In an order issuetl from Kantipur on Monday, 17 April,
f788 (yS 1844 Chaitra adt I roj 2) one Ichharan Brahman,
.an inhabitant of Udaipur, had beeu askod to respeot Sa,llya,na
in tho B&mo ry&y as ho rospected Dang earlier. Eo woe also
to acknowledge tho overlordship of Piuthan as hs had been
doing sinco long.2
In r letter to his ropreEent&tive
in Jaja,rLot King Rana
of frioadship and etatee
Bahadur rope&ts Nepal's asaurancee
that now that tho river Bheri was the bouadary Iine the
friendship betweon the two countries bears moro importance.
The lottsr firther etressss Jeja,rkot's ow! importance &s &
prinoipslity holping tho Clorkhalis or th€ir m&rch and stetog
that Nopal solely deperided on the R&j&'s asoist&nco &nd
ooop€retiou for further suocaas. ft givos the King'r
8pprovel to & p&ot to bo sigued by the Clorthali Bharadarr
with the Raja. Tho lottor ie dated YS l84l Ohai;tra oaili I
roj 3: Tuesday, l3 March, 17878.
According to thir letter Nepal had sent & mesaengor to
Jumla and Jajarkot oho was req[ested to pload Nepal's cause
in tha,t principality. Two oficials Lrkemipati Pande and
Tularam Thapa were on thdir way to Jajukot. They vero
eent to deliver & mesa&96 to the rulor of Jaja,rkot, and florers
and othor metorials for the celebration of the occrsion while
the Bheri had bocome tbe boundary.

in,lu West of the Bheri

Aatiaities
The lotter addressed to Rani Yilaekumari beariag ilate
1845 Jyesth<r eudi 10 roj 6- f,'riday, 13 June, 1788 is in roply
to hers of aD unknown date.. She had eont o copy of a
letter she wrote to Ambar Singh Thapa about tho united

2 Ipss, I' 401.

B A copy ot the lett€r is lyitrg id th6 poisg3sioD .of tho Alohivo8, Fo.€igR
NiEi.try,
{ IP8S, P ilor.
 GOBBS.A EEOOXIB XTISODOI Or NEP r' 325

stsnal of thd B,&jas ruling wost ofths river Bheri. The R'oyal
palace wrote from Kantipur tJut the cantr&l authority h&d
deapatcheil Kolu Pande and Sardar Prabal Bana for tho
prot€otioD of tho wogtem rogiou on 6 Aaara (:Mottdty,
16 Juno). Tho sstelites euch as Palpa, Bhirkot, Riaiug and
Satahun hrd been asked to go to thoir aid in Piuthan'
Vilasakumari was aeked to re$cb Kathmandu sooo at hor
roquest ond carriers and ofr6ere viz' Sauo Khawas, Jiwa
Khawas, Basung Gurung, and Bhakti Khawm were doapatched
to receivo her.
Aocording to tho lotter 1846 oJ Kartika rtadi 14 roj 3=
Tueeday, 28 October, l?88 address€d to Vilaeakumari's
gons

Raghumalla Shah and Raghubara Shah, the aunt (the phupu)

of Rana Bahadur i.o. Vilasakumari had arrived in
Katbmandhu. Vilasokumari hereelf was to reach later iri
Mansir (November-Docember).
It appeare from the royal lettors to tbo rulors of Sallyaaa
end Jajarkot that theee two princip&litiee were etaunoh allios
of Gorkha duriug tho crucial poriotl of their thrust forwsrd
to the regions to and acrots tho Bhori river' Tho conquest of
both Doti and Jumla posed a sorious problem for tho Gorkha
army. These wore by far the largest states in the Baisi region'
Each commanded the poBseEsion of feudatories conglomeratpd
in tho Baiei confedoracy. Although Doti did str€tch far into
the snowy rsngos. it eujoyed like Piuthan and Patpa landloril's
{Zomindari) rights over the contiguous landg in the Terai'
Bajhang north oast of Doti, weet of the river Seti was a
eatellite under its Raja Dipobanda. But as Gorkha troops
appoared $elt of the Bheti and croesed it oL Bhailra' I
Weclnesday of 1846i:1789, 2l August, end came cloBe to
Karnali, the rulor of Bajbtng left his lsnil to the theltor
oftho invtdore pledging to become a vess&t of Nepal' Doti
fell to tho iuvatlers after aome 6ght at a placo called Dipaval'
Both Doti and Achham wore annored to Nepa!'
6 Iatt€! ilEteil Vg /846 Magha sudi 3 rci 2=MoBil&y 18 J&nuary, 1790
\Himotulsanskii,l, 3, P, 6\
 324 UODEBI Ii!P,AJ,

It ie sgid thst in tho ffght againet Doti, Achham and

Jumle, the Raja of Dullu wae very helpful to the Gorkhalie.
IIo not only provided them ratione but also gavo thoo
thorrougb knowledgo of tho naturo of tho country.o Accortling
to the abovo mentioned letter Bh&kti Thapa wae aeked to
rataio the oonquered territory end not to advance furthor
unle68 the gains wero re-coneolidated and in thir attompt the
(to
Glorkhalie- employed all meane. The lotter inetructed comb
the ju:rglos, aad kill all above 12 years of age,' and added
'we havo sont money by the hand of Yasudeo Pant, you have
rooommoaded tho caro of Sivauarayana Khatri, we are pleaeed
with him. But a.bout return to Kathmandu, you will know
from his l6tt€! to Nepal's ropreeontativo at Jajarkot'.
Oulmi was now merged iuto Nepol on Jgaatfui 11 of 1848.
oati I roj f-Sund&y, 2l May, 1786. Sardar Amarrimha
tried to advauoo through Cbsndrakot with two companies;
Suba Jogamall& invadod Khanchi and Kazi Jiva Shah's
targot v&s Argboun.. Th6Bo three plaoes were sooa occupied
in Bhadra. Aod. oa Bhailra 26= Thurgday 7 Septomber the
ruler of Khanchi fled. Nert tlay Argba was captured, and on
third day Khanchi surrender€d. Then they jointly proceoded
to.Baglung after laying siogo ou fsma on the way, which foll orr
Asoina 4 odi 9 - Saturday, 16 Soptombor, 1786. Tvo d&ys
o&rlier tho invaderg had entored Dharkot on Asoina 2 aaili, 7
:Thursd&y, 14 September. There was s two-pronged a,tt&ck
on Parbat. Tho wiag that attacked through the northern
sector was led by Damodar and Jagatjit Pande. Parbat was
conquer€d without muoh .eeiatanco on Awina 14 suili 4 VS
I84.3:Monday, 26 September, 1780. Tbrough Dhurkot tho
latter wing advanced to Piuthanl, which was capturod on
19 Kartilea Bukl'a 10 ( 78 1843) = Wednesday, I November,

6 lbid.
i A lett€! to M.h6!6joilhirria Yuvorajd Yilsssku&rli by BsaE Bola,au!
(Pausa 1842 l,/B yadi 13td5l hrs ll,1e6 slprs.iEg the lattor's oDxiety
about Pluth.n (IPSS, p. '100). tho il,st6 ooE6poEils to fhursilny, 2S
D@€ntot, 1? 85'
 GOBXEA BTCOUIS EIITODOU O' NEPAL x26

1786. The reiguing ruler in Piuthan was Motiohand. We

haye two doouments of hir time (t836 VS Bnd ISiiZ VB)
mortgaging Eomo land to somo peoplo in lieu of eome monoy
gtilwa;kA Patra Sangraha,II, pp. 9f.94).
X'rom Piuthsn it w&s o&sy to dsscond to Dang. They
couquerod it on 29 Kartila arga oodi 6 Soturttay = I t
November, 1786 sfter three days, msrch. Theroafter the
GorLhrlie captured Pelpa ot 3 Marga rudd g:Tueaday,
14 November.s
In a Istt€r to hisaunt Vilaekumari (father,s riater) Rana
Bahadur appreciates efortB made by Satlyana to advanoe
Gorkba's intorestg. e agsuros her that Gorkho would evcr
look after Sallyans'B iut€rests. Ee waa happy that Seltyena
wss oontaoting Piuthan for comDon objoctive. But.if piuthan
did not listea to hGr, there was J*jarlot, to whose rulo! o
Khelila lettetr had besn Bent from Kathmandu. The l€tter
dated 1842 Pauaa oaili 13 rqi 3=Thurgday, 29 Deoembor,
1785 further statea that oue Jeth& Madho of Sallyoue had eet
of baok to Salliyena from Ka,thnandu, aud the Govemment
war sending mou to reoeive the elder priace.
Earlier a letter aent thrcugh Budba Medho from Vilasa_
kumari had reaohed Kathmsndu, which was acknowledgod in
& soparato lotter by tho royal palaco in the name of the king.
The letter from Sallyaua inforDs th&t the seoood prirce of
Piuthan had been oallod to S&llyana. It
also Beid thet ag
Jumla iu collaborstion with Rugum &ttscked th€ Rsja of
Piuthon, ho yiolded to their premure. Sallyana had $8ursd
Gorkhs tha,t no furthor assirtanoa was deeired fron Kath-
mapdu as tho former was aleady helping pinthan.
'Tho royal r€ply suggestsd
thaC Rani Vilasevati ebould
acquaint Kathmandu with devolopments about Jumla'e
intentione and objectives, tho ras aaked to be a friond of
8. Tt6 itotes her€ sr€ tsleD IloD s aothillg in !!y possession, This
lotiDg i6 slso poblilhoil iD trfshaDts Nslstolin9;lb'a ]rihosaprakosonn
s4ndhipatro tamgrale, Tie iletos slso agroo w;tL those gireD ir! IaksEiloti
Poarle's odeailrr lYlile , Paraina, ,, pp 64-8t.)
326 MODEB}I ]TEPAI,

Gorkha. If ths Raja respon<lod, then the B,ajas of Piuthan

and Jumla should be sont to Kethma,udu. In that ceso old
Dalcm&rdgu Shah and Jasodhar liano would go to Jumla.
Som.o lettors in the lsst few liass are tom of. But
Taahou, Kmki. Biring, Isma, Dhurkot, Musiko6, Sata'hun are
distinclty read. The d&te i8 missing. But this document
might belong to the period botwoea YS 1836'37.
In ouother lotter aildreesed ia rePly to Vilass,kumsri on
VS 1842 Phal4una eudi 15 toj Z:Monday, l3 Maroh, 1786 from
Gorkha Vyasi (foot hill) R.ana Bahadur inforuo th&t there
was no option loft, for hir army but to attack Khanchi aud
Parbat ag Gulmi had evaouated ths territories of Khsnchi
under ite occupation and GorLha had not beeu able to rotsin
IBma eutering via Galkot, Musikot and Parbat. Rana
Bahadur wrote that Yilaeakumari's aons (oldor cousins of the
king) woro roceived in Gorkha and mutual oonsultatione were
hsld in the preeenco of Bharadars. Gorkha had decided to
hit Parbat from tho northern side and it was docided also to
cttack Khauchi. f,'or thig purpose Kezi Jiva Shab and
Eeridatta, Upailhyaya had boon deputod. Thoy wore to
strike Khanohi by way of assisting S&llya,Ds. This would
strengthon tho poeiiion of Gorkha aud Sallyaua. Raui
Yilasskumari wae asked to consult Gorkha's Bha,radarr
rosidont in Sallyana and omploy the forooe of Piuthan
asd Gulmi,
This lettor montiousd also changes in tbe appointmelt
it lhe pajani of tho year. Jiva Shoh and ths Panilos wore
oppointod Kazis, Partha Bhandari was ret&ined ia his job of
tb€ S&rdar but with tho 8&lary of Abhim&n Singh. Balabhadra
Shah was to get the a,llowance of Naru Shah, and Sibya Khatri
became a Kazi aud obtained the salaty of Ambar Singh,
Kalu Paode's j&gir waB to go to Gola,ya Khawas and Amar
Siagh Thapa was appointed Sardar with tho jagir of Bilochan.
There were eight now Subedero, Bhotiae, Arigad Khawas,
Ajap Khawas, Bharatha Khawas, Eausamd,n Khawar,
Narsing Gurung, Dhanaraj Khe6ri and Chokrapani Khoual.
 GORBXA BECO!'TS EISODOU OF I.IEPAL

tr'rom Noakot Vyasi a letter of VS 1843 Vaiaabha oail{

9rqi 7-Saturday.22 April, 1786 addressed to. Rani Vilasa-
kumari informs in roply that Madbo Budha was earrying some
oral message in detail. Tho Rani had vritten earlior tha!
attacks on Piuthau, Argha and Khanqhi had demoralieed thc
Chaubieis. But Dang, Jajorkot and Rukum wero conspiring
against Sallyana. Tho Rani got a roply that, the authoritie&
knew of this poesibiliby and therefore thoy had ordered
attack on Khanchi with the help of Piuthan and Ssllya,na.
Tbo Palace aesurod all holp to Sallyana. Kazi Jiva, Shah
and-Yogamalla were Bent to Andhikhola. fn ordor to bastia
tho progress of their work Siva Narayan Khatri, Sardar Partb*
Sandari and Prabal Rana had beou doputed from Ciorkha to
Kaski. Also all forcea statioaod west of tho riyor Dudh Kosi,
wero asked to prooeed to the west. Ae this vas oyacuated,
the ofrcers werc eont to Antlhi.khola but Guhd diil not altow
them to cioss the rivulet. The lottor added that tho Gorkhali
Suba Gangaram hail dono eome misohief in Moghalaa (British
torritory) aad as a result the British vere provoted to maroh
to Nijamtara. Ilowever, poace was reetored betwoen thq
two parties with Nopal's claim ou Nijamtara duly rocognised
by the Britishe.

March llantarile Jumla

Jejarkot and Sallyana baving conoludod a treaty of
srmy stopped at that poirt, but to
subsidia,ry allianco, th6
march again further weet bypassing thoso stetes. Jajarkot
was au ally of Gorkha einco Prthyirsr&ya,ne Sh&h bofriended
its rul6r in Banaras. But bocauss they rore quite apart,
physically there was not muoh close contact botwe€n tho
two souutries. With the demolition of tbe Chaubisis tho
Etato of Jajsrkot oame to occupy a po8itioD cortiguoue vith
tho w€Btern lrontior of the kingdom of Nepal: Tho pinoi-
pllity h&d almady scknowledged Nepal's. suzoraiuty a,nd
g Tho aboes letted eililrEseil b, B.nr B.hrdur to RoBi Yilas&tuDqd
ste publirhoil iE IPgg, Dp 40G10I.
?.28 UODNBII ITEPAL

pledged to work in co-operltion. But at closo quart€r

Jejerkot w.8 a souroe of great help'to th6 Nepeleso a,rmy
oommend wh6u they moved weatwatd from Piuthen. It
appesrs that before the Nopalese army c&mo to occupy the
rogion, a roptlsontatiye of Kathmandu r&B stationed in
JajarLot. Eis duty was to offer assusrsnooe of friendship and
prct€ction to tho Baia. In this yoar tho Gorkhalie oocupiod
all aroas eaet of Bheri. It appmrs that in l?86 one Roohhu
Bist& w&s Neprl's ropreeentative in JajarLot. In & letter
to this man m6snt to be conveyed to the Raja, King Rana
Bahadur repeate Nepal'a aseurances. of friendship and ststes
'that the river Bheri wae ths boundary lino, the friendship
betwesn the two couutrio8 beare more importauce. Tho lettor
.fi:rthor etresgos Jajarkot's own importa,ncc as a principality
helpiug tho Clorkhalis on their march and statse that Nopal
aolely doponded on tho Raja's aesistaace &nd coop€r&tion for
further succ6ss. It givee the king's approval to I paot to
bo signed by the Gorkhali Bharadars with the Raja. The
lettor iB datod 7B 181J Ch'aitra vaild I roj 3:Tueeday,
13 March, 1787.
According to this letter Ncpal had sont & messeDger to
Jumla. Jajarkot also was requested to plead Nepal's cause
in th&t principslity. Two offcers Lakehmipati Pande and
Tularom Tbapa wero ou thoir way to Jej&rkot. They were
€ent to delivor & mese&ge to Jajarkot a,nd flowers and other
matori&ls for tho oelobration ofthe ocossiotr vhilo tho Bheri
had booomo tho boundary.
A wiag of the arEy had already peD€trated to Chinnaim,
the capital of Jumla through the circuitoue routo of tho
northern r&ngos. But thia forco found iteelf surrounded
by tho 6n6my. The Gorkhali force was led by Sardar Prabal
Rana and Shyannaroyana K.hetri. Yet another force led by
Kalu Pando with Bhakti Th*pa ae Subedar launcbed e drivo
froo their baso in Dullu. Easily the Bouthorn portion of
Jumla came into tho hande of the inysders. lt is suggosted
in s lottor to BhaLti I'hopa that the conquest was poesible
 GOBT,EA BECOUES trINCDOII OF NIPAL 329

with the arrival of hie force. otherwise the drive had gono
in vainlo. The ruler of Jumla theu fled into tho British
territory and the whole of Jumla was captured. on . fl)ina I
of VS 1846:21 September, 1846. Doti after surrender wag
being looked aftor by Nerayana Malla with a paltan
(company)of200eoldiers. InJaiarkot the ruler received e
contingent of 100 soldiers to protect tho area. In Jumla a
company was etationed for the semo purposo.
The information about tho capture of Jumla is given in
a letter of Rd,na Bahadur to Bhakti Thala who was appointed
a Sardar in the &rmy. The date year of the letter is given
differently by tho editors in two publications, 1843 in
Iti,lnsapralcoea, I, p. 9 end, 1846 in Eimatsat Sanakri,td l, 3,
p. 6. Of course, in that'eonnection my own noting of Saka
l7l2 ie a printing mietako for 1711. Tho year VS 1846 for
the couqugst of Jumla ie clearly montioned in tho chronolo.
gioal note of ovents, whioh I possess. If thie note is corroot,
then 0here is no doubt that the date of the aforesaid Ietter
is 1846. I had no intention to accopt the date 1843 ae
referred to the letter in my footnoto. But after all ono
had to depend on what rnas publighed until, tho original was
available for examination. . Eere again the aetronomical
elemonte which aro correct help us in establishing tbe fact of
the year. X'rom this date it becomes clear that Ju la was
captured in 1846.
The Gorkhali commanderg led attacks on the forward
areas crogsing tho rivere Karnali and then Seti and entered
tho Doti region. The southward wing had an unchecked
advance ag far as Doti, whoae Raja ffed on tho arrival of
his enemies.
A letter to the Raja cf Mustang by Kazi Sivanarayana
I(hatri and Prabal Raua with date 7B 1846 Kartika suli I
roj 2 from Chhinnasim, Jumla'e capital shows that the

L0 Purnima, I. 4, pp 6a-65. The date corresponds to trIonday.6

October, I789.
330 MODERN Nf,PA],

prircip&lity wae &nnoxed to Nepal rcme time before tho date

on which it was vritten.
Doti w&s the only state to defy the Gorkhalig but wben
fghting came, aDd strong words did not breok bones, the
ruler quit hio country to flee to the plaias. After Jumla a
contingotrt of force oocupied llumla farthor north. Thue
the whole of the hilly region e&st of the river Kali was
annered to the new kingdom of Nepal.
In a copper plate, statement made by Rana Bahedur
addressing Wangyal Dorje, the Raja of Muetang,. on Samvat
1847 Jyutka sudd 5 roj 4, it ie said thet tenitories &Dnoxed
forcefully by Jumla were returnod to Muet&ng, wht.rso Raja
was to rulo directly over arr &re& comprising all lards to the
north-eaet of Baudarghat, plus tho valleys of Baglung Kbola
aud Chharka Khola, while he wae entitled to receive
cuetom&ry duea from Thak, 'l'himi, 12 vitla,ges of M&nang, and
Taranisyan. The Raja was further enablod to receive duee
from traders, which so f&r was forcibly realised by Jumla.l l
In return the Raja was, to act &nil cooperato sith meD
and monoy with any ofrcer of the King of Nopal, who
happoaed to bo th€ro a,Dd in tbe neighbourhood. Tho Raj*
rras also to msintain nilita,ry outposts and join in the
oampaign undertaken by the king'e army.
The Raja wss to pay as tributo Rg. 929 and 6 horees to the
King of Nepal oa the day of Magha Sanl<tantt, whioh tbcy
had been surrendering to Jumls 8o far. The emou[t of
Rs. 7l paid as tribute to Lhaea should continuo as usus,l.
The comm&ndars Kazi Sivnarayana Khetri and Sardar
Prabal Raua had earlior on Samvo,t 1846 Kartika sud,i 1 roi Zrs
addressd a letter to tho Rajo from Chbianachim made a similar
statement.
Adtlrossing tbe Maharaj Kumar of Sallyana on yB 184f
Aghan wdi 9 rqj 3- Thesday 1{ December, 1790 an announce-
ment cams from Kathmautlu that tho Nopalose had rsached

11 Purnimat 6. 5a-66. Th6 alste coll€spotrils to Weilaeriloy,19 Msy. 1730-

19 MoDiLy, 19 Ootober, l78g.
 GORXEA BECCI'ES XI]ICDOM OT NEPAL 33t
the bordor of Kumaon after oonquering Doti. In aD e&rliep
lotter Ranabhim had reported that the Nep*lese bad euocess-
fully attacked the outpost in Dahrya in the Terai, and that
Ilarkbadeo Joshi was boing eaoouraged to croato confuBiotr in
Kumaon. Both the aotions had obtained approval of'
the Court.
The Raja of Sallyane yas himeelf involved in the aotion
and therefore in another letter, VS 1848 Plnlguw nf,i 1B roj &
:Tuesday, 20 March, 1792 he is reminded of his responsibility
for anything achievod, grace or disgrace 1.s.
Rana Bahadur'e aunt Vileekunari had reaohed Ketbmandu
and eho was followed by her etdest son. At this time
Bahadur Shah was yet in the eolo chargo of Nopaleso admini-
stration. Ae Sallyaua had ertonded all cooperation to his
army to conquer the Bsisi statos so Bahadur wanted to
utiliso tho oocasion of the vieit of hie sistor to confer on the
Raja of Sallyana, the title over Chhilli, a noighbouring
principality, in the regiorr, and he did so tbrough a letter
to tho Rsja, dated 1850 Jyeetha t:a.ili 72 roj 4:Wedneaday,
5 Juno, 1793. Yilaeskumari w&s to leave Kathmandu in
early March but &B the Regeut had to be bu8y io nal,terg
connected with the Euglistiman Kirkpatrick's Eiosion at tho
time her doparture was delayed. Meanwhile the old Raja
of Sallyana died.
Thie information is contained in a lotter of Rona Bahadur
addreseed to tho uertr ruler of Sallyana, Rana Bhim Shah,
on YS l85l Vqisabha uaili 11 roj 7: S&turday, 26 April, l?94.
Thie letter informs that Sallyana took charge of Chbilli just
a few days earlior.
Sallyana was givon a new status. No autbority from
Kathmandu could oramino the ruler,s afairs. Thie immunity
from iuterferonco in internal afairs wae also onjoyed by the
ruler of Jajarkot. Both of thom adopted titles anri epithets
of indepondent kings and also were addresred by the king of

13 IPSS, p a02
s32 MODEBIT NEP I.,

Nepal a,s Maharajadhiraja (Rubka 1834 Marga eudi tt roj 5:

Thureday, 23 Novenbsr, 1707).
Lottort of asguaranoos to Jajarkot F6ro Bont ofton until
the Nepalese army establishod its position in that region. In
& letter of VS 1847 Kartiln oad,i 5 roj 4=Wedoerday, 27
October, 1790 whioh was geut to tho B,aja on bohall of
Rana
Bahadur Shah tho fomer iB reportod to havo - complainod
that ho wrie not allowod td onjoy poarl€sBion of ls[d rowsrded
to him by Kathmondu although he war yct . dutifully
guarding the outposts in Nepal's intoriet. Rsno Bahadur
Shah had repliod that his conplaint would bo doalt with by
tho Sardar to hie satisfaction, and tbe old ties of frieodsbip
would not bo brokea. Jagajjit Prnde wes boing sent to
tako chargo of tho srea, to whom tbe Raja wee to mf6r
vhatover ho raDted.
ThiB letter refors to tho visit of tho Raja'8 son to
Kathmadu snd st&tes.that becsuse of tho rainy seaeon he hrd
boen held up.
This much about Jajarkot here, ve shall h&vo occ&sioDs to
refer to it8 Raja again.
 CHAPTER, XI
Bahadur's Poliey Towarde Palpa ond
Conqueet ot Kumaon
With Palpa alono in the map to deal with, Bahadur Shah
wae thinking of acquiring areas beyoud the Kali.
Now the lo&d to oppooo Gorkha's advanco was taken by
Mukunda Sena II of Palpa. Earlier court intrigue had removed
Bahadur Sbah frou tho Government ia Kathmandu wbere-
upon he had sc&nned the opportunity to finish (Eamilton,
173-75) the Gorkhalie altogother and succeeded to some
extent in attaidng his objectives.
Through hia efforte Earakumaradatta got Tanhou
rostored to him, and he had aleo planned to restore tho Ssna
Raja to the Gaddi o{ Vijayapur and Mackwanpur. But
this could uot be implemented soon, and he, therefore,
organised a confederaoy of himaelf, Lumjung and Parbat to
launch joint &ttack otr Gorkha, which was aleo defeated,
Mukunda Sena, howovor, died wbile he was still thinking of
rtinewing tho attaok. Eis succossor Mahadatta had eaterod
into an allianoe with Bahadur Shah to whom bis daughter
was married, Acoording to thiB ellianco he had promised to
render holp in the lotter'r westward march. Thus Gorthe got
an opportunity to advance agai! to th&t oide, and liquidated
tho principalitios of Galkot, Ghtiug, Rising, Argha, Kharchi
a,ld Gulmi, tho three last boing handed over to Palpa as a
reward for collaboration and o ehare of spoils. Although
it meant eonoxatiou of fregh tcrritories to Palpa the devolop-
ments tha,t followed provod quite unfavourable to its
freedom, because even if thero was actually no inyasion
upou Pa,lpa by the GorLhalis, it vas threatened and was
complotoly blocked ag a rosuit of the conquest of Doti,
Jumla and Kumaon regions by thou.
It appears that by 1787 the whole of the temitory nor
334 MODERN NE?AL

oomprising the independeot stato of Nepal had come under

tho Gorkhali army. In the Bouth all the areae in the Terai,
that formorly belonged to Doti, Piutbau, Meckwanpur,
Chaudondi &nd Viiay&pur rvere &nrexed to Nopal. Becauso
the Rajas of Doti and Achham had fought the Gorkhalis,
their sta,toe wero annered to Nepal. Ercept in a few places
tbe boundsry all ovor tho Torai went furthor gouth as far
sq 15 to 20 milea from the oight milo belt of fore8t and more
from the Churi* ranges. In the aorthern sector not only
tho orpansion took place aloug tho coDtral stretch of the
Eimalayau mgioB, but the torritori&l conquest vas puehed
to the l&Et litr6 of the Ilimalayan suow, wherever this was
perEitted io viop of ths juriedictiou of tho stato that w&s
absorbed. Thus the oxtremity of the IliBsl&yen region
falling within Bajhang, Jumla, Parbat, Lamjung, Kathmandu,
Bhatgaon and tho Eemi-autonomous Limbu*n had now
booomo perts of Nep&I. It 8o h&PPened that tho ruler in that
rogion established the tr&dition&l boundary with the laet lino
of the enowy range.
After Bahadur Shah was removed from power, tho throat
to Palpa's existenoo aa & sop&rate princip&lity &pPearod once
again. According to Eamilton it was "Nawab Yiziet'e
friontlship thet E&ved Mabadutto so long as he livod". During
Bahcdur' regency, it we8 all tho time Damodsr 'Pande who
rae entrust€d with the command aud diplomatio duties in
regard to Palpa &od other Etatos of tho rcgion' Gulni was
slso allowed to rotain its feudatory stotue as R'ana Bahadur
had murietl the daughter of the Raja, Siddhi hatap.
During tho regency no commander da,red to touch these
states, Palpa atrd further westoto Palpa, s8 wo said earlier,
were absorbed iuto Nepal in July of 1806. Prithvipal,
suecee or of Mahadutto, rsas liYiug in virtual confinement &t
Kathmandu sinco 1799. Eo had gotre thoro ct tho invit&tiotl
of Rana Bahsdur to ioin tho celobrstion of Glirvan'e coroia-
tion &nd was ttosohorously dsteinod. Onco in 1893 (January)
Prithvipal heal obtainod his freedom aa a rosult of int€rvention
 OOBr,gA BECOUES TINODOII Or NEPAT, 336

by the elder Maharanir He was back in palpa, but had

something else in store for him. Rana Bahadur on his retura
again tompted him to go to Kathmandu on promise of
offoring moro territories and of marriage with the palpali
prinooes, tho ruler's sister. Hamilton sayc that at ffrst tho
prinoess was sont eccompauied by the Raja,s younger brother,
but on further insistence that the elder brother alone wae
oompetent to offer the hand of the girl Prithvipal went to
Kathmandu. Prithvipal yielded to tho feigned solicitation
of Rana Bahadur and he wes again dgtained. According to
Hainilton, Prthvipal wae killed in oold blood by Bhim Sena
'for his alleged complicity
iu the murder of Rana Bahadur,
which, however, wag not founded on facte. Soon after,
Bhim Sena became the dofacto ruler in June tg05. IIiB
father Amarsimha thoroaftor aesaulted Tanaen (August, lg06)
and occupied the whole principality. But to thig we shall
come later.
hithvipal's widow and son Ratua Sena fled to the
Company's territory for shelter.2
fn the south Palpa,s territory touched borders of Oudh
in a strotch of soveral miles. and the area within this etretch;
ths whole of it in tho Terai called the district of Butwal,
was hold by its ruler ae a feudatory zamindar of the Newab
Vazir of Oudh. When on the l0th November of l3Ot the
East fndia Company became the Severeign of the Nawab,s
domaia aftor the latter signed a treaty of subsidiary allianee,
an attempt was made in behalf of the Britieh to acquire
overlordehip of the said territory. The British put forth
the olaim as the rightful heir to the Nawab in respect of
the sovereignty.

1, Two bookg in Sanskrit, one a dtama and another a;treatise in

verse tlepiot the ecene of Prthvipal's last tlays iu Kathmantlu rutl of the
fate ueted out to him by Bma Behadur.
2. layaratnakaranntaka, a drama irr Sanskrit, wlitteu by a Oourt
Poet of the time has some eyents rolatiag to palpa depicterl as port
of the
-uain theme oI royal couquest ol tle Nepalese ruler.
 UODEBN 1{EPAL

Immediatoly sftor th6 conclusion of the tre&ty sn omc€r

wa€ Esnt to Butwal "sith the ptupos€ of forming a
sotttemeot" with the Raja of Palpa. tsut the latter was in
Kathmanilu'not having yet been releaeed from tho restraiut
impoeed on him somo yoars ago to reside at the C&pital of
Nopal.' Thoreforo the nogotiatiou was conducted with
Lal Bahadur, the Raje's brother. It wa,s Eaial that 'the boet
modo of making tho cession of Bootwal of Ycluo tD
Goyommout would'be givetr the confidenco of Lal Baha'dur
ond hia ofroors by conciliation &nd by couYinciug tbem that '
iDtention wes to settls tho Raja in possossiou of the
Zamindari on tho moet iust snd liboral terme'. At the
s&me tiBo the Company's authorities w&nt€d to make
&u &rrangoment 'to est&blish the authority of GoYernmont
by committing the ontire charge of the police to the Tehseeldar
&nd by publishing rules to be obsorvod by tho executive
ofrcers of the zamindar in the roalisation of revenue'
'The emount of ceded Jumrna did not &ppe&r to ha,ve
beea any year fully roalisetl by the Nawab Vizier aad"'
trothing hsd beeo paid to the Vizier's Government for at lo&st
tbroe yo&r€ past.' So it vas an achievoment for thc
Company's Eervants to find Lal Bahadur 'consonting to give
in a Derkhest for farming the district for three yeare at an
aunual ffxod Jumma of Rs. 30,000/' erclueire of Syer
Abkareo, otc.'8
Tho district of Butwal hae boen deecribed in English corres-
pondenco'in a high state of sultivation with ryote numeroua "
eveu though ertremely unhealthy is as nearly well cuttivated
as Bihar or Banaras, unlike Glorakhpore being an almoat
desert'. It a,ppears that mauy families had been compellod
to lea,vo the distriot due to oppressiou of the Aeil8. But
now with th€ ncw eottlcment they were exp€oted to return,

B. Erglish recordsi No. ,} EIoDry W€IloBl€y'' co!re8_

gel€ctiots frorE
pouileuce (1801-og). Letter No' 92, J' Routleilgo, Colleetot t,o the Secrctoly
to tt" tloo'bt" Lt. Cloeortrol, of CotrrBi8siotrels of the oedeil ilistlict8
oi
Oudh, Baleilly, iletEil llth DoooEbet' 1802' Oorrkhpole'
 GORKEA BDOOi'DS KINGDOM OF N}PAL

'clear the jungle and claim thoir properties listed in tho recorde
of tbo Kanungoes'.
Further'tho B.aja ae the sole propriotor of the districi
farmed it out to tho Mushtabjeers of the KanungoeB
.docount
of the Jumme.......several villages (uot included in Jumma)
wore sot ap&rt for the m&iot€nanco of the Raja's rolations and
payment of his mofueeil establishments.l
Realisation of revenue was not the only intoroBt of tho
British. They thought that cossion of tho dietriot vould
aleo holp them to secure alter&tions of tho rateB of duties
levied by Palpa in Butwal town to the adv&ntago of the
Company'r tradore. Tho Tovn of Butval "situ&ted at tho
foot of tho ffret rangc of hills and on ths northorn banks of
a rapid river......dividing the two cedod Pargunnahs of
Tilpoor and Benawetpoor fiom tho Raja's independont tract"
ofcountry below the hills" enjoyod a unique position of *
trade centro, occupied by m6roh&nt8 from Outlh which was
rogularly visited by moroh&nts from Bhutan, Tibet antt
Nepal {for the eale of gold ore, brass, iron, copper, borax,
boes-wax and m&ny other productions of the uorthorn
countries and for tho purchaee of coerse cotton, curwah,
broad cloth &nd other articlos,,but principsl cotton with
which they aro entirely eupplied from the countrios bolow
thd hill8'.5
The Englieh authorities wanted to move shrewdly in the
matter of obtaining a seouro foothold. They would on no
account diBturb the &rr&ngemeat by vbioh the hill Rajar.
erercieed the za.minda,ri rights. Claimr of the Raja of palpa-
and of the King of N6pal vere vieved in that light. In
accorda.nce with that policy the following tsluqs wore,
recommendod to bo loft with tho origiaal owners :
"Tho Talook Kunjunee Bunder claimed by tho palpali
Raja as his horeditary zsmind&ri vas situated itr Ba,tsnpur
Bunder. Atthough in the records it ws8 roptosont€d ss utrit€d
! lbid.
6 lbid.
338 ITODEBN NEPAL

with Sheoraj Bunder, the joint produce being rated

Rs. 365?/12, the income from this Talook w&s realised
eeparately by the Raja's oflcers since ll90 f,'ussily, while
the Raja of Nepal received the collections of Sheoraj""it
will be moro advisable to instruct thc Resident at Nepaul
to demand the rovenue from the Raja than to dispossess
hig officers".c
But eventually this attempt failed ; the' question of
cessidn of the area beoame complicated as Gorkha absorbed
?alpa and ocoupied the whole of the Butwal district soon
a,ftor. As in thc case of tho Terai area undor Piuthan, oo in
this oase tho claim of the Britieh to territorial acquisition
could not stend. In the ultimato efect it c&uto to bo
narrowed down to moye round the dispute over some villagos
on tho border of the district cf Gorakhporo.

Conque*t of Kurrunn
Kumaon was originally ruled by a prince of the Salivahana
race called the house of Karavirpur (Kattyur). But gince
tho l4th century thie house got weakened by intornal
dissensions and an omiSrant prince from Rajputana carved
out a small principality, whioh gradually enlarged t'o becoms
.astrong domain under his desoendant Rudra, the original
Raja being liquidated. This was while Akbar w&s ruling in
India. In the timo of Baj Bahadur; Rudra's fourth successor'
moro strips of territories from Doti and Jumla woro included-
With Almora as the capitrl Kumaon had become a country
of considerable imPortancq.?
But the glory soon deelined. The successors were either
old men or infants, and thie gave en opportunity for unhoalthy
influences to work in the court' During the time of one

6 tbtd.
?ForthohistoryolEumaouinbriofreatlR'Biukrityrna'sKwruton
{Elniti) i B. D. P*utle'a History
of Kumaon (Einiti) i lr*milton'e Account
on Kum*on) r Attriuson's Hinilayan Dlstrict Gazetteers.
;i;O;"i(Chapter
tI (OhrPter on EistorY)'
 GOBTEA BECOUES EINODOU Or NE?AI, 339
Dipchandra a Brahman, J:ryakrirhna elevatod himself to tLo
position of tho Chiof Minist6r. At the samo time Mohsn
Chandra, the ruler'g collateral, had tho control of tho forc$s.
Thero devoloped an enmity botw€en theso two oftJra, and
it c&me to oaoh of them to seek .the bolp of the g,ohilla
chiefs of 6ho adjoining RohilLhand. At the fflst on@untor
Mohan was expellod, but noxt timo it wae Jayakrishua who
had to leavo his po8t. Third tirre, howevor, Jayakriohna
succeedod in prtting hi8 rivel to flight end finding
thst bir
country w&s now safe fmm raids of his rivol began to devote.
himsoli to colleoting revouues in tho western parts of Kuuaon,
while ono doy Mohansinho suddenly appeared and foroibly
captured power. To make his path smooth ho imprironed
Harkhadeva, Uro nephew of Jayakrishna. But t&is did not
aavo him, becEuse the prisoner's unclo procured Garhwal,s
o8siEtango and Mohdn ha.d to ffnally leove A}nora.
Harkhadeva eecaped from the oustody of his onemy, joinod
his uuclo Jaya and both of them brcught pradyumna Shab,
Garhwal rulor's brothor, to tho throno of Almora. L&ter thia
Pradyumna beca,me ruler oyer Garhwal oe hia eldor bmthor
died 'without an heir. Parakrama, s younger brothor of
Predyumna had influence over ths ruler, and he got
Ilarakhadeva diemiseed &nd ruLd for sometime in the namo
of the King. But lfarkha returned soon aud having Lilled
Mohan Chandra, bis former onemy, he could by that.tins
becomo a force in tho weakly ruled Kumaon, hadyumna
had to relinquish his throno of Kumaon soon Bfter, No_
I{arkhadeva was playing the role of a king maker. Ar
it
happened bo roes to power aod ominence with tbo help
of
the Raja of Garhwal, who dethroned and drove out
Mohan
Chaodra, & Bcion of the Kumaon Royal family. But Earkha_
deva was Dot tho Dan to acknowledge gratitudo in
t€rm8
tbat would in any way go to lossetr bis importance. Ho
contrived to end Garhwal ruler'e enthronement and too_k
rocourso to fad out a trew haDd. Ono Sivachan&a
was
se&ted on tho throno as ho boing a Bsmber of
the same
340 UODEB!{ NEPAL

roy&l family qualifiod for the job. But his was not a pacoful
term, Mohan'e brother Lal Singh postemd him very much.
At ono tiEo he had to leave his prinoipality and reek rofuge
ia Garhwsl. IIe, \owor, utilisod hie oxile to form an alliance
vith the G&rhwal Iiaja's brotbor, and witb the latter's help
attacked Lal Singh'e headquartors. But no amount of
porsovorance oould seoure for him tho throno whioh hs had
e&rli6r lo8t. By tho timo he roaohed the capital, it was
announoed that Moh&n'E sou Mshendra hsd been &ccepted
on tho throno, Ilarkhadova, howover, had been dismies€al
and expollod.s
For gometime peace had prevailed between Kumaon snd
Nepal. Ihey lad a rosident Vakil also at each othor'e oourt.
Aa undatod lettor wlitton by Rana BahadurSheh to his
resident Vakil Sripati Pantha in Almora speaks of an agreoment
between Nepal &nd l(umson to psrtition the area under
their influsnoe ro that Salsu could becomo the boundary9.
Doti and Jumla intervenod botweon Kumaon and Nopal.
Jumla had orossod the Sberi and attacked Clotam aad
Bamphi, but the &ttaok was mpulsed aud the Gorkhalie
pushed their frontier to, Saleu. The letter wag a rominder
for Kumaon's partioipation in the conflict a,geinst Junl& snd
sD op6n invitation to tho ruler to invade th6 tenitorios
up to Salsu. Tho lottor montions that aa offoial informatiop
of Gorkha's fight againet Jumla waa dospatohod to Almors.
In Ksthm&ndu two potsons, Srikrsna Pando aud Dattarama
Pando had arrivod from Almora with offcial letter. Sripati
Pantha hed been asked to approaoh Kamaon to ottack
Jumala snd adjoining torritories up to Sabu. IIe was olgo
asked to wait a littlefor further advice from Krthmandu,
which was being 86nt by king Rano Bahadure" through
Kanakanitlhi Towari.
8. AurinsoD. Op. Oit., Pp. 594 E. For a hiBtory of KomloD r€8al
Eamill,otr Pp. 292-9+ i Nopal Papers Pp. 243 46, 49 in Enctosuro 3-letterF
by Ftasor.
g. ltihasawakasa, l, 153,
, Purnina h 4, Pp' 61-64.
 GOREEI. BXOOUES EI}ICDOU OF NXPIL 341

It BeemB that Kumaou had aot utilised tho oppo unity

it by the engagement with Gorkha. But in early
given to
1787 A. D. Marga 8ukla,4:Mond8y, 22 January of lZ09
Saka, Maharajadhiraja Mohanchendra hsd also exbcuted a
sacred deed (Dharnnlntra) in the nam6 of MaLeraja Rana
Bahadur of Nepal (Gorkha) pltidging goodwill and respoct.
Tbe illwrmapatra also road tha.t tho onomies of Kumaon
wero aleo enemios of Gorkha whilo friends of one were ako
tho friends of tho othei. As narrated oarlier Mohanchandta
was ousted from powor eoon after and tho tro&ty lost velidity.
it is tlifficult to determine tho date of the roysl lotter
s6nt to Sripsti Pantha. But as it talks of tho coirquo8t of
Jumlo, tho date must occur sometime in VS 1846. According
to our source Jumla was &nnored to Ncpal in early 1840.
With the dofeat of Jumala aud Doti tbe Karnali basin
end the doab of the Kali and Seti oame under ths control
of Kothmandu. The8e two territorios vero iumodiately
annered to Nepal,
'W'e
ehalt know loter that the Rajas had shifted their
reaidenco to the border in tho Terai. They wero often
trying to wrest back thoir erstwhile priDcip&litioi. Whilo
Gorkha wtr,e ongaged in a life-and deatb strugglo on the north
eaetern border and there wero troublos in the west of Kdi,
the Rajas of Doti and Acbham seoretly instiga,tod & rovolt
in the areae. But timely reinforcement eent by tho Rajae
of Sallyana and Jajarkot helped the Gorkhali commandors
to oYorcomo tho crisis.
According to the letter of 1847 Rartika aatti 5 roj 5-_
Thursday, 28 Ootobor, 1790 addreseed to tho Raja of Jaja,rkot
king Rana Bahadur appreciatod th6 lstt6r's help in upholding
the interost of Gorkha. o was informed that Kazi Jagajjit
Pande wae oa his way to th&t rcgion.
From thie letter it appears that the eldost son of the
Re jo vao et that timc stayrng in Ksthmsudu ond vas
dotoinod due to rainy seagon. The Reja vrs ssrurod that
312 IIIOD-IBI{ NEPAI,

ths Srheb would bo sent b&ck at th6 osrliest wbon the rainy
toeaon .lr&8 0Y6r.
Tho lottsr obout Saheb adde a delioate touch and it
appears that the palace end the Regent wero quito iutimatoly
conuootod vith the Raja,
By tho wey the Raja of JrjarLot ir treat€d in corrttpon-
donce it ie olear that he ras a oonfidant of the Nopal P&lsco.
Ee ras ofton approachod for deepatching troops to concernod
lreas. Eo rsas also reported to have pertonally suporvisod
tho opor&tions against tho robels in Achham areas. Nothing
is heard of his son in other letters. Tho rame priviledge of
trust and responeibility wae aleo enjoyed by tho Raja of
Sallyana, to whom royal lettor8 wero sent ocoasionally giving
instruotious sbodt the defence, troop movemonts and other
allied mattere.
Ae internal dissengion wss raiged to a pitch the Gorkhalie
hail decided to strike Kumaon and anner the country. They
no longer folt - bouud by tho provisions of t'bo Tamragntra,
and onoo Mohauchandra had gone out of tho scono it becamo
possible foi' them to adY&nce to that eector. Yet they
w&iteil for sometimo, aud they would not jump 'to adventure'.
But Earkhadova's [r&noeuwea had puehed the N€paleso srmy
into the fray. I{eving advanoed to the rivsr Kali tho
objeotive could not but be Kumaon. If thcy had not
pursued the ailvanco the area would have fallen to the
clutohe8 of the Nawab Vazir ond ultimately to tho Britieh.

Nepaltse ?hruat $orutotitr to Alnota

After the conquest of Doti the army moved onwords to
ths west of the river Kali. It wae the beginning of the
year 1790.
InKumaon the Nepaleso thrusi w'r8 mainly directed
towards tho west with aimc to oooupy Almora, the oapitel
of Kumaon-oue army advanoing towardg Sor aod another
t,o Bisung. Tho men in oommand woro trusted and
orperionood soldiers like Amarsinho Thapa, Jagojjit Pondo
 GOAtr,EA BEOOUXS rINODOII Or NfPrrl g{:g

and Suravir Thapa with 20,000 troops; of whom 12,000 had.

firelocks advancing from two sectore.ro But I think that
the number of trooBaa6 given above ig much exaggerated.
Kumaon was in a, yery helpless condition, sufrering greatly
from an internal disorder on account of the two houses of.
courtier faruiliee of Pha,rtyol and Joshi bitterly fighting
oach othcr.
The Clorkhalis found that a good many peoplo hoadod by
Harkhadeva Joshi nere siding with them. Thie Earkhadeve
war a m&n of great ability. Harkha,e role in the conflict was to
collaborate with the invaderg with men amd money. As he fouud
himself out of favourin Kumaon Dorbar, he was now determined
to avengo his adversariog aud goin back his usual advantageous
poeition. A contingent of Kumaonis was eerving under him
against.those who resisted the Gorkhalig. partly with hie help
andlpartly with their own strongth tho Gorkhalis continued
on their forward maroh. Little reeietance was offered on
the way orcept at Ealwalbagh where ths reeult went against
the defondors. According to the Nepaleso chroticle tho
Gorkhalis fought with Laleimha at Dhauli Ka Thana, but
tho latter's resistauce was little effective.
According to Atkineon the Raje Mahendrachand had
collected a sizeablo force and geve a good eccount of himsolf
in the oncounter at Gangoli, but the newg of the defeat of
his uncle Lal Singh in Kali Kumaon compelled him to
withdraw. Lal Singh had to face not only the advancing
contingent but aleo the retreating units of the Gorkha army
and in a village called Gaatod, the lattor inflicted a crushing
defeat on him, and he sustained a loss of 200 menl 1. But
his rib was broken. Both the uncle and thc nephew lost hopes
of saving Almora and moved to Kota. It is said bhat
Harkhadeva Joshi was at this time with commauder Jagajjit

10. Euglish rcooril of ltaratha History, Pooua Besideucy coruespon-

dence, f, 1784-94 ettiteil by Bircar, 11-272, Pp. a76-?9,
11. B. D. Pgntle z Kanaon Ka ltihosq (Einili), p 886.
344 MODEEN NEPAIJ

Pande ip the latter's oustody a,nd he was. a,v&ileblo for advice

a,nd military intelligenoe on Gorkha's side. Ho was also
using the Kumaonis under his command to esBist the
Gorkhalis.
When tho defenders had left for Kota the way for an attack
on Kumaon wa,s open to the invaders.
The Gorkha troops encountered littlo difficulty in capturing
Alnora. -Tho entire town wag paniaky. This could not be
rotrieved by Mahendrasinha who had for some time succeoded
-in halting tho attack from one sector. 'Almora fell to the
invaders in March l79l (VS 1847 Chaitra 1l Mondal-Zl
Maroh, l79l), the Raja fleeing to Rudrapur in Kilpuri.l2
Although Mahendrasinha was not, bimself defeated, he
abandoned all hopes of rosistance onco ho knew of his unclo's
flight. A fow days later they evacuated Rudrapur and came
to Kota. But the Gorkhalis pursued thom there. The whole
of Kumaon had by this time come under occupation of the
Nepalese arms. Before advanciug further Almora was
placed in chargo of Yogamalla. Garhwal was the next
objective. Eere they did not even encounter the samo
resista,nco which earlier the Kumaonis were capable of, the
Raja ofSrinagar purchasing a peace by an offer of an annual
indemnity of Rs. 9,000 to the victors.ls Srinagar surrendered
to the Nepaleso troops on Asail,ha 12 Tu,esilny of VS 1848
(end of June, I792)x, and tho Raja of Garhwal became a Vasal
of Gorkha.
The fort of Srinagar was entrusted to the chargo of Suba
I(alu Khawas and Vira Rokaya. While Garhwal was suing
for peace the Nepalese had experienced many vicissitudes.
At Salang Garhi on the Mahabharata rango the enemy made
a surprise attack on the now occup&nts, but Sardar Amarsinha

12 X'oreign Ministry Archives.

13. Atkinson, Himalayan District Gazetteers,II, p.610-Bs. !5000.
T, Ilarilwick-'Narrative of a journey to Brinagar,' Asistio Besearchee
(I8or), vr, 343.
*. The date is irregular.
 GOREEA Bf,COMNg XINODOIT OT' NEP f, 345

Thapa ard Bhaktieimla eav6d the po8ition. The &ttack

was ropulsed with hoavy loss to the enomy. This meant th&t
tbe Raja, was not roconciled to the new situation and mado
offorts to extrica,te himgelf out of difrculties and becomo freo
of Nopal'e tutolago.
About this timo the Chinese wero creating troublos in
Chanpur aud Yijepur by encouraging the rebellion among
the Limbus. Thoy spent a large amount of monoy to foment
trouble. According to a lettor sent, to B,aja Srikrisna Shah
of Sallyaua addressed by Raua Bahridur on Saturday
24 March, L7g2 (:1848 Ckaitru audd roj 7) rl.e rebele h&d
csptured a, few places including & portion of Chanpur.
There were 5-7 thousand onemies but the Subadar of Yijepur
Purnanaoda Upadhya with one or two companies of sopoys
and irregulars couuterattacked tho rebellious area and from
the fort of Siddhipur on his sido of the river he ehellod tho
occupied territory inflicting on the enemy a casualty of 40G500
inoluding 7 Bhote Serdars. In tho meanwhilo roinforcemont
anived, and from 3 sidos a vigorous attack w&s lauuohed.
Tho enemies flod in panic leaving a large number of doad
snd woundod.l a
Kathmandu also wae alivs to the needs of tbe Western
tr'ront. Jagajjit Pando was asked to proceed to join tho
forcos fighting ths Chinese. So Kalu Paudo was ordered to
take his place and go to Kumaon rithout dolay.
It vill be geea from the following paragraphs that Kalu
Pando's arrival in Kumaon wag dolayed on account of tho
robollion in Doti and Achham.
Capiain Kalu Pande was eent reinforcement to meet
any contingency of a eurprieo attack from any quarter. Kalu
Pande wag aleo to ronder &ssistance to tho command working
for the siege of the capital of Garhw&I.
A lotter by Rana Bahanur to the Raja of Jajarkot (78
1848 Phalgaw. eudi 13 rol'3=Tuesday, 0 March, 1792 informs

14 IPSS, p 403.
346 MODDEN NEPII,

the lattor that CaptainKalu Pande wos Leing sent to take

core of Kumaon and be was peeeing through Jojerkot,
the Rajo ehould provide him hetp in mon aud materiols.r 5
It furthor esid that Jagajjit Pande w&s boing rtc&ll€d
aud aeked tho Raja to see th&t the streDgth of tho forcee
in Kumaon should not be allowod to thin out. Kalu Ponde'e
movo should bo faoiliiitated by all moans. A letter with
eimilar contente was also Bent to tho Roja of Sallyana on
tho sane dato-ro

Be*k in Doli ard Acbltatn

the timo the Nepalese were advancing towards

At
Srinagar it was decided th&t thoy w6r€ to be ioiued by more
troops frou NePsl. But ag tbe lattor had reached Achham,
the ruler revolted. Doti'g ruler had algo ent€rod big formor
domain. Tho ruler ofJajarkot had gone to help tho Nepolese
with his troops, non and ofEcers in Achham and Doti. This
informrtion vas given to Kathuandu by tbo Raja of Jajarkot.
The reply from Kathmandu is dated Iz8 1848 Chailra Sulih t
roJ 7 (-saturday, 24 March, l?92) and gives a resume of
wbat the P"aja had submitted.
The royal lotter from Kathmondu stated that all troops,
whethec frou the areae under contral authority or from the
dependent principalities had been as!.ed to proceed to t'he
aroas of dieturbance, where they should join Kalu Pande. The
Raja vas asked to aot'in unison with Kalu Panile in the way
tho la,tter deshed. The blockod road had to be op,ened, and
the rebels crushed. Tho Iiathmandu authorities acknowledged
with thanks the services the Raja rendered to the oause of
Nepal. The other portion of the lotter relating tho eastorn
sectbr he8 been mentioned in tho appropriato placo.l7
15 Foreig[ i{iDistry ArchiY€s.
16 rbtil.
11 Copt i! th6 IDss€6siotr of BsbutrE Aohrry& &nil .lso publisb€il i!
Etihrsikspotrs gtBgrohs, 1.53-54. But tbo otlginsl lies h th6 trllhivq
ot th6 Fo.eiSn Mtnirt.y.
 GOBf,E BEOO!f,IS EIXODOM OE NTPAI, 317

The Nopalese orossod the river Kdi without any roristsnco.

The contiDgents advanoed uncheckod to tho vioinity of
Almora-
A rimilar letter writteD on the samo dste ws8 addr€s8od tG
Srikrena Shah, Roja of Sallyana who hod roported oB tho ssmo
liue ss ths Raja of Jajarkot about the rovolt of the defo&ted
Rajaa of the rogion iaoludiug that of Achham bad Bteged st &.
timo rshilo the Gorkhalis wero engaged in launohing an
ofoDriyo ageiDrt unyielding Langurgarh. The runaway Rajas.
had coptured two fortiffed headquarters in the hille and blocked
thg main oest and wost highwaye.
This letter gives moni details about the measures takea by
Kathmsudu to meot the chollenge. Thoy had orderod. goneral
mobilisetior of all regimeuts Eo th&t th€so oould go to tho
aros oonoorn6d after moling due provisions {or. tho protoctio[
of the usually guardod placos by them. Tho rogimonts
vhich had proceeded to that direction were lod by Krln
Pendo. r E
Kalu Pando's atrival in Jajerkot ond his Bubsequont
doparture to tho wegt of Kanrali aller cushing the robels ir.
tho area was reported by itE ruler, which is montioned in Rans
Bahahur's commuaication dated 7B 1819 Aeaitrln Mdli 13
rojf.ro Kalu Poudo went to Doti to help the cause of
defenders sgsitrst tho rebels. The letter agaia mentioaB about
the Rajo's son. who wae for two years in Kathmandu and
whose rslsese was sought by the Raja. Tho roply, hovover,
is on tho old line that becauae of the rainy seaaon it w&€r.
not porsible for the prinoo to leavo bis prosbnt residence.
Kalu Pando roached Kumaon efter making suitable
arrargoments for the dofouce and adoiaistration of Doti &nd
Aohham. Two Sa,rda,rs woro left in charge of the area. Thia
information ir oontained in a letter eent to tho Raja of Jajarkot.
by Raua Bohadur Shah (78 1849 Aafun oaitri 14 roj 6 - Fri&y,

18 IP8g, P 409
19 Foroiga trIinirtry Amliver, Nepal
Dst6 SuDiIE , U JuDo, 1f2.
348 MODEB}I NE}AIJ

t4 Soptomber, 1792), The information was supplied by tho

Raja who was asked to writo also *bout Glarhval. The Raj*
had again raieed the question of his son, but this time slso tho
reply is negativo. Bocauee of tho rains he would not be able
to move but would leave for Jajarkot in winter. The RaJa
waa odvieed to arrange help wherever aocessary.
A ch&nge in the succossion to tbe Gaddi of Bhirkot was
made by Rana Bahadur by conferring the rulorship on Eari-
kriena Khan on Irl49 Pausa oaili 9 roj O:Friday, ? Decomber,
1702. Thig m&n aeems to be a cqllateral of 6he eretwhile Raja
Indrabhupal Kban, whom Kalu Pande had digmissod ou a
n-harge of digobedience. The new Raja and his degcsnilants
would onjoy the ohioftainship ae long as they were faithful tb
the oountry and oboyed th6 king.ro
This thange probably lraa necess&ry beoauee the old Raja
wsr tryiDg to foment troublee and revive usual animosity
tetwocn prinoes againtt tho Gorkhalie.
Eaving had erporionoe of general uPrising in Acbham and
Doti tho centr&l authodtios oould not ta,ko e chenoe iD the
important erea of the Seti-Kali Gandak doab.
As oreeult ofa norn msn boing ou the throno vh&tever
trouble there was goin! to happon was nippod itr the bud
and tbe Ncpali arny oould look ahead withont conoorn for
dieordors in the midwest or west.
Ifrom Srinagar the Nepalese thrust vas directed to Sirmour
Et the south-sast. Meanwhilo Kazis Amareimha Thapa, Kalu
Pande (Brahman) and Chautara Bamehah reached the bank
of Altkhananda. Raja JagatpraLasa of Sirmour took the ffeld
against tho iuvaders, but w&8 oYerpowerod. Accorcling to
B,ana Bahadur's above montioneil letter the Raja of Sirmour
oa,me to contect Gorkhalis on the bank of Alakbananda. Al!
his torritories to the ea,Bt of thc rivor Jamuna if any vere
snnered to Nepal, and & garriEoa waB Etationed to guerd
sgsinst possible revolto (10 Aaai,n uadi 7S 1849, letter of Rana

to PurBiDo, lf, P 48
 GORKEA BECOMES XINODOM OF NEPAI] 34e

Bahadur to Bisnunath Upadhyaya recivod on I October, 1792

in Calcutta.) (Tho date is inegular.)2 r
At .thet stsge of expansion the report of e robelhon in th6
&roos wost of the Kali had roa,ohed the command, and Captain
Kalu Pando and Jaga,jiit Pande and with them companier
of Bepoyl were despatched. Tho robellior w&s forthleith
euppreesed. Bhakti Thapa elso went to their aid. It i8 Esiat
that the Garhwalis offerod a etiff reeistanco at Langurgarh and
this fort defied the attaok for about a year. Tho rulers of
Doti, Aohham, Kumaon and Jumla were also hoping to
stagd a oomebacL.
Whils laurels after lourels went to the Gorkhalis onhancing
thoir reputation for bravery in thc wostorn front, tho army
ongaged iu thc uorth i.o, tho Tibotan bordor suffered an uuex-
pected nisforluue. Thc Siiro.Nopalese w&r w&B raging furiously
about this time, and it aseumed * proportion to oause oxtromo
&nxiety to Nopal as a situation was cropping up threataning
thoir very indepentlonce. Naturally tho GorLholis could not.
think of oonquering edditional lauds in tho wost in tbom.
circum8t&nce8. The forces in Garhwal and Kumgon werE
considorably mduoed. A firman issued by tho king of Nepal
to Amarsimha Thapa directed him to leayo Garhwal and
Kumaon keeping there tho minimal force neocesary. Tho
administration vas to bo ontrusted to tho Raja of Glarhwal
antl Earkhadova rospectivoly. Tho Nopal{hina war had,
howovor, oomo to an ond' while the withdrawal wae still in tho
proccss of oxecutiou, the Gorkhali troops had only been obliged
to rsiso th6 siege of Langurgarh but thoy had kept intact in
Almora. Acoording to tho Nepalese ohronicle the maiu army
returnod to join tho Tibetan orpedition leaving a powerful
wing undor Captain Brahman Kalu Paudey and Suba
Nandasahi (Narasahi). Narasahi ws8 left in chargo of civil
adminietration. It is tho eamo Narasa,hi who hae beon blamed
by Atkinson for killing tho mgreenaries aqd thoh doBcendente,

!1 CPO, rN 835.
350 IUODBN,N NDPlL

reaiding in Kumaon. Tho mercenaries rere probably tho

Nagarkotis onlisted to fight ar rebele.z2
In the &beenoo of Jagajjit Pande tho Ofioer Commanding
was Kalu Pande, and we find the king directing his foudatory
allios such es tho Raja oI Sallyana to rendor all pomible
help to him for tho oare of Kumaon.28 All the Bajas of the
region west of the Marsyangdi wore aeked to join Kalu Pande.

Atlack on (]arhwal

According to a letter of ll,ana Bahadur S[ah to Kazi

Jagaijit Pandey, Sardar Ambarsingb Thapa and Captain Golain
Khawas doted VB 1810 Karttka vaili 7 roj 1:Slrtday, October
I, l?92 seut form Kathmandu2. tbe Nepalose olaahod with the
Garhwalig again at a placc celled Kandya whore Amar.gimhe
Thapa had joined in responee to a call. ?he 6ght roeulted in
the succosa of tho Nopalem. The report of the olash was givon
in.& l€tt€r written in the month of Phalguna but had rcached
Kathmandu ou Aaoj 8:20 Scpt€mber. Thie letter refer€ to a
Iottor of Deonitlhi Pa,Dtha about, the arrit&l of the Raja of
Sitmour with hia army in Langurgarb to holp hi8 relatiyo, th€
Raja of Garhwal. Tho lettor reached Kathmandu 40 days after.
it was desp&tched. Deonidi wrote that tho Raja of Sirmour
had returaed home as monoy promised to him wae not paid
by Clarwhwal. On the othor hand Sirmour had ptedged loyalty
to Nepal under the advico of the Nawab aB contact wa.s
oetablished on th6 bgnk of the river Alakhananda. It was
agreed that lands weet, of the A)akhananda wero to go to
$irmour, whilo east of it wae to be in possessioD of the
Gorkhalie. Newe had reached Kathmandu that Srinagar had
eurrender€d. The centre ha.d reinforced thb BtreDgth ofthe
oftcere by sending Kalu Pande and Bhagu Khaws with a iarge
number of soldiors obviously for tbe new responsibilities which

92 B. D. Panile, Kuaro,l Ea Itihase Pp 693'94

23 Letter ilatoil Vg 1848 Pholgun Budi 19 loj 3 =Tuosdry, 6 lr[&tch, 1798
24 hlhasaprukaso. l. i. S
 OOBKEA BECOUES rINODOII OF ITXE.AI, 361

.came in tha aftormsth of the coDquost of Glsrhml. Kezi Jagaijit

Pande wae tho principal oftcer undor rhom all other Eilitsry
and civil authoritiee woro to work. I{e was to deploy *rmed
forces ond officers in his ilisoretion in differont part of the
newly acquired torritorieB. Kozi Jagajiit Pande wae to b6
obeyed by all oftcers and msn. The recalcitrant ones
qere to bo treated aE rebelg. Ee wcs howover to go to
Kathmandu to help tho authoritioe mgarding the year's
.pajani irolviag renewsl or dismia8ol of thsir services.
Before Jogajit Pande reachod Kathpandu Bhakti Thapa
became the aole civilian administrotor whohad &lrio to adviee on
th6 milit&ry opor&tions. Other ofi<lere from tho allotted region
were to obey him, but he also had absolute powers of dismissal
over them. Beeides thie the Sawals (rules of business ) issued
to him enablod him to exercisc aome more powers. Thia right
diil not extend to Piuthan and Brgluog. Alao in the exereiee
of this power the Suba and Sardar were to act in coocert. But
from the Kali to the tr{arsyangdi Sardar Bhakti Tbapa had
absolutc powere both in respoct of internel and foreign afairs,
anil the dependent Rajes were also placod under him and
they wero to obey orders. fn critical times, Bhalti Thapa was
to exercise judicial powers and himself sit in judgeme4t on
oages of rebellion ond conspireoies. The injunotion prohibiteil
killing of men below 12 yeare of ege add women and children.
This saoal wae islued on Friday, 8 Auguet, 179425.
Ae the Chinese h&d loft tho Nepalese soil in Ootober, 1792
the dieturbances iu Almora automatically eubeided.
fn Samvat 1849 (l?92 A. D.) on Tuoaday,2S October, the
Raja of Garhwal, Prad5rumna Shah erecuted a ilharnopatm io,
favour of Captain Kalu Pande saying th&t Gorkba had become
a friend of Ga.rhvcl anil that Kalu Pando would receive similar
treatmeut in tbe oourt of Grrhwal as he did in the conrt
of Nepal.2 c

,5 Eimsvst golakriti IU, 1851 grovctre sudi 1! loj 6.

t8 rtEg, P 56
352 MODERN NEP L

Although tbis dhafinep@tra came after uearly three monthe

of the acceptsnco of subeidiary ststue by tho Raja of Garhwal,
thie ehould be, howevor, taken in tho changed contert of the
Chinese attack on Nopa.l. This was tbe renewal of the pledge
undertaken by Garhwal to roassure Nepal of its fidelity which
was undormined due to tho Baja'e hostile aotione earlier.
The disturbances iu Kumaon in 1791 ie the subject of
statomont in a lettcr by Rana Bahsdur to the Raja of Jaiarkot..
The letter said that the Bharadars posted in Kumaon (YS I85l
Kartiba Sali f0 /oj /):Sundoy 2 November, 17942? verq
demanding roinforcexoent aa tho Raja of Garhwal, Ilarkhadovo
Jo:hi and Mahonilrachandra wero dieturbing thc area by their
hos$ile activities. On the doath of the Nawab of Rampur his
olileet son was killed, and other gone werc quarrelling auong
theuaelves, Tho Nawab of Luckaow was taking up the causo
of the decoased, Bo the Bituetion had been risky in the hilly
oreas. Tahing advantage of thi6 the rebole had bocomo activs.
But a large force from Kathmadu as woll ae from tho depenilonL
principalities were sent to Kumaon. Al[ forces stationed West
of the Marsyangdi were ordered to leavo for Kumson at otrco.
forrever the Nepa.lese found themsolves halted at that point.
Meanwhilo in the c&pit&l Rana Bahadur soized the reign of
adminietration. Thie wae the year 1794. Bahadur wae
dismiesed forthwith. This was bound to be reflected in trhe
moyooeDt of troops in both the sectors. Not knowing liana'e
miud the commrnders hesit&ted to throw their all in forcing
occupation of a,reas further west. Now they were eoekiug
tenpor&ry truce. The river Alakhauanda remained the laet line
where tho Gorhalie had halted. Garhwal had accepted tho
proteotion of Nepal by signing an &greement. But Kumaou
had been annored, aod the matter rested at that. Actually
the Nepalese hatl no plan of conquest to push farther west than
Garhwal. They could not sfford to ilo Bo in view of the
internal troubles.
9? Foreign l\liDistry Archive8
 GONrHA BDCOMES KII{GDOM OT NEPAL 35i]

A letberts ot King Raoa Bahadur dated 1852 Stat:ana audi

8 roj 6:Friday, 2l July, l?95 written from Katbmandu to
Bhakti Tha.pa gives a resume of $hat tbe latter wrote to tho
centre about tho political situation of the timo ia the Kumaon-
Garhwal region. From the letter is appears that tho of8oorp
had informed the king that wheu Garhwal 8nd Sirmour wero
mututally fighting, the Maharatta porrer vas playing one
against tho other eud obtainod money from both. Mahendra-
chand and Lalsingh were in Rudrapur. Joebi (EarLha) waa
playing bis own evil game in LucLnow. The Nawab Yazir
had just been defeoted by tho Nizam, and the formerhad
purchased poaco after p&yment of the moDoy. Tbo Nepaloso
of,Ecers were asked by their kilg ever to bo alert and not to
creete a situation whch Sirmour and Garhwal might combine.
It ie all to tho good of Nepal they were fighting agaiost eacb
othor on their oru. The Kathmendu authorities had already
vritten to tho N&wsb Vazir to counteract the machination of
Joshi, Laleioha and Mahendracband. From Banaras the
Government had lsarnt that Nizam Ali and Mabrattas had
fought and both bad sueal for peace' A rumour aleo brd
reached that the Mahrattas would attack the Sikhs with tho
alliance ofNizam Ali. the Covernment wanted to know if
there was any truth in this rumour. Kumaon was nearer to
the rogion. Therefore tho Gorkho Officeis should bo in a
position to dopute persons to ktrow tho rea,l state of afairs'
and report to Kathmandu. Ka[hmandu authorities were
also interested in knowing the real income of Kumaon. The
Suba had been asked to show &ll accounts to the Sardar whicb
showed that though the Suba disliked it, the people were
h&ppy. But for close scrutiny of all hidden incomes, tbe
centre had orderod the Subo to allow Bbakti Thapa to enquire
into tho Btste of rovonue. Bhakti Thapa bad been charged
with the aitministration of pajani Ior places beSond the river
Mareyangdi. However, in erercieing his porrer the Kirg'e.
collrterals were algo iuvolvetl and ilismissed'
28 llem&rat SaEskriti
x IOD'RN NEPAL

But Brna Bahadur had reeciodo l ihe Thapa's ordor aud

roinstatod the men. The King aho laid down that whon hir
fanily membera were involved, any kind ofremoval ftom poate
.. Sub€dsro Bhonld bs done with reference to the Kiog. The
leods as Jagir ohrnging hands mu80 get sonction from the
oontre. Bh8kti Thapa ros informed thst io Achhrm,
Gbaliohham snd Doti, Virauokaya wae ordered to commsnd
202 gunr. Proviously & comp&ny waa looking after Achham.
Two oompanios of Doti woro to bo put under Chaogu Narayanr
![alle rnd Galo promoted to Subedarrhip. A company of 30
gunr v&s stationsrl io Thelara anil Bajura with Suramardana
al Subedor.
8or tho protoction of JajorLot a oompsny of ljiO gunmon
Tith J&g&jjit Pande as Subedar had boen provideC. Jajarkot
h*l revoliod on oarlier oocoaion8 &ud thu8 Kathmendu had
to be ruepicious of the movo. Tho erpeneer of this comp.ny
Toulal bo borae partly by contributionr from Jajorkot end
partly fiom the eight.lands of Darnra, ite noighbourhood and
Jrhari alloted for tho purpose. Ercept these slloc&tionr
othor msesurss taken by Rhekti Thapa had been scceptd,
But all measureE aro t&ken iB the interest of tho Becurity of
Jumla and tho road on both eides. The ofEce$ wero also to
keop guard ovor tho paeres end prcvent suepicious charcctcn
from entering *nd watohing the inner country Bido.
It apFare from aaother letter sent iD ssply to Hardstts
Upadhya and Baliraja Thapa those oficors had reporUed
the fall of Dehrsdun to Gorhha but eo f*r this Dun wae held
by Garhwal. The letter2 e ie dated VS 1852 Magho sudi 2 mj
4=Wednosday, l0 February, l?96. Ie is also ssid that the
Nepaloeo under edvice of Kazi Amarsingh hsd ca.ptured
Kewalpur. But no &ttempt h&d boon made to assess the
Narab's feoling, Thie action ou their pert vas not deeirablo
iu view of tho complication likely to erise. Tho centre bad
c*rufully iesued ordera. Every offcer hail been iostructcd
to ettack Kewalpur only aftor ascerta,ining tho Nawab'e feeling
29 Himan, Saatktiti, I. 3.
 GOBXEl BECOMEE KINODOII OF NXPIL 355

snil not to stsrt s Bhootilg rar without o&reIul ooDsidor&tion.

Now the quarrel with the Nawab rould flare uP. Thcroforb
tho addroesoes were to aend roinfortement, from Garhrrl.
The officers hsd ssid that Nopal woe fearod by tho inbabihntg
of Garbwal. they had pivatoly mot tho Mahratta Sardars
aud retutnsd to their h€sdqusr,tor. In thir lotter tho King
sont hie instructioo to tho stroat that Garhwal should bo
aeeurod agoiu end agtia that Nepcl would koop ite vords of
promiee. The oeutral government had olso been concerned
ebout the Suba and Serdar rrot rorking in egrecmont, and
thorefore, a euperior Bharadar to metrego the afrairs wsg
being eent with th6 over-all charge of Kumaon, who alao
would hold the ronk of Chluta.ra. With him would go
Dharonidhar Khadhsuri and both ofthem would gtart from
tera aftor rainy rcason, tho latter Yith Khillat (promnts) and
6arfaraj (titlo of rorpect) ae euggestod by the Nopalceo
.Sardar of Kumaon. But eeoding of Bam Shah's p&rtlr tas
beiog delayed. The lett€r at tbo end informs the Upadhyo
.and Thapa that they sould collect from tho Chautare thc
.rmount of Rc. 700/- to pay ea aalarios, which wae refurod
,by Subo Ajab Khovas.

Tho letter to end givoa & Etatomont of chrngoa and

-transfers ia tho Eilitary command and adminielrstive
aervices of Kumaon 80 that the Nawob foels ossured. Bam
Shah wag to g€t tho post of Balbhadra Shah with the rank of
'Chautara, Anged Khawaa with the rank of Sardat vas to
roplaco Jsswont Bha,nda.ri. He will head - Purano Srinath
compas. Ambarsimha Thapa wae roplaced by hobal Rana
'who will aleo become Suba. Ee would be in dhargo of
Bhovsnibor Company. Tbo new ofrcers will deparU on
8 Clwitra. Hard working soldiers who guarded tho forts
but wero found out of employment due to tho rccent pajani
are to bo re-empleyed, theeo are to bo taken back in
coueultation rpith the new Cbsutara.'

From a letter of King Raua Bahedur dated VS 1852

356 MODERN }IEPAL

Magha eud,i 3, roj 5 (=Thtrsday, ll Februory, 1706t0 to

Sardar Bhakti Thapa, Brliraj Thapa, Amarsimha Bhakheti
aad Eati Bohra, it spposrs thst tho Gorkhali officers had oocu-
pied Johora Bhot proviously belongirg to I(umaon and settled
tho &Eount of tribute at Rs, I0 thoueand ia cash ingtead of
articlee. The Bhotiyrs edmitted that they used to pay
Rs. 16,000 in artioles to Kumaon. Nepal conaidored it a loss
to acoopt Rs. 16,000 in artioles. Theroforo thoy sgreeil to
reoeivo Rs. 10,000 in cash. Like Kumaon tho Bhotia Raj*
of Johore was paying o tribute &s soon &a the Gorhha
oppeared in the neighbourhood. Thoy paid ouly Re.6r)00.
Aocording to another letter of YS L852 Pawsa eudi 5 roj of 6
:Briday 15 Jann&ry, l?06 tho attsck on Jobore took plaoo
on 25 Kartika-I November, 1796 Saturday heyiDg Btertod
fiom Kupaonou 18, Saturday. l&15 Bbotias woro killod.
Thie oonquost was forcsd on tho Nepaleso because the Bhotiag
erhibited a hostile mood. The Nopaleso had acted sftor dtro
oonsidoration and consultation among the ofrceru Mutual
oonsultation omong thoir ofrcers rsaa prescribed by the
contre, The army, howover, was contont with an sgreonent
by whioh the Bhotias were to surreudor some tributo anuually.
King Rana Bahadur had written to his offieers to station
his troops in such aroas, but the authority of the Govornmont
ehoulil be maintaiqed by peaceful moang and ;how of
frieadrhip and not by utiliaing force. The centre'e inEtruction
was to uphold Kumaon at any coBt. So the troops sent for
tbe attack on Johore were withdrawn.
Ths Suba hail soid that Rs. 6000f diverted to another
chandel from hir oustody should hove been returned. This
amount, ho said. was to be ueed for the re-imbu.reement of
Rs. 6000/. paid as compeusa,tion to those involved ag
casualty in tho 6ght in Johore. The ofrcers to whom tho
royal letter was addressed had suggested that tho origin&l
tributo from Johore vas 6red at Rs. lg{)00, but due to

* Hidatat Sa\sktili, l, 3.
 OOBXEA BECOMES XINODO![ OF NEPAL 357

.somebody's machinationB the amount sctu&lly psid rs&g

Re. 6000/-. Tbey had eought tho couseut of thoir kiog to
allow them to claim Rs. 16000 alougwith tho balance at that
,rato. The king aocepting thoir proposal asked them to try
to get Rs 16000/- from Juwarbhot (Jaharbhot). This ehould
go to meot the psyment of ealarioe to Ommos snd ofroers
viotimieed in the pajani as well as to 6uch of them &s wero
out of servico in areas as Garhoun, Darma, Jahari, Aththapali
and Dullu. Tho letter acknowledges the roceipt of Re. 1000
sent by Bhakti Thapa as tributo paitl by Garhwal.
IrI this le[tor there is an instroction about Kowalpur whiof,
was occupiod by ths Gorkhali commandor without roforonco
to Kathmandu. This villago was claimed by the British for
Lalsimha, The Nawab of Oudh also had put forward his own
claim. Tho iuetruction wes to tho efrect of holding the post if
tho English &lone &ttemptod to occupy it, In c&Bo thoro wal a,
combinod adtack from tho Nawab and tho English, Kowalpur
vas to be abandoned.
Thero are moro letterl on tho eubjeot of Kumaon. Ono
was wr.ittoo oo. 1852 Phalguna au.ili 5 roj Z:Monday, 14 Ma,roh,
1796. this wa8 in reply to tho correspondonce sent by Bhokti
Thapa earlier, which gavo doteils of the situation following
thei! Bttaok otr Kilpur, Tho offioers had reported that ia the
.mid8t of th6 campaign & party was sont to watoh Garbwal
where things had run smoothly. Tho Raja had pledged
.ollogiauce to Nepal. Tbe preeont letter wae in reply in tho
namo of King Rana Bahadur to tbo ofrioers aud expressed
sa,tigfsction over their conduct and said that Garhval,s Vakil
iu Kathmandu, Pandit Khsdauri had also oophasisod th6 n€od
for friondly reletion betweon the countrios, and rould on no
account tako tho eido with Neynl's enomies to bring about
Gorkha's downfall, Garhwal was not oxpectod to botray
tho Nepaloso. Tho latter worned Bhakti Theps thst tho
Nawab wes provokeil over & potty affair and this was not
vorthwhile. This was not tho timo to ma,ke tho NEw&b
quarrol with }iopal. Peaco must bo rostored botweon Nopal
35t UODEBN NEP.AL

snd O[dh. of changer

The letter ot the ead gives '& Etatemot
ond transfere' in tho militaryoommand and adminietrativo
aersioes of Kumeon, snd tho dispens8tion rae that Bam Shah
was to g6t the post of Balbhadro Shah with the rank of
Chautara and Angad Khswas with the rank of Sardar was to
toplrco JsBIrBut Bhandari.

Changea in V estem' C omnanil

Ono lotter with date portions torn oE gives tho &ccount of
preoeding events. Aaother addrsssed to Ssrdor Jaewant
Bhandari, Sardar Bhekti Thapr and Suba Ajab Khawm
purports to inform th&t th6ro war a 6ght betweea tbo
Rohillae and the Nrwab, ia coureo of which tho lattsr had
Eought Nepal's refussl to the Rohillas in respect of rations of
food but peaoe had retumod. Tho Boyal reply ssid th&t
llaruaahi, Kalu Pando and Garhwal's Vakil had returned to
Kathmandu aud were grantetl audienco of the king on the 6rst
ot Chaitra, Wodnesday. Thsy reportod everythiog in detail to
th6 Govortrment. As for the roturning officers uot submitting
tho &ccount it wae deoidod thst tho Bame Pas to bo suilited iD
Kcthmandu por aooount sont by Bhakti Thapa and othere. Tbe
rovouuo acqount of Somvat 1860-1893 A. D. would also bo
eraminsd from Naru Sahi and Kolu Paode i the resident officerg
were to oscortaia the 6x&ct amoirnt eo that thie matter could
bo followed up in Kathmondu. The tocount reaching
Kathmaudu was desprtchod goon after the new officers arrived
in Almora. This might givo e ole&r picture. ThiE letter
instr[cts th6 officers, the Sartlar and Suba to act io concert
with rogard lo Pojani. Complaints reached Kathmondu that
they were not ecting with common conrent. But this
informotion was not givon by the officers. Tbey Beeoed to
hido faots. Eowever, lbe pajod had to bo dono carefully.
Aooording to bho trDjani of tho year in Kathnandu, the
Kazirhip ao long enjoyod by Doodatta Thaprwould now bc
enjoyed by Tribhuvan Kharas. Tho Sordarahip of Badalsingh
 ooSKs^ BIcoIDa EIIODOX Or nEPrL 359

would go to Subedar Aoargimba Thapa oI Barakh oompany

vhilo Chaugunarayaua Malla and Gols Khargas voro to beoome
Subedar of Doti's compauy (Darmahadu), Yiru Rotaya to
booome Subodar of Aohha,m aud Dullu with 160 guns but
Jagljjit Pando was to bo the Suba. Ia Gotam, Bamphi,
Jrhari, end Jojerkot Suraj Malle and Narottamsmalla pold
appoiDted Subodars.
fu Bajura, Bajharg, Chham Thalora, Chuni, Tglkot, Sattl
thore should be one company of 130 men, undor Ramaohsndra.
P&ndo &ppoinied Subedar who rould atso look sfter Jumla-
(Darmahador).
Araarsimha Thapa, father of Bbimeen Thapa was appointed
the Suba (govornor) of Kumaon and Ajap Khavas sos aeked
to return to Kathmandu as soon ar ths n6v goverDor a!8umed
< hargo of his uow aseignment.
Tho lsttor wae to be told of his
new post as he arrivcd in Kathmardu. Uptill this timo Am&r
Simha Thapo woe Subedar in Barakhdul company.
The ofrcers had reported thot tho Nsrab wag pa,tronieing
Laleingh. Tho oentre had rcplied thst they should try to plsy
on tho Nawab's fear of tbe Rohillae. If t[ere ie an attak from
the Nawab's side, tho immediato step should be to go into
a,ction &nd ask aid from Kathmsndu. The pbiringi Naweb, tho
Englieh Govornor Geoeral was Kathmandu.s friead, anJ had
seut Guru Gajraj Miara who was hero to talL affairg of Coasipur
and Rudrapur. Tbe Misra said thet tho Englisb would ao6
sct againat Nepal's interest. Nono ehould got alarmed unleae
thero is vdid retson for it, lf the enemy actod, thoso iD
charge of the outpost had to defond. In any caso they shoukl
defond their outposts with all their etreogth. They ehould
also store rations guf6cient for our men in certein emergenoiel.
They ehould tBke care of trcasuty above all. Thon sttontion
should go also to the places where foodg aro stored and supply
of drinking wator is provided.
360 MOD!RN NEPAL

Bam Bhah Appointeil aa Chief Ofiaer

Tho last letter of the series aarrates tho events occuring

.aftor Maroh-April of 179631 But like the other undatod
Ietter this is also incomplote. This was written from
Kathmandu to inform the officers in Kumaon that tho Chautara
was on his way having left Kathmandu oo 26 Chaitra, Ho
was sout thero bocougo tho Nepaloso officers had not worked
vith one mind, and thoy hatl ao[ed irrosponoibly advancing
north &nd Boul,h a.nd this wes dono to cau8o conflict betweon
tho British and Nepal. In order to remedy tho situation a
now &rrlngemeut in the Gorkha command of tho region
was boing made. Tho Chautara ras aocompanied by Sardar
fndravir Simha anil Suba Prabal Raua and thore were 4
of8cers of Kumaon guard oompauy ( Jagirdar ) promotod to
Subeilarship-Sauya Khawas, Ahivarna Basnait, Vasudoo
Raut anil Inilrasimha Khawag. Also going with them ress
thc nowty appointed Suba of Piuthau, Ranjit Kawar. Ae
soon as'thsse mea took chargo of o6ce thoso good soldiers
ou guard duty in Kumaon trow living unemployed &s a result
of lhe pajani' ehould bs ro-inetgted.
The letter warnotl that Kumagnis might oarry secrets to
the eaemioe, aad thorefors tho outpost should be strangthened
and suEcient ratious be deporitod iu view of tho thre&ts posed
by the exilos and tho Nawab.
Thero is a roforenos in the game loi,ter to e report sont
by tho officor (Sarilar Bhakti Thapa, Ambarsimha Bakhati,
Eati Bohro) about tko Suba'e action in suddenly iuvadiog
Saktipur-Lalgaou ot 17 Phalguna with the holp of two com-
paniee of Sepoys rith with swords and
guns, antl moro playing
ehield. Tho place was uuproteot€d. Th eroforo tho invadorr
killeJ a few mon, looied property and returned. On that
day tho Nawab seot hie force wittr 4 ffeld guns, whioh reached
Srktipur. In Kowalpur there were already l-2 thoueand
armed mou. In liudrapur there $a8 ono British ofrcsr
31 lliErret SsEskriti, 1,3.
 GOBBE.I' BEOOMES KINODOU OF NEPAI] 36I

Mr. Mot, vho oommandotl 2-4 hundroil soldien, Cossiput

war being made a fort. The oriles (Mahendraohandra, Earkha
Joshi and Lalohand) were with the Eoglish and tryiDg to
exploit ths situetion.
Kathmsndu wanted to know whethcr tho nowly arrived
force of the Naw&b was at S&ktipur for the protoction of tho
inhabitants or tbey had intentled to climb tLe hills. But
tho uumber of tho army goldiors wsa not onoogh. Probably
they had como to assese tho situstion- But tho Nepaleso
had to etrengthen thoir position in Garhv&l.
Tho lettor also refers to the report of the conflict between
tho Mehrattes, and tho Nawab, &nd to sucther of tho Emporor
of the west i.e. tbe English crossing tho IDdus at Attook
with a huge army anil corquoring Sindh. It lamonted that
tho Rejas on thig side wore quarrelliug among themeolves.
Lastly the King's lottar noto.s with satisfactior that
€arhwal w&B Btoadfast in loyaloy to Nopal. It rofers to ths
prosouoo of tho Yakil in Kathmandu who had demandod
Keaari,a Patja (yellow seal) &8 I Bign of no fear and abolition
'oftho tributo rhich wae now reduoed to R,s, 3,C00. Tho
.hing of Nopal had sont ag rorf,ard & uown with a plume,
shawl had othor insignias of toyalty. Tho Yakil Dharanidhar
tecoivod os preser,ts s robo aDd a,n olephont. The YaLil rras
acoompanying tho ohautora.
It appoars that a fow ohanges were Eado iu ths admini-
Btrstivo 8t&ff at the time of titeir departure. Originally it
'vas proposed to eond as Sardar or militsry ofrcers a man of
conaequonce but fndravir Basnet wae finally chosoa for
.that purposo.

Intrigwa oJ Earkhaileua in Garhwo,l

A unit of Gorkha eoldiors w&s Bt&tiouod in Srinagar in
Garhwal. Thie lras a, gua,lantee against local intriguos
direoted to dislodgo tho \epaleao.
Ia ths meantime, Amarsinha Thapa had kept Ilarkha
Joahi in conEnement haviog bgd doubts about hig sincerity.
362 UODAR,N NEPAIJ

Bot he escaped from priron &nd went to Johar whon he vso.

again imprisonod by hir lifelong Phertyal sdvsrssries. In
the last resort EarLhadsva was busy intriguing fmm bebinrl
tbo bare to iustal one Kuwar Padoasinhc on tbe throtre of
Kumaon. Thie priuce was deputed by th6 Rsia to srr€st,
Ifarkhs at Joher but he rr&s won oyer to his sido, ho rsloaaod
Jolhi aad Ecoolnpsnisd him to Gerhwal. The ceatre ol
aotivity sbifted now from Almora to Srioager aloog witb
Errkhodova rpho was now carrying on a . ceaseless intrigue
rgoiort his formcr alliee, tho Gorhbalie, as well aa againat
ahondrariuha and Lalsinha. Against the lattor bia wbolo
&tt6mpt waB to preyent theic rostoratlon to power. But in
this activity Padmasinha could not co-opor&te with him as
he Ieft Garhwal ard took shelterin the plains.
Tbetwo unfortunete princes of Kumaon tried to erploit
the Rohilla War. When tbe leader of the Rohillas wss lying
hiding in the lower hills of Kumaon, they ofrerod to join hontle
rith him ancl immediately efter when Rempur wes evacuatod
by the Britiah, Maheridra Sinha advanced to Almor&. Bui
Kazi Amarsinha vss too cautions s perEon to bo taLen by
surpri"e. Ho iomedirtely led bis army to Kilpuri and put
au ood to this souroe of d&nger. tr"urthe! &ttenpts to rogain
Kumaon through tho help of tbe Nawab Vazir was fruatrated
by tho lattor'a entry into e peaco treaiy with the Gorkhalis.
Of coucse, Kilpuri was returned to the Yazir but this gatisfed
bimtofeelhis ground for not allowing his tenitory to bo
ueed as a base of activity egainst bis GorLha allieo end
'rorpoct tho position of tho do facto rulere of Kumaou'.
Atkioson writes that Mr. Cberry used bis good omcer to
bring about this eettlement.
Earkbadgva rvaS Dot e man to loeo courego. X'rom
Gorhwal, ho camo to Lucknow and tried to instigate the
Nawab Yazir and r €nt to B&naros to meot Mr. Cherry, tho
Political Agent rho treated bim on friendly terms and
promised help. But in I'709 when Mr. Cherry was killed
by tho Nawab'e auccessora his hope broke down. Being
 GOREEA BECOU!8 trINGDOM Ox. NEPAL 36e

dieappointed at Banaras, ho trangforrrd his B€at to Kengra

towards rhich the Oorkhalie Boomed to prooeed. Kumaon
w&s ffrally &b8orbed into th6 compeny's dominioa in ltil6.
Uptill the Aoglo-Nopeleao Wa.r of l8l4-15, tho Britiah
took caro not to giv6 ofrenco.to the Nepalero snd not to
causo tho slightest &nxi€ty or euspioion iu their minds in
rogard to British intsntion about Nepal. Ia confrmstion
of this, we read the following letter of A. IVelland, Colloctor,
to G. Mercer, Esquire, Acting Soctetery to tho Eon'blo
Lieutenant-Governor, Allaha,bad, dated 26th Februory, 160&
(Zilla Cawnporo).
(Them
ir anothor olaim, prtfprred to the Zaminrlori by
Raja Laul Singh, brother of Mohan Singb, one of th6 I&Bt
Rajas of Kumaon, previous to the corquest of the couatry,
about 14 yeers ago, by the Raja of N€pol. On Sheo Laul,g
observiDg.thst his claim only related to th6 Zamindari whsrtas
that R,aja Laul Singh being founded upon his...witt the
family of ths--tension to.'.of tho country. tho-..his country
tho--snd the Zamindari had ever been one &nd the E&me,
as thoro was no propriotory right to land vested in individuala,
but as with tbe Britiah Govornment, which now had an
undoubted right to tho &auje. the caae tv&s diferent, he
thought he h8d tho best claim to i[,e Zomindari.' As far as
I oan now form an opinion, it does not Epp€ar to mo
that Raja Laul Sirgb's claim is well founded. It vould
se€m, th&t he oithsr clBims too littlo or too auch.
At all events, there would, I think, be oousiderable riek,
sdjudgitrg the Zemindari right to him, aince it ie hardly
poasible, that he oould bo upoa good terms with...stationed.
iu tho southera,..p&rt of the provinco...Goyelnm6nt of-
Nepal...GlovornmoDt ond dostroyor of tho grendeur of hir...
This would, of cour86, givo riso to oonetsnt dilput€s, intrigues,
and frays on the borderg of tho two Btater aEd teDd to
counter&ct tbo humane dosiro which the Eon'blo tho
Lioutenant-Governor hrs eo Euoh at hoar0, of ostebllshing.
suoh a systom of friondly interoourso, as is likely to obvirta.
 364 MODERN NEPAI,

itr future, tho painful necossity of sending troops to that

uuPholesome part of tho country. 1'h6 continuing of Sheo
Laul in tho E&nagement of tho diBtrict, woald, I think tend
to promoto that truly desirable object, aB ho is upon very
good term8 with R&ja Rooddur Ber Sah, the porson stationeil
et Almorah, on tho part of the-.'of Nepal several... whetbor
to him."s I

Gorklm Admdniatration ol Kunnon upto the aine ol

Bhakti Tlrypa
It appoars that though at the initisl stage Kumaon was
govornd by a milit8ry ofrcor, this arrengomeut was reploced
Boon a,ft€r by a milita,ry.oum.civil rule,
Bolow is tho liBt of name8 of Gorkha military anil ciyil
odministratorB of Kumaon, which wo add hero for the
information of our reudere,

Admini.slration
Ciuil Military Command,ers
The Suba The Sarilar
I70l-92 Jogmalla Jagajjit Pande
U93-94 Narsahi and his Kalu Pande
Deputy -Ramadatta Shah
1791-95 Ajab l(hawas Thapa Jaswant Bhandari
and his Deputy Shrestha
Thapa
1706-97 Amarsimha Thapa and Bbakti Thapa
Deputy Govinda Upadhya
1797-98 Bam Sbah and
Deputy Rudro Shah
Bhakti Thapa was giyen porpers to recruit his mon and
ofrcers from t,ho region west of tho Marsyaugdi. In somo
lottors addressed to Beverel ofrcers in general dated,
Wodnesday. 16 August, l?94 (YS l8i1 Brauana sud,i j0

92, g6lootiotrs flom U. P. neootals, ao. 2. Il6trly Woll6ly'. corros!,oE-

donoe (1301-03) corresponileDco lr, ?9, pp. 1064?,
 GOBKEA BEOOIIDS X.INGIDOM Otr NEPAL 365

roj 4)* by Raua Bahodur Shah, the Omraos in of6ce and out
of office beyond Marsyangdi es well as those Subas, Subedere,
Omraos of Noakot, Darma, Jahari, Dullus, Dailokh, Gotam,
Athbis and Achham had been asked to join Bhakti Thapa
in his journey to Kumaon and accept sll ordere issued by
him 8 8as issuod by a military oommander of tho area.
Atkinson gives a similar table for the namos of Civil
administrators and military commanders for the period sinoo.
1794-95 to 1802 A. D.
As it would have appeared, tho administration was carried
with joint consultation of the Suba and tho Sardar.
Tho Sardar in this are& &B in othere wae in aharge oftho.
army.
X'rom lotters addrossed to Bhakti Thapa tho pattorn of
administration c&n be .understood, and we c&n deduce how
the Nepalese administered their territories, But intricaoies.
had been left out.
It appears that since Bhimeen Thapa beceme the Chief
Minister his father's influenoe es the head of administrsti,on
extended from the Mersyangdi to the Satlaj.
Jogmalla who was the first Suba of Kumaon and responsible
for the settloment of laud revenuo introduoed a tax oir land
in 1791-92, by whioh a citizen paid,Ro. l/- for every bisi
(nearly a British acre) of cultivable land to the Glovernment.
e also levied a kind of poll tax of one rupeo eaoh per .

adult-male of the population. To this wae added another

sum of Re. l-Z-G imposed on orrery village, which wag ssid
to be used for meeting the expenres of the suba's offfoe. No
more item of tax wag addod in the time of hie auccesgore
in offioe coming after 1794 until Bam Shah made tarable
all the free-holds in possession of the Brahmans. But the
last measure of taxation wag enforced only when the Brahman
landholders were suspected of tlabbling in political intrigues
on one gide or tbe other. Bam Shah had a roputation of a.
Iiberal administrator.

'Ilimavateanskriti; ilI. Pp 6-7.

366 iIODEB}I IIEPAL

From 1700 tc 1816, for a period of 25 yosrE tho Gorkhali.e

wero meators of Kumaon and Clarhwal, Their rule hag been
oondemnod vory strongiy by Atkinson and writers of hie view.
But it our comprehension to ffnd that inrpito of tho
beate
ollegod misrule, the Gorkhalis wero commanding a great
support from tho. general population. Thore might have been
certsin oxc€sse8 ia administering milltary lare and thos6
becomo very oommon durina a period of traneition and in
sharchic condition like tho one Gorkhalis wero put in when
there was every foar of sttack snd counter &ttack, and in
that condition an undue amount of lenienoy might haye been
the oauge of a ruin to thomsolyos. Oo the other hand, wo
find how tho Gorkha Subedars collaborated with the local
peoplo in conduoting tho sdministrstion. Though Atkinson
queliffoo it with Ciorkha Buspioion snd torna it as
subordi- a
nato collaborstion and laok of reeponsibility, tho fsct r€main8
th,at the Gorkha adminietretioD preEents a deep contrast
to tho rucco€diog British administration, where thers rsa not
ovon & s€mblanoe of collsborstion with tho poople. Thero
ano maDy oneodotos in Nopol pa,p6rs to ahow that Gorlha
rule oompsrod favourably vitb the administration of tho
British &t that time in aomo oth6r pErts of Indie.
The alleged Gorkia atrooitiee were as follows ;
(l) Undue exsotiotr of tarc.. Thoy soy that tbo Gorkha-
lis exactod its. ll,6{426 in a ainglo yoar in 1812.
(2) AMuotion of girls aad forcible marriago.
(3) Forced work without v&ges ( seo Atkiruon for
Ilarkhadova'g memorandum to Mr. Cherry).
(4) Atrocious juetice eccompanied by oruol penalty for
ru! brooch of dieoiplined or harsh lavr.
(5) Selffsh eilministration based oo iadifference to publio
wolfare,
With all these, tho Doglirh historian doos not erplain
tho rosBon whioh led Kumaonis to eido rith the Clorkha
iavadors itr tho rrar. Uatil the poisoaoua prop&grnd& of
 OOBEEA BECOl[f,A KINCI}OU Of Nf,PAL 387

Ilarkha .corroded their minil tho peoplo of tho &re& rogsrdod

tho Gorkhalie os those who rdcued them out ofa situation
that was chsotio. Wee it eo bocalrso tho Gorkhalie wer6 botter
onomies tban the Britiah who by thet tiEe wero casting a
gloedy eye on Kumaon Bnd wero for opening tho tr&us-Eima-
layau trado route u:ing Harkha for thoir purpoeo ? It roslty
sstoni8hes all to read the86 indictments against tho Gorklalis
but &t tho samo timo to havo beon told thot the Kumaonis
w6ro 6eetr supporting tbo Gorkhslie to the l&8t minuto and
that thore w&s & voluotary army of the Kumaouia which servod
.ag a brauch of the m rin foroe iu all oxigoncies (See also
Nepal Papors).

Nepal's Eges on Aatam

The men in poyor at Kathmrndu in thoEe dsys roro not

satisEed with acquisition of territories ia
tho Ilimalayan regioa
olooo. Whilo they penetretod boyond tho Ilimalayas in tho
oorth, thoir de8cout to tho plainr was inspted with sEbitiotr
to acquir€ furthsr areas in the unsottled condition of th6
pl&ins. In tho esst their ero8 rcannod portions as fsr ag
Assam. At one tioe they caEied socrot oorrespondoDco ,ith
the deposed ruler of tbat country, who promised in writing
'to pay annudly a sum ofBs. 20,000/- to the Govornmont of
Nepal on beiog rertored to powor.
Ia VS 1755 Assam sooos to haro so much engroseod the
..attentionof the Nepalero King th&t he had evon sent a
lott€r with a red soel oslling Ugrsss! to Kathmanttu. The
Vakil rho wss to deliyor tho lottor to the ex-ruler of AsE&m
wae told to proven0 aid comiog from thp British to him.
The letter bsare tho dato Samuat lSiS Bratsana vadi 6 roj:l
- Wodueoday, 4 July,
1798. The month is interc.lary.
But in a lotter of VS 1855 Marga elu/ri l5 roj 1 (:Sunrtay,
23 Deoombor, 1798) Rana Bahodnr suggestod that if Ugrasona
waa not to bs rostored to his throne it would not sorvo &Dy
purposo to take him to Nepal. Rana Brhadur diacouraged
368 UODEBI{ NAPAI,

8ny mov6 to back a rulsr who had I lost oause. The

'Nopalere intendod to reap tho bonefft without muoh cogt and
dieplay of partis&n attitude. ft rres Proposed to cotrtsct
LTgrasen'e advereery witb promise of help eo that ho w&8 slso
compellect by ciroumstances to executo a gimilar bonil to
aurr.endor tribute of d lekh of rupoog also to Nopal.
This Ugranatbsinha ie no other than Prince Brajanath
Clohain who was a claima,[t to tho throne of Agea.m. Eo
ortended his claim for tho kingship on the ground that.ho
wag the aearegt on the line of euccogeion even nearer than
the man seatod on the throne, i.e. Kamalewar pioho.
Brajauath's father wae tho grest grandeon of king Rudra
Sinha whose lino had ruled Agsam from l7l4 to 1794. The
lsst king of this liae wa8 G&urineth Sinha whose cousin wae
Brajanath's o\rn gr&ndfather ahd ho had died childlese in
1794. In ordinary oourso Braianatb should hove succe€dod
him. But like hie fathsr he sae algo disqualifiod booause
Leksmi Siuha ha.d mutilated tho oors of both of them ae
punishmont. In Aesam any person ofthe royal family who
sufrored from any kind of deoapitation of e part of his boily
was uttinately disqualified for ths throne. So hia olaimg
had been 8et seido. But hs had & Epecial re&eon to bo
aggrieved with the sfairg becsuso the man who was preferred
to him inas not only disquoliEod on accouut of the eamo
conditloh of multilatiou but he eleo v&s not &a closely rclated
to the outgoing monarch ag Brajonath wag. Thore was no
aloubt tba,t Kamaloswar ha.d been elevated to kingship undor
fortuitous circumstences. Brajanath'e claims hail boer set
aside because ono Purnsnanda Gohaiu who was the virtual
ruler of Assam of thoso days in tho chief minitter'o capaoity
did not liko him. But iu making a choice of Kamoloswar for
the gaddi of the Ahome tho miniater had the full backing of
tho British. It Bppe&rs that iuitially Brajaaath appealed to
the British to rsatore him to his rightful placo. Lord Wollosloy
was approacheil on ssveral occqsions and Brajauath puraured
bis efforts through many ohmnels. Ono of tho wivea of
 eoBaEA BIOoUES EIITCDOI oa NDPIIL 30!)

Glaurinath Siaha also made a representation to the Glovornor-

Goneral. This lady wea Brajenath's foster mother and ho
obtaiued all the help from hor. It wae even Buggeeted thet
Glaurinath Sinha had in the last {&ye nominetgd Brajanath
as his eucessor. But all this appeal, argument and porsuasior
did not ca,rry eny efieot with the British authorities who werc,
determinod to maintain tho statue quo as far as the position
of the occupant of the Ahom monarohy was ooncerned. fn
theso oircumstsnoes it wae but natural that Brajanath Sinha
had turnod to tho Nepalese for aseistance.
'orchanged
From the lotters the Nepaleso Vakil had with
thd Darbar it does not appear that Brojanath did oven go
to Kathmandhu to persuade the authorities to take up hie,
ceuse. So what S. K. Bhuiyan writea about Brajanathrs
going to Bauaras and then acconpanying 6wami Maharafe
Bana Bahadur to Kathmandu is not worthy of credence.Bl
Brajanath had never entered into a treaty rolation with Nepal-
The matter was in the atago of nogotiation qnd it did not go
boyond that The letter of the Nopalese Yakil (abovo quoted)
shows that Brajanath had offered to pay & sum of Rupees
two lakhs ag annual tribute to the Gosernment of Nepal in
oaso he wae restorod to the throno with their aid.35 ft seoms
that after somotimes the Nepalese withdrew from the
negotiation as soon as they were eonvinced that it wae no
longer possible for Brajanath to procure British assistance.
They did not like to support a party whose ascendancy would
not be toleratod by the British. Brajanath,s relation with
Nopal ended at the point.
84. Eitihasikpafiasamgraha, 17. pp.88-84, The Nepalese Govemmeat
instruoted the vakil to contact the other sitle anrl soe if the British wers
in a mood to favour Ugrasen's oaailitlature.
4lolh"r Je-t.te1by !_he \ing to Dinanath-Upatlhayo (vg 1Sb6 adhik Sravana
1? roj- 6, Eantipur). asks him to deliver o letter to the Assam nuter
-v!!i
(llhursilay_,9 August, 1798). Diaanath:was elso aeleil to senit Ugnk;-io
Krthmaatlu.
9q. q. E. Bhuiyeg, Anglo _Assamese Relations, t??1-1820 (Depertment
of Eistorical antl Antiquarien Stuilies. Assam, 1949), Pp.4€.d.
Bhuiyan says 3 lakhs,
?70 ![OD[B]T ITEPTL

Marahing loruaril b Sibbim

Ilamilton (p. ll0) deeoribee Sikkim as a oountry of the
IJpcha tribe under a Tibetan ruler. Originally it came to
occupy lowlands as far as the rivor Mahananda. Later .tho
Muslims puehed them out of tbe lori,landa, yet thoy could
rotain somo land in the valley of Kankayi, Darjeeliog was
th6 oepital. Urlike the two rulers of Bhutau tho temporal
,ulor in Sikkim wa,s the only one. fn li82 a now ruler camo
to succeed to tho throne. According to 14r. pagan'e lotter
to Col. Ross, the Gorkhalis atttcked Sitkim in lTgS (but
the dato ia miseing in the letter). Their troops consisted
of 6000 meu, 2000 regulars and wore commanded by the
Subah of Morang, Tiurar Singh, ond a largo pa,rt of Sikkim
fel! without-reeistence but the rulor gave stiff opposition in
the capital. At one point here the Sikkimeee force wae
muted. This occurred shortly previous to tho 28th Octobor,
1788 which wae the dato of a Iotter of Mr. pagan intimating
oomplote victory of tho Gorkhalis. The gikkim ruler
approaohod ths British for holp and also Lhasa and Bhutan,
to whom he pledged his loy&lty. Meanwhile the Gorkhalie
rotreated to Illam in view of thoir involvement in conflicts in
Tibet. The troops of Bhutan had roturned, and for sometimo
it appeared that Sikkim was Ieft in peaoo.
Accordiug to E&milton's account tho ruler of Sikkim
nsed to har&ss tho Gorkhsli sottlonentB all over the former
Sikkimese territorios. But the GorLlali Subc iu the orea
vas not Euch dieturbed nor did he try to ponetra,te into tho
mountaiu forests to goek the ruler in his hiding. Meanwhi'lc
Nepal was nogotiating with Bhutaa. Ite Raja Deb Juddur
though nominally acknowlodging Tiboten Euzerainty end
often rppealing to Lhosa wautod to appease tho Nop&l6eo
offfoers. Bhutau had promisoil to ooilo Baikunthapur to
Nepal. In 1808 tho Sube of Chainpur controlled the aress
as f&r back as the border of Bhutan through a Lopche
Feud:rtory Yu-kaug-to.
 CHAPIER XII

NEPAL AND ITS NEIGHBOURS

( t?7sr800 )

We devoted the concludiag portion of tho last chapter to s

description of the military erptoits of the Nepalece rulers in
between 1779 and 1789 A.D.
It hae so happeood that from 1789 onwardo the oveBtr ir
Nepal get quiokly mired up with Britieh diplomaoy. Whether
it ie Nopal's war with Tibet and China ( l?89-93 ) or King
Rana Babadur Sbah's exile. in Banares (180O-1803), tho British
heve come in tbo picture iu one way or another. In this
period thoy had aleo euooceded in ooncluding two treatie8 with
Nopal and ostabliahing coirtactr with thia country thiough
va,rious trado and goodwill missione.
Thus, any history of Nepal botsoea 1789-1800 oould not bo
narrate<I without bringing in the British to tho 8ceno.
Wo havo plauned tho contonte of tho preseat ohaptor to
cover in dotail a description of how Nep&l's relation rith tbc
British bad emerged at the ond of tho csntury ia.tho haok-
ground of its hietory.
In order to show slink with the maii ovonts it was essan-
tial to have in tho beginning two Eeotions about Eaet Indis
Company'e trade relatione with Bhutan and Tibet. Itrithout
a knowledgoof tho subject mattor doalt with in thero, tbo
roader would not havo traced the miasing link of iaitial
commercial iuterest of Britaia in Nepal. Brit&in'E attemptg
to degl with Bhutan and Tibet ars much too immediately con-
nected with their trade interests in Nepol to be isolated from
tho mairr cuuetrt of history of Anglo-Nepalese relations.
British interest in trade with Nepal and Tibet srose after
thoy csmo to control the afairs of Bengal and Bihar in the
wako of Plassey. Beforo they actually moved in the matter
372 XODIBN IEPAL

of soouriag faoilitios for thoir coEmerce tho British had eought

informatibn sbout the prospEcts of trado and etato of morchan-
diso passing botweon Indio and these oountries. This w&E tho
rery initid msasure in the fulfilmont of tho objootive. W6
shall eee a little later how thoir intrigues had been frustrated,
and thoir €forts to aohieve the objectiee by military me&ne
had also failod. Bogle was the ffrrt agent of tho East India,
Company'n Clorernment tJ tr&vel to Tibot, aud he reached
thele in 1774. Turner conduotcd tho moond niesion in l?83.
Eo was followed by othors. Nepal was visitod by Kirkpatrick
inl793. Thers doputationa were aort to orplore avenuos of
oomneroisl oonteot &nd negotiate trado treaties. Oa all theee
ooor8ions th6 British pressod herd wi6h the rulor8 bf the
r€spootive oountrios for the op€ning of trade rolations, but
although in the beginning the couree of talks had eppoared to
pronise a suooessful oonclueion, it ultimstely ended in failure.
In both Tibet snd Nopal the Britigh enoounterod deep suepi-
oions 6nd joalouey about thoir movc, which preventod from
aohieving anything of good;iu in these countriee.
To Warron Eastioge goes the crqdit of concoitir:g the
importanoo of oommoroiel oontaot rith Tib6t. _ Lord Cornwallie
pursuod tho E&mo iotor€lt with tho same zeal in regard to
No$al. Sir John thoro wae tho third Governor-Geuersl
in suocossion to work on thie line. He was responsible for
eonding a frosh mission to Nep&I, which'had gone t,o K&th-
msndu in mid 1795.
Tho British &dmiDistrators woro attr&cted to this aree
situetod uorth of their domain for tho reason that this afrorded.
&n oxtetrsiyo msrkot for thoir produce, both of Erglaud and
Bongal and ilso th&t the payment in returtr ses ma.de in
qu&ntities of gold and silver cheeply priced.r

1 Tutd6r' oP. cr|.

 NEPAL rICD IT8 IIIICEBOUBS

Engliah and Bhula,nue dn the 18th Century

I
It was only in tbo lattor.pa,rt oftho oighteenth contuy
that Bhutan came in for proper coneidoration ar e Stsfo, not
to bo loft out of accout from th6 sphere of British infuoncs.s.
?ho inteleEt of the British Govemmont in Bhutan was of
two-fold importance, Bhutan ss a country ocoupying the
Didway betwsen China and ludia comDsnded the front poai-
tion of the buffer. Eor bloae proxinity to Bergal and her
place in the o&stern cortrer of tho Eima,layaet were factora
which dotorminod her plaoo in tho comity of Indian provinces;
snd &lthough a depondenoy of Lheeo.r yot within tho geogrb.
phiosl cotrfnes of fndia, tho British Government could nevor
lose sight of hor important ptaoe in viow of th6 requirament
they felt for s good noighbour to mrintsin tho ufaty and
tr&nquillity of th6ir torritodos. Socondly, Bhutaa ofored
through hor north.v€stem border, an outlot to tbo Chumbi
Yalloy aooees to whioh the Britieh tradors wero inding-
impossiblo on &ccount of the Gorkha conqueet of Sftkim

, Publlo Lotto! Irom Coutt, r.Durry ?r l?74 I,.,!r 3.

38ir Froaoir Youaghulh.od: Indio ard fibcr, pp. 4-At Ait htaron:
Trcoli.s, Eryarcrrrcrds otrd Saads, aol, \, p. ,86 (1909).
Bhutstr ooGuple . 6trilr oI toldtoly betr.oa t6.48' rEd 18. D.l, s t
botteE 89 rLil 9r. lolgituilo. Ono of th. @ttdrod to CblEbi vsu.y lid
oo th. to!tio!. 8€riil6s, !h6 th6n coltlottoit d@e psls to the hilts, orlba
itorrr. Thero rre Daliukot, taErltot, OhilEalchi, Lolhi, Bure, Eellr,
E.E. oa tt6 &!grl (nonti6. i Ouan, Bip., Cttnng, Siilti, Bryh o! BliEi on
tho lrotthc! bortlot ot GorIll.tr i .!d Gh.!Lol., B.lsls Chippag&thi, Uh.pp.
Ehrorti. Bijat, Butrgqlr rEil f.Urg ir NtErup.
{ I.!t€r ol Ts.hi Iatar to Warr.D E .5!a., ![., 10, 1?i{i Oor!..IbD-
iltro. R.6lrott, Pr. 2t'?-9.
974 MODf,RN l{EP.A.L

through which hitherto the morchariiliss passed.s To .tho

British it appeared that the acquisition of this iDport&lt
highway to tho Chombi Yalley would compens&te them for
tho loss of other routes i sud therefore thoy looked to a
settloment with the Bhutanese more'oa thig account than on
ony other.i In viow of the potenti&lity of Bhutan end Tibet
as a morkot for Britieh goods,T the l&tter aspect of the
quostion w&s more important and as they wore now deprived
of the acoossibility to the oasier route thmugh Bbatgaou
vhioh commanded the Eimalayan passes of Kuti,B they wero
iusyit&bli obliged to fall back on the only way left for them
thst iE tho Bhutsneso route to the Chumbi Valloy. e Logan,s
roport sent in 1769 wag ono of the earlier moterial of tho
kind to ilraw Britlsh attention to Bhutsn. It was. howovei,
with much reluot&rce and after a good deal of disappointment

6. Ihis !out6 itrsll iE lTOg elt€i the cossin t!a,d6rs

wos exploreil
were erlslleil trod trotLEcnilu, L s trosty ,as sig6a with
th&t y€6r
Boja o, MoraDS who wac later on alethtoueal orrilg to sD uptisiDg of his
iotoa., by which thsy secureil the eccess to tho Chumbi Yelley through
Mor8bC-Teesto rood (Eoroe Depar[EeDt, Original Circu-lar No. 20 of
JaEtrsly qg). fhsre lrorr oth€r route3, fo! €:ampl€, the oDc l€ading thtough
the river Aruo to the llyoEg Yall6y aDil auothor through PoLhls to
trflrtsng Eoil TsNI}elsDg (g06 trswogo,cbi'B Three Yeats itt Tiber) i bnt these
loutea i?er€ iDxoc€isiblo o! tb€y worc uDiler Gotths ocoupstlon. The
route to I.aparaEg lrr,s!6il through g Drgor (Gathwal),
6. sgt logon'e B6Port, Iattor to Oourt, Ja,lusr7, 25, I?70. Publio
letter itoo Oonrt, Iuelch 16, 1768. Psts 4.
7. R€port oa Bhutea olal Ass.m, EDOC, oI D.c€Ebe! 9, U?l.
Melkhs,m, ,ogle'r E nbassy to Ti be, , P. ltu,
A. ggt. Logan, Ibid: EDOC,, oI Octobbr'31, 1?69i B.B. O6w&1t"6
Prithtilarqyan .'lai (Nepeli) P, 180 i llarkham. ,rd: trirll,qtrick. ,{,l
Account oI the Kingdofi af Nepal,P,916. The hope lor e suco€s8lul tBilo
in Iibst var stoused in British Eioil b, th6 lorge volu.ue of [tbeta! gou
possing through Nepal, th6 valne of whioh itr KathDaldo ,ao 50 tror oelt
lBss tLq,n th6 yalue of silnilat golil iD P.tD&.
9. The routa tbrouSh Bhutsn to Ph&rioD8, . bolalor towtr o! tho
;ntrrloe to the ChuEbi V.ll€y, ss Boglo rsports, w8s lrdsssblo only rith
Bro.t ilifloulty.
 NNPAI, l.ND ITA }IEIGEBOUBS 376

from othor quatt€rs thst they took up thia courao of action.

trimt thoy attempted to prevcnt Gorkho erpansion aud tried
to intervene on the sido of tho Newar rulers by organiaing
&n orpedition to Kathmandhu, which unluckily failed duo
to the inclemency of tho wosther snd tho extrome watchful_
nees maintained by the Gorkhalis to ssvo their conquest.ro
For eome time &fterwards thoy continued to back up the
carise of the exiled rulors ; but thoy exp€rierced a eeuge
of
disappointment from that eldo as tbo prospect of thoir
regtorotion dwindled aray. The ettempt, therefore, to
pnotra,te through Bhutan was occasioned by failure iu other
qua,rtore and tho British ia quest of a tr&do route establiehoal
oonnoction with Bhutsn only after 1774 aB s, favourable rreeult
of the wa,r ths account of which f,rllows in the subaequent
paragraphs. r r The w* botwoetr the two csmo when the
new Deb Zudur played dynamic rolo in Koch Bihar.
Curiously the Anglo.Bhutaneoe relatione emerged &B & rceult
of the wer proyolod by Bhutaa in '1772. As thie war was res-
poneibie for their future relation and determiued the course of
eyonts at a later period, a detailed description of this inoident
would not bo out oI placo. It should be observed hore that
although the Britigh had intervened in tho diapute botweon
Koch Bihhr and Blutou, their ilosign was to bring tho
prinoipality of the Koch Boja undor Subsidiary Allianco,
and baving obtainod foothold thero subjugato tho Bhutaneeo
so tha,t thoy become conciliatory to tho approacbes of tho

10. Ahe Issile! oI this ertEilition !r.s C&pt. Kidoch, B.ngal, par, and
Prese ,AoL X. P.29i Krkpotriok, opi cir,, p. Na,lilall Chrttaqi,
2?0.
yerclsr'! Rule in lndia, Ohsptet II g. B. G€rioli, o?. ci.
; Ch.Bpt€r XvI.
11. Esrlie! iE 1?r0 F!a[cl6 peaoool ,os ss]€d to vl.it BhuteD ana
olthir fsiluro tr{t, B6iloy, Cou€oto! ol Oc.ltrsB, took up hls pla36. But
b€yoaA colleotiDg hesrsry ollaloBco on tho gist6 of Bhutelr as s rnsrk€t
Io! trail6, no t&Dglbl€ inlormr aD oooLl lr. gsthoreal sDil cona€queEuy
tho whol€ stteopt fallotl owing to tho illsturtroacee on ur6 ADglo_Bhute,16e
borile!. (Publio Proco€iltEgs, Novober !19, 1??O: p[bl_to I8tt6r floE Oourt,
JoDusry 7, 17?4.
376 UODEB]{ ITEPII,

British. r 2 Kooh Bihar iteolf wae important for tho reamn

thst the 'bountry was oqual ia fertility and cultivation
with Bongal'.r !
In 1772 tho Deb Raja of Bhutan seized Koch Bihar,
uade a prisoner of tho Iiaiall Dhiroudra Narayan, and
€Bteblished a footing thore. Sometimo latsr tho Raja waa
takcn away to Bhuten. It is said that thoro wore two
rivals for tho throne of Cooh Bihar, one of whom the Diwan
Deo had askod for Bhutan'e assisttnco. With the oasterrl pcrt
of Sikkim under hic heols,l5 he oould now look forward for
on e:paneion in the gouth ot the expenso of the British
protoctorete of C,ooh Bihar.r0 Raja Dob Judhur, such was
his ua,me, had aleo obtsitr€d the support of the Raja of
Biehnu or Bisni on tho north-wostorn bordor of Cooh Bihar,
rho wss fgrmerly an ally of tbe Bihar Raja (Letter of
Colleotor of Rangpur to tho Council of Revenue; Novomber 2I,
l7?2). But ell this attrected Britieh attention to th6 Btato
of affaire in th&t sootor. Tho uiuistor of tho Raja (in
prison) one Nadir Dso Kharga Narayan bad fervently
appealed to W&rren Eastings to intereone. Notwithstanding
ths remoEstrancos of the Govornor Goneral, the Bhut&ueso
B,aja peraisted in aggression and it was oompleinod that ho
thus hampered the British adminietratiou. To 'Werren
Eaetings thie afforded a caugs for intervention ostensibly

19. G. B. Oleig, ![@oits ot tho lil6 oI W&rlsa E&rttng6 iloDdoE,

18a1) I, pp. 2?9' 295-96 (in $ Yoluueg),

$. Ibld,E. &a.
14. Tho!6 rero two lulols la Bhut&l! h thG6 d&F to! spilituel aDd
t€DIDrrl b.ttots t6sp€otiyoly,: aDil ot th6o tho Deb Rsja w.. temDotal
tuLr. Ir tho ninority ol tho Dhat D Boir, he wes nor left all ln
all i! thrtro* sEsirs, oEly t.at!.beil by o lorBilrl sobi€ctio[ to tho
Ddsi I.Ee. ILe qu.lrol lrlth 3hut6E wss rory olil.
AttohiDroD, O?. crr. P. ,86 I JASB. 1890. P.!t I, P. otfi. Bir Fmaots
Youaghuobanil, op. olt,, P. 6.
15. For tho itryarioa ol gttliB by the D6b B.jo.
16. Lsttsr of E stitgs to th€ Coult ot Dileotors, Januoly 16, ].1?9.
 NEPAL AND ItS XEI0EBOUBS

Bs s ohsmpion of the dothromd ruler. Tho Bhutanoso were

not suffciently organiaed or oquipped adequstely to meot
auccoesfully the Britieh pressuro on the course of. tho conf,iot,
but they hoped thst 'from their mount&in fortress they
.could desoond with all the speed ofa hurrioane, spread devae-
t&tion and scourage in the enemy's to*itoriee snd return Doore
quiokly than thoy camo'. It iras, therefore, a atif problem
for tho BritiEh to doal with the Bhutanede and coarcious of,
the disadvantage of meeting gueillas by a standing force tbey
watohed every opportunity to engego thom in a pitched battlo.
And luckily suoh an opportunity was ofored by the capture
.of the fort of Bihar by the Bhutanere. A eimilar situstion
had developed in 1766, The Bhotias had mizod Koch Bibar,
&nd the Dnglish detachment had contacted tho Bhutaneeo
forces. But tho British failed to Bubiugeto tbeml7. Now
the British oontiugentr were faco to face with the Bhutaneee
at o Bite in tho plains conveniently Bitustod to atroril full
play to Britieh etrategy. Accordingly, Warren Eastings
despatched Captain Jones at the head of the four companies
of Brigade Sepoys of tho 6th Battalion 'to free the zemindary
of Koch Bihar from the ravages of the Bhootaners a,nd resiore
that country to its former dopendenco on the Governuent of
Bengal'.r8 Ee also ent€red into an iDt€rim ogreement with
tho liaja's brother, Nazir Deo, on the quostioa of war
expendituro, by whioh the lattor would meet all erponses
towards tho rostoration oftho fort of Bihar, the ffrst instal-
mont of Re. 50,000 boing paid iu that year followed by another
of Rs, 15,000 in thc nert. This agrcement aleo entrusted
to the British all defonce m&ttors of the court and Bome othsr
important afrairs excepting the coinago which wag the Rajo'e

17. Esrt fttril WeEt, New s€ries, Vol, 13, Nos.4. Deoeobe!, 1962.

18. Th6 papers !€lating io the tr'irBt BhutrE Wer sre 8l9oa ia
Forert's
'S.lections fiafi lhe Despatchet, eto, Pr6erv6il i!
tho I'o!oi8a De!tt,, 177r.86,
Vol, I, Pp. 2?-31.
 378 IIIODEBI iIf,PAL

prorogatiye in viow of tho lattor's ineietenco on retsining it.lr.

With the Raia of Baikunthapur on thoir eide tho Britiah
litre of defonce was complete and. Capt. Joues bosioged thc
fort of Bihar,2o Previously this Raja wos roportod to havo
insited the Bhooteas againrt Koch Bihar.. The British had
ssid th&t they had oonsented jo go to the help of tho Raja
'from a love of justice and deeire o[ assieting the distrossed,.
But it wes to gain possession of Koch Bibar and humiliate.
Bhutan tha,t tbe British had readily abided by tho requeat
of the Raja'a brother. Thig waE &dmitted by Warren Eastinge
in hie memoir.zr
With due precaution against desertion end with ofieotive
military baoking, with new alliee and now finanoial help, the
Government of Bengal ewiftly embarLed on a mission to ,erpel
tle Bhootaners from the fort of Bihgr'.22 It was said that
the enemy numbered noarly 4,000 concentrated round Bihar
and 2,000 moro in tho northern part of Juhugopa. Tho Engt;rfi
had, however, meroly ?00 men. Inspito of their rosolution
rud bravery, anfl euperior numerical BtroDgth the Bhuta,troso
vere poor in ammunition and it was aleo no longer a ffght in
the hills which they were fociag here. It was, therefore,
impossible for them to stand the quiok aad forceful aeeault of
Capt, Jonos who in his owu worde'took then by eurprise, aad
stormed the fort.z8 Thoro was nothing to provent Bhutanege
dofeat. But all the same the Bhutanese have the oredit for

19, Th€ ilgbor€d ourlaEoJr f,as s soutoo ot pro6t to th€ Baie (Oouaotor of
.8.!gIrE! to th6 Oouroil ol Boyolue, Noyoabol !1,17?r: rlso Lis lott r to
tbe
Conrnittea of Oilouit, J.nuary t t72il th6 Brttish is t.oLliDg thiB
qu€stlon iE5tlucteil l{r. Purliag, th6ir &geDt io Bihr., to sel volontsry
tolilquhhmo[t ol coiDsgq but no insist€a€€ prs to ho put oD hiD,
90. Thir Rsj. paiil Bs. 16,000 to tho Blitish snatr.lly.
!1, Ol6t8. op. ctt,, Pp. llltS-96.
,!, Easthqs'lett r to tL6 Coutt ot Dteoto!!, J.Euqry 16, lr?8 : OloiS;
Metoirs of Eotuags,aoLLD, t7g,
23' /617. Eratiags' tetter.
 NEPAL lND IT8 }IXIGEBOI]RA 379

their bravery and courage. fnepito of success aohieyed O&pt&in

Jonea'brigadea loet 260 sopoys, bs himself ras wounded ir
his right arn followod by Lt. Diclineon who saa hit in hiE
breaet.2. Tho Bhutanose losg was compar&tivoly sm&!ler,
only 200 of them being killed.26 The position, howeter, after
the Bih&r eng&gomoat was thst the Bhutaneee were rnuch
intimidated by the British thrust end they avoided all contact
vith the Britieh army and evacurted all paeses beforo they
rstired to the hills. Thenceforth one incident of e 6ght rhich
took place ou thc bank of the Brahm&putr& iB r€ported but
it produced the samo domoralising efleot on tho conduct of
the Bhutaneee.
Thus by tho end of January 1773 the var with Bhutan
c&mo to an eud and tho application for a eettlement froEi tho
Deb Raja26-who was noy scold.ed by the Tashi Lama.2? aud
Prithvinarayan Shab28-reached the British boforo long. But
the British had now beforo them the problom of the Sannyasi
robbers, equolly outrageous end devasta,ting aDd dema,Ddinl;
urgent disposa,l. It wae raid that until thie wa8 solved tbo
cessation of hostilitiee with the Bhutanese bad ao tongible
6foct oa tho Bituation. Thoroforo, the British put ofr tho
question of & ssttlomout with tho Bhutaneso syetr thouSh two
monthe had olapsed since hoetilities had ceased. They had
asked Mr. Purling to ongagc in talte on their behalt and
protract tho negotiation ou various pretext€.20 The Sannyaeis

?4. GIei8. Mernoirs l,P,2?9, Iatter frorD the C(Drmittee oICilouit to

the OotrDcil oI R6voaue.
,5. HBBtiDgs'lottor to the Oourt ol Dir€ctols, trIaroh 31, 1??3 i Oeptoin
,oDes to l[s,Btin8s, December 24, I77q.
26, Letter of Mr. PurliDg to th6 CoDEitteo of Circuit.
?;1. Ia,tt?f; ot TcBhi Lsno& to Werre! IlastingE. fhs Taahi Lemq
hail iEtero€ded with the Britigb lor tho Bhtrt&Dese (Iu&!khsm, LXIX'
Lxx).
98, 8, B. Gewali, op. cit., P,2O9. (E6 quotes &u ertlact lrcl! tho try'e.
of Pddes Eahe to oo\irm his stat€eeDt).
29. op cir. Gl€ig, I. P $94
 .380 XODXRII I{IP.AL

woro th6n in the vioinity of patgong and after.ocoupying

Eomo of tho do8re, thoy had dosoended on tho pleiDs to take
up ths lrsr in alliance rith Raja Dharmadeo of Biahnu, who
wrs thon at Lakbipur.a 0 They were in euftcient numsrical
atrengthend the yenoration thoy enjoyod rith th€ EEss€E
of tho pooplo protectod them from active eearch by the Britirh.
But iaspito of th6ir boldnesa and reaourceful conduct they
oould aot put up s strong resistsnce to 3ritish prbs8uro. At
.Dinlah they retired after ,thowing I fev rockete' at tho
Britishsr ond finally fled to the other side of tho Teeeta. In
eimilar othor eug&gements tboy collapsed before any ofensive
worth tho namo was begun by the British s?d thus the wholo
of Purnea and the Iorts of Rohimgani anil Jalpaiguri
vero fro€d. I 2
In only one oDgagomont could thoy bo s Dstch to th6
.British detaohment end succeeded in inflioting tevero loesss on
them. In a goramble to cross & river Capt. Edward,e troopa
gcvo wsy on aocouDt oftbe prossure from the Sannyasia on
the front and the rear.rt Thie vae retrioved when the
rings of the regimnnt from Dinajpur ond Rangpor.e advonced
to moot the Sannyaeie and thoy wero compelled to flee to
the hilla, tho Britieh loaving them alone as ,pursuit wae
da,n86rour.'! .
Tha Britirh first dealt wifh tho quertion of the Sannyasis
by ovrouating them from their depondencios, for which they
noved cautiously efiecting voluntary rolinquiehment by tho
Sonnyasis ag far os posBible and thus evoidiag any undue
olarm liloly to rfoct thoir rank and 610 in ths ovent of auy
undue prossure. Even though reluctantly tho Sannyasis hrid

30. Lottot ot C6pt. Jo!63 to EsstiDg!, ,sDurt, t , t?7g.

31, O.pL Jo!e. to E stt!8s, Jrlulry gO, 17?3.
3r. I.tter ol Ci!t. Jo!6s to EN.tiDg8, ,enu.ry 80, 1I?9.
85. Ibid.
84. Er.tiDg to Oeor!6 oolobloole, l{.troh 31, lI?9. llhe 6tu!6 ol thh
,&b.Eilo[DoDt i. ssid to be a, oi.!g6 ot 'LBt lttoDr.
 NDEAI, .A]$D ItS Nf,IOEBOUBIT 38h
departed. From 1773 the Bhut&nese question Fa,s tskon up.
Koch Bihar was asked to eoas6 hostilitios with the Bhutanese,
and this dono they tutued to Deb &aja aesuring the latter
that their limit, of orprnsion was Kooh Bihar aad that they
hsd no iatention to penotrote into iho hille.r s The Bhutaneso.
now rocognizing the olaia of Koch Bibar upor the do&rs -
rccopted the suggoBtion of the British snd a treaty waa signed
betreen theur in April lZ?4, which determined their $lstions
and oonuoctions throughout the oighteenth century,
Nothing, however, w&a moro important than the trade
orticle which confered on the British &n uninterrupted right
of oommorcial dealing with the Bhuteness in e:change of the.
some privilege to be extended to thom iu British tonitory
;
and tho u8e of the road to Chumbi Valley was mcured
ai
a oorollary to the formor stipulation, thus fulfiIling
tho long
w&nt of the British. The hietory of the Anglo-Bhutareeo
rohtions hereafter covore tho development of the last
nomed
atipulatioo .
Ae has boen already observed, the Britirh Government
tooh
up the mattor of opning the pharjong routo to the
Chumbi,
only when the att€mpt to penotrate to that quertor
thmugh
Kathnandu failed. That fact, ooinoiding with the peril
overturos of Tashi Lame; which supillied ths -maiu initiafi;J for
correspondence,l . helped tho Government of Bongal
to uro
th€ir pr€dominanco in Bhutsn for aecuriog commorcial
oontact
rpith that country and Tibo6 8nd they roized
tho osrliest
opportunity to open nogotiation with the Tashi Lsma.
A
hint to the intended embaasy to wei6 upon tho Lama
was.
mad6 in the reply, accompanied pith aseurancee
about tho
Rhutoleee ofair and denying all roaponsibility for provoking
the war. Mr. Bogie wae despatcheil at the head of the
mirsioi

35. The interior ot SorrdluDgr p.sr, $rs thu! girea ov6s to th6.
BhutsDeae.
36. Ihe lctt€r ot TE.bi Iamr nte detivered ou tf,sloh 31, 1??t iu.t_
alter th6 tsrttriEArioE ol th6 $rr. lte reply Loro tLe drt€ Moy
tq l??4.
3E2 !f,ODNBN Nf,P L

to Bhutan and thonos to Tashi Rabgya to nogotiete a ttad6

paot rith Tibet.8 7 Tho gettlemeut with Bbutan was, of
oourao, eooondary ; for tho etipulatione in the treety of 1774
elready oaviaaged oommercial iutercourse botrean tho two coun-
trieE. Mr. Bogle'e presonce in tho Bhutaneao capitol holped him to
soouro tho goodwill of the aew Dob Raja who had now replaced
tho Dob Judhur. It wae proposed that XIr. Bogle should
wait for the suggo8tion for trade negotiatione from the Tashi
Lam r, ; but it vos the &rdent wieh of Warren f,aatings not
to allow time to elap8o or a,t lea8t to exert to ovade all
dis€oursgoment from. tho Lama vhoso attitudo towarde the
miseion ros colodred by a fear of China. Warren Eaotinge
had a kaowledge of his sympetbetic attitudo towards the
British. It appears from the biography of the Sirth Prnchen
Lema, Palden Yesho, that he was in favour of orternal
contircte. Ee was the firgt Tibetan authority in tho medieval
sge to seek contact with the Indian Princes. Eie deputations
had twice yisited Benarae to re&it on Chait Singh-ono in l??2
ond &uothor in 1774 (Tho Miesions of Bogle and Turnor in
Tibotan.Terts, T'oung Pao, X_XXIX, 1940, Pp, 334-38.)3t
Warron Ilaetings know all this and he wanted to securo e
po'sition beforo anything hogtilo occurred. He had thorofore
edvieed Bogle to turn & ile{if oar to all kindg of disoouraging
suggestions, Accordingly Mr. Bogle roached Pharjong on
Oot,ober.13, 1774, subsequently orriviog at, Taehi Rabgyo itself
on Novembor 8 ; gnd &ll waa done with Bhuta,uose goodwill.s t

Eie Tibetan'mission! howsvor, not beiig suocessful inspito

of the cordiality shown to him by tho Lama who accepted tho

31. Tho imports irto Iibet froE Beagal coDstut€d ot brcld oloth, rtt6t.
slias, iDdigo, le*rls, corrl, aaber sDil other teeik, ohst}. tobocoo, sEgsrt
!fislila gtriptrEd satine atril & low *hit€ cloth6s chi6fly ootlro.
98. geog. CsEEsn! (Op. Crr. P.24)guotet i. Peteoh, tho ruthor ot
the adicl6.
39. Lttot ol itr. Bogls, Deoemher 6, 1??4. Forr€stlt Serecrionr
r. P. 264,
 NNPAL .4,!TD IT8 ITEIOEBOUBA 383

proposal foi o trade pact,ro Mr. Bogle returuod to Bhuten

to folmally rign a trade pact with tbo lattor country. Ths
Raja waa sll attontion to l[r. Bogle's roquest and erprosred hie
readinegs to 6ntor into &D agreeDqont vith him. .The trado
pect thus grantod 'equal &Dd mutua,l rightE to the
inhsbitsDte of both couutries,. r aboliehing all import dutier
on goode passing between them.'.s Thie aleo secured-for
them the exclusive right to use the Chumbi high road, tho
Bhutonese being content with tho monopoly of tho tr&de of
tobacco, indigo, betelnut and redeLin would not grudgc thle
advautage going to tho Britieh trsdors.
Warren Eastings to whom goes all tho credit of uniler_
. Gt&nding the import&noe
of Anglo.Bhutanege relations in
the light of tho Befoty of the empiro &nd &g I vsy of
approaoh to Tibet and China, strove earne8tly to keep
the goodwill of the Bhut&nese Raja. Eo could aot forget
tbe part that Bhutaa had played in the 6ret Tibetsn aiesion,
aor could he overlook tho p&rt that sho was likely to play
in the ooming mistion, snd aooordingly ho ttoputod Dr.
Eamilton to Bhutau rith his morsage of frieadrhip..s This
was the socond mission of the kind sent, to Bhutau. yet a
third wac in the ofrng. In lZ79 Mr. Bogle had once again
roeched the Bhutsnese border at the hoad of tho second
mission to Tibet but having hoard of the departuro of Tashi
Lama to Peking, he returaod to Caloutte. The question of
certain disputod pointe in rogard to territorial adjustmeDt
betwosn Bhutan and Beagol r&s th€n pending and- Eamilton
had only recommondod c€rtain Btops. As Mr. Boglo had to

tO. See Turner'g Rsporti viil6 3orr6rt, III. ,pp. 107f-7t. AlBo rerd tho
.rtiols h I.II.Q. Yol. IX. pp, 425-49?.
41. l\Iarlhsm'., BoSl€, P.6, Ther€ *sro tilo tltoro Disllonr froE tho
Bdti.L both led by E.Eiltor. (LXIX-IJXX).
4t, A. tr€r inatruotiola i.3ued. to Mt. Bogl6 by the Gov6rDo!-Oeleral.
Tho oltiol€6 porsiEg froD B€Dgsl to Bhuto! wore blosal oloth & cor:Ll
theo lmlnrteil ftor Eurupe (IEQ. IDid).
49. U8lkhrio Op. Cir., LXIX-LXX.
384 TODEBN N'P L

breaL his journey at Kooh Bihe1, it fell to &nothor mission to

csny out tho esttlemeat. This mission rcaohed the Bhutanssc
capitsl duritrg the qiddlo of l?80. In this year tho Govem-.
meot of Be.ngal duly acquired the possersion oftho two doar&
formetly belongiog to tho Roja of Baikunthopur and for
this Bhutan was oorcodod the right of free trrdo in some nor
distriotr, fn 1783, trfr. Turnor wag deputod to onqufue. iD.to
the grivencos of tho Bhutanoso mcrchsDts Bnd signed snother
sgr€omont with the Bbut&noss Raj&. This agrooment woe.
followed by tho ratification of tho old treaty, the erecution of
whiirh vas done in Bengali."
Iho fooling of lmity which was marked during lll these
yo&rs oontinuod to rule thoir policy till 1794, and Bhutan
alwaye-formed a ohaansl of India's oommunioation with Tibet
till then. In l?86 ve hesr of hor Lelp available to anothsr
miesioa in tboir talk with the &ogent ot Terpauling and in
l?86 to Purangiri ot the time of the inetallation ceremony ot
the new Loma, But. for tho aesistarco rendered by Bhutan,
tho Tibetan policy ofiho British would not have beeninitiated.

So long aa hops for I settlement Irith Tibet w&g

tho
dominating the fortign policy gf tho Clovemmeat of Bengal
in ;hat regard, Bhut&n was tho scene of. occaeional visits'by
the Britieh r€presontati"es. There wero a aeriea of doputa-
tione eitLer to Bhutan or to Tibet passing through Bhutan.
The chain was brokon only after 1788 owing to tho Tibeto-
Gorkha confliot, wbich for a time diverted the attentioD of tho
Tibeteng to their owu eelf defence end. ended all hopee of
sottlomont of other queBtions. In 1792 a worse Bituation
cropped up. Tho Chinese who hacl hitherto orercised a vague

44. Thlr ooly ii sttsoheil to the Pspot ol Dr. Siroat, Yido, Ploo€€tlilg.
ol th6 Eistorlool B€ootalt OohEis3lou, Yol. X[f; AttahiDsou, Or. Cr].,
P.
'86,
!!he s6oouil tt&t[6 Ei.sio! to Tibot.re.ohoil Toq'suli[g t! U8g. T.rht
Laur hril itieil ia 1780, toil tho iloloy ol thro€ yo.!5 tle au6 b tho il*tb
of M!, 3oglo.
 rEP...I, .A]ID ITS NEIOSBOUBS 385

kind of suzerairty ovor Tibot now sat heavily on its ohest.

Their powor waa eroroised in oveqrthing down to details. Ae
8 sdyeroiga power they had their oqrn intorest in the ovorall
commercial tr&Ds&ctio! of the country they controllod. They
wanted excludvely bilatorsl trado betvoon China and it*
Tibeton region- Naturally they disliked any idoa of permittiog
the British to entor the 6old as competitors. In 1793 by a
decree the-Chineso once for all declared Tibot closod to
foreigners. Bhut&n, thorefor.o, lost all glamours for the British
ond accordiugly the tcmpo of the Aaglo-Bhirtanoeo rel&tiorehip
g&ye way to a Bt&to of restraint and onstr&ngemont which in
the end atlded to tho moro t€rrible coiflict of 1864 and to tho
Auglo -Tibetaa teaeion of 1904.

APPENDIX

The treety taken fmm Aitchisou roadc as follows . . 5

(l) That the Eonorable Company, wholly from ooneidera-

tion for the distress to which tho Bhootans representcd
themeelyes to be reduced and flom the dosiro of living in
peace with thoir neighboure, will relinquirh all the lande wbich
belouged to tle Dob Baja be{ore tho commencement of ths
wa,r with the Raja of Cooch Bohar, namoly to the esstwsrd,
the laudg of Chitha-Kotta and Pangola-heut, and to wost-
wa,rd, tho lande of Kyrunte, Ma.nagant and LucLy-poor.
( 2 ) That for the poEBession of the Chitch&ootta Province,
tho Dob Roja shall pay an anuual tribute of ffvo Turgini
hdrseri to the Ilonorablo Company which wae tho aoLnow-
lodgemont p&id to the Behar Raja.
( 3 ) Thet the Deb Roja shall doliver up Dhujindor Narain,
Raja ofCooch Boh6r, together with his brother the Dhern.
Deo, who is oonfind rith hie.

,16. Aitohi8o!, Tr.attet alo.' t Vol. II. Port IV. pp. 290-9?
46. Torlot, OIr, Citi pD.'21-r3.
386 UOD&R}I NtrPIL

( a )' Ttrat ths Bhootans, boing morchants, shall have

tho same privilego of trade as formorlR rrithout tho poytuont
of duties and thoi! oarsvan shall bo allowod to go to
Rangpoor annually.
) That the Deb Raja shall uovgr cauge inoumion to bo
(5
made into the country, nor in auy respeot whatever molest the
ryots that have come undor the Ilonorable Companyls
subjection.
( 6 ) That if any ryot or i:|habitant rh&t€ver ahall demrt
from the Eouorable Compauy'e tarritories, tho Dob Raja sholl
cauee him to be delivered up immedi&t€ly upon applic&tion
being made for him.
( 7 ) That in caeo tbe Bhootans, or Bny ono under tho
Governmoot of tho Deb Raja, ehall havo any demouds upon
or dieputes with rny inhabitant of these or eny p&rt of the
Coupony's teEitories, thoy shall prosocute them only by an
applioation to tho Magistrate, who sh&ll reside horo for tho
administration of juetice.
(8) That vhoreas iihe Sauuyasia aro cousidered by the
English as au enemy, the Dob Roja 8h&ll not &llow anybody
of thom to take sheltor in &ny port of tho districts nolr, givon
up, nor permit them to enter the Eonoruble Compony's
torritorios, or through any psrt of hir, aud if tho Bhootans
ehall not of tbomgolves bo ablo to drive thom out, they BhaU
give informaiion tothe Resident, on the p&rt of tho Eoglish
in Cooch Behar, and thoy shall not coueider the English troops
pursuing the Saunyasi: into thoge dietricts any breach of thie
Troaty.
( I \ Thot in caso the Eonorablo Company ehall havo
occosion for cutting timber from any pari of the woods undet
the Hills, thoy shall do it duty free, aod the psople th€y 8eqd
rhall bo protected.
( f0 ) That there sball be a mutul releaso of prisoners.
Treaty to be eigned by tho Ilonorablo President &nd
This
Couaoil of Bengal, etc. and tho Eonorable Compaay's soal to
 NEP.AL AND ITS NtrIOEBOUR,II 387

be affxed on tbe one p&rt, and to be eiguod.and sealqd by tbe

Deb Raja ou the othor part
Signod and ratified at Fort William, the 25th April 1774.
Signed : Warren Eu.Etingo.
,, William Aldersey.
,, P. M. Dacres.
sear
:: *",?T::.,".
,, J. Groham.
,, George Vsnsitt&rt.

u
?he Bed kda trlitttbr ta ?ibet
Warren Eastings with hie ideas of commercial penetration
by tho British into Tib6t and China schemed a plan for
deputations to thogo oountrios.4T Obviously he looksil to tho
Tashi Lama, .for holp in this otrdoevour bocauso he knew th&t
if it wore not for tho good ofroes of tho Taehi Lama, thc first
British Ilade Miesion could Dot h&ye been able even to
negotiate tho fibetan pathvays.
Tho Mission which wae to visit Bhutsu &t tho first Btsge
was dir€ctod'to cultivatiag aad improving tho good und6r-
stsnding Bubsisting betw€oE the Chiefs of thoeo oouutr.ier and
the Sritieh Govsmont- 48
India carried & brisk tr&de rith Tib6t, the details of which
are given iu the apponilir. The traders who haadlod the
doaling wero mostly Kashmiri Muglims aud Bengali Glosaine.
The l&tt€r, according to a British report, .woro tho trading
pilgrims of India, resortcd hither in groat numbers, thoir
humblo deportnoat, and holy charact€r heigbtoned by the

47. tr'or s d6tsil6il socouEt oI both tho 6lst o:ral seco l r[irliorla lrail
Cleoents ![or]ham, Naftaliyet of the Mission oj Geotge Bogle to Tibct etc.
( Louilon, 1876 ) e.Dil Capt. SaEu€l lD'tno\ Al Account of aa Edbassy ,o
the Cowt of Teshoo Lama ( Loudon ).
48. EoEre Departeent, Publio Boily Sheots ol 19[L -{p!il, 1??9.
388 MODEAN I{EPAI,

merit of distant pilgrimages, tbeir &ccouuts of unknown

countries, &nd romots regioBs, &nd sbove all their poasoasion
of high yonerstiou for tho Lamrs, prooure tbem not only
r rsady sdmit@nco but gro&t favours. Though clad in the
gsrb of povofty thero are EaDy of them p,oseessed of
ooneiderable werlth. Thoir trado is confined to articlee of
grost yaluo aud small bulL. It is carriod on without noise
or ostentation, and ofton by patha unfrequentod by other
merchante.49
Tho Seoond Trade Misgioa to Tibet6o embarked on its
journey in l7?9 iu the month of April under Mr. Boglo's leader-
Bhip, but hardly it had roached Koch Bihar whea the oows
of the Tashi Lama's departure to Poking wes doliv€red, which
oaus€d the postponomoot of tho mission until Euch time &8
the neture of the talk between the Taehi Lema and the
Emperer would beoome known.5l Siuce tho beginning of
1776, lbo time of Mr. Bogle'e stay in Tashi Limbu during hie
ffrrt visit, when ho could impress the Tashi Lama with the
fieadliness of the British migsion and the advantages
eooruing from the proposed Anglo-Tibetan Mission tho itle+
of an earl-v sottlement of the questioa of commetce had
asgumed a praotioal Bhepo &Dd the British Goveromont were
loohing forword to cstoh evary oPportunity for negotiatiou.
Of course, Bogle's miseion ite€lf was a failure because thore
oould be no nogotiation aa such owing to the feeling of
ertreme eloofnesg on tbe part of Tibetans, of wbich Bogle
hail tho bittorolt erperience io bia eadier vieit, it was such
thst none would dare carry his letter to tho Dalei Lamt5z.
The Chineao who rore the auzeroin power aleo bod erercis€d
their influenos to diroourago a,Dy nogotistiotr with the Britieh'

49. Eot!6 D.!6rtE6ot O. O. No I ol 1st EdpterDba!' 117''

6o. trot the fLst ll!.d6 lfl..io4 rsril.E.ltialc b lidiqn HttL'ticol
Qnarr.rll,Yol. DL No, t PP. 4qF30.
5I. Eo!!€ DoFltl!6Dt, Publio Boily gheot! of APril 19, 1779-
l[.r].h.o. hglc, D, c@.
5r. 8l! Fr.rcis Yonoghusb.ld, lidia out Tlbel' 99' 6-1'
 NEPAL AND IAS NI]OEBOURS 389

It
was Beid that the Tibetan notiou of o trade paot with
the British was coloured by a fear of imperialistic d.omination,
and thie ras quito unjuatified in view of tho design8 of the Bri-
tieh inIndia. Thia might be p&rtly true. But the real cause
cf theii cautioue sttitude w&8 the fear of courtiug the Chineso
Emperor's displeasure. 'Iho Chineee did not like any foreigaer
to eet hie foot on Tibotan eoil. Bogle was, therefore,
obliged to return to Oalcutta without achievirg the end oI hjs
miesion; but the Taehi Lama gave adequato promiees, and
Mr. Boglo had como to tbo Gloveruor-Gener8l with thosa
promieos. which had gono to keop wann the eathusiarm of the
latter about proEpects for a cloeer eollaboration reith the
Tibetane inspite of adverse circumst&nces encouDtored by the
first Britirh trade mission.
The policy of ieolition pureued by tho Tibetan GoverDmont
the Britigh regordod ae likely to undergo a hango in tbeir
<

fayour in due oourse, and ae the Tashi Lamo uaintaraed

oordial oommuaioatione with them, sometimes hiuself reques
tiug for certein favourg like o plot of land near Celcutta,5r
aad at aaother time soading the Govemor-General ovou formal
ealutations, they vere .conffrmed in their belief ss to iho
6ual outoome of thei-c trade miesion. Most of all, the Tashi
Iama's journey to Poking wa8 wetohed with care, for according
to what Bogle wss told by him, the fate of the Mis8ion
hnag on the trond of the Sino-Tibotan talLs, s r it was thereforo
Dot without a sufrcient ro&son that tho Govornor,General
oompliod with the Lema's requosts for peorls and conch ehalls
in all hurry and promptnoes. s6

53. Ihic is still tLovtr as Bhotbe,gsn. An e!,ticle sbout this plc.

in the Jou al of ,he Belgdl Asiartc Sociery, 1890, No. I pant I:
Epl,€arts
Ma*ha 's_Bogle, pp. 184-65; Abetr.ots of L€tter. n€coiv€d A. p. gg,
April 3, fl75.
64. Viil6 TuEo!'s Relrort in Forteet.s .ge lections ltom For.ign DeDart-
me Papert, Yol, III. pp. 19U-?9. Csptaiu Seuuel furaer. ;la
Ac@uat of rh. Eobatty ro th. Cot t of rh. Tertoo lanv in Tibe, (Iandan.
1806), pp. 381 f.
390 MODEBI{ ITEPAL

Tho Govornment of Bongal rho wore also fortonato in

haviag obtainod acceeg to tho Chinese court and their agent,
through th6 goodwill of the Lama, could plead for the
Emporor's &ssent to the Anglo-Tibetan Trado Pact.sE But
the hopo of further ection on this matter was smashed by
the untimely death of the Tashi Lama in Peking, and the
departurc ofthe deputies to Tashi Lumbu put Batters to
reat for all timea, a,t least, so far rs securing China's assont
wag conoerned,s ? Now the yerl prospect of the second
mission going to Lhase looked to have roooded farthet.
And with tbe death of trfir, Bogle on April 3, l78l, the very
idoa ofa proposed Second Trodo tr[iceiou of 1779 oa,mo to
an end, only to be rotsken after four yeers.
W'arren Eastings, howevor, olutrg to tho hopo of reaewod
negotiatione with a toneoity poculiarly his own. ag it wag
a droam of his to establish trade in thot country. Ee aho
hopod that ultirnately Tashi Lama's influenc6 witb the Chiu€so
Emperor. rould secure for tho British 'a communication witb
Pekiag',6r thie ho montioned in a letter to the Court of
Directore (19 April, 1779) adding, 'It is impossible to point
out tho advautages eithor itr opening new channels of trade
or ia obtaining redross of grievauces or extending the privilegee
of the Company, th&t m&y result ftom such intetcourge'.
L,uokily, rr f6r this Tibetau adventure of his, which wae of
less hazard and of muoh g&iD to tho British and, therofore,

56. Puraugiri Goaoin boil goBo to PoLing to meet the Talhi I{tns'
E€ vrs prEent€al to th6 ElBp€ror by tbe letter. It sPDesri flom tho
D&lrstive oI Mr. Turner th&t the EmParor hail aoo€lteil tbs iile{ ol . Itsot
wtth tho Briti6h (PloooediDg6 ol tho Elto osl R€colils 0oDEl66ioE, Vol.
EII. pp. 99 tr.)
6r. The it-to of th6 il@th ol TeBLi L&Do is wtongly Put !€ NoY€ltlb€r
20,1780. 8oe.!!s!ciB YoEEShusb&Dil, p, 26t Bengal' Past 4nd Preseat,
Yol, XXVI. P.I95 : JBA8. OP. Oit. Ei6 il6cth oocut?eal o! ,uly 4, 1?80
...pp€.ts ltoa r lottet ol Ealo Irtiai (llR. I9 pp. 3'L) ltir lette! ir
quot€il itr tho ,rry'raz Estorbal Qtsrle y ,boa' lelerrei[ to'
68, Pub. OoDsult. Aplil I9, 1779.
 NXPAL AIID It8 IIIIGEBOUNS 39r

worthy of the rising State, a kiad of

Dogotistior psB kopt
rtill going by tho Regent of Taahi Limbu, Tashi Lama,e half
brothor Chanzu Cusho, through hie large corroepondeace for
all thoso yeare. Raje Irtini w*s another persotr to help him
to ths best of his oapaoity.oo In 1782 he supplied the
Goyernor-General with the dotails of the Peking talk, which
of course, nado painful readiug and was dieappointiog because
of the leader'g death,6 r but thia conespondeace had opened
up the vista for a fresh attenpt on the part of the Bongrl
Government. I[arren Eastiogs, therofore. witbout waiting
for any invitation from Tibet, ro-iustituted tbo Seoond Trade
Miseion for the second time and placed at its head Mr. Samuel
Turner of the Bengal Service, 'with a salary of R8. 8,000 per
month'.o2 Puran Giri Closaitr accompained tho mission a8 h6
did tbe tu81.
I'his time, the mission started pith a Iimited aim, whioh
thc British wore forced to sccept by tbo Btat€ment of advica
of Chanzu Cusho, tho half-brother of the Tashi Lamo. But
etren with limited objective the mission weg checkmated in
its oourse of action. It wos oot without Tibetan objectione
tbat the miasion could ffnally onter tbe border. Whilo Mr.
Turner was in Bhuten, he received a lotter from Raja Irtiai
end Jossa Loma68 to tbo efroct that hie mission wae untimoly
and it ws8 Iikely to faco complioations owing to Cbineso
EuzeraiDty over Tibot..a fn thia letter they ha.d olso erpreseed
tho feeling of the TibeteD people who appeared againet sending
a European enyoy, and requested tho Governor- Gdnerel to
dspute an Iodian who'is able to evade tho suspioion of tho
trreoplo of this country.0.6 Mr. Turner himgslf wag diesuaded

@. Ee w.lr aiDlstet.t tha court ol Tlshi Iomr sDa[ s brotho!.EaI

o@Aiblt oI hir.
61. 178q,ltebtroty r, ; In 19, P. 2f.
0r. IIoE6 DoI,oltEeD Otigitrsl Co&ult tiou8,N,9. g oI J.DEsry 9, t?88.
03, A Einist6! .t th6 ooult ot tb€ Tr.ht I.ar.
64. R€o6iy€il oD lfolch t8, f88.
45. bid.
392 ODEBN IIEP.AI,

from sttompting to go to Tashi Limbu, for tho latter hsd

declered in s letter Bont earlior 'the Tashi Limbu i6 undor
China, the law forbids the ontry of Europesn fortigners and
the &pplio&tion for such ontry would not bo conoidered by
the Chinese promptly'.'o But Mr. Turnor was undaunted,
end all this porsuasion hail no ofect whatsoever. l[r. Turner
replied that his mission having once left India, rould not
roturn ther€ and could only alo so if tho ClovernorGleueral
iutorvonod. Tho journey of tho Mission was continued and'
towarde tho ond of Decombor 1783, they rmched Torpauling
the educatioual abode of tho miuor Tashi Lama who had just
been 'discovered in reincarnated form'.

With ths fear of Chirioeo intorention, tbo otmosphae in

Lhasa ooutt wa,s quiet but as tho isol&tioli8t l]srty vas rrov
veakonod by the dcath ofits le&rder, Gesul Rimboohry, it
oould rot prot€Bt against the arrival of tho Britieh l[iesion.
Twner, uuliko Bogle, was, therofore, ia a fivoorablo position
and hir aegotiation rith the Regeot was marked by the
williuguoss of tho lattor to meet his point of view. But it
did not fulfil Warren Eaatings' erpectatiou,. and the ecopo
of their discuseion v/a8 ao n&rrow and limited th&t otrly a
part of Tibet, covering the domain of the Teshi Lama, could
como under the proposed pact. Notwithstanding this, Mr.
Tumor signed an egreomeat with the Regont and roturned to
Calcutta in March 1784.
Iu John Machorson Bent Pur&n Giri to &ttend thc
1785
installation ceremony of the now Panchen Lama. (JBAS LX,
Part I, No. l). This ie the third miagion. Ee reoohod
Tashilhunpo on the 8th of May.o 7 In the uoxt year, horover,
the Tibeto-Nopaleso war hsd etsrt€d and tbere wae toasion
all over the frontier aroea, Meauwhilo Puran Giri rotirod

66. Raoeiv€il oD August l, U8S.

6?. Tu!n6r, Pp. 419-29.
 Irf,PAr, A]cD rr8 ISrIOEBOITB! 393

to a priv&te life antl Waron Eastings himsslf had been

reoalled,o 3 snd thus the relationship camo to an euil.. t
The Gorkha-Tibet war ha.d aot only disrupted the course
of Auglo.Tibetan Degoti&tions but also put au end to tho very
possibility of nogotiation onoo for all. As it will follow .lator,
tho Chinese who bad gained absolute powers iu Lhasa, discoun-
tenanced eny moye directed to contact tho British ou any
aocount. 80 the attompt to eeok comuerciel penetrstion
into Tibet from India was givon up. But tho Britigh on ths
sugg€Btion of their offcerg in India made eforts through
snother chaunel to reyivo the tregotistion. In the summor
of l?93, a formor Glovornor of Madras, the Earl of tr[ea&rtroy
was deputed ss speoial enyoy to the Chines€ Emperor snd ho
visited Peking. But lieoauso of the goneral atmo8phcro of
su8picion and o6cial indiforence tho eavoy did not make any
hoadway in res[,eot of negotiation, &nd ho returned. Tho last
sttempt in this direction waa mado in lT96 when aaothor
miesion vieited Chiua.?o The ujssion catried a letter of the
British KiDg to the Chinose Emperor to cleai any kind of
doubtg about British help to Nepel in tho war of 1788.92. The
King rrrote that tho British inetoad of helping the Gorkhalia
had attacked Nopsl from the South, and oompelled.them to
surrender to China. But this also did not cut any ice. The
Chinese discouraged any talk on the issuo of Auglo-Tibetan
trade, and tho Emporor,s reply to tho Britiah King's letter
refuscd to believo his version of tho Nopal atrair addiug thet
Chioa had defeated the Gorkhalis without anybody,s help. ?r
Tho gocond mission algo like its pr€decessor rotumed. a failuro.

6S Eastiugs l6ft IDals iE Fobru&ry of l?86.

69 Porertci !?.s oDo oI thoso men who was r moEk bot .st once !,
pilgria, morohslt anil s eolili6!, Tho co6.itrr lail the moaopoly
o, Ttbototr tlsito in thel! hsatL' (Eu!uo!, ! gZO), G. gossk in
Bengal, Pdst ond Prcten, LXf, I,I, (l8SO): (Notes o! & Buildhistic
MoDs,Btery Bt Bhot Ba8sn, Ilort h).
10. 8. CrDrlD.lEr Pp. lg&ltl.
71. AcooriliDg to 8. OrrtleanD (P. 143) Oh'ieo.IJutrg EEpolor.6 lotter of
?th Ecbruory, 1700 quot il io ET8L, 1499, 16819.
30r TODEBN NEPAI,

The British wero kopt at b&y fron Tibetan rfiairs for

onother huadretl yeers.

APPENDIX
A liet of articles composing the Commerce between Tibet
end the suroundiog countries (encloeure in Ur. Turner's lotter,)

ExportB: Imports:
Tibet to Nepal China to ?ibet
Gold dust, diamonde, peark, Gold and silver brocades, plain
corale, asmall qu&ntity ofmu8k, silk, plain satins, black tea of
tinka.l, woollen clothea, lamb four or five ditrerent qualities,
ekins. wood or othor ekins. tobacco, talents of Bilyer,
quickeilver, cymbals a.nd other
mu8ical instrument8rT l firs,
sable, ermino, black fox and
dried fruite.
This trade is carried on at Shining or Sitting, a garrison
town on the woetern froutier of China.
Chinq
Tdbet to N epal, to Ti,bet

Rocksalt, tinkal, gold dust, Silver species, coarse liaer

pearls, corals &nd a littlo cJoths, gurreetree, rice, copper.
quantity of musk, woollen Through Nopal also paso
cloth, lamb skin and cortain Englieh commod.ities and Ben-
goods obtained from Bengal. gal goods like broad cloth and
the inferior gorts of which ttro
colours in most, inetances are
yellow and scarlet. Some few
triokets, such as enr:fr botes,
smelling bottles, knives, scis-
sors, spying glaeses. Of spices
cloves are most saleable, Thcy
are the principal ingrediente in
the composition of the perfu-
merl rode which men of rank
7rl. Sqob as oonioBl oboes.
 rNPlI AXD ITS ]IEIGEBOUBS 396

NeTd to Tbel
koep oonrtautly burning in
their proseaco, No sort of
spioes u8ed for cullinary
purposos.

Tibot to Bengal Bengal to Tibet

The artiolos on tho oppooito Nutmeg, sandal riood, dia-
eide are by the produce of monds, pearls, emeralds. sap-
Tibet. o.9., gold dust, musk hirea, phirosa or lapis lapuli,
and tinkal. corals, jot, amber, chaauk-
challs, kinlaab, g[zeB8b, moat
valuod Malda cloths, guzzie,
Rangpur loothen tobaooo,
indigo, wooil and other skias.

?ilnt to Bh.W,n Blrutan ta ribc,

Gold duat, tet, salt, woollen English broad-oloth, Raagpur
clotbs, th6 manufaoture of leathor, tobacco, coaree linen,
Tibot. guzoe, etc. coarse drapery,
rico, sandal wood, indigo,
mitriaDt.

With As.am there is no intercourae

f M b LdoblL ard, Kulunir. Ldalch anil Kaahmir ,o ?ibet
The ffne wool of the goats (the former is the market
from rehioh shswls sro between Kashmir and Teesho
maoufaotumd. Lumbo)
6 fev rhawls, dried fruitg
apricots, kishuish, rairins,
currants, dates, almoada, and
eafrront. ? I

79. gsilo[ L s.lil to h.vo b€ea [!€il for il]eiDg ih6 head-iltess of tle
IaBrs ol tLe eoltrgllo 8€ot.
396 MODXBN }TEPAI,

Khambacb1 t to Tibd.
Iloraos, Dromedaries ( camele ) Bulger hidm (Rureian
leather)? !.
A boue0oial traffo is oarried on with Lhasa in excha,nging
gold duet for silver bullioa. Eato of carriago from Phari to
Teeshu J,umboo for the hire of ons bo&st of burden that oarties
200 cwt.; is eight or nino Indormillies?' equivalent to threo
siooa rupeoe. t ?

ANGLO.NEPALESE AIFAIBS

It
was no socrot thsb the British wero hostile to the
growth of Gorkha powor in Nepal and they had left no etoas
unturned to proyent it. In theeo oircumstoncos it wsE but
uatural that th6 Gorkhalis did not trust British itrtontions
oven when tho subjoct was inaocuous. For th&t re&son tho
idee ofeigning a Trado Pact with the British Governn€lt
of Bengal was intolerable to tho sentiEent of tho Closkhalis? t
and thoy had shunnod and eva.dod tho attompt on tho psrt
of tho British to oarry trad6 nsgoti&tion8 till as lato as 1792.
In that yoar, howover, taking advantago of tho r€pested
roqueets of the Gorkhslie for Britieh interveation in tho
Tibeto-Nepaleso conflict, tho Govornment of Bongsl &ttempted,
tbough unsuccesefully, to impore a trado peot on Nopal,
the full accouot of which will intercst thc readeis. The

?1. A ttibe oI SsLDEls.

' ?6. gkinr luU of bott6r' roliSious ttibute to Tsbi LsEs (Pa,trobao I.E ).
?6. The ooi!6 ol N6IreI, so'csll€d tft€t tho Ea.De ol the BuI6r f,ho f,tat
ooileil silvot rtrIl@6 ia NsIEl. Tha€6 wore ilobasoil aEA w@o ourtoDt
;n Titot at o lorer rrts ot .erohoage rith tho ftdis[ totae ot 6v€n rriih
plrg Natl.leae rEI,€6.
17. Eottof;t, Op. Crl., III, P. 1C7?. Ihoro is . lePloihctio! of Tur[6'r
reIDrts.
?8. Tho KhgiioE oI Nopal beosloo Ltrowtr rs Gotlhr o!..ooult ol tL.
rolilg ilymsty h.ritg cotrtlloil tL. vsllet rtoe i hill PltEolpslitt'oI'th.t
Erhe rhioh i6 .ltu.teil f,lty Eit€s ilse wost o, tr tLe.!Ao. '
 I{[PA', AIiD TTg 39?
'C'IGSBOUBA
trade paot was a cuLninstion of a soriea of efrorts sads in the
dircction by the Britirb suthoritios to influonce Nepal in so
m&Dy rsys, whioh had oxtondod for an uncortrin periotl of
morr thsn twonty yoerB involving difrertnt phases of Ang'lo-
Nopalose relatiou, It is now nocoBsa,ry to take up tho account
of A.nglo-Nepalose relationr for these years before we dea,l
with tho trado pact of 1792.
To the lgador of the Gorkhalis goes the undoubted crodit
of foiling the British imperielist designs on Nepal, Einding
that the Esst Iadia Company rras gradually strengthening
ite position in tb6 couotry and showing iDoperislistic
tsndenoies Pritbviuarayaa Sheh was oll along opposed to any
sort of eettlemont sith the British and, from the vory stert
ofhis caroor, his movoments wore directed to prevoDt their
asoenda,ncy iu his domain. The grandoet etratogic defoat
whioh he inflicted on the British was to drive Captain Kinlooh
from the fortress of Siudbuli, &n event which terrified ths
Glovernment of Bougal into accepting as fait accompli the
Gorkba conquest of Nopal? e. As the preeent orticle purports
to deal with tho question in its full, other details will follow,
but horo it will suffce to aoto that the Shah had proved a
euooeeeful oonquoror whose doinge had discouraged tbe British
from attempting rnilitary interference ia Kathmandu 80. Tho
British hld boen awaro that Nepal could bo touch€d only &t
9 great risk and injury to British interest. But for about
t n years since 1767 the British authorities pursued a polioy
altrcraating botween intriguea for a dominat position in the
politics of Nepal aud formal peaceful approach f,o Kathmandu
for eocuring oommerciel intorcoutso with thie country.
?9, Osptaiu KiDIooh wcs scnt to inveile Nepal o,1 b€ha]J oI R.iN
Jsyaprskrsamalls of KsthEerilu. who sPPsled lor Bdtish holp thloEgb
th6 Oollector of Bettia ( Iettet froro Il Bulrbolt, A!!il ,0' 1?6?). Raler to
Beigal Past and Pr.serr, vol IX pp. 99, tr; B. B. Goweli' Ptithtinorayah
Sial (Nepafi)1 N. Ohstt !j6o. Yerelst" Rde in ladia, C}-. II i P. Auher.
RjlE ond Progr*r of the Eritish Power in ladia, D9. 181-206 i trllkD.tlict.
An accowt of th. Nepal,-1811, Pp. 2?0 tr.
80. Seagol Select Coaglitteo. Febmsry 16, 1768.
 398 IODEBIT IXEP.AI

After Kiuloch'a dofeat &n sttenpt va,s msdo to renow th6

orpodition, but the Company's pro-oooupstion with Eaidor
Ali io the South dismissed the posEibility of euch adventure.! I
Tho East Iadio Comprny meanwhilo tried to get opportunity
to advance its commorci{il oaterprire. Until suoh time as
military expodition beoamo practioable, E 2 trade considoration
alone was to bo tho guirting foctor. In bir despatch of
l6th M&roh 1768, the S€cret&ry to the Board of Directotg
of tho East India Company wrots to thoir Council in Calcuttt
'to obt&in the beet intelligence you c&n whether trade can be
opoDed with Nepal aud whether cloth and other Europoa,n
oommoditioe may not fiud tleir way from theuce to Tibet,
Lhtsa and Wsstorn parts of China.'st Another propoad
towarde sookiog trade facilitios in Nelnl was moot€d out by
tbe Court of Directors iu thoir letter to ths Pregidont and
Council of Calcutta, s8 they vroto 'to cotrsidor whethor a
sohome ofouttiug sticks for masts &hd yard and proouring
pitch tar, etc in the Morang oouutry could be implomentod'
(30th June, 1769 Pam 30). tr'or all thie it was essontial
that the goodwill of the Clorkha Meharajs bo obtefued.
But the l&tter was irreoonoilablo to any entroaty of tho
British, as was ehown from tho way ho prohibiteil the eutry
of oertaia Briti8h traders to Kathmandu. Ee had alro
approachod the Lhaea outhoritios not to entortain the Britirh
ofror of sctabliehlng new trado rcl&tions betwoon Tibet and
Bongsl.84 The British howover desired to pursuo tha msttor
imeslrctivo oI his atitude. Although evon l&t€r he tumed a

81. A Corrrwchenliec Hisroty or lndia by BevetiilSe, rI. P. g.

8!. Iatt€t frou Ooutt, Novemhor 11. 1768.

Bg. Fott VilltatuIldio Eoutc Coneqnndencc, Yol. V. pp, 1q81, PtbIo

I4tt€t Ir@ Cautt, l(.tch, 1168, Prlr 18.
16
84. Pritheintloystr thrh h.il cl.o ln Eiia tho iDiltrrtlid ProsPottty
olhls oountry, whioh he wrateil to uga lor hir or?! o6coriblcy iE Tibott
.oi.rirg to op6tr Lotodos thqB.
 ]CEPAL AND rf8 XATOEBOURS 399

deof ear to the proposal for a negotiation contained in

Verolst's letter to him,80 tho Brltish had wanted to make
a formal approaol to him with a show of frieudship. They
now deepatchod'a man of high position to vieit Nopal and
confor with tho rulor.'86

Jqrna, Lagor.'a Bpg ieeion.

Jame! Logan who ras doputed to do tho neodful in thie

ondeavout rocommeudsd a policy of intrigues with tho eriled
rulers &s aa alternetiyo msthod of reh&biiitation (Lotter datod
August 25,1769). This nau had formed a uotiou that
Prithvinarayau Shah woukl on no acoount enoourago British
trado iuterest in antl through Nopal. Primarily Logan woa
entrust€d with the task ofoarryiog a letter ofthe Governor
to the Gorkhali King ae a mark of formal &pproach for olose
and friendly relations betwoon ths Eoat India Company and
Nopal. This lotter aesured Prithvinarayan Shah that only due
to ingorance the British had aesistod tho Nowu Raja, and now
as they wero fully acqu&irted they would oa no ascount support
any other perty eroopt tho addressee.sT It appeare that Iogan
did not teko the troublo of deUvering the letter to Prithvinr
rayan Shob. IIo wae go prejudicod in the oase thet ho advised
his boss to rtoouo JayapraLissmalla imtead. Eo hinself
undortook to go on a secrot apying missioa to ditrorent p&rt8 of
Nopal.&] Aocordingly the English royerted to tho old poeition
ard triod to baok up tho oause of the dothroned rolers aud
workod. hard for th6ir r€otoretioa. Iogan'e mirsion wae ssddlod
with doubls objeotive. Wbilo he va8 to luro Prithviaarayan
85. Copiss i5s[eil, 1769-70 Nos. 106 eod 107. It apl]enrs irolrl s lette! oI
the Governor th&t th€ Briti8h eveD lslourrceal thsir ooDDectioD witb the
N€war rul€rs to pl€sr4him (NoleDb€r 13, 1769).
86. CPC, Ir. N. 1636.
87. OPO,1I. N. 1686. Lettot ilstoa Nov6mb6r 13, 1169.
88. I[ js Dot clear to *hiob port ol Nsprl IJog&D h8,il moeaal. Boglo
E€poried (P.lr8) th&t tho gorkhsl8 iBlolEed the'l'ashi Lsms ol t}o movo-
meDt of a, Firiugi.
tt00 UODXBIC }lEPlL

Sbah by e:prrssing friondly sentiment of tho Company, he va*

to enliet tho eupport of all the elomentE hostilo to the Gorhhalir
for the seoond &ttompt to bring Nepal under Btitish orbit of.
influonce. The first gwarm of omigraats from Nopol, rhich
mainly consieted of refugeee, moetly dothmood rulors, had founrl,
shelter in the frontier dietrict of British India, from whsre t
ceaseless intrigue &gsinst tho Shah dyDssty wss boiog oarriod
with the connivanco of tho Comp&ny. Logan's first step w&B.
to egteblish olaudostine contfscts with the oxilog. B,aja Ka'ran
Singb later su erile in Bettia and thon a ruler of Sapteri,
jranuotl permission to the British mission going thono; to tho
Chumbi volloy to uss tho trfor&ng-Toesta road as r quitl pro
quo for tho help ho orpeotod ftom them to meet Gorkhali
attack on his domaio.89 This rae the only routo loft for
Britieh morohandise to Tibot after the Kathmaudu"Kuti ;route
wag olosod permaDently.go
White in the torritory of Karan Singh, Jamoe Logan hoped-
also to obtain guidos and intelligenco'in oriler to Proseouto my
iouruey'.gr Tho ogtonsiblo object of this ho outlined w&8 to,
gain acoess to Tibst rhero according to his informatioa Jaya-
prakasamalla war liviug after haviug fled the country on hir.
dofeat by tho Clorkhalig. In 1769 Will Mitleel and in 1770
Franoie Poscock and Jamss -Christio sttenPtsd to oxplore tho
rogions covorod by this highway ou tho ordor of the Council.9&
Theso gentlemon had besn instructed uot to dabblo in politioal
activities. Although thoy could not negoti&te Bhutan, Poaoook
obtained from the Raja of Morang 'Coran Sing the sole right of
outting furs in hie couatry'. It wos, however, found in Calcutte
thet tbe timber 'wae of inferior qu&lity, rotten at hoart and

89. yiile Lir letter Marsh ,9,1767i Cal.idar of Pe6tal Cottctpondcro ,,

Yol, II. PP. 67-68t Publio l6tt6! floa Oourt Mrroh 10' 1768' Ilrrr 4. J-
I.gsD's l6tter ilsha O.C Ootober 81, 1769'
cO. EorBe D6I.!tDeEt, O.O. No. !D of Noveobet 15. 1169.
91. O.C.I., Octobor l3' 1769.
S,!. floa6 DElsltEent, O.O. No. I ot 16 Ootobd. u69'
93. Eoloo DoIErtE€ut Poblio MiDg ol Not@bec ,9, l?70.
 I{EP.IL .IITD II8 ITEIOEBOUBA 401

woighty'.9a We do not hear of Logao any moro in Bubsequent

doapatohee. It seems, howover, th&t h6 wa8 pureuinr hia lino
of aotion in ths eaetont part of Nepal, while pretending to
oont&ot Prithvinarayau Shah on apparently a friendly mission.
But the dread of Gorlha lnterference occasioned by their
rapid oxpausion towards tho e&rt frustrated the joint labour of
those Englirhmen and it seemed that tho lost hope of a,
Dranoeuyre of tho tind euggested by Surgoon Logan was now
fading oway.
IVe do not know how I-,ogan obtained his informstion about
the flight of Jayaprakasamalla in Tibet. But newe of tho
lotteds death in Bhatgaou in Novenber, 1769 must have
roaohod Caloutta in tioo to prevent Logan from uudertaking
tho arduous jouraey into tho Eimal&y&n region as he had
planned. It is muoh probable that ho returned from the Terai
at the end ot 1769.
Eis mission hail surely failed, but he had tho satisfaotion of
rsoertaining the ststo of commerciol trans&ctions between Nepal
and Patua. Thus wrote J. Logan h O. C. 3r, October 1709 :
In tims of pea,co & oorsiderable tra.do used to bo canied on
bstwoen thoir city aud Nepal, the chief erports of Patna in
this trsde wero coarso woollen clotb, Patna chintzea, nutmegB,
oto., tho imports wore gold iugots, gold duet, borar, muek,
oowtailr, chirres, eto. The common value of gold in Nopal,
and it is chiofly brought there from'Iibet, is said to bo 50 per
cent leas tha,tr it is at Patna. Ee added'loaded bullooks may
travel. Tho Gendak is navigable for big boats to witbin two
daye journoy to Nepal. The Bagmati to vithin 20 Cos.' (Ilomo
Dopertment O. C. No. I of 3l October, 1769).
tr'or eometimos since the failure of Logau'e aotivitiee, tho
lino of aotion adopted by the British become cbscure. Probably
thoy would not find any lino of conduct, and therefore thoy
allowed the m&tter to reBt at this Btege.

94. ED.O.O, No. l(r) ol 16t g€ptoDb6t, 17?2; O.0. No.13 ol 10gopt to-
b6!, Uzl.
402 IIODNBN IBP,TL

Of oourae, the British vere not sitting quiat on tho dobaolo.

Now thst the Nepal affair was completely gone out of their
hand, thoy were scauning prospects of alternetive tredo rout€6
for their msrchandiso in tho oaetern Eimalayas.
In the meantime, tho suddon &pp€aronco of the Aoglo-
Bhutanoso P&ct of l?72 revived hopes iu the doapoadent hea,rte
of the British. But tbe Bhutanese route had its own ehort-
coming. 'What the Britieh wanted by a sottlemont with tho
{lorkhalis was the facility to uso the road to Tibet for their
merchandies.o6 Pihar and Bongal had a l&rge erport trade
with lower and contral Tibet, which was carried from Patua
through Kathmandu and its four contres Chinachin, Bonisahar,
Russoagorhi aud Dolkha ( Kirkpstrick's Memorandum,
Appendix L ). It was the tuaditional highwoy which reachod
Kathmandu from P&tn& within g or l0 daye. The Baa]6 fecility
could not bs obtained by tho Bhutanese routo, for thers reero
ao navigable rivers liko tho Gandak, Bagmoti aud Kosi in the
3hutanese rogioa on this sido of tho lfimalayae.g6 Eowever,
Bhutau oEoted a,n outlet to the Chumbi Yolloy and for tho
tim6 boiug fulfllled a grea,t ne€d of the trading oommunity of
Britieh Iudia.g7 Duo to Britieh rsadinees to como to terms
with the Deb Raja, no a,ttention vas givon to the promotion
of Anglo-Nopaleso rolationg for that poriod and tho prospect of
rapproaohoment with tho Nepaleao woe ronderod all the more
romote.
But to the British, beoauso of intial difrculties. the Auglo-

95. Th6 raerchsEaliso ooDsistsal oI woolle[ l cottoE pi€oe-goods, stsplos

r
eEil p€a,rb, whioh w6re exoh&ng6a ior Eusk. chowrie, we1 botrx aaal gotat,
the lsst b€ing ooEpeEtively ohosp€r sEt[ therololoI souroo oI Euch profit
(IHQ,1933i D6oehbe!) i )€tt€! iloD golootoolnElttee to Oourti gept6Eb€!
26i 1167i letk! to th€ CoDaitt€e, AEgu$ rq 1767 i Tunoor's UoEoira rnil
his r6l'orts irloorporstoal ir Ilotrost,s Selectio,/.r fro Foreigi Departmenr.
Prpers III; Pp. 101L-79 \ Calehdar of Persian Correspondence, yL p..g{G;
LoI)g, A selection frum unpubl ished Records. Vol. I. p, ,BO.
96. trirkpatliok. Irid.
97. Klrtpatriok. ,rid.
 NEP.AL AI{D ITS NEIoiIlBOl,BA 403

Bhutaneso trade pcct proved unworlable ond further the Raja'e

dioposition towarde tho fulfilmont of it was noy€r satisfsotory.
l(oreover, thero vas the difffcult and rigorous trade route
paasing through tho dease for.eet and hiUE of Bhutan, which
admitted of no couvoyance, and which groatly annoyed tho
British odminiBtratora. r t The inportance of friendly Nopal
was,thereforo, a questio! Devor to bo lost sight of, even when an
amicablo sottlement botwesn tho two Governments appeared
& r6mote posribility i! that contoxt. Nopal, ae a traditioual
aDd ancioDt highwoy between India ond North-Eastern ABis,
offered tho bert aud, so f&r, tho only notursl end tho eaeiest
olleniDg to Britiah commerco. which tho British vsnted to
reeumo with oouatriee in that area. f,'urthor Nepal's geogrsphi-
.oal contiguity with eouthora Tibet, & country of oomparatively
undoveloped oconomio lifo, yet with a lergo potontiality of an
erport marLet, gavo another importanco to the route &nd tho
samo waa the deciding factor in detormining the Aoglo-Nepal
rolstions 88 they omorg€d with the trado pact. Mr. Samuel
Turner who led the Socond Trade Miesion to Tibet and who
utrdersteod the difficulties att€ndiug tho oponing of ths rout6
througbBhutan had writton oopiously, urging the Government
of Bongol to Eeoure the Kathmandu-Kuti routo for that
PurPoso.
Boglo's sttompt to establi8h direct contaot with Tibst from
Seugal had failod to attaio ite objoctivo. Ee was shunned,
ond the general sttitudo of the Tibetans was to avoid auy kind
of oontact with British, Bogle had felt thst tho Engliel wore
regarded aE prospeotivs conquerors o[ the areae routrd them
aud theroforo their movement was vatohed with euepicion.
It was in theso circumstancee tbat Bogle's eyes had aho
turned to Nopal anil Nepsless routo to Tibot ( Pub. Conrultf
April r9, U79 ).

9B Red trilkpstriol, Appe0dix L. Pirsg, I heve rililerl tbe vhole

totbrt oD tb€ .t.te ot BritiEh-Neprlose t!.il,o flaDed by O.pt itr trhkp.triok
ot the e l ol the prE.ent sltiole.
101 roDlBrr NEFJ,
ft the Tashi Lama had assured Boglc to uee
wre roid that
hig influonce with tho Chine8e empero! to allow the Tibetan
Glovernment 'h&ye oontacts rrith the British on commeroial
m&tters'. Th6 Lsme had aleo writteu to tho Nopelero Kitrg to
opotr tho uouel trado route of Nepal in ordor to lot unhindered
all merohandiso passing botwoen Tibet aud India (Pub. Conaul6,
April 19, J779, No. 2).
But wo do not kaow if this had pro-
duoed ony offect ou Nepaloso euthorities.
It appears that Britieh wontod to otrltiva,to good lelation
with Nopal at this stego. But there wore impedimente in the
vay of a rapprochomont betweolr the British and the Gorkhalis.
The British had not yot renounced th€ir cl&i@ over tho dispu-
ted rroas in tho Terai. Thoy hsd &l8o not disoarded tho dual
polioy altogethor.
Until 17?6 A.D. tbe British had not oompletoly relin-
quished the intontion of subjugating the Gorlhalis by a
rocourse to wlr. A euggestion by the Patna Counoil iu Juno
l7?l thet tho Tautar Paraganas, and tho whole of the Ierai
up to Kosi inoludiug Janakput, should bo forthwith ocoupied
by the British forcee wae etill under oonsideration oI the Board
of Direotors. Ths Coloutta suthorities had not eooepted the
proposal to invade but had eaid that'we shall keep the demand
to tho aunual tlibuto Paid for thoso pergenas, 12,500
rupoos iu elephants at tho oustom&ry reto' (India ofrice, Public
Consulatiou s, ff&23, f47-63).

Olit Policy DiscariLd.

But &bout thig time the British hed eufficiently realieed

the futility of a dual policy pursued ro far in their dealing
with tha Gorkhali rulers of Nepal, Thiepclicy had oot paid
them auy dividend whatsoevor. It had ouly entagonised the
ruliag authority in NoP8l without in sny vay influeacing tbe
ovonte thero. The Gorkhalig wero grorirg ftoro strength to
8ttrongth, whilo oll tho portiaans of tho BritisL 'rero ougtod
ftom power ond forcod to livs itr orile. The lrtter rere so
 1{8PAL .A]XD IfE TXIOEEOUBA d06

nuch reduced that thoro waa no poiot iu supporting tbem

4,8 ag&iret thoee eolidly entrenched on the soil of Nopal.
Ifore tras & situation to comp€l tho Btitish to have $cond
thoughts on thoir policy uia o o{r Nopal.
,By 1774 Morang was anneled to Nepal by the Oorkhali
invaders and all hopoe of tho Britiah for securiog a foothold
in th&t area had vaniehed. We have alroady observod how
the British authorities up to tho last had tried to get hold of
the two Parganas of Amirpur aud Baijitpur. But they hsd
fiiled. Nothing short of war would have en&bled them to lBy
hold on the touitories oocupied by the Gorlhalis. In rega,rd
to Morang &lso th6re wero Beveral suggestions f<x a speody
military aetion on their side. One Raja Ajitsinho of Purneo
had ofrorod them all belp if tho Britieh would go to the
rescue of Diwan Budhakarna Rai.99 But the British wero
cautious onough to rejeot all such sdrice likely to load thom
to cl&sh with the Gorkhalie. So they would not do anything
moro than sending e nounsl protost to the Nepal rulor for hiE
ocoupation of Baijitpur and Anirpur.l@
All this howover wae ofno avail in inducing tho oocupsnt
to relinquish his hold. But the British had got to be reooncilod
as they vero ontirely holplosa in the matter.
At .tho end of the deacriptiou about Nopal it DaEhtr
Bhahnama, etc, noticed in an isguo of the Procoediugs of the
Indian Eistoric&l Rscorde Commiesionrrol tho author *roto
th&t Rajs Ranajeotsinha of Bhatgaon sought eB intsrview with
![r, Ale:andor, the Chief of Potna Council of &ovcnue, rho
wmte to Cslortte. But Iator ss Rs!&jeot died this mtttor did
Irot coE€ up for oonsid€rstion ct that lovol. It was gaid thst
Ranajootsinha hed santad British holp to rostoro his son
Abdhuteinha to tho g8ddi. Somotimo later Raja Kirtilbam of
Maloibam olso tried to help him. Wa,rten Eastinge vcs

99. CPo. IV, N. 1998. Iattot oI Nov66b.r li,

100. oPo, rY, N. 1{48.
10r. XYUI, 191, (rtitt .bor.).
406 IIODNBN NEPAL

aproaohod for 20,000 gun8. Kirti promirod help of his pooptes

to Abdhut. Thie man continued to reprro8ant his oaBo to the
British e€ late &s U88. Ee domandoil two battalions to invsdo
Nopal, but thio w&e refused in ii€w of the ohanged oonditioa
in Nopal.108 A similar request by Earakumardatta Sen of
Tanhou was turned dowa by the Govoruor-General for the
tome roason.l03
It is obvious that ths Britieh had refussd to involve them.
oolves in intriguos against Nopal tho more they found that
circumstanoes had eltorcd to tho oltent that euoh a policy ra+
expeot€d to bear littlo fruit iu thoir fevour. But it took then
nearly nine yoars to finally disentangle thomsolvos from thc
aflair.
Ws sball find thot a full realisation of tho situation hed
como by l?76 as their &ttempt to build a trade routo through
Bhutan had failed.
While we ooneider British polioy towards Nepal in this
poriod wo haye to boar in mind two factors, (l) that tbe British
had not at the tim€ thought of colouiring Nepal or making it
a subsidiary Btato and that (2) thoir foromost oonsideration was
to opeu Nopal, and through Nepal the hinterland of Tibet for
thoir commorcs, Ilowover, it did not mean that they would
let slip eu opportunity for gaining political aecondancy in
Kathmandu.
It appears that tho procoss of diseotanglemo[t Bt&rted in
1776. Now the British authoritios disavowod &ny intentior
to claim disputed t€rritories and to involve themselvee in
activitiee against the Goyornment in Kathmandu.
In 1776 the distriot of Morang was completoly dropped
out of British claims by an order of the Beugal Council (A,R,.
3, P. 82). The eriled rulerr wero totally disowned and the
claimg forwarded on their behalf could no lougor form a
standing ground for Britieh intoryontiou. Thore would be

1Or. CPO, YIII' No. ?23' 1356, 1306; CPC, VII, N. 84?,
103. OPO, Vrr N. 1381'
 IIEPAL AND XfB IYDICEBOI'Bs 407

henoeforth no dispute or withholding of .reyenues on that

occount over all the lands of debatable jurisdiction. Since
then in the next ten years, thereflore, a backgrorrnd wa&
prepared for a futuro move os it were to compensato tho
rituation when the Britieh met with disappointment from thc
Bhutanoso quarter. Rautahor and Pacbrauti wero finally
handed over to tho Nepalese Govornment in l?83 as a token
of etrict oompliance with the findings of an impartial tribunal
coneisting in thie oaee of Mr. Brooko, the Chief of Patna
Council, amongst others, who had settled the dispute in favour
of the Nepal Government.ro{ One Mirza Abdulla Beg was
claiming his Zamindari rights over Rautahar. This in itself
was not vory inportant, but it paved the way for an amicabls
eettlement betwoen the two Governments and set an example
for future uegotiation and settlement. The British Government
also assured protection to tho Nepalese pilgrims coming to
Gaya, who wero till then subjected to molegtation by one
Mantaram in the servioo of Mr. Barkatullah at Haziporo. r 0 5

Iomroft Deputeitr

At about this time the British Glovernor-General dosired

to send ono Mr. X'orcroft on a deputation to Nepal with
presents and messege of goodwill to its King and Governmeat.
Wo do not know as to whethor X'orcroft was allowed to visit
Kathmandu. But Tlanen Ilastinga' lottor to tho King of
Nepal, dated January 1,178{ givos this kind of information.
In thie communication the Governor-Gleneral urged for tho
establisment of friendly relation between the two countrios.
The British had developed close neighbourly relation with

104. Mirze Abtlullr was ileolrred to heve no olaimrovor theso Prrgaaasl

on the grouutl that they originally belongeil to the Reja oI Meckwanpur,
whoee territory aow formeil prrt of the Gorkha Kingtlom (CI. 14. PP. 27-28).
OPC' VI, n. 911.
LOi. A Handbok of the Bihar Proyincial Records, P. B?, Irtter reoeived
ftom tho Raja of Nepol.
 408 ODBBTI I{IPAL

Bhutan and Tibot. Thorofore, th6re was all the greater reaaon
for tho two countrios'to rsnew tbe old relstion kroring by
rrporiooco thet tr&d€ by eupplying difrerent n;tior8 with
goods which thoy w&nt in erchego for thoss which they hsy6
in plenty ia a eourco of bleesiag t'o m&nkiad'. r 0 c
Without further inforoation of f'orcroft's miarion, it is
impossible to have an idoa of the mood of the Nepaleso about
tho intcoded move of the British. But tho lottor of tho
Goverrior-Goaeral in this regard provee beyond doubt Britieh
ooDcern to gain commercial fecilitiee in Nepal. Thoy had not
beea ublo, howover, to cut much ice by all the8e efort8.
It w&s true that in spite of all this certain point8 of dispEt€
yot remained unsolved, euch ag tho questio[ ofthe owuorship
of certain bordec villagos in Tichutl07 and Champaran.l0 t
The clairn of t,be Nopal Governmont o\ lbe taplns of Rampur,
Chiswan and Jamh,ruli noar tho fort of Someswar algo bsd
not be6n settled inspite oftheir repeated requests.ro D The
Nepal Government h;rd algo felt comeplled to complain agai:rat
the Nawab Vazir of Oudh who"e men had joiaod hande with
somo of the Nopaloco oriles to raid ond ravage tho Pergaru,
of Shooroj.llo [t w&8 8&id tba,t tho Psrgan& was a disputod
aroe, &nd Nop,rl requirod to eetablieh it's right over it. Tho
British aleo wero cautioug onougb to se€ that ro arme and
ammuoitian roached Nepal. fn September, 1789 they eotu&lly
stopped a consignment of 500 gune purohasod by Dinanath
Upadhya,l lr while presenting a mu8ket to the King. Although

106. CPC, VL N. 949.

ry. cx,. Yr. N. 11{1
108. OPC, VI, N. 15{o.In s letter ilstaa Doo66bo! 18,1784 tho OoU6otor
ot firhot r€guosteil th€ Bsjr ot NeIEI to prgroEt his beu troD iEt6rIeliD8
la th6 vill'i8e ol Itsh.lwa or AEstalw. (OI, 15, p!. 70 71, No' 16 ; TI, ,g !.
?6, No, rr7). A similrr lotter ts rditr€slail by tho Ooll€otor oIOhrEIBt,!
oE tb6 mbi€ot ol illrtsrhonood i! lfu![lo MEnroo, whioh I'& she.ily rcttld
bya ooBtt ct with tL6 Roj.. OPO, VII N. t49, SOO, 1O8q 1!8r.'
109. OPO, Vrtr, N. 6.
110. oPo fE, N. 068, 8?4, t?87
111. CPg VnI N. 69.6
 ISIPAI, AND If8 XEIOSEOIIBA 409

the Nopal Glovommont Fas apparently reoonoiled to this

'ooourtnco aaying'thir does Bot mettet 8o long ss tboro romeinr
friendship botwesu the two'1r' yet this was enough to indictto
the Etato of distrust botvo€n the two. But theso were uot euoh
a8 to staud in tho way of a trade pact or of any sort of
rapprocbemout orr other vital questions in view of the
dov€lopments that had occutred in 1788-92'
In 1788-89 presont8 were o:ehanged botwegn tho
Governor-Cloneral and tho King ofNoptl,rrs ard Nepalose
pilgrime aud morch&rrtr weto assured of tbo most cordial
treatmeut in Indian oentres. Tho occasion of the King'e
marriago iu l79I further wae utiliEed by tho Britieh to eend
felicit&tions and presonts to him. But now there woro oth€r
dovelopmonts in Nopal, which facilitated British move to
nogotiate a oommercial sottlement with this country.
It wae said that Aoglo-Nepalese relation a8 it stood in
l?88 wag much fovourablo to the British line of policy
rerovated since l?76. The old bitternese in their relation ras
gore. The British were now obsolutoly reconcilod
to the eristsnce of tho new Kingdoom of Nepal
ruled by tho Gorkha dynmty. Thoy were ouly seeking trade
advantsges iu the now situetiou. But the Nepaleee had not
totally shaken off thoir dirtru8t of the Britieh. They under-
stood tho chango in Bdti8h Ettitude towards them &8 dictated
by chonged circumsta,acss. Although tho Nepalose &uthoritiog
acted subsequcntly to suit their neode; it oppoaroal that
their readiuess to oouo to terms sith the British oveu oYor
tfedo mett€rs wos aot devoid of re8erYstiou. Ae soon as ths
'oompulsion war goao, they would behave difforontly.

?ln Xirat Anglo'NePalue ?rad,e Pact

To aitil to thoir readinoss or rpishee to cultivst'e the friend-

'rhip of Nepal, the British Governmeut suddonly twoko to a
u!t. Ibiit. Atrglst 2t, 1788, N 1386.
118. cPo, vlu N 1356.
 410 UODNBII NTP L

n€w dovelopnont in tho Nepaleee foroign policy. Tho Nepalese

having invadod lower Tibot and pluudored its mon&storioB
o&Ee to closo grips with the Chineso army, to face which was
oortsinly a tosk beyoud Nepal's orn rosouroes. But uuooa-
ditional surroader was vhat they would not conooive ; this
had to be avorted at oll cost i so the Nepalese turned towarde
the British. 11{ An onvoy from tho Mahoraje of Nepal waited
on tbe Govoruor-Goneral at C&lcutt& end expres:od on hig
macter's behdf hie roadinoee to nogotiato & tr&de pa,ct as e
oondition for tho British help in tbe war againet, China. It
appears that on British side, Jonathan Duncan sag the pmae
mover in ioepiring and faoilitating tho nogotiation to that end.
Tho idea of a trade p&ct w&s alresdy pros€nt in his mind
whilo the talk was formally opeued by tho Nepalese. Becaure
of his position as the Britieh Resident in Banarae he ha.d
boen able to conclude a trade paot vith the New&b of Oudh.
As Banaras used to &ttract & large numbor of Nepaleso traders,
mondicsnts, pilgrims aud eriles he algo came to possess
iatimate knowledge of Nepal. Before the arrival of the
deputies from Nepal ouo Rajguru Gajraj Misra had a talk with
Mr. Duncau on the subject. As ono having a long conneotion
with tbe Rogent in Kathmondu thie person carrisd some
influenoe at tho Court of K&thmsndu. I,lr him Mr. Duncan
had aeoured the right por8otr to oonduct negotistion. euito
possibly Clojraj Miera was the ohannol through which Dunoan
had estoblished commuoication ryith tho Nepele8e authoritieg.
Xlom & lotterll6 sent by Nepal,e Maharaja to Cornwallis, we
ar6 led to inf€r that the suggestion of a trads pe,ct aa quid pro
gua for Britiah sssi8t&nco in the Wor bad oome from Dunoan
himself. But this Eust not h&vo occurred to him without

L14. Fo! Iitoto.N€Itrloso Wsr ot I?80-91, re.ril Ki.kp.tricl. AppsEili!

No. L lppolilix No Ili ,l Jounal of rte nh* arrd Orissa Rer.qch Sociery ,
Vol. XIX Pa.t IV, Pp.316-41q, The wlito! has 8ivctr sightp6d lettals or,
ths.ubiect, soE6 ol which wels slrcaey pubtisheil by EirLpattioL,
116. goe tto tt€rt ohapt6r lor a reloroooe to tho lsttor.
 I{E?AI, AIID TTS XNIOEBOVBA 4ll
somo a.dvico the plight of Nepol
of tho Raigllru who know
and tho prodioament in whioh tho rulsrs woro plecod at the
tire. Tho Rrjguru raa in Nepal et the timo of uogotbtion. Wo
may imagine that ho had gone thers with a vior to iulluenoo
tho high ofrcere of ststo mort prtioularly the Bcgent ou
behalf of Duucan. It aleo appears from rooorde tbat Duncsn
w&nt€d to moko of tho propsod trsde pact & Btarting poiat
for all negoti*tion8 of poutio&l naturo tbat was to follor it
inevitably. The trado poct ha.d a provirion by which tho
BritiEh vero enabled to Bt&tiotr & roprosnt&tiYe of thoi6 in
Katbmandu. Whilo trying for tf,e inclusion of this provirior
iu tho dr&ft troaty Dunosn bad in his mind the neod of
having a perm&nont political rtprooontative rosiding ia
Kathmandu and ho had thought th&t tho trad€ sgoDt rould
be automatioally roplacod by tho lattor iD oouree of time.
f,'ortunately for. Nepal although tbo treaty was aigued and
ratified ae Duncan hod hop6d it w&s not implenonted. Eorr-
evor, Duncau did not anticipato tho turn of uDexpootod ovsntl
which wero faet dovoloping to make his offorts infruotuous. Eo
thought thst the prop€r climato for a movo w&a thors. The
Nepalese, had of their ovn aceord rhown willingnees to como
to t6rms with the British.- Nor was tho tiEo to eecurc tho
facilitiee of the Kathmaudu-Kuti trado rout€.
The first tredo p&ot botweon Nepal and British India weg
at once takon up for discussion. Taking advantago oftho
deputies from Nopal arriving in Patna rr0 Mr. Jonathon
Duncan who, beiug tho Resident in a gtate ( Banaras ), had
a first.hand oxperience of suoh affairs entercd into dieoussioa
on the Eubjeot. [rom a lotter11? dated June 7, 1791 it
appeara that Mr, Duncan wsnted to know tho Btets of trede
between tho two oountries from the Collector of Sarao and
Champaran, who rout the uoeeful inlormation incorported in o

110. The NeI'.l aleputatior coB6it€i[ of Bher Baho,ilor thab, Rrm thab
llrd Balbhadra gheb.
71'l . A Hatdbook of Bihqt Records , P . 25 .
 eLZ .roDtglr xrprn
lotter drted JuIy, l79l.us The Collector of Tirhut ako
supplied him rith o list of articlee forming the trade ofthe
two countrios. A Iittlo sarlior the Britigh had informed the
lfiaharaja that the Britieh hsd removed their trado oirec\rett
on Indo-Nepal bordor and thfu they had done to facilitote
movsment of tr&de on both gidol even though the msasure had
brought a loss in rerenue to them. Witb the knovlodge of
the condition of trade Mr. Dunoan then proceeded to ftame
tho olausos ; l re ood the draft was prepared. Tho negotiation
hrd a emooth sailiog ; aud Glajraj Misra vas eont to
Kq,tbmandu with tho tlraft for final talks. After eomo
he8itetica the Nepaleee doputies wore willing to finaliee o
troety vithout any resclv&tion snd tho first Anglo-Nepalere
trade p&ot was signed on tho first of March 1792.120 ft was
to be ratiffed by tho two Governments in the couree of &
month. The Prerimble to the troaty read :
Troatv authentic&tod under the seal of Maharaja Run
Behauder thoh Eehauder Shumshero Jung; being accordiag
to the Toety transmittod.by Mr. Jonathan Duncan, the
Resident rt Benaras, on the p&rt of Right Eonourable Charleg
Earl Cornwallis, K. G., Governor-General in Council, and
ompowored by the said authority to conclude a Treaty of
Commerco with the said Maha Roja, snd to sot e and fir the
duties payable by tho subjocte of the Espoctive Stltes of

L18, Ibid A letter oI R. Bathurst, Uollecto! of TLLrq compl.iD,

aSoiE6t the slbitlsry osil erotbitent Eatu!6 of the aoty ,orieil by th6 Nep.l
Gov6mrr€ot. Tho st&t€ of trode betw€en Nepal tnd Inilio wes sa lollows ;
Etlrcrtr to Ne?sl : (1) grlt, (8) Whit€ voouer ctoth, (3) MEstill, (4) MsliL
cloth, (5) Oocosn[t, (6) EDSlish leil clotb, (?) Elitrihsthsai ehoes, (s)
![us]sts, (9) NutEo8., (10) Clov€s, (1.1) Peppe!, (1t) Bupori, (1S)
Pufter, (14) Opiu.a. IEI,ort f.olE NeIEI : (1) colit dnstr (!) Oroilo bolrr,
(8)Ivory, (r) I{.x, (5) Y.L's r.il, (6) I€.d, (?) Iror, (e) Ooopp6i, (6)
Oirohi,! cloth, (10) Obintr, (1ll OiDDrEo!, (19) Eoloy, rsD.jveq (19) TiD
(!ail Februery, 1?92 ).
119. Aitchiiotr, U, 1900 p!, !O&IO5; Forres[ pp. 1Og-84, g6o Aptr€nitt!
No. L E EiltoB'. Ear, Iddto Gazeltaet I Lonilo!| 1815, Erh.otr ),
7,o,. lhtu|,P.11.
 NAP.'L AND TI8 }IEIOEBOUBA 413

the I{oaourable Engliah Compauy and thoso of Nopaul, the

eaid gonileman charging bimeolf with whatoyer rel&tos to tho
dutios thus to bo payble by tbe subjocts of tho Nopaol
Government to that of tho Compony; in liko
hath the aforosaid Maha Raja, with whatover regorda
-roo", ,..
the
dutiee thue to be payeble by the.eubjocts of the Company,s
Govornmont to that ofNepaul; and tho eaid Troaty iavi-ng
boen dolivered to m€ (tho 8&id Maha Reja) by Mowlavy
Abdui
Kadir Khan, the eforosaid genfloman,s vakeel, or a,gent; this
counberp&rt tbetoof baving boen by the Nepaul Government,
hath. been committed to the said Khan. ae hereundei
detailed' :-Tho draft contained altogether soven arl,iclee.
Tho treaty wee to be in operation siace gth April l7g2.rrr
It enjoi:red, 'the officere of both etates shall, in pureuanc,e of
the Btrictest ordors of both Glovernments, immediately carry
into effect and obeerve the EtipulBtioDs aforesoid, and uot
wait
for any further or Dew attraction,. And for preliminory
arrangements to bo made in that connection one Abdul
Kadt
wa8 sent to Kathmandu oD doputa,tion in tho oompany
of
Guru Gajraj Miera. ThiE man waa a muueif in the Doiaui
Court of Bouaras, and wae a son of the Chief Kazi. Abdul
Ka.dir ie mentioned as Vakil in a communicstion sent by
the
King of Nepol to Ali Ibrshim Khan, Chief Judicial Magistrate
of Banarag ( 25 Apr , f792 ). This oommuoioation stso
oonveyed tho nows of the trosty being signed for ratifioation
in Kathma,adu by the ring and its being corseqireatly
put
into effect forthrith within Nopal.rar
A-li Ibrahim Khan reportod that though iaitially tLo
--
Nopalero administration .refused to consider such p-p*itioo,
as ell the people of that place shun and ,"oia
EngUatioo anj
their agentr, but es o result of t*otful poreoasion, it
wos
accopted. Abdul, Kadir had returned highly sotisfiod
and the

lrl. But iE Attobi.o!'. drsft tha A.t6 glre! t.8dt By.aoL l8{9 ol ttro
SsEbut Er..
rot' N' lsr) PP' €&3?' No
'"ili flo;1"t"ff#i*- if*tli'&?
"r
414 ODEBN I{EPAL

attainmont of thoir obiootivo wal no loee due to the gooil

ofrcoa of Gajaraj Misr*. r t t
Unliko temporary Bottlemonts arranged over disputed
torritories, this paot h&d one advantago from tho Britirh
atondpoint ; it provided specially for tho protection of Britirh
morchandiee in Noprloso territory. In othor rsspects, it waa
of littlo sigoificanco to ths British Government. If its
advantage va,B the socuring of protection for merchansilise, its
disadventa,ge wr,e tho omission of sll trsdQ mattere with Tibet,
whioh, howovor, was the main consideration moving tho
Britieh. into acoeptiug tho treaty snd theroforo suoh an omige-
ion w&s an irreparable loopholo. But just to ffll this g&p there
was & propossl to send a miesion to Ksthmaudu, headotl by
C&ptain Kirkp8trick,r r r vho war also entrusted with the tssk
of bringing roconciliation botweon NePa,l and Tibet. IJe was
to be acoompanied by Nepaleso agonts from Patna where they
hail oomo to invito bim.r I 5
Ifowover, beforo Captoin Kirkpatriok etartod for
'Kothmandu, tho whole background of a situstion neoorsitating
e pact with the British had undorgone a chauge'
ln October U92 tho Sino-Nopal truoe h&d beon 8igoed.12'
'Tho War with Chino was now snded. Therc was no fear of
an invagion from the north and consequontly the Nepal
authorities felt no noed of Britieh help. If the Britieh had
willingly sitleil with Nopal in the very beginiing, tho eubs-
equent propos&l for a olosor collaboration would hove found
support with tho Gorkhali leadere' Tho Britieh proved by
their attituile towsrds the War that,they bad no desiro to
hetp a einglo party, as they hatl at hoart 'tho maiatonanco of
tbe most cordial and friondly terms with all povers" 'ard tboy
doclineil to'infringe rulee of friendship on that ground.lBt

123, CPC, X' N. 344l6tt€! 21 APril. 1792.

114. Iattor dat€il Eeptember 9O, 179r. (JBORS' lSgS, P. e]5)'
126, Ror6, Vol. III' P' 905.
it6: i;"hi GEo's lett6!, dotoil Juao 28, l?93i Lilo ol JoDg Behedur
be PodEr JuEr. P.51.
' t2?. Lstto-r to th6 Rsie of NoPal, gopteEb€! 16' 1792'
 I'XPI'L A.I{D II8 IIIIOEBOURS 416

Tho Go;khali leaderr had in mind tho hopo of Britieh

as8istencs when thoy nogotiatad the trade pact e yoor oarlior.
Now ag it had uot besn forthcoming aud there was no neod
of it any moro, thore w&s littlo reaponee from the Nopal
Government in regard to the propos&ls of Kirkpatrick.
ft should be boroe in mind that tho Nepalose authoritier
had never earnestly deeired to promote olorer underetanding
with tho British, for thoy fully roalised the dangerr iovolved
in such a, policy. They had sought British help for Nepal,
because tho country wss under duross. But evon undor
duress they ha.d uo idea of gotting involved. in eny kinil of
alliance with tho British. It is obvious that they had put
their eignature on the oommsroial troaty, not without mentsl
roservetion, It oppears that inspite of tho treaty, there was
no desire to implemont itr provisious. So whon the first
occagion for disougsgomoDt from the committed position wa,s
provided by tho end of the war with Cbina, tho Nopoleee
rcfused to have an;rthing to do irr ooqcrsto vith the British,
though epparently they oontinued to show friendly dispositioa
towarde them. Tho trado paot becamo practioally o dead
lottor sfter suoh s tr6atm6ut.
fq_tho the enigmatic policy and the eelfieh
attitude of-mo&ntime
tho East I.otlia Compony ia tle Tibeto-Neoalene
coufliot lod the Nepalese authorities to form their' owi
conviotions th&t tho Bdtieh worc only bont on their limited
intorest. Inspito of certain cour0ierg fa,viuring ." ,lli.;;_ ll.
general opinioa was againlt it.1r8 So when Kiikpatri"t
"o."tA

i
*t*ru[q$$;**tEi|:f $,-m',,]1,,ft
H?: tffi" [.:]]:xiT,i,? :',""*'-T",,,.'iHf '"lti,
f f"'i,.-;"','*"$;,i;:;"Hfi "1",H'f i**r*#il+t*i,,ll"t
I

S"tif"*[i:J,f,,lit;"J#"1*"',,-39]o**;,y;,.:.ii;;ldff i*i
rl+:tff5:*'ri,l1ll*i;i,*1fl -1+:+;l+,i:"qhi'*;r,iu
*g*,rx;$pi,r*rnt*i"ji*,1*T:ji,
416 IIODAEX NEPAI

Nepal, he had to eucounter s grest oppooition, whioh

ultiustely foroed him out of tbo Liugdom rithout achieving
his miasion and thus tho vholo ssrioe of attempts in thia
diroction crumblod liko a houso of oards. The Britich did
nob profit by tho otber troaty oither, aa it nas not ratifiod
by tho Nepal Clovernment.
In truth thsro pao no baeig for the foar ontertained by the
authoritiee and tho leadore in Nopal that the commercial
unilertakiig inrolvod in the olaueos of tho treety of 1793 wa8 s
pert of defensivo alliauce. The British shreetlly syoidod
speoiffo clauses of tbe nature of a dofeuaive allia,nce et
tho firet st&ge. Tho entsy of a British diplomat in tho capitel,
horovor, indireotly might havo brought about intorference by
him in the admiuistration, that was in itself likoly to be
followed by opposition or ta,cit &cquioscouoo by tho rulors
ooncerned. If thoy meokly occopteil British interforonoe,
then of oourso thoro was aot further trouble. But the
Clorkhalis would not. tolerate this eituation, Probably the
Bame might haye led to war causing submission, aud finally
subjugatiou of all the snti-Britisb €l€m(nte in tho couDtry:
Nopal thereafter would have been a subsidiary state. The
non-eccept&nce of the proposed treaty of 1793 had, thcrefore,
a gteetor sigoific&nce than what it appeored on the eurfaco.
It kopt Britiah infiltr&tion into Nopal io abeyanco for
st loast snother fifty yeara.
The ssttlement thet wae envisaged in accordance with
the provisions of thc treety w&s nevor realised in praotico and
th6 Tredo Paot of 1792 was buriod into obliviou in due oourao
witbout oven I ooremony. But an idoa of tho positioa may
bo obtained from tho draft ofthe troaty as wo reproiluoe tho
sam€ in tho nert few page8.1rg
Wo havo reproduced tho entire draft ofthe trcaty in tho
noxt fow pagos a8 au appondir &tt&ched to this chapter. The

129. ttso !e&il. V. A, N.!6iE, Aiglo-Nepalese Comfierciol Trealy of

1?9r, trBBg, XLIII, Pts, III & IY, PP. 334.10.
 NBPAL AITD IIA NEIOEBOUAS lt7
duty on. importr was lovied at 2! P. C, the price of articles to
bo detormined at tbo market rate. For tisBgression of thie
provision, tho oithor Govornment w&r to putri8h its ofrcers.
ffthero was thoft or mbbory, tho Zamindar o! propriotor of
tho are& wso to compoDosto for any loss thus eustained by the
merch&utE who were to enjoy sho the faoilities of tsking
their goods beyonil the froatier in caso of Dot being sold
vithin the country, The troaty was to bo ofootive forthrith
efter tho r&tificstion.
As we have eaid the treaty was put into cold storago so
soon a,fter it was rstified.
The circumstaucos thst followod the r&tificstion, s,nd
which finelly rondsred tho instruments inofeotive havs beea
deecribod in a eeparate chaptor dealing with tho story of
Captain Kirkpatrict'e misgion.

APPENDIX I.
Text of thz ?ra.ila Pmt ol 17g2.1fi

(r ) In as nuch ar the iotetrtion to the genoral wolfire and

to the eaao and estiefactioa of tho Eoroh&nts and traders,
tends equally to tho roputation of the admiuietratorr of both
Governments of the Company ond of Netrnul ; it ie thorufore.
agreed and stipulated, that 2+ per cent shall reoiprooally be
t&kotr, a8 duty on tho imPorts from both countrioe i Euch duties
to. be lovied on ths amount of the invoicor of the goods whioh
the merohsnts shall havo sloug with them ; and to detor tho
said tr&dors from oxhibiting felso invoicee, the seal of ths
cuetoms house of both countries rhall bo impmssed on the back
of the said invoiceg and copy thoreof being kopt, tho origiual
shall be rcstored to tho mcrohauts, end iD oaso8 ,h€re the
merchent ehall uot heve along with him hfu origind invoice,

130. C. U. LitchiBon. ,{ Coll*tior of Trcati.t lj,lc, vol. lf (19fg}

N.\XIII PP. 103{4.
418 XODNB]S ITEPTL

tbo cudom houre oftoen sholl in ruch inatanoe, lay down ihe
duty of 2| psr oont ou a voluation aocording to tho msrlot
ptico.
(b) Tho oppoaito statiors herounder a1nciffod, within the
{rontiere of
e&ob ooutrtry, aro fired for tf,s dutior to bo loviod,
at vhioh place the trsdorr aro to pay tho 8&me i &nd &ftor
having onoe psid dutios and roooiving o Rorannoh (licenoe)
theroon, no other or furthor duty shall be payoblo throughout
oach oountty or domiaion respoctivoly.
(c) Whoover among the ofrcers ou oithor eide shall excood
iu hie demends for, or oraotion of duty, tho rato hero sp,eciffed
shall bo oremplarily puniahod by the Glovernnent to which he
belongs, ao os ofootually to deter others from liko ofenoes.
(d) In the asse of theft or robberies h&pPoDing o! the
goods of the merchonte, tho f,'oujdar or ofrcor of tho plaoe,
shall advising his superiors or Govemmont thoroof speodily,
oaueo the zeminilors or proprietors of the epoto to make good
the valuo, which ig in all caaos, without fail, to bs so made
good to tho merchants.
(e) In cases whsr.e iu sithor courtrJr any oPPressiol os
violeaoe bo committod or any merohant, the ofioars of couatry
vhoroir this may happou shall, without delay, hear aud onquirs
into the complaints of the Pelsous thus eggriovod, and doing
them justioe, bring tho ofrendere to puaishment.
(f)When the m€rchsnts of either country' htving paid tho
setoblished duty, shtll havo traneforrod thoir goods into the
dominions of one or the other etsto if such goods be sold within
suoh Bt&t€, it igwell ; but if such goode lrot aeoting vith sale,
&nd thst the eoid tradore be dosiroue to trsnsport their sale
of gooda to any other oountty boyond the limits of oither of
the reapective statoe iaoludod in tho trt&ty, the subjocta and
ofrcere of there l&tter shell not tako theroon any other or
furthor duty than the ffred one levied at tho fust entry t snd
aro not to oract doublo duties, but ere to ollow such goods to
.depart in all safoty vithout oppoeitioa.
 NAPAI AI{D ITB ITITOEBOUBS 4r0
(g) This treaty ehall bo of full foroo &nd v&lidity in r€Bpot
to the prcsont and futuro rulera of both Glovernnonta, and,
boing considorod on both sidos as a commerciel trosty and &
basis of concord betweon tho tro ststes, iB to be st all times,
observed ead actod upoa h timos to come, for tho publio
advantago and tho iucregso of friendship.

APPENDIX II
Eoads for tho ioprovemeat of thc Treaty of Commorco rith
tho Nopal Government, pe eubmittod to Bahadur Shah by
Dlnanath Dopedhyo.
l. The Maharaja duly to oonaider the terms of the Commer-
cial freaty of Mrrch, l7gl i to f,eigh woll the adventage likely
to reault to hia orn Clovsrnnont, ar rell ss to Complny,s from
e cbrdial and ragulatod porauit of the objocts of it, anal to
€vinc€ his mgard for the Englirh, and hie desirs to oultiyato
their friendrhip by promotiug to tho bost of hie power tho
extersion of his voolloa trsdo, in particular iato suoh partr of
?ibet os ehall &ppoar to bo easity acoosaible through the tsrri,
tory of Nopal,
2. To agreo, for this purpom, to ths folloriDg stipulstioas
in fevour of tho EngliEh oommeroe in addition to thoro alreoity
fired by the sforos&id trosty.
3. To eagago gouorauy to tske all tradors from the
Company's pos8ossions uDder biE protection, aad to aford them
overy security and indulgonce during the etay in his couatry
that tho intercsts of the rature of his governmont will sllow,
understanding by the traders hero mentioned, such at moy
from time to time eator the terri6ories of Nepal for
commsrciol purpoees under Bowannahs (licenco) regularly
obtained from tbe custom house offcer-
4. To facilitstg the msroaotilo opdlatioD8 of the aforosoial
trotlers by cousenting the oocesionel or coustant reaidence ( as
420 ODBBIT I{EPAL

oiroumstono€o msy r€ndor,it noocssary )

of ono or more nStive
Clome8thse or agents at each of the following ststions :

i. At Pistie13l ia tho Kuti quarter (N).

ii. At Dolkhslg, in tho N. E.
iii. At Ruesoa in tbe KerameglEs and J oongah (N. W.)
iv. At Beni8&her (of Malaibum) in the tr[uBt&ng qusrters.
v. At Ohinnaohin in the Taklakh quarters (ertremo N.W.)
5. To take the proper me&aures for eecuring to euch
Gomaethas and their servants suitabls accommodatiou for'
themselveg and morchandieo; tho Gomasthae dofraying the
erpenses of tte Bemo, &nd yielding, in oll rospeote, during their
reeidence due obedieuco to the authority of the Maharaja'S
officers govorning in the geveral places enumorated.
. 0. To etrgsgo th&t the afores&id Gomasth&s, Beoparies
(traders). shall bo permitted to orposo morchsndiso to soll &t
the soy€rsl plsoos rooited abovo, end to doal without any
rostrailrt with such Bhoto Bmparios or ttadem aa may repair
to the said frontier atations, for the purpose of purchasing ot
bartoring thoir oommoditibs.
7. To plomiso th&t the &foresdd Gomasthss ot Beoparies
no domrnda of any kind or on sny Pret€nca
sh&ll bo liable t,o
rhatovor, from ths ofrcors governing at tho froutier stetions
spooiEod or from auy other oftcere of tho Nopal Govornmont,
eave and oxcept the duties sottled by troaty of March 1791,
and suoh other additional moderato DuBtoor or foo8 on iho
aotual reelised amount of their sales (whethor in gold or silver
or articles of barter) *s thall hereaftor be ffred to bo paid to
tbe comnanding officors st the frontier places enumorated, on
their rec€ipt from the ssid officera of passports or &owsnnaha
to K&thmeDdu.

13r.. Listi or N6sti.

r3!. About 00 ailq lrou f,ethraruilu
133. trfiro!8.
 IIEP.6.IJ trID IlS II}IOEBOITSS 421

8. To agroo to aubatituting in li6u of tho frontier placos

above moatiouod any othen th&t m&y hcosft€r .pp"." to Uu
moro favo urably gituated for tb6 commoroi&l purpose in vier.

9, To ongago to rogulato tho dutios to be lsvied on tho

roturning trade from Tibet whethor this coosista of silver or
gold or grow or manufacture metoriale the produco of th&t
country, oD equitable principlee, and in a maDtror calculoted to
guard the merchs,nts orlncially from the inconveniencos
and
lossos lioblo to result from voxatious dolay and ill.regulated
impods.
10. To consont fiaolly to tho rosidoDco of an Englieh
gentlemen and euitable rethue in Nepol fot tho oombinod
purposes of facilitating ard aiding the operatlons of the tradors
;
of vatohing over and oontrollirg thoir oonduct, of ondoavouring
to ertond tho g€aersl oommsroa, and of improving the frienil-
ehip and beirofioiol oonDoction so happily commsnc€d bstroon
tho Maharaja and the Company,e Government.

APPENDIX III
According to KirkpatricL,e Eource8 the following is the
movoment of trado botwoen Nopal and India (p. 906) :1sa
Erports from Nopal to theCompony's and Viziers, dominions.
Elephaats.
Elephant'e tceth.
Rice of kiads.
Timbere of sortr.
Eidee of Borte.
Ginger.
Kutt, or Terra Japonica. white or black.
Turmeric,
War.

I3{. Also see EsEilton's Exrracrs lrom Easf Indiq Caze e.r.
122 ODEBN NNPAL

f,orcy.
Bohloae (ot puro resin of the pino).
Walnuts.
Orangoa.
Long pepper.
Long pepper root.
Ghoo.
Teigh (or aromatio bark ofthe root ofthe boetard oinnamon).
Toiz-pot (dried leaf of ditto).
Large Cardamuma.
Roal or Dammer.
Lrmp oil.
Cotton (of tho Simul-treo).
Tho following ertiolos aru tho protluoo oither of Tibet propor
or of the Kuohar.
Tanyale, and rmall Turki hortos of Luddakh, and other
nortAorn port! of Tibet.
Sheep.
Shawl goats.
' Chowri bullocke.
Mugk-deer.
Dogs.
X'aloon8-
Pheastnts.
Chuok roars, ffle-osters.
Gold in dust, grains, and small lumps.
Borar.
S&lt.
Sulphur.
ADtimony.
Arsenio.
Orpimeut.
Muek.
Chowris, or cow-taih.
Rugs, or coarse blankots.
Muoiheet.
 NXPAI, AND IT8 I$EIEEBOI'BS 42.3

Raw sal.
Cherrie.
Bikmah.
Jaithamaei, and various other medicinal drugs.
With rospect to tho Munjheet, whioh is chiefly produoed in
the lower parts of the Kuchar, it would appesr to be in great
demand among the Tibetans, who uae it in dyoing their coarse
elothe and stuffe. The Neparians mogt conmonry barter it for
the rock salt and borax of Tibet, whioh, f war eesured by
geveral intelligout porsons, were invariably
found in tho samc
situationr, in proofofwhich, it tp&y be observed, that there ie
ecarcely eyer a bag of salt imported into Nepal in which nurne-
rous lumps of crude borax are not met with, There are gmall
quantities of both salt and salt-petre made in the eastern parte
of the valley of Nepal but the formor is not so much esteened
by thcnatives as that ofTibet.
The following are tho principal oommoditioe oxported from
the Company'e dominions to Nopal, either for the consumption
of that country, or for the Tibet market.
Doputtahs.
Sariee (worn by women).
Dhoties.
Kenkhabs.
Gloolbudduns.
Bhoolame.
!flushroome.
Oornies (or veils), and verious other stufrs, the ,nanufaoturc
of Banaras.
Tafetas.
Baftog.
Cossahs,
Dooreas.
6tiatz.
iluImuls.
Broad cloth.
Shawle.
,L24 IODNBN Nf,PII

Jamosor pieocr of Sherl. Allum.

thawl reojais. Vermilioa.
Raw silL. Quick silver.
Glold and.Silver laoea. Shell lmk.
Ca,rpots. Reil rood.
Englirh outlery of aorts. Cotton in the pod (Kuppas).
Bofron. Tin.
Clovei. Zina.
Maoe. Lo&d.
Nutmege. Soap.
Gluzorot oardomum. Camphor.
Blaok peppor. Red popper chilly.
Betel uut. Conoh Shella.
Red Sandal Wooil. Oud Billa.
Whito g*ndal wood. Tobacco.
Coral.
 CEAPTER XIII
TEE FIRST GOR,KIIA.TIBET WAR,

Gorkha Nopal ceme itrto coDflict with Tibot on aoms

ocoasioas, in 1787-01, in 1855-5?r and in lg29-BI. Ercopt the
leat ono, which wae settlod by aegotiation, all these confliots
lod to wa,r between the two countrios.
Tho inportsnt featoro of tbe ooaflict in alt the tbreo oasee
?aE that Nopal alwaye came out I vinn6r.
Tho rubjoot of the pre8eDt artiole ie the fust Nepal.Tibet
War.l
Nepl
At tho timo of tho crisis in the rclation of the two coultries,
tho Gorlbalie ruled at Kathmardu. They per€ a newly born
lnwor and ever marohing to nep glory aud aoquiaition. They
tod suoooed€d itr o&ryiDg out o fairly largo state in tho
Eimaleyas ort€nd.iDg from tho Bivor Kali to Sikkim. They
'hed sproad almost vithout
check. All tho hill chieftaing bad
fallsu befor€ them, one by oue. OnIy tow.rds th6 Bouth th6y
had to \e oont nt rith s little Etrctoh of tonitory former!
tolonging to tbo B*jao of Palpa, Tauhou, lfaokyanpur &n;
Morang. s BoyoDd thet Etrctoh the mighty British defendod
th6
pl.iD8.

1. Ahia *a! l06t€d fo! tr'o yea!. &Dd eadea irl tho diacornfitoro ot Tib6t.
Tta Britirh iliplon tiosUy bellril the.Nepsl GorellE€at. I,h"
Tr*;;;
Lb.e..igreil jD 1866 rst rsil sll plirileg66 of theits to ths Xepotese.
ReJ
!1. Bor Chiuese gouroo 16 hsv6 [s€al Est€dals tlo]cl Sohuyl€! Cs@msEn,s
Trude Tfuouth the Himaralar, (priao€t rr, t96t) aaa Iaailoat lvepal
iluoe<l et tbe enilf Ih6 ofroist ChiEes dooulEle\t Kuo_erh-K,oahi-t
1rs;-
el, *ofa
Dot bo ploouE€il iD rpit6 ol b6st 6fiort6.
3. n€ril Ey srtiolo itttio Ne,! Retie\ Augu8t 1912. R€plitrt itrotuded
io thi8 yoluroo. Tt. E&st Itrdit CoD to c€46 ruvthiDs
oBr h.il ,,o plausibl€ 8loq'al oD ,hich ;?'#";xl:t:"
426 MODSBI{ li [P.IL

Tha powor 8t Krthmaudu was uoified and etrong. The

rulerB roro inspirtd vith patriotic zool, which gove them
stiongth otrd courage. The glory of their oountry w&8 their
sustoining powor. They needed exponrion to make their
kingdom large ond great.
Beforo thoy como itrto oontaot with tre Tibetsns, they had'
overrun Sikkim, rulod by a Raia of Tibetan origin. The actual
dat6 of tb'o iavasion is not yet known. X'rom two lettert of
Mr. Pagan to Colonol Ro88, it &ppesrs they took Darjeeliag
shortly before U88r. The Gorkholis invlded Sikkim with 0000
men. Tho Ilaia took gheltar in Bbutan and askod for Deb
Judur's help, but before tho lstter could actually help him
the Gorkhalig reached the gate of Bhutan. The Deb Raja
haetoned to oonclude tresty by promisiDg to cedo Baikuntha'
a,

pur, but as the Yictora wero immedi&toly afterwarde engagsd

in Tibet the promioe was Dot erecuted ood Baikuothapur wls
saved. Tho Gorkhatig had left the civil Goverument in the
hauds of o Lopcha Chifo.6 Tho overall commaud of tho erea
wae, bowover, in tbe hande of tho Suba who funotioned from
his hesdqusrto! st CbainPur.
At about tho s&mo tine, Damodar Pande had been able to
anuer Jumla, Dailekh, Jajarkot ond other stetos further west
lke lroti aad Achham end Amsrsinba's foroe had olroa'dy
roached Eardwar, whilo development in Tiboten border divertod
their attontion to that sido' Palpa waa oonquored, but not

4. Esllilto! ia of Kingdom of NePql :

Qootsa by BuohADEn '
eho aeeitem 66 in EraIo6uB
"{d'ol'r'
3, N€pol Prpod (P' 'he l'G'9' The
tgl6, PP'
'69)
s€ooDd l€ttrt i! ilst d 28th Octob€r, 1,88'
L.d.g. o'u-stlet i Ddrieeliag (BE,ogrl Ditttiot Gaz€tteoEs)' 1907' P'
'gl'
5. Buohols! EBDiltoE ,rlt€d thst the 'sD6 Oieil GovsrDE6Et f,B!
funotiollDg gcrrisotri, Er6iltod s'y6 thtt
in 1808, but ths!6 \I'etle Clollhs
acooralitrS to oDoth6r lett€! oI }ft. Psga!, tho 6rst oooB!'stioo ol Gorlhtlis
wrs repuls€d by tho irt€rvgtrtion oI D€b Juds!, hut i! Mrloh 1789 tho lrtt6!
poveil oI no .vsil eBa Eitkiro t.E ADiUy snnox€al. Thls 1160 eE bleil tho
Gorkhslis to lsy b.lrilr on tho low lrDils betwee'l the Bite! KiEk'ye€ r l
Ti.ta.
 IS,,IBBT OOBEEA-rIDX! WAB 1N
anaexod. Tho Brja hrd oobs6nt€d to rsD&in a veslal
of Nepal.s

T;bct.

Tibot on the othor hand was paasing thmugh & sov€ro

crisis aud amarting under duress. Thorc va8 no rnore the glory
tha,t vag libet. It was a tim6 of docadonco and defeat.
There rae not e uniffsd foroo to wield a central oommand.
Politic*l power rca dividod botroen tho heeds of monaet€riee
and seoular ohiefe. ?he Dalsi Lsmo re8 just a nominal h6ad
over them all.
Even that waa not as bad es tho sta,te of
in which Tibetaos were plaoed after the Chineso
subjeotior
oonquest of Tibot about helf o oeutury tgo.? VirCually the
Chineao roprerontative at Lhasa, wbo vas oallod the Amban,
guided the deatinies of tho countty eud Tibetcm in their orn
efairs orjoyod abaolutoly no s&y.8 Tho situation in Tibet ras
oimply doplorable. But we fail 6o untterst€nd ae to hop
thie had oponed the way for aggresaion by the Nopalore
aoighbour who had litrlo csrcd to noto tha,t invaeiou would
froo s Chinoso countar &tt&ct on bohstf of Tibot.

Tlu Cataea ol tlu War

As soon as tho CtortheUrr osptured the valley of I.IepeI
the tendenoy ou thoir pmt pas to olsim the right to sonal their
moDoy to Tibet. X'or o long tims, Nepleso coina were the only
ourronoy iE Tibet for iatornsl and a:ternr,l exchango. Tibet

0. Buohruo ssrs thtt pslpo rss thG! inalotroDaleEt, but this is trot

?. Doritlli, Aceoint ol Tibet, editcd by Fil.ippi, Bk. U. Oh.. X, Xl, XU ;

PP. 29,90 (IEtloiluoUotr) ; BooLblI, Dot.i IJ8E,3, p. gO.
8. geo Bogl€'s l[oaorrEiluD i Kilhratricb's Accoa t ol Nepal, AryoIlrdii
A to E t TE a!r's Boport i! Fo!ro.t.8 gclcctlons from Forelga Deporntct
Pqp.B. Vol. lU, pp. lOZl-?9.
9. Ihe solil cotthr strd Gotlh.li hry6 beE o..al Lere at ue6. i! tho
EaEt.i€!s6; BlEilatly N6l,sli stil Napcl6e. Alt thoie iou! ,o!il5 igrlu
Lrve beea usedl to oonvoi idoDticrl Dead[g.
428 YODEBN NDP...IJ

oDDu&lly contributoal a fixed quantity of silver iu lieu of thoso

coins. But during the last hunalred years the rulers in Kath-
mandu had iesued debssed coins, which hampered tho
€eonomic grorrth of tho cooutry.ro Tho Tibetau authoritieg
had stoppod importiDg Nepalere coins whon thoy noticed tho
elfoct of such currcucy and this wso Dot ch&llongod owing to
the ohoos and politioal upheaval then roigning in Katbmandu.
Tho Gorkhalis r€formod the curroacy and wsnted to Boad
the now coine to Tibet. Thoy alao s&id that tho now coins
rhould ooEE&nd a higher rate of orohango. They sent a
deputation for that- purposo but the authorities iu Lhasa
dsmonded tho withilrBw&l of the debaeed ourrency itr circul-
rtiou in their State, bofore this roquost waa aooedod to or else,
thoy eaid, both coine were to ciroulato et tho sems rate of
.oxohatrge. r I It vas not poeaible to accept thia demand without
inourrirg sovore loss. Thorefore Tibet'r reply wont only to
irritats the Gorkhalie. In the moentime, while tho Lsma had
reoeived o British trado deputetiou, the Gorkhalis felt further
embarrassed at the prospect of being noglected in commeroial
deoliugs.rt The Bitustion, thorcforo. deteriorated to c&usc
e goyeto etraiu ia tho reletion botwe€n tho two countriee,
A word ie hero nooessary on tho position of trado anal
oommorce between the two couutries.r 3 Nopal commanded tha
highway botween fndia and China. Muoh of tho tredo l)assod

10. Aoooding to Bogle these \ye!e tetching higher velue thEu th€i!
intrirlsic votth. Th€ ?tofit ol mintiag wss to the exteBt of ru[lo63 10o,0o0
( EtlLpat iok. P. ,u )
11. llBrLt !o, Op, Cit, PIr, lzs'99. lnrner, Op-Cib, P' g?2, Th6 ilebssoil
.oiEr olso letch€al. voluo high6! then the oDe iniliosteal at th€ir l6ce. Both
3ogle sEil Trmet Eport€il thst they Yalueil much Dote iB terEs o, Eolal
sra lilvor austs.
1r. ResAorticle ia th€ New Re!,.w, Norsaber 1942, rtout tbo
Dt
Bdtish t!ad6 mLsion iaA the stst€ of coEmsro6 io Tib€t. It aay be
thst Neprl's 8haro iu the ooEEeroe o[ Tibet was tho l'er8€6t'
Eretrtlotroil hele
Also EElrlilto!, OP. Oit, P. 21r-14.
13. Th€ llewrr tr.d€r! hore still s position o{ ratrt.ge in Lhass' th€y
610 eogogeil in lolei8n tmile'
 TEE TIRST GOBTEA.TIBET WAII 429,

through Kathmandu. The Nepal Govornment roceived a fair

revenue out of taxos on transit goods. In addition its nationals
did the ageacy work and to thot oxtent it rooeived an
additional advantago. From Tibet also camo gold, silver and
other prrcoious metals and wool and toa. Nepol would not
easily give up this luorative souroe of business, and in tho face
of the uuoompromising attitude of tho Tibetans, war was the
only alternative.
ft cannot be eaid with accuracy whether Tibet had harshly
dealt with the Newar traders of this country. They had
culturel affinity with tho land of the Lamas. hobably they
were receiving due attention on that account. T[hat seems to
have autagonised the Tibotaus moro than anything else was
the exorbitant chargo the Nepal Government levied on goods
going to Tibet. Probably that was what compelled them to
lend oa.r to the British who promised to supply goods at a
choaper rate. l a

So long as ths Taehi Lama was living thore was still a hope
of a poacoful settlement,l6 for his porsonality was respeoted
by tho Gorkhalis as well.16 Eisdeath in Pekiug romoved the
last hope of a poaceful settlement. ft was said that he vas
poisoned to death.
There was a bitl for power in Lhasa and after a bittsr
strlrggle the sixth Panchen Lama's brother came to Nelnlr 7
for fear of porsocution. Ee is known in records as Samarpa

14. Accortling to Wei Yuan, the Gorkhalis attacketl Tibet using as the.
pretext the iuorease of tares on merchantlise ancl the tttmixture of tlust in
the table salt. (Sse Appentlix II ).
15. It was eaitl that the Nepaleee harl proposetl & conference .on tli*
guestion, but the Tibetsns insoleutly refue€tl to listen ( Kirg*triok, PP.
339-40 ).
16. See Paltlen Yeshe's Life of the'Tashi Lama. George Bart Btaunton,
An Authentic Account of an Embassy from the King of Great Britain to the
Enperor of Chiza (Loudon, ttg7),2 Vols. II, p, 52 guoted by B. Oammann
also 0PC, X, P, N.745 Abdul Katlit's report, Beptember 4, 1792,
155,
lT. Kirkpatriok's Accoant of Nepal, Appeudix A. The letters and
dispatohes referretl to are to bs fountl in Kirkpatrick.
430 UODNEIi ]|EPAI,

Eutukhtu.r E Ee was alro an inbarnate Lama of tho Rad

E o_t. It ras alleged that be ha.d told the Nopaleao rulere all
th6 seorot8 of tho trossnry and hoarde of wealth io tho L&m&-
sode of Tarhilhunpo, ft was s&id that the prospect of gotttng
possor€ion of thie oaormous riohoe wag a furthor attraction
to tho Gor&halie to impoll thom undertake tho adyonturo of
a mititary oampaign in Tibet. Tho Lh&B& authoritios want€d
him bock, but the Nepalese refused to surrender.
Aooording to & Dharmapetra document preselved in the
orohivog of the Foroign Minirtry of Nepal, fiftoeu inlluentbl
mea of Tibot along with Sy&m&rpa Lama had plodged to follow
Ioyally tho orders of the Maharoja of Nepal and declared
reuurci&tion of their rol&tion with Lhasa and Chiaa. Tho
Dharmapatra was signed on Samvat 1845 J geelha Slailt roj 2
= lfionday, I June, 1788.
Syauarpa antl his oonrado Lamas woro not completely
edrift ou Nopalese eoil hC,virg abandoned citizeuship of Tibet.
Tho Nopaleso goyorDmont had encouraged them to t6ke this
step, oud Tibetans rosonted also this actiou as symptomutio of
furthor hoetilo actioue ou iheir part.
The Nepaloo support for tho Lama'8 case w&B based ou tho
above oited sacred deed.
It was eo suggosted thet the ia fibot had a
Nepele8e army
Eission t,o restore Syamarpa Lama's rights io Tashi Lhunpo.
The Tibetan vorsion of tho etory ie that the Ioma was on
pilgrimago in Kathmandu and was dotained as a hostage by
the Nsp&leso authorities. The Lama wrote to Lhsss tha,t ho
desired to bo ransomed off on tho terms demanded by Nepal

18. ghaEsrpo is spelt ss Sysmllerpr iII Nopal guEhu! by EutoI,€oDB eEtl

a,B g6a.ror,'e!h-pE in Chioeoe. thamalpa's &Dother broth€. Ohuagpc nra
the Regent of T&shilu.Ello. Acootalillg to a ChiD€s€ soulce, gholtS rru-chi,
6.84b, quotetl by g' Oaannann,
ghstltrrPa wcs toluseil hi6 shar€ of the liches
oI the lots ?sa6h6r1 Leas, ul,otl rihioh he Il€1 to Nspal iD shee! tesentt[etrt.
AMul Eoilir ropo eil to the BlitiBh thst th€ Lsma h&d Siver to the Nopaleso
leltioulaE of bo&lileil riches'
AocoriliEg to Tibetan soutces Eyamarpa was c6ll€al
ghama.r Tlulku. IIo
wss tho Dinth iEcalaate Lattr& of the R€A Eat'ka! E4'pa sect.
 TEE flAST OON.rEA TIBET WAB 431

tut the Koshyag (Tibetan cabinot) felt that ss Somaqn wrs

in Nopal on hie owu, tbey ahould not ioterveao.
Thoy however, abowod willingnes to moke slight reduo-
tion i! the value of debased currency. In the m€an tino
Nepal attacked SikLim but in the auangemont of peeoe
.Tibetan
presence was imposed though Sitkim's ruler did uot
ssk for it. Actuelly two Tibetan officers Shalu Khenop and
Depon Pedesal arrived at Wolung. Nepal rettled commeroial
matters with Sikkim but was resotrtful of Tibot,B iotsrforenoe
and leter avenged thio by an attaok oa Tibet iteelf.
It was eaid th&t Bonsing the mood of tho Nepalose, tho
Kaehyag passod orders to thc bordor -&uthortios to bo in &
st&to of preparedness for defonce against attack by.Nepal.
The Nepalese felt alarmed and thought that they ehould
also proparo for a var with Tibet.
The Kashyag took thie attitudo of Nepal s!, provooativo.
This set the ball of cooflict rolling. Tho Gorkhalis had
recently &nnexed Doti and Jumla on the Kali Rivsr aad wsre
freo to embark on the expodition with full foroo. Thus tho
War etarted. Oldfieltl is wrong in sayiag that th€ee princi-
p&litee rf,ere independeat of Nepal in 1g06. X,rom Tashi
Lama'e lotter it appeare that Jumla had yielded in l?g5.

TEE WAR
The Gorkhalis launched an offensivo againlt fibet h the
aummer of 1788. A letter of Rana Bahadur receivod in
Coloutta on Auguet 6, lZ88 informs the Goyornor_Gsneral tha,t
l{epal had despatchod a body of troops to Tibet, aa the l&tter
had 'infringrd tho tormr of tho treutiee and acting contrary
to tbem'19. The Aashi Lama wrote that the Clorkhalis hatt
itrvsded fibot in May ( 1788 ).2o Dsp66rr.pande and Ranjit
Kuar rere placed at the head of tho erpeditionll. Tbors rrore

r9. cPc, VIIL N.399

20. cPC, VIII, N. 977
111. The Iorce is estims,teal to Lag€ been ono oI 18,OOO c.f. M6joriDuDca,n,s
report, Kitkpatriok,s Appotrilir A.
432 MODERN NEPAL

two wings of the army, one attackiog Kerong and B,yongshar'

proceeding along tho river Trisuli aud another marching-
through River Bhotia Kosi to Kuti and Sikarjongka. The first
was led by Sardare Amarsinha Thapa, Bhotq Paudo and
Kirtiman Sinha, and the second command consisted of Ranjit
Pande, Kazi Sri Krishna Shah, Captain Ram Shah, Captain Sri
Harka Pande and Sardar Partha Bhandari. Damodar Pande
joined sometimo after, and he was leading tho erpedition to
Djigarcho, which, howover, did not reach its deetination and
came back ae the truee was signed. The Tibetan Government
deputed two generals with troops from Tsang. A reinforce-
ment joined them under a Cabinet Minister I(alon Yuthok.
ft wag reportod to the Tibotan authorities that ae against.
thoir own small combat troops the Gorkhalis had deployed 4
generals, 5800 troope and 3000 portors.
Moanwhile the Chinese Emperor was informed of the attack
on Tibetan territory by Nepal.
Sardar Ranjit I(uar and Kazi Abhiman took tho routo of
Thuga for the Ba,me destination. Both these wero to converse
in Djigarcho. It seems that the Tibetans could not offer any
resistence worth tho name and they became panicky and
capitulated when places adjacent to the border fell to the
Gorkhalis. Kuti was conquered on.Asailha 10 of VS 1845,:20
June, 1788 andKerong on Sraaana 9'a little later. Although
the Gorkhalis met with a revergal in Sekar and Djongka
on Sravana 23:3 August, 1788 they could capture Djiongke
on Sravan 32. Penchin Lama fled from Djigarcho on the
28th day of the 7th month of Earth-Ape year:1788 ( Mdzes-
Rgyan ). This was accomplished, however, while further
reinforcement with Balbhadra Shah, Jagejjit Pande, Dhaukal
Simha and Ajaya Simha had reached' The enomy also engaged
them in Kerong for the second time on Karti,ka 2:14
October but the Clorkhalis routed them oapturing t,he fort
as an additional gain. Meanwhile a military officer had been
sent by the Chinese with a sizoable force. Obviously thie
move rtr&s directed to expel the Gorkhalis. But before he.
 TEE ETSBT OOBEEA TIBET WAB 433

re&Ghed Lhasa, tho truce was signed. The Tibetan sourco

says that en &dvanco unit of 2000 troopa had reached Lhasa,
and thie was marching to the battlo aroae with eomo Tibetane.
including Kalon Terzin Paljor Doring. Shon T'ai was tho
unit commandor'and all arrangements for advanco were mads'
in Shigateo ( Djigarche ) The imperial units of troops oame
ag far as Sikar. But they were afraid of contactiug the
Nopalose' oontingents.
Kalon Doring in hie memoir says that tho Chineee
commander expressed his deeireto approach the Gorkhalis for
a peacoful settlement despite his own abhorronce. In the
moan time a truoe party had arrived at Sikar from Lhas&
under Kalon Doring who had roached Tingri Lawriz8. Eo
negotiated with the vietors through Shamarpa Lama. Their
demands for a yearly tribute of Rs. 50 thoussnd ( Tibetan
iugots of silvor ) was complied with23. All the provious
privileges rogardiug soins and comrnoroe were restorod.
In eddition to these, Nopal acquired a right of oxtre terri-
toriality and accordingly, its Government set up their oourte
ia Gyantse and t{ ( Shigatao ). Eenoeforth the
Djigroho
Tibotan authorities were to reooivo an Agent of the Nepal
Governmeut at Lhoea to look afteg tho interests of their nation-
als and to see that the treaty provieions wore not violated.r 6
The armed forco of tho Nepalese roturned to Nepal on Marga
2I, VS 1845 (first week of December, 1788). Tho agreement

92. Aooortling to S. Cammaun ( P, 119 ) Kelon Donohin Banjur,

*nt[ Depon of Yutog (a military offioer) uegotiateil the aettlement
23. CPO, IX, P, 55 ( n.745 )
24. The agent called Vrkil resided iu Lhass tiU 1955 to look alter the
interest ol the Nepal Govornment. Ee held judicial power ia csse where
extratertitoriality was involveil.
26 trhe treaty was signetl somewhere near Kerong. The Lamag inparti-
oular the Sakya Lama appeer to have applied their gootl offices for a pemelul
settlement. Itappeers from the Memorial that after the treaty was eigneil
Eari Yakil, Balbhatlra Khawas outl fl)-25 otherg were sent with presents
to the Chinese Emperor antl they reaoheil Peking after eix monthg. Ihis
account lsoks corroboration from other soutoes (Kirkpatrick, P, 348).
434 MODEBI{ NEPAL

waE Bigned in Korong ou Samvat lE46 Saka l?ll grqoaru

oail,i 12 roj f;Sundey, 19 July, 1i89. Tbe payment of Be,
50001/- for ths ourrent yoar vaB to be E&de in tiEe
between tho frst of Solar Brooana and 6ret of Solar grrodra.
'The witnosses mentioned rore
Bamshab Earihar padhaya,
Taksarri Syamlal Pandit, Doring Kazi Sonam Tonjen panjo
Ocheering, treasurer Dibuk,* Damodar pando Tundup Sa&yq
Sonrm Ise Dhowa and lastly Dune Dumdnb phenjo. The
document was in the handwriting of Major Dhana Sankar.
brother of Kharidar Viehnu Sankar. A Royal letter addrees€d
io Ranavukhatri, Ambar Singh Thapa, yandira Thapra
and othors who were ia tho roar stated tbst tbo two warriBg
pertios had come to & settlement through th6 intelvontiou of
tho Amba. Th: Gorkhalis. yoro left in oocupstion of half of
Kuti as it wae deoided in tho time of Kazi Bhimamalla, and
Tibot oonsented to pay annually Rs. 800{tI/- to Kathmandu.
The Amba himself oame to meet the Nopaleeo. There was
mutual coneultation a,nd in accordanoo with oommon agree-
ment a Nopaloso delegation with prosonts to the Emporor
wag ou the way to Poting. The royal lettor recalled all those
who had been on the expodition to Kathmandu. Tho letter i8
.dated Samvat 1816 Bhod,ra wdi 2 roj 6:t?89, August
?.
These are the two documents which tell us a,bout tho
,coso&tion of hostilities aud terme of settlemout botween
Nepol
.and Tibet in 1889. Ercopt the tribute of R8. 500q0/- no other
item of settlom€nt moation funde, f do not know why the
Nepaleoe authoritiee failed to mention terms of agrooment
a,boBt coins, exira tonitori&l righte oto.
It seems th&t with all these advautages Becurod to them
the Nepalese had agroed to &ccept a etipulation under whioh
& tribute misson froo Nepal was to w&it on the Emporor of
China overy five yoars. Kalon Doring ssid th&t both p&rtios
wanted tho Chiaeso to be wittresa to tho agroemeDt. Thg
Chinese ou thoir p&rt suggested that as p&ce waa egreed upon
somo points of discord remainod. But it yaa agroerl that tho
SysEarpa's treasurer
 TEE FIBST OOBKEA TIBEI WAE 4?5

p&rtie8 Bhould sendtributaly envoys to Peking. The Gorkha

leadere at 6rst h€sitated to accopt tho proposal but later
conceded the point, and a miesion roached Kerong where a
wing of tho Chineae force waa camping io tbe winter.
It is cleimed on behslf of tho Tibetane that thero wag a
freBh &ttack on Sikkim by the Gorkhalir but this vas drivon
out with Tibstan holp, This incident wes roproEonted by the
Tibotan tuthoritios ae proof of tho s&rliko mooil of tho
Gorkhalir. So China was porsuaded to uso itE Btmng positioD.
to beat dowo Nopal. But ae peace had returned tho Chineso
&nthoritie8 dismis€od this suggeetion. It wae ssid that tbe
Govornment of Nopal recoived in 1790 tho stipuLa,tod &Eouut of
tcibuto from Tibet. Lste loxt year a Nepaleee mieson reaohed
Pekiag. It presented to Chieu-luug Emperor 't&Ee el€phsnts,
horses, and an Oroheatra'. We have this informatioa from Ching-
shih lioh-chuan (27.20) and Kueug-hsu Eui-tien Shih-li (986.14)
ea cited by S. Cammann iu his booL..26 But according to
one souroo tho Emperor rofus€d to meet the mission. Tho fact
of a Nepalese doputatiou to have left Nepal ie also confrmod
by indigenous sourcos.
Tho Tibotens promised to dovaluo the impure coine, as
Nepal acoeptod the pure ooim &ud further prouised to mint
tho puro oDes &t p&r. LhaEe also gu&r&nt€6d sole of puro eilver
subjoct also to ofrcial iustrtection. The Nepaleee could enter
Tibet for tredo but tho Tibeta,ns could not enter Nep&I. Rice
.snd B&lt woro to bo oxchauged &t marLot r&te. Tho Nepalese
trader algo enjoyod freo accomodatiou aud firewood while
iuside tho Tibot&n Territory. But tho Nopalese psid l0 p. c.
of their salo proooeds to the inukoepors. The tributo was paid
to recover the .four districts capturod by the Gorkhali. In
the nogotia,tion Nopal was repreeentod by Bhim Saheb with 4
offioials and Tibet by Kalon Doring ond his subordinatos. The
treoty wea signed in Kerong,
Kalon Doriug from whoso momoir, we draw our informa-
tion rccords rn addendum to tho sgrooment, which reads
26 P, 130,
436 IdODERN NEPIA.

'Thmo huntlrod dotsed have to bo paid for the ffrst yeer, but
if a senior and rssponsible Tibotan ofroial visits Nepal in tho
lroxt yoar and roquests & reductiou in the amoutrt of Tribute
tho Nepaloeo agrse to tako it ulder oonsideretion (Rdo-ring).'
Accordiag to Tibetan aources, aa presented by Sbakobpa,*
the war and trosty with Nepat had takon place at a time
vhcn the Begent Ngawang Tsultroin was in Peking. When
ho roturned ho chided the Tibtan cabinot (Kashyag) for
accepting a humiliating treaty. In orpression of his angor ho
dismiseod the fibetan Genoral in chargo of the wa,r. IIo thought
ofopproching tho Nopalose to get th6 tribute reduced' &nd
sont two ofrcors monk Khenche Thogmed and Tsopon Debugpi
to Kath6endu.
The Nopaleso did not rocognise the latter sB I competsnt
porsons for the tslk. They wanted a man of minieterial
rank in his plaoe. It paE Esid that he could oome just as far
as Nyamang ou the bordor where ho would bs received by
Bhim Saheb and Syamarpa Lams. But this proPosal though
rccepted by the KeEhyag wae not liked by tho Rogent &nd
negotintion could uot oontiuue.
The Rogent, howover, disd of he&rt &ttsck in Lhssa oa tho
27lh day oftho third motrth of the Iron-Eog year (April 29,
l79l). Thereforc tho Kaahyag was loft to do things for & sottle-
ment with tho Gorkh*e without hie wise guideuce. Thoy
immediately despatohed to Nyamang the ministers, Doriug
and Yuthok, with sevon araist&nte. As thoy had roached
Shig&tse a lettor from Syamarpa had reached informing them
that the NepaloEo party h*d reached the bordor at Littipakot
but the Tibstan offoial accompanying had falleu ill, and was
in need of a physioian who wse to bo sent from across the
bordor. Tho sick Tibotan had, however, diod before any
medioal help rtachsd him. Moanwhilo the governor of Nyamang
had warnod Dorin oftho underhand doalings of the Gorkhalie.
Bot ou advice from Lhass tho minirteriol rank holder
K*zi Dorin prooeeded to meet' his counterperts. As the
. A Eistory o{ Tib€t by gh&ksbP., PP 159 ff
 TEA TIR,ST GOB(EI. TIBA? WAE 437

Kashyag bad asleil Dorin to march without aay militery

oscort, he did ao, tho intention being to avoid suepicion in the
minds of the Gorkha ofrcers. But this had oontrary €f€ct.
Tho negotiatiou rres to t&ke plsce a,t Dum, whitber Tibe-
ten officerE of leosor rsnk had pro@eded but in Nyameng
tbo Gorthalis staged a Coup d'etat entering tho fort in disguise,
as bearers and rice.sellere. Thoy froely distributed wine at
tright end towards morning eeized tho fort from within. All
the occupa,nts were taken pr.isoners, Kalong Doring, Kalon
Yuthok included.
It wae reported that 3 officcrs aod 35 men were. killed oq
Tibotan side. Tho Gorkhalie lost moro thetr ono hundred mon"
The same fato overtook those assembled in Dum. All the
prisoaers woro aeut to Nepal. And again tho GorLhali troops
sppearod to march througi Nyaaang and Keroog to Shokar-
jong. Tashi Lhompo was thmstenod aod the Pancbon Lama
rssa sent to Lhaea for protection. The Tibetan &ocounts,
Yengs Kgyan, Mdzee-Reryan sta,te tbat Poo t,ai, the Chinoco
Amha advised ths I,amas to go to Amdo. But meanvhile
theCbineso Vioeroy, f,'u-K'ang-an had reached Tibct with
12000 mon.

The fact of a Nepaleee. doputation to have left Nepal ie

also confirmed by an indigenoue source (See bolow). tror
con0rmation of the agreement betwoen Tibet and Nepal
S. Cammanu quotos two Chinme sources, Tuag.hua hsu-lu
Ch'ien-lung (Chaptera 108-18) and Kao-trung Shun-huang-ti
Shih lu.r? Cammann thitrk8 th&t throughout tho time the
Nopoleao had iuvaded the border aroas of Tibot, the trfonchu
Officials Pa-chung, O-hui oad Ch'eng-te had msiutained an
sttitude of connivenco. Tbeee offoors wero Eout to Lhaso by
the Emporor to aseiet the Tibotane to erpel the Nepalese.

87 Ibiil, P. 113. The6€ aE ebbreviet€d ss TEIIL, CL on<t KTBL.

114.99b.Eil 1391'8b roalnctively, .l,ocorilirg to CsEEdtr! th6& dlocunrsEas
bols tLe dat€ eqoiyslotrt to 15tL Deo€rnb€t, t?91. Thoy r€f6t to the ereDt.
ol the yesr berore lr8t,
438 MODEB]{ I{NPAL

But iustead of giving the invadere a ffght they wore satisEod

rith tho attitude of the invedere whilo the latter withdrew
egreeing to a etipulation to sond & ffvo yearly tribute mission
to China.
But why did tho Nopalose agree to ecoopt the position of
o vassal in l,hoir hour of victory I If the prico of victory
rae vaesalago, then certainly tho Noprlese had obtaiued a
meaningleae victory. We search in vain for the cause that lod
them to withdraw to their fronticr with the flush of victory
that had laden thoir back with Chinese vasaalago a,t tha same
time. But from Wei Yuau'e ehong-wu-chi it appoars that in
reality the Nepaloee had only applied'to be appointed Princo-
( Kuawang ) of the country'oa suggoetion by Pa-chung who
hnd falaoly let knowu the Emperor that the Nopalose had
surrondered. ! 6

But the provieious of the troaty were violated immediatoly

after. It is not eractly kaown, who initiated the process. A
lettor written by Taehi Lsma to the Governor Goneral of
Bengal aocusod the Gorkhalis of 'plundering a placo Counca
in the domaiu and ruiaing the ryots' ( Secret and Political
Department Coneultotion, 26January, 1789). But this referred
to the first inoident of tho first war. From tho ofrcial
Momorial and chrouicleg of Nepal we get a difrerent rtory.
Tibot iB chsrged with violating the treaty, particularly the
clause r6l&ting to the admiseion of tho Nepaloee Agont and
with refusing to p&y the enuual tribute ffxed by the
tre&ty.! e Thie is aoafumod by Wei yuan'e account. IVei
yuan wroto that a Nopslo8e envoy waited on the Amba about
thie matter, but the l&tter look uo actioa on the matter. ft
soems that tho Lamss were trot in favour of thie provision.
Perhope, the Chineso Representatire at Lhasa backed them

28. gee bslow, Appotrilix II.

29. Eead the memorirls, 'Tho TibetaEs paitl 8s, 50,OOO fot the f!8t
yosr'E tribut€, bot th6y !.ilod to E t6 ove! two ye&!6' tributo a,boot . Irkh
ol rup€€s. ID.tesil ol orpl.i!.iDg the ooEs6 oI aohy, tb6y tlisil to ooptrr€
gl'doo4Eo Iaaa in th6 Eost uudligEiied Ea,Dnor,
 TEE TIBAI GOBEEA TTBBT WAB 439

up to doirouDco th6 trcaty. We ffnd, thereforo, tho Glorkhalis

invadiog agaio. The iuyasion spreed over a loug stretoh of
torritory from Kerong to Shig&t8o (Djigsrche) , about 400
miloe further €a.et. It is said thct this time they pluottoretl
onasteries in Djigarches 0 without regard to tbo religiold
BentimeDts of the Tibetane and oaptured ar hoetages Dhurin
Kozi, Aitu Kazi, Sardar Chyaglochan aad others. Tbo
circumstances of the seize of the pereons of theeo Kazis have
boon presentod ditrerently by Tibot and Nepal. The former
said that ths wholo afirir wae unjustly msnoeuyrod end TibeG
had offered least to deeerve that end. But Nepal triod to
jurtify tho actioa on the ground thst the Lama's men wsnted
to arrest Syamsrpe Lam& in Kuti, whore nogotiation wag in
progress, and this provoked tho incident.! r Nopal lost abont
2000 men vho perirhed due to heavy snow in Langur Eimal
(the laet Iine of snowy range) ae well as from a severe ottaoh
of amall-por.
The chronioler etated "Kszi Damodar Pande, Krzi
Dovadatta Thapa, Capt. Bam Shah. Sadar Prabal Rana, Sardar
P!&timan Rana, Taksari NrraoiDhs &nd eovsral Omraoe were
sont with their rogimonts to sttack Djig&rcbo by ray of Kuti.
By way of Kherta, wa8 despatched anothor bstch con.istiog
of Kazi Abhiaan Sinha, Brahman Captain Kolu Pa,nde, Serdar
Jaswant Bhandari, Sardar Renjit Kuar with a big foroe. Thc
fir8t o88&ult on Jhuugo failed. But tho eeoond succeeded and
they oocupied Tiogri maidao. Thoroaftor thoy procreded
to Djigeroho. Thie monastery town with fobulous riches wag
plundored subsequoutly. Tho Nepaleee roturned to Chairpur
to como to Katbmandu, crossing the bordor tbrough the
Eatie pass oyer tbo L1000 ft. Poptila range.
Kiog Rana Bahadur informed the British Governor-Geneal
th&t tho TibotsDs had refueed to &ct in terms of tho treety

90, Abdul l(adir rsportotl (Op, Oit.) th.t lqmo E6ri oI the Nepeleoa
&tm, hail iavqiled Diigsrcho.
31. Th6 Nol'sle8o Ofroial MeEorlrl .!d OhtoElclo.
OPO, Da, N, 1562. I.tt.r 1lc6ivea lt Ootobor, 1?91.
44r) XODCAN NTPAL

and theroforo tho Nepaleso troops had msrched to Djigarche

adiling tbat'should tho Lama approach tbe pritieh for holp
itshould be rofus€d.tr2
All over south Tib€t th€re v&s panio. The monks deaortod
th6 Eonastories. The Psnchon Lama was k6pt in hiding snd
theu removed to a diatant plaoo. Tbe Chinege Amban Peo-t'ai
himself was seizeal eith torror, and under his instmction the
Dalai Lama was also carried to a eafo place.l8
The city of Tashilumpo was left t,o tho moroy oftho enemy
aa the sovoral thous&ud iumate Lamae behavod in sheer
cowardios. Chung-pa EutuLhtu r&u &rr&y with all his wealth
and treasureg. The othor Lamas would not act in deff&[oo
becauso they felt thst providonce wss sgoinst them. Not
until the Emlnmr a.dministerqd romoDstr&loe, their spirit
of rcsistanco rovived. By the winter of l?92 tho Chinoao
forcos wero advanciug to mest tho Nepaleao entering ultorior
Tibot 'by way of Kokonor stoppes to shorten tho jouruey by
30 stsges in comparieon witb the advance via Ta-chion-lu in
Ssoh'uan'.
ft was said that the Empomr acted by ohanging the
oommaod of tho forces. Tho old ofrosrs wero oithor reploood
or tranaferred to lead smaller unite iD leso rtretegic areos.
Y6t msny uroro woie subjected to humiliating trertment by
tbe ordor of th6 Emporor. Pa-chuog who committed suicide by
drowning himaelf into a dver on hea,riDg oews of the s€cond
invaeioo of Tibet by Nepal 6sc&pod thc homiliation, but Pao-
t'ai had to wear a 'canguosr in front of tho army'.
While disouaaing the subjoct of tho two Britieh tr&do
visitilg Tibet ia 1778 and 1783 reapoctively we had
trfilsions
occasion to meke e refarsnco to the Chineso donfuation over
Tibetan rfairs.
Eser ginoe 1722, Tibet w&8 boiug rogarded as e country
undor Chiuese suzersinty, and sinci 1738, a wiag of tho Chineso

32. cPc, v[r, N. 609,

TEIIL, CI+ 114- 18ft; KISIJ 1388, 23fr, oitoil by CslnEsE!,
?, 1tl. l.U this is supportoil by ghoDg-reu'chi of WeiYtr&n,
.34 A heavy square woolloo collar worD aB a, huEili^tiDg punishmgDt,
 ISE TIBST OOBTEI TIBAA WAB 44I

army ws:r Btetionod in Lhasa, under a ropresentative of tho

Empolor, orllod the Amba. Thie oftoar not only a,oted to
to regulato Tibot'e rslation with the outeido world but also
intorfored in its intorn&l afrairs to tho oxtout provided by a
miaor Dalai Lama in tho Potala.
China was thea being ruled by the Manohu dynaaCy (1644-
lgll). Ono of the early rulorc of this dynasty, Eoperor
K'ang IIsi (1663-l?22) oonsolidated tho Manchu dominanoe
in China suMuing &ll rsmn&Bte of tho Ming BEpportors in the
Yautee regiou and Formosa. Shce hi8 timo tho Manchua ako
completly adoptod Chinese ougtoms and msnnors forgottiug
,all their own iuoluding the laDguego. Thoy wero aow a
aational.ised dyaasty.
Botweoa 1690 alrd L722 tho ompror fought msny wars on
the border of the main China, ond subjugated many tribos.
In tho erpaneionist war conductod in Central Aeia, the
Manohus had beea ablo to possoss tho ooutrol of Tibet by
taking &dyantage of the unroet following 6he Moagol invasiou
of th&t country in 1722.r 5
The next Manchu rulsr of oote ond importance was the
Emperor C'hon Lung who rulod from u36 to 1796. Ee fought
'tho Kalmuls end Turks in tho aroa th&t is known today es
Turkestan and oooupiod Taskond, Kashgar and Khotan.
Ii was in his time th&t Nopal csme into hostilo oonts,et
with China. According to Wei Yuau, "Tho bogiuning of tbe
.hoetilities botween them dated frou the rSth yea,r of the Ch'ou
rlung r€igu, when Nepal invaded Tibot." (see appendir II
below)
Wei Yuan, s D&tivo of tho Eunon province. who died
iD 1856 wroto thc Shen-wu-chi which is 'a dercriptive account
of the milit&ry oprationo of the Menchu dynasty'. Giving
the caueo for tho resumptioo of hogtilitim Wei Yuau wroto,
thet the stipul8tion whioh enjoinod on tho Dolei Loma to

86 WolllE Ehor]oil, I Hisaory of C]ina (Tranrlrteil by Diok6s,

E. W. Ialilotr 1960). P. 294.
 442 UODEBN Nf,P.',L

p&y &n annual tribute to Nepal waa resontod by tho former-

But, Pa-ohurg, tho ofrcer of tho Guards, ,,Vertured to tho
eliost that tho rebels had eurrendered. So far was thio
much boing the cs8e thst he &otuslly porsuailed the Gorkha
Chieftaio to pay tribute in ordor to be appointod hinoe of
tho country (Kuowang). In thie war not o single man v&r
killed, but a milliou apoat on eoldior's rations,'.
It &ppe&rB thet actu{rlly tbe Nop&leso hsd seized the idos
of &ccepting the Buggeetioa of Pa-ohung only to be able in
return to or&ot the s0ipulatod tributo from Tibet.
It elso appears thst the Emp€ror had no dosire to imposo
his suzorainty ou Nepal ot the ffrst instauce.
To resume our uarrative of the courso of the war, wo
procoed now to tr&ck tho Chineso army in ita onward march
to the frontier8 of Nepal.

China Defeata Nepal

Now the Gorkha army met a formidable foe ia the Chinoso
who camo to tho aid ofTibet.sd Tu Thwang Chan Chwaags
"
(or Jung) w&s at the hoad of the command.rs Acoordiog to
a Nepalose Bourcs m&teriol the Chinese sent su enyoy to.
Kathm&ndu to Degotiste a setflement. But ho wag aroetod
and coufinod. This caus€d concern in Chinose quortors and
their anny marohed, with greater urgency. According to tho
Nopal King'a letter, rhe Chinoee oommauder bad reacbed
Lhosa on 8 lfarch 1792 (18 Phalgun, t8{8)r, Tho GorLhalie

36. In Phagun accorililg to BaDs SahaAu!'s l6ttor (No. | 3-S Nepal Sans-
ktitik Paishad Pari?ka\. Tb6 Ohires€ deElail€il frol! th6l[opal GovsrD-
E6Dt tho su!!@ilo! oI Sycmrrpe I-sDs, anil two othetB, Dhudn Xczi snil,
Ito Ilazi who \f,ole kspt itr trethDandu os bo6trg€8. Btrt this was retqseit.
37. CPC, X. N, 848 (S* below) giveB th6 nam€ of th6 Chlnese GeaerEt ae
Thuug Cbrn Chuu.
98, Th6 A&ban Pa-ohuDg hld ooEEittad suicidle by ilownil8 hias€lt.
Plobsbly Chstr ChvaDg was &lso to &ct es tbe nere ADba. But we he6!
hi8 ,!sa6 only fro6 N€pe,l€so leooral..
39. IJett6r ilat6d 11 Ootob€!, 1?9t (29 Sofar 1907 A.E.) to Gsjslsi Mi6rA
N.855. CPC, X, P. 179.
 TEE AIBST OOEXEA IIB}A WAB 449

were no matoh for the ionumerable foroes of tho Empemr.

The Emoror hsd eoot 10,000 of thom undor a Ma,nchu ofrcor
Tu Thwang (Fou-K'rng.au) end they wore olose to the
bordor.r 0 tr'u-Ktang-an was &ssisted by Eai'lan'oh'4, The
Monchu troops of Solon-tribes were mobilisoil. Supplios were
procurod from Ssuch'uan and from all ovor Tibet, 99ei Yuon
rcported thst tho provition consisted of 70,000 piouls of wheat
anti 20,000 qowg aud ehoop. The Gorkhalis had to retiro
from Tibeten soil without 6gbting. { 1
Beforo the Chineso wero involved in the disPute, tho
Tibetaus had ueed their name through forged letters to htimi-
date the Corkhalis aud mako them quit their territory. At
th&t timo Kuti wae under tbo Gotkha commandor' The
forgery was dieoovered, and uo aotion wes taken on tho Poilrt8
raiaod, But it wa8 r€qugstod that one of Lbase's Kazis, Syuto
was in SeLarjong to tslk poace. Reproeontative Lamae of
Potel& snd Saekyo monaetery and Djrgarche ministsra had
also resohed Tirgri. All thig informatioa was aent to
KatbxDaDdu in a lettar by Sri Krsno Shah who was askod by
tho palace to diecover tho real intention of the Tibetans as
to the conditiong of the treaty aod cessation of wsr.
The dat€ liue of the lettor is miering. But feats such as
doesrtion and thinning of ranks in Gorkha coruP os
well as dortrxtch of 3 platoons of Srinath Company of sopoye
undor Golaya and Eansman meutioned iu tbe letter ere
peouliar only to & BituatioD at tho ond of 179I. Probably
this was the timo of withdraval at the prospect of Chineso

40. 8so Kilkpstriok, Op. Cit. APP. (A) 70,m0 t!oop., sccotiliDg to hi8
itrforditioD sDil IibotED soo!o6€, KiDg EaDa Bshadu!'s lette! to GBi!&i
llisr& pot the frgure st sixty to soyenty thouBrud (CPC, X, P 179). L€vi
s&y5 tho itRt oncouDter tooL plscs i! Tilgti Meiden. (AocoriliaS to hiro
the ooartaaabr pss 8ua-3o) i the Ghiaege aou.oolor tb6 ileEcliDtion oI thiB
W&r iB 4th Chengou.ki, tlsarlstiotr by Imbs,ult Eautti Loo, Ionilon (8o
below). Fou-K'sD8-arr I'ar sssist€al by Eci-lsa-Ch'4. llhe trooP welo
DrShor ho!6droD, oavilry lroE trolo-lor sllal Tib€ts! inluutry. lfIIE,,,
oL, 114'25 bfr.
41. Ibid.
 444 ODEBN NEPAI]

prss6noe. It rras report€d that Bhotu pande who was

imprisoned in Dhumba wae reecuod by hie comprtriots.
The retr€at ras ioevitable. Now after three yeare of
,strugglo BiDce the siegc.of Djigarcho they were compolled to
rotrs&t, sDd paeees like Jhoonga and Somgomba had tobo
abaadoned.. t (Bhailra 26, YS f8{8) 8 Septembor, l?91. The
roinforcement reat uudor Abhiman Simtra, Jaswaut Bhanilori
ond Ranjit Kuar could do little to turn the tide of tbe battle.
At ebout thie timo ( Aeain -t8 ), Djigarche was surrenderod to
the Chinese. &nd th€ commandors Bom Shab, Damoder
Pando, Devadatta and Pratiu*n returaed to Nopal on 5
Ma4lu, Tho chrooicle Bsys that the Gorkhalis eufered a series
of dofeets, one &t KeroDg, anothor st Deorali and yot anothor

Deorali surrondred to the Chinaso on 73 Braoana, whilo Gerkhu

yss boing attaoked ( Bhadra 8). Thoy were now encamping
ou a parallel lino ortending from Ckokdo ( defended by Damo-
dar ) to Gerkhu ( by Kirtiman Sinha ) to Dudhyathunka.
fn anothor Nepoleae chroniolo it is sta,tod tha.t four com-
pauies of eepoys under Sardai Probal &ana, Ranakosar pando,
Bha.skara Rana and Gejabir Shahi were defeated in Deorali.
Kazi Damodar Pands also suffered def€st in Dhunchhe. All
of th6m roro now assembled eithor in Botravati ot iu Kabhre.
The above aocount is fully ooroborated by e passago in
Kiug Rana Bahadur'e letter aent to Gajaraj Misra ot Bana,ras
( viile'above ). ?he King wrote, "......... thereupou the vazir
marched rith hia army to Nopal, and ouddrnly entered Kemng
.on l7 Aeedha 1849 (6 Joly, 1792). Tho quiladar (in.charge) of
the fort was taken uaawarea. Ife, however, put up a, strong
resistsnco but being wounded in the battle, had to leavo tho
fort aud rotroat....,.tho en6my then advanced to Dhaibung
whlcb is only three stsgos from Nepal, and enosmp€d in tho
aurrounding hille. Another body of 16 or 16 thoussnd th6n
entered Nopal by way of Kuti. Our foross arG Btationed at

42. For tbe Ohiuese lire of rilvsno! seo below,

 TEE FIR,ST OOBKEI T'BET WAII, 446.

Noakot ond othor import&nt places to cheok tho enemy,' (OB

522, TR 32, PP 661-8, No. 4ill ; A8,8. P. 70).1!
Earlier the Chiuese hsd iucited the Sikkimere and the
Iopchos Limbua, pooplos e&Bt of Arun to rebel sgainst the
ccD0ral power &t Kathmandu. The Chinese woro gaen in pomon.
They had distributod Eoney. But Suba Pumananda fought
ths eaemios bravely with a, cootiogeot of 7/8 Companies of
aepoys in e two pronged attack. A lotter wdtten by Rano
Bahadur to tho Rajn of Jajarkot cloims tilliog of 600 enemiee
nsar Siddha pokhari in Chainpur io conneotion with the afore-
ssid eyontr as rsinforcements reached from the cepitcl. But
they had beoa compelled to oyaouat€ Sikkim... It appears,
that the Raja of Jumla war algo askod to mobilino his
country &geinst his sdversarioB, but ho was powerless to do
&Dything offeotivo ia that eituation..6
As tho Chinoao army camo closer to tho frontior of Nepal,
the Nepoloso Govoramont triod hard for peaoo. As it apps&rg
from the letler of the Chioese Commandor ( See botor they
)
eeot Kazie Bhotu Prode s,nd Narasitrha as their emissaries to
Kerong to cootact Tu Thwaug Chang Jung. Thcy gave him
pr€eonts from the King of Nepal, axd in rcturn receivod Cbineso
premnts for their King. But the Commoder refusod to agreo
to their roquest for o oeairo fue end poaco. Inrtead, thc
Chiueee army mosed into points inside the Nopalere t6gitofy.
The Chineae hod demaaded the rofund of the property
whioh the Gorkhalie had pluadared, they elao wanted them
to hand ovec the Taehi Lama's brotber to the Lhasa authori-
ties..e But it w&s hurtiag th€ B€ntiment of the Gorkhrlis to

43. CPC, X. Ibfil.

'Tho lettor ie ilat€d YS 184A Chaitra .Sukla 2 tuj 7-Baturdon 24
llorch 1?92
_ 44._ Repolt ot th6 Colt€6to! of Purao., 1st Espteebd 129, ( puroe.,
Recor& ).
45. CPC, Y[r, N.911
46, 'AcooriliEg to tho chrooology th6 Gorkbs tlooDs ulliler Ratriit
f,aur rE8alo s ratrest to Eassu&Brlhi but were forc€d b4ok fir*her to occuirv
DhaibuDg. Durisg ths wiDtgr of l?92 th6y foushr the Cbiaere itr this Dart:f
tho lliEs!&rss sod ilefeatad theE. Dhaibirng ii somo sirteen miles Do;ih oI
KathE&nilu. Tho chroDology ilo€. Dot ssy aDylhiug ebout th€ B!iti.h.
u6 UODDB}{ NDPAL

put forth sucb demonda. r? They could not promiso to'Pay

such s vast amount. rE Long Wars had tired them. Four
yeors in Tibet far ftom theit oouatry had made thom wony
sbont homo aud rolstions, If it had beon an honourabls
psaoo they routd have aooopted, but they could not submit to
undigoified t6rms of aurronder' I o Tho Nopal ofrcial Momorial
'sayr: Tho Chinoeo commandor Chan Chwaog would not
list€D to our pleading, instead, he imprisoned Gorkha Maha-
rsje'B ropresontetives, gouo to uoot him for talke and march€d
into tho bordor froo Lhaea, thero was a 6ght &t Kuti, which
the Gorkhalio had lost' Tho Chineeo had grown intransigent.
They wouldnot accept anything but abeoluto aud complote
surrender. The Nopalese reproseutive Raujit Pande roturned
to Krthmaudu with s mossago th&t the Chino8o wauted Noakot
for thom se a price. But Nopal could not, surrender such a
Btr&togic outpost to the enomy.60 Thero wae [ow Do Possi-
bility of a truce in face of tho hardenod &ttitudo of tho Chineeo
(Kirkpatrick's transletion gives only a portion of the Memorial.
Ivente after the 6rst troaty sro omitted thereio. But tbeee
a,re elaboratoly dealt with io che original Memorial publishod in
Negrul Saroskritik Pattika 3-l).
Thore was only one course ol oction lefi to them. They
.knew the Britigh and looked to them for h€lP et this hour'
Indeed thero we8 no other querter to look for holp ercept
tho Bfitish (cPc. x, N. 849). They knew that if the British
ivore aeaured of their aseisteqce being repaid, they would
oono to the aid of the Gorkhalie' To give the improssion of a
sinoore offer, on thet part the Gorkbalis concluded a' trade p&ct
vith the British 51 I{aviog dono so, they applieil for military
holp on the plea of friendship. The Gorkhalis undemtood t'ho

47. "cPa,x. Ibid,

48, "Rs.52 croles socoriliDg to AMul Kadir (CPC' x' P, 156)'
49. rolil6elil (Yol. I. PP. 282) esserts th.t the Golkhalis hasteBetl to
This ii not corr€ct'
moke s hasty atral aegradiDg tr€&ty
60. "cPc, x,I'rd.
51. Viilo 8boYe.
 TEE FIESA GORKEA AIBf,T WAR 447

implicatiou of the British co-operation which might involve

rome losg of independence.s8 Therefore in the beginniog
:tho request was for refusing assigtance to their opponeDte.
But uow the aituation had changed. Britieh military
.aEsist&nce ia their behelf hsd booome absolutely nooossary.
8o tbey were oarcful to apply only for a military contiogent
'ond ammunitio[ &t the cost of the Nepal Goverament.
They requested for l0 .guns and l0 Europeans,r I and later
'for 'two battalions of Europoans and two of oepoys *ith
muuitions,s. but theso wore to be under Gorlha command
.and thoir orponeoB vorc to bq borne by tho Nopal erchequer.
(Letter dated 22 Srrvan 1849 VS:31 July, 1792). A
'lotter with & similal oo[teut wa8 also sont to J. Dunoan io
Banaraeo 5 (N.725. CPC, X). ThiB request wae renewed
aftor son€timo iu Augurt,6 5
It appearB th&t Bomo Nopalese officorg had aleo approa-
chod the Bohilla Chief (Nawab Faizullsh Khan) for eparing
2000 aepoys to Eghi tho Chineee, but tbe la,tter deolined to
'comply with the request without the authority of tho Britieh
Oovornor-Genoral and the Nawab of Oudh saying that 'he ie
forbidden to tsko psrt in any disputo of tho people residing
beyond tho boundaries of hir country'.6 7 The Nawab in-
formed thc Britieh accordingly (Mr. Stusrt)6 8 that'he would

62. Although the British had Dot yet evolveil th€ ides of a sutrsjdia,ry
allisDco ia telation to Nepsl, th€ suspicion ot the Gorkhalis vas not
utrle&loneblo, Tho Briti6h elwa,y8 b68E! \yith a tEil6 psoi to attain the
ultimst€ obiectivo of 6uch a treaiy.
53. LBttor receiveil 2.lod Auguit, l?99. *a,lownal of the Bihar Research
Socrerl xlx, Iv, P. 378.
64. IJette! leoeived 5 geptoEbeE, 17C2, CPC,X,iz{ (OR,424; TR, 99
PP. 430-31, No. 346; AB, I, P. 6?).
55.IEQ, IX, No. 11, P. 379.
56. CPC, X, N.682.
57. CPC' X' N.473. L€tte! to AmatsinL' Thapr,, receiveal iE CaleLrtts.
Jua€ 1r,1792.
58. Iri4 N. 488, r€oeieoil June 16. 1?92.
448 UODE B}T I[IP..I,

not do &uything withort ffr8t ooNultiog the .English Clovem-

ment'
Errlier, Tibot also had approaohil the Britirh for help
agaiast tho Oorlhalia (Cf. lotter from Tashi Laraa rcoaivod oa
22od Januery. 1789).60 Tro Yakib from tho oourt of Taahi
Lema had arrivod in Csloutta to plead for British assistsnce.sc
But tho letter hed potitoly refusod to intorvono in the wa,r. t r
They had said'tbey aro ever oareful trot to infringo tho rul6s
of friendship by interferonoe in a hogtile marlnc! in tho
disputss oI others. They rill not give help to tho Gorkhali
R,&je, but it iB not vorthy of tho Company to attook tho
Gorkhali Raja who hae givon thom n) ploroo&tion aud osusod
them no lnjury'.6r Now therg wa8 oDo t[oro sttompt to drsY
the notico of tho Britieh to Tib€tsa afoirs ia tho uame of
the Lamae. Purangiri brought eeveral lstters with him.
Ooe wag from the Vazir of the Chinese oommand.0s AII
those, however, were beiag 8ent to the Briti8h to dissutde
them to 6ght on bobalfof NoPal.
f,'u-K'eng-an wroto thet it was tho bounden duty oftho
English to holp the Chine8e to cruah ths Gorkhalis or &t
leeBt not to go to the aid of Nopal iu tho war. E'e also
advised thom to haud ovor any Gorkhali Chteftain if per
shance he came to th&t territory. Tho lotter had informed
that the Nepal army w&8 on retrelt snd were boing pursued

59. llwo MshoaDtdB! Vokils wero r6nt to tho Blitish OovortrBlollt to

plsad the os66, The€s seto Ushomod Raiob And Iu.holDeil lvolli' fhey
tr8t ooat.oteal D. E. lfoDovoll, Coll6otot ot Eeaspur' Beil Krtp'tltok
ApFDAil (B), Dislslkot i! IBQ, lX (1933) Pp' 36$t1 ;8' O' Bsllor ia
Beigal Past and Pres€rtr, xLI (1931) Pp' 216-2t' CPC,YIII,N'9?7' 1068'
60. gecrot Dcpsrtmont,l0 April' 1789'

61, CorDwsllis' Iett€r to the ParoheD Loms, OEQ, IX' PP' 3tl-74,
ggiiPP'
No. 6). AIso CPC, X, N. ??1(Lettar, 25 SoPtember, 1?9S ; TR
'92-I
No. 269). P. 102'
69. OPO, VIII, N. I068,lett6! Fobloaty 27' 1789'
63, tEQ. IX, P. 395 ; CPC.x,N' 497'
 ISE rIBAT oOAKEA.TIBET WAB 449

by the Chinem. r r From the Ohinoso eourco it &pposrs that

ihe Chinom ofrcers in Tibet had a euepioion of British oon-
plioity in the affair on the sido of Nopal.o ! They slco clsim-
etl that Nepal was thoir depondonoy and no outsidor had tho
right to como in b€tween them.
Tho Dalai Lama's lottor also warned the British agsialt
&Dy st€p leediug to thoir involvenent in the diepute, aod ae
'the Eoporor wao only hostile to the Gorkhae' ths British
rore told to help the latter to purish the offenders. c t

Britieh Inkreot ht the War

Tho British wero iuterested in the War booauso they wauted

to me both rivala woakoned &ud re&dy to solicit British medis-
tion. Wo know what iEter€st they had in the commeroe of
Nopol and Tibot. 6? Thue far they were handicapped in their
efforts to attain the objoctiyo becruee of Gorlha aud Tibetan
euepicioa of forcignels aud lovo for iBoletion iu th&t contoxt.
It was sdmitted th&t due to coustant jealousy of the chiofg
of theae countriee towards the Englieh, the Eest lndia Com-
pany's agents kuew littlo of tho interior parts of Nopal and
adjoining oouDt ies.Now, of course, waE the opportunity to
furthor thoir own interest and'no pails or etteution vaa to
bo spsrod to avail tbemaelvee of eo favourable a,n opportunity
to obtain good eutveys aud all kinds of iaformation.' 0.
Booause both tbo comb&tants had come to thom for help,
their pa,th vas v€ry smooth. Th6 urual British policy of

64. tr'u K'aDg-an's letter rvas \yritten ia MaEohu Sclipt whioh es ComwaUis
Epolts (to the Court of .Di!ector6) coulil aot be leaal ot the tiDe. The gist
sras obtair€d from PaBchen LaEa'B lgttet (i]1 P€!5ien), IgQ, E Pp.
392-95 : AIso TIIEL, CL 115.6{b, 9b; KT8L, 1598-1It. 1400.? quoted
by S. ooEmaDE, P. 127,
65. This iapression- waE gaiEed by }laosrtDey ; resd John Barrov,
Some account ofthe Prlblic Lile.and a Selection from the unpublishcd
writings of Earl oI Maca ney.lI, P. 267-68 ; 8. Cammann. P. 138.
66. CPal, X. N.625_
6?. ,,d, KirkpatricL's Appendix B.
63. Politiool l€tter to th€ Oourt oI Diroctols, 14 Octob6r, 17gg.
450 ODEBI{ NEPI,L

pleriDg tho rolo of a pesoo-maker veo the bost to bo oppli€d

on euoh oocosione, for thet was the way they oould
bofriend the opposito pslties and oonviaoe them of
Briti8h good intentious, thus paviog the way for clog€r
understandiag in their own rrlotious with theee porers.'r
Th6 Britieh were further Etrongthened in thoir beliof as to
tho fruitfut ouieome of their polioy by cortaio dovelog
ments of tbe wcr. The va,rritrg pertiee were erhaust€d aftor
sir years of ceaseloss 6ght ood thoy dosired eD &mioa.ble settle-
mont. Accordiug to th6 informstio! roaching the Britisb, the
Chineso wer€ olso in no mood to coBtirue tho ffght owiDg to
tho tronoadoua difroultios of transPort' 70 They wors muoh
horassed by Gork-ha guerillae. In thie baokground in o:oelleut
opportunity vae opon to tho BritiBh to push their propoeala
iD furthorsnco of tho Saet India Company's tr&de iaterestE.
Thoir oyes wore epecially tuned on Nopal, the ooult'ry
whioh rosisted overy &ttoEpt Bt oommorcisl intercour8e Fith
tho foreignere. The British woro yory eagor to r€sume thoir
trade rolationg &ud to got tho Kathmaudu-Lhas& route openod
for their trade.
The Gorkhatis wero prsiog'through a cririe and the Raja's
rfairs wero desperato, T l as vao evidetrt fron his eppoalst. Tbc
Gorkhalis had olso ooucluded a tlsde paot, and woro likely to
acquioeco iD &ny proposition that would ssd the Chinoso
\{ar.72 A pmper and dhcot movo to dispol doubts sbout their
intontious war necessary and tho Compauy's sSontB itr Iqdi&
were up to such a task. Thoy proceeded in right oatneet but
with *n air of disintorcstednosr.
Io their subsoquoat dealiogs with both the Tibotsns &nd
the Gorkhalie, the Compaoy adoptod o polioy of ertreme
6J. Au iiteDtioal Esthoil wss applieil to wir ovot ,aipur ia 1806. Jeipff
hrd l qusnel vith the Mshtatt s .!il th6 British t6rE suplrosoal to Eske up
nith thea on the Erjr's boholl (JBOBS Muoh, 1943)
?0. Bongsl Politic.l OoDsultctioDs, 3!tl O6tobsr, 1?92,
?1. Boagal Politiorl OoB5ulrtio!8, 3!il Ootobo!. Ugr.
12. lbitt.
 TEE TIR,sT GOBXEA TIBIT WAB 451

cautioD.?r Thoy streeeed thoir friendly feoliDgs to both 8od

assurod both ofthem oftheir friendly intentiona and regald
for their aovoroignty, and did trot fsil to montion that they
were uoablo to cone to their aid as sach was a friond of the
British. The British s&w to it st tho some tim6 th&t o&oh
w&8 BatiEfied thst tho enemy wrs not assistod. ?r To the
'Nepal Rrjo,' particularly, they offered t,o come to his rescue
aod uso tbeir good ofrceo to Bottle the disputoa by sending ,o
gentlomau of rank and honour', ? ! to help him negotiate with
the to their lino of genoral cooduot ,the
Chineee &B cootrary
Governor-General c&nrot send tho Englieh troops with hoBtile
inteDtiors ?6 againet tho friendly Chineso ,bound by ties 9f
frieodehip end trade poot'. In & priv&to adyico ,th€ Raja ras
requet€d to gr&nt ploper honoure to tho gentloE&D snd to
oomply roailily with phsteyor he proposee duriag negotia-
tious'. ??

The Britieh woro fuily con6deot ss to rosults of this diplo-

E&tic g&mo. Aa wa,a oustomsry vith th6m thoy hed propared
a eohemo of thorough inveatigations of tho r€sourc€B of the
Kiagdom ofNepal. An expert st&ff ras to aoconpaoy Cap
tai:r Kirkpatrick, ths hsad of rhe doputotior, to obtain good
survoya aad to aoquiro informetion about population end
netural wealth.? 8 Tho acceptBnc€ of & deputation on the

73. L€tter to Ts.ht L@r 1?89, JBOBS Vot. lv, r$g r firt-
Ibtriok, Aplr tix D. '718ebrurry,
74. Gov€lDor4eDErl" trott r. KilLD.tliok, Apt'eDaix C.
?6. I6rir. DEtrc.!'. l6ttct, t4th gept€Ebor, Ugl, Also lead OpO. X.N, ?86,
?88t 789, PP. 164-65.
?6. B€n8.1 Pol. Consutatiols. 1? October, 1?gr.
?7. ,rid, DuncsD's lelt€r. Duncan wos th€ ncridoltt s$ooheil to the Etate
ol BsDalB6. Ee rsB tak€D to b6 sn authority ou tho Oorupoay,a relstioDa sith
tho PriDc6s, CPC, x N.768 (letter. g€pts,Dber 1?. 1?9r). N. ?69 ( ltr gep
teDte!, 1792.
78. Kirkpatriok's Plolsaa U) t}:6 ,Emfutsy to jv€p4r,, Iho ilErutstioD con-
aisteil ol, bosid€s the leailer, Lt. Bamuol gcotF.rri.tiat. Lt. W. D. Ktror,
{itr oordes l of tho Eilitory e€oo!t), I,t. J. Oor.td aEd AiLD Ftele the Isst
qusliff€il to oxs,Eia6 tho Datulll ploiluctB of tbe oouEtly.
452 MODTBN }IEPAL

p&rb oftho Gorkhalis gave them furthot hopol' At ono time

th"y uouo thought tboy had suoceedod ia their ultimato objoo-
tivo. Eence Dunoau's iostructions to the B&js of Nopol were
ooucbod in o laoguage that indicotsd a tone of confidenoe' "
Apart from certain other ofroors acoompanying the misrion,
tio compoaies of nativo sepoys and AMul Kadir Kha'n, 'an
intolligotrt and zeolous native of tho Comptly who had bsen
employed by Mr. Duooan in nogoti&ting the t'r€&ty of CoE-
merce (l?g2.1, and rho hod b6on on thst occasioD soBetime
8t
Kathmandu' wote aont sloDg with thom' Kirtpatriok was 'to
receire a salary of 1500 rupeos s month during tho time of
his being employod on the Commission, and chargo his actual
o
expenges, uPon honour'.8
&bout this tioe tho Dal&i Lama, Fu-K'ang-an and
At
P&nchen L,sme rere also informed th&t & British Mission
would shortty leavo for Katbmandu to roetoro peaoo in th&t
quorter.8l
But tho season oaEro to foil thom' Kirkpatriok could
not losvo tho plaina till the sprhg of the nort yoar' Tbe
Gorkhalig oould not afrord to wait for him to oomo 8'nd
Dogotiato. Moroover, he was going to Nelnl not to help them
to 6ght but to medi&te. Tho offor of mediation could not
certainly 56rve the purpoee Nopal had in viow' It had oaly
added to their feoling of humiliation wbich thoy had suffered
on account of tlefeat in the War' The No;nlose woro
uaturally suspicious sB to the intoDtions behind t'his proposed
adiualio&tion. They felt that tho British were out to elploit
the situation for themselves. Thoy, iu the circumstanceg as
it camo, had no reaeon to apply thomrelves to foil tbe Brit'ioh
Eovo &nd manoeuYre a line of actiou to aPpro&oh tho victor
snd pr€sent a foit oocompli bofors tbo British srived in
?9. CPO, XN. ?85 (r1 SepteEbcr, r?99) r!.o lette!, N' ?88 (90 geptsEb6!'
1?99).
80, Political letto!, ilst€il 14tb Octobon ]r1g2' Fott lry liamJndia Hoate
C onetpond.nce, xn,l" P. fia.
81. PntsDgtli boilg slok, tho l6tt6!. t.!o by DtljitBiri ; Kitt-
"Eti€'[
potliok PP. 8;, (IootEots), 859. 364. IEQ, IX.PP. 396'96 ; CPO' & N' 828:
 THB rlRST OONXEA-TIBX! WAB 453

Kathmandu. Both the stepa wero fraught with dangerour

coD8equences. But as if luck had favoured them, thinga rrere
shaping with a difforont pattern. As it crme obout, the
war no longor protractod. Accordiag to the chroniclo th6
Cbinese wers dofestod in the 6ght on the bauk of the
Betraveti; thereupon they sued for Face on .daarz 5 (YS
1849). In th6 lettor of Raua Behadur to Bignunath
Upadhaya il was said tbat the Chinese were defoated in
oDg&g€mcrt oa 5 Aevin vadi (6 Ootober, 1792) and they
were deputing two &gent8 to negotiato peoco.8t Kazi
Devadatta was despatched to nogotiate ae le&der of thb
doputrtion. Tu-Thwang ffnally left Dhaibuog on 24 A'llin,
We do not knov how Euoh truth the accouat of tho
obronicle contaiaod. But there v&8 tro doubt that the
ver drow now to a olose. It was said that Nopal hastenod
to sue for po&co os tho Chinem army hoil tbreatatred to
adysnce to the capital city. But the Chinese slso wero
hard prossod and roluotont to ffght.
Some sre ofthe opiuion that the Nop&lese had forsstsll€d
s situstion to fmstrate Britiah designs. But thi: might
h&y€ boon only a Beaond thought. Iu a letter reooived by
the Govsrnor-Gsnoral from the King of Nepal or Octobor
24, USZ it is Btated that tho Nopale8o army had defeated
the Chinosc wbo woro l€avirg Nop&loso territory within 4
or 5 days, and thst the Diwau Devatlattc Thapa wae on
hie way to Peking with presort8 to the Emperor (TB, 32,
Pp. 5;3-6 No. 438).68 Yot &nother lettor datod ll October
puts 20 Safar 12 Fasli (October 8, lZ92) for the doto ofan
agreement tormin&ting hostilitieg between Cbiaa rnd Nopal.8.
Details oftbo approach aro not knorn. It doos Dot s€om
probable, howover, that the Gorkhalis w€ro at the frst ine-
tance moved by the single coosideretion of romoving tLe

8r. cPc. x. N. 835.

s3. cPc, x, N.848, P, r78,
84. Iatter, 25 Octobe!, 1792. N. 840. Cpo, x. p. 1?8 (oR 520, TB a2,
PP. 556-s, No. r39 ; AR 8, P,7o),
451 XODBBI IITPAI,

thay Pstched up with the

denger from tho British side, whon
Chineeo. Quito likety, they had ia miad both the threota'
ouo poseil by tho odvancing Ohinese army and onother
ptod by ths British ettompt to goin control of Nepalese
*fairs by teking advantage of the some. Iadireotly, of
odurse. tho truo€ agroomont with tbe Chinese made tho
presonoo of tl-re Britieh miesion unnocossary and they naturally
did dso use the situatioa to diaoourrge theL arrival.
Tle need not reproduoo here the whole of rhat Wei Yuan
rrote about tho oourso ofthe war aE the s&me 6ods plaoe
io ths &ppondix. It will sufrce to note hers thst whilo the
Chinoeo approaohod the rivor BotreY&ti they sncountoted stiff
opposioion and here was tho end of all their maroh. After
a prolongetl Biege thoy were able to ocoupy the mountain
otr the nbrthorn side of tho rivor, but tbey wore held baok
ovor th€ point of tho crossing, which was a bridge. Wei
Yuan further wrote :

"Tho rebels, mrmbeting ton b&6talionB, were holding f,he

mountein very etrongly. Hai-len-oh'a proposed to gu&rd tbo
river and mako a camp thore, but Fu-k'ang'an did not consent
to this pltn. Eo orossed ovor tho bridge and attached the
ouemy; thon, in spite of rain, he olimbed the mountain to
20 lidietsnce anil reschod & vory stssp place. The enemy,
taking adesntage of hir poeition on the Bummit of the
mount&in, poured down treeg and stones 'like rain', aud at
the ssme timo thoso robelg who were separated by river and
mountsin mado su att&ok from three directions'
"Our troops somstimoB fought and romotimos
rotreated'
The aumber of killod and wounded w&a Yery great' Eai
lan-oh'8, from aoross tho river, came thon to tho aesistance,
antl Gloteng pao, holding tho:bridge, fought etubbornly; and
suooeodod to repel the enemY."
But the river oould not bo crossed.
Wei Yusn ooncludod that the Engliah woro elso seorotly
planning an attack on Nepol, from the south and thersfore
ihe GurLhas' beiog foroed to withrtand two powerful enemier,
 IEA IIBAI O OBKEA.IIIOT WAR 466

wcre sfr&id that thoy oould not Euoooed in it i Eoteovsr,

they approhonded that thie newe would rouro our troops'
cnergy. Therefore, they again sont envoys to ouE oemp to
*k humbly for mercy.
"At th&t momenb our troopa had just suffered a reveme'
rhereas the eneoy'e couutry prosented more and. aore daogere
to thee ; besides, after the 8th morth, the big anow in the
mount&iDs would make the r€turn mo8t difricult. Therefore.
the reblos' request for surroader wae grantod.,'
Tho acoount of Wei Yuan explodes tho thoory tbot
the Nepalese had susteined a humiliatiog defeat.
It appesrs on their owa admissior that tho Chinoee bad
also been oompolled as much tho Nepaleso to eoek compromiao
ovor the conflict.
Tho truoe was agreood whou tho Nepslo8e suthorities
promised to haod over two hostages,SS and also tho seryaata
and whatever proporty was left of the doooased Syamaryr*
Lama. It was s&id of tho Syamarpa Lama that ho poiaoned
himeolf at the pmspect of being nursndered elive to the
Chinese.S6 Now his romains wero demanded oud thoy were
eurrendered. Bhelbhadra Khawas wae doputed to o:eoute
the sgreemont, rnd iu that courso &ll th&t vsB promissd wag
foturDed inoluding bho Dhdm,aXnlro done by the Lama who
hsd oarlier diod in Kathmandu.sz Of the property lootoat ir
Tibetau oonastaries somc silver pieces wero rotumed. The
hortages were aleo duly handed over to tho Chiaese commatrder.
Nepal alao agreed to acoopt tho Chineeo Emperor'e suzoraiaty
ovor its territory aad seud to Peking a five yearly tribute
miesion in porpotuity.
fn a letter to the BritiEh Goysroor-Genoral at Caloutta
drtd,4 Sraoan 1207 A. E. (16 July, l7g2 ) tho Chinaae
86. g, Oaratrtr!tr qootiag a Ohiaeoe souroe !lyr, oae oI tb6 hostagar Ess
th6 tralo! D.lrohin 3.!jur, (P 131).
86. TEEL, Ol, rr0. llb, KT8L, l4rr.Ub-ll guorail ny Or--..-.
87. A oop, oI thi! stiU lies aith tL6 Foloigu DoportE.ut of th6 NeI6l
GoveErn6nt.
466 IIODEBI NEPIL

oommaDdor oonffumod the signing of the *greement with tho

abovo torme.88 The first iutimation of tho cessation of
Lostilities va,s given to the British by the Nopalose &uthoriti€E
through a letter of the King to the Govemor-Gouoral
( Roooivcd, 24 Oootobor, 1793 ).ee
The tr.eaty or rgreoEent, wbsteYor it was called' was signed
in late l?92 following the truce end the Nepaleee troops
oelebratod. the occasiou with $ost pomp ae ifit wm & viotory
celebration, a fact wbich confirms that tho incident did not
involve any kind of major defest. But this celebretion was
more of the noturo of thanks giviog and rojoiring for deliver-
ance from a complicated situ&tion vhoro tho Nepaloso had
landed themselvee in cour8e of the libetan expodition.
According to Bahadur'e circular arkiog tho trooPB to return
the egre€meat was referrod to u Dh'arnapolta gho bandei donc
it1 the presenco of tho Amben who was thero by order of the
Emperor.g0 Obviously Nepal and Tibet Yore signatories to
the tr6ety, and not China to whom both the countries had
loyalty in their owu w&y. [t wa!
pledged allogiauce aud
wrong to say that China ropreaontod the oppoaito party as
signatoty.
For tbe facts of truce and subsequent evsqtg we hlvo an
autheutic source of iuformation in two oficial doounents, whioh
a,re lottors addressod to the King of Nepal by Tu Thwang Ta
Chyau Jung who oommanded the Chinese foroe invading Nopal.
Those lotton are yet presorved with tho External Afsirs
Ministry of tho Goyernmont of Nepal and oro unpublishod.
Although thoss lottor€ talk of obsolute surmnder by Nepal
and do appoar to havo exaggorated this part oftho story yot,
on the whole, tho sccouut thoy givo in rogard to the torEs
of truce &nd settlomont of boundary i8 f&irly cort€ot.
Of tho two letters one was writton immodiatoly ( about a
month ) after tho truce was agroed upon. Thir confirms
88. OPO, X, N. 1471 (Or, 904-06 I AR, 9 P. ?0 N. 353 l6tto! lsooi"eal
,uD€ 28, 1793.
89. CPO, X. N. 848.
go. Unpublith€d,
 rEE TIBST OOBTEA.TIBET WAB 457

That we 'have already writtoo about obligaiions futfilled by

Nepal to implemont the condition8 oftho huce.
It apposrE that the Chinese alwaya oommunio&t€d with tho
.Nepaleso a,uthoritios in tho language of the l&tt€r.

The letters begia with the eiprossion th&t Sri 3 Tu Thwang

'f\r Chyam Juag tho incarnation
of Bhim, tho vazir end Com-
mandor of all forces, had bo€n ordored to address the King of
Nepol by the Sri 6 Emperor who vas an iacarnatiou of
Manjusri.
Wo uow prooeed to quote i! the fret of theso lettors-
fuU
rrhiob is datsd Ch'ion Lung year 57 Kartiba uadd d ( October,
1792 ) :-
"X'our mou including Kszi Doodatta ThaBa whom you havo
deputed have come to me with present8. Tbey told me that
you seek tho Ealrror,s proteotion. I am extrenely ploosod
th&t you end your uaclo have rrith oDe heart propo8ed to go to
the Omporor's protootioa in all roapctful-ue8s. f have already iu-
fornod Eia l[ajesty &bout sll thie. I am sufo that ho wiU forgive
you fot your lnst miadosde and ooDdoscetrd to confor oa you
high
rcwarda and honours. Eonooforl,h with the Dmporor,e grace
you cill look aftor youl subjocte, you will obey your trfiajesty,s
command and all lawe end oonveotion!. you will not quarrol
with your noighbous. you will remember that Eie Majeety
tr€ats ovary one equally. I, Chyam Jung the great, ehall
leturn after eecert&iniDg an auapicious day. f havo already
orderod the foroee with Thin Taring in List.i and Lukaug to go
back. The Dmperor has awarded you all your tetritories
conquored by us,
"fn respoct of Khaea, this orea was under Tibet from the
time of Thamoho Khamba Ngava Tsombu Lamc. previously
you had ecquircd it by virtue ofa Dkannapatra imposed by
.yoursolf. It appouE tbst a custoDery tribute wa8 boing paid
to tho fsthcr of the Djigarcha Lamo. Now you must trot
ot8im sny rigbt of yours stipul&ted ia bhat Dharnmpatrq,
Tho inoome from tho &rea is amall, and you should uot iosist
in g€tting it. The area l,ill go to Lhare, with wD,ich you
468 ![ODf,B]{ NBP.AI]

aro sskod to live in friendship. You hsvo signed a ncw

Dharnwpatro, alrd you muBt abide by it to tho lsst vord ia
ite real apirit. You are also askod to continuo tbo tradiiioDelly
oarrieil tranesctions of oommerco with Tibet. But you ril[
not bo p€rmittod to sond your coina, because tho quortioo
of ooins gave rise to ro meoy troublos. Now Tibet has issued
ite own coias, which appoar to be quite good. ffyou een<l
the now -Gorkhali moharg they will be currout at the usugl
rate. You shsll uot say that they will each bo equal to two
moharr. Ae for the horso8 and falcoug whioh you took from
Kerong in liou of tar uptill now, you ore aekod to rolinquish-
'Wo
havo returned sll your aloas occupied by us during the
War. Why do you ineist on gotting a, small thing liko th&t ?
You are atrongly advisod not to olaim the old oxaotion of
horses and faloous from Kerong. We have cvery oonfideuce
that if you placo the command of tho Emporot on your hea,rt
and act acoordingly, you will live happily and prospemualy
for agos together.'
It appe&rr tbst while tho truco was eigoed the qucstion of
the surreader of Khesa and of the Keroog tribute w88 kopt
pending. It eleo ee6ms that up till the date ofthe letter,
the Emperor hsd not yet given hie consont to the tcrms oI
truce. Yct &nother fector whioh oomes to light is that the
Chineso commandor had not yet left Dh&ibuug'
From the Bocond lottor, however, it is known th&t all
pending quoatione wore settled within a month or so, tho
Nopalese acting os the Chineso h&d viehed. It &pP€a,r8 thst
the ooly tcnitory they had loet was Khasa, whicb was now
ouuexed to Tibet. The new Eettlemont also deprived Nepal
of tbo right to obtain tributse from Kerong.9t
Thie letter addressed from Lhasa opens with liner saying
that Bhotu Paude ond Naraeinha had waited on the addreesor
in Kerong, eud 1,hcy were deepatcbod to Kathmaudu with
preaents aDd lottero, whioh the addrossee muat ha.vo rocoived.

91. As it tilt fotlow, Kolorg sont to K.thEstrilu soEo horre' slc

lrloo$ ar ttlbut€ slaorllt
 TEE TIBST OOBXEI TIBET VAB 469

It thon ssys "Tho pooploa of your courltry liks tho

psoplos in oth6r partE of the l)mperor's dom&ins oro ths
Empreror's subjoots eajoying hia protoction. Previously alao
you had sought proteotion of the .Emperor. fou sent your
neu with & potitiou &Ed prosants to int€rviow him. the
Emporor rotumed thom with bir own prusento to you. The
Emperor's favoure wore alwaye bestowod ou you. But later
on iucitement by that low man, Eyamarpa, you sttsoked
Tashi Limbu eud plundored ite monaaterier for ao othor foa,aon
than & sottlomsnt of emell dobts.. You knsw that Taghi
Limbu wee within IIis Mojoaty'e empiro but kaowiogly you
haraesed tho many peolles of this plaoo. Thercupoa tho
Emperor was highly diepleased with you. You committod
grave nistakes. Under oommand of Eie Majesty I, Chyan.
Jung tho grest, o&me to your oountry as fa,r &8 Botravati with
a big army. Coneideriog wh&t you have done, I feel that
your ooudtry snd your pooplo deeorve to be deatroyed. But
BB you c&me to mo i[ ftight aoknowledging your mirtakos, aad
craving for pardon and to bo takon under Eis Mgjesty'e
protootiotr, and ae this seemed to bo siacerely doeirod
and orpressod, I apared you from the consoquonc€s.
It is good that you have returned all thac you
took eway from Tashi Limbu. I noto tb&t you hove
surrooderod the romains of
tho low Syamarpa and all hig
faoil.y ard bclougirge. You sont the high ofiicor, Kazi
Deodatta Thapa, rith tho petition and preseDts to nogoti&to
tho sobtlemont, Whilo our army was on their roturn maroh,
you Bent with utmo3t rospoct and ho3pitality adequate ratioos
to them. A little l&tor you doputed Subedar Bhairavasiaha
Khawas upto Koroog as an ettondant to my potson. All these
facte iu detail have beon already convoyed to his Majosty.
Now you should continuo to feel that you &ro undor Eis
Majeaty'r protootion. I hove atso roportod to the Emporor
that you havo plodgsd [ot to do onythiag outeido the soope of
th6 prtvious Dlnrmopatra, lot to a,ocept &ny tdbutos inclu-
ding faloons and horsos from Keroag thot you had uptill now
460 UODEB,N NrPAL

obtsined, to surr€nder tho iurieiliotion over Khass to Bhot in

*ooordanos rith the pcovisious of an olden aE&ngeEent
and to sond prosont! to the Taehi Lama end Lhaea
Lama. Eis Majosty eaid th&t you are ignor&nt snd Bot knorr-
,ing auything you aoted on tho iustigation of tho low Syamarpa,
anil ditl what wae not desirable aud diil not act with kuow-
ledge. Our army has killed some 3-4 thousand subjects and
,solr:liorg of your oountry. But, althougb your subjeots
belong to the othor otrd, yot we regard them ae our own
tubjeote. Eis Majesty hos proteoted tho peoplos all tho world
'ovor, Thorcfore ts he tearnt that beiog frightenod by the
a,ilvauoing Chineeo foroes you have begged pardon end sought
his Protection, he haa forgiven you of all past guilts and mis-
takos, and has taken you under his Protoction' Ee haa com-
mandsd mo to appriso you accordingly'

"Tho earlier lettcr w&8 ssnt to you bec&ure

tho Emperor
deeirod l,het you should bo soon told thst you were now under
bis protaction. The Emporor has appreciated yoor sentiments
anil sayg that all of you aro so good. He will surely condescend
to rsword you smPly with a charter in Manohu oheraotor and
'prssonts. You will understand the signiffcanoo of this and
knowing thst Eis Majesty had beeu oxtremely pleased with
you, you will all tho timo obey his oommand' In that case
his meroy will bo extonded to you for ages a'nd ages'
"As for tho quostion of the sottlemont of boundaries ;
rie
havo conquerod all the aroa betwoen Hisua bridge and the
Betrav&li ; ortlinarily this rivor should havo beon the boundary
line i but Eis Majesty 8&JrB that be will condescenil to settle
the queetion ou iho basis of the agreoment roaohed eerlior
your guilt' In
-hoo yoo hsil sought his protootion ailmitting
the Kuti rcctor, Tibet enjoyod jurisiliotion upto Khssa sinco
beforo. Thorefore, we shall 8tiok to the old ]ioe' The other
day I hail deputed Sartlar Amban Mantarin to ffx up
the
bounilary line. Ho visit€d tho area and plaoed a gtone south

of Khasa to mako the iron bridllo as the bcundary

line' I am
.told thst you promieed to sgreo to vhet the Ambatr settled on
 TEE I'IB3T QOBr,SA-TIBET wr8^ 46T.

this iseue. I trust you sro sincere onough in your profossion.

You havo also told me by tho reply letter sent through Bhotu,
Pande that you will not do anything except on my orders. Ae.
you havo admitted your guilt with petition, f forgive you.
. You hcvo surrondered Syamarpats
renains, and havo assured
mo that other Iow men after countrywide search will also be.
handed over to the Chinose. I aceept all this as couceived in a
apirit ofsinoerity. I, Chyan Juug the great, am highly pleased.
with you. I am very soon returning to poking with all my
forces ag tho Emperor has commanded. Ilenceforth if you have
to petition the Emporor, ploose send tho letters through the-
Amban. Now a new Amban with greater powerg is appointed.
Eis namo is Kumpu Byang su X'ang. Eo means to do good to.
Tibet. Anything tho Amban writes, please obey. If you aot
in humility towarde the Emperor, ho will ever he merciful
to you."
Theletter concluded after giving en appreciation oftho
sorvices reudorod by Bhotu Pando and Narasinha whoso inter-
cession had led to the agreemont of the torms ofpoaoo by tho.
Nopaleee. rt aleo informod thet tho tribute misson had just.
loft Lhasa end was erpectod to reach poking by the end of
MaChe or beginning of Pha,lgun.
This lotter ie datod Ch'ien Lung year 57 (l7SZ-gS A. D.) It
does not give the month undor date line. But ae the fact of
the last paragraph indicatoe, it must hove been written not
later thau oarly Deaember, l?g2.
lu the absonce of the rettere sent by Nopar to the chineso
Commander, it is not possible to say what actually was pro-
posed by the r{opaleso ae tho terms for the eigning of
trucs
agreemcnt. o !
fn both the lettere sent by tho Commaodor he hae time
and often emphasised tho point that the Nopaloae had sought
the Emperor's proteetion, and that it wae greDted. Tho second
letter has talked the matter in the strain that we may be led

98, Uulortunately ao oopies of the lett€rs gent to the Chiness aro

tept io.
Nepol arobivos,
&2 IO'EBN XIPTL
'to sooopt tho sot ol petitioning the Emperor by tbe Nepalese
.sa o oa€c of cbjmt surrender.
We rhould !ot, horrovor t&Le tho oommrnding toDe of the
lottor st itE faoe value. IEespeotive of hor the other side
rssst€d t,o thir Lind of totr6 othibitod in their correapondenco,
the Chinese hral developd ovorbearing manner and they carried
it ouch too far in their dosling with the foreignere. We ehould
aot bo mislod to think by the form aad tono of the address of
.tfio looter that oll that wae orpressed wae aleo intended, and
lsast of all aooopted by tho Nepaloso.
A fer words moro about the tono of tbo letter. Wo have
had oocesion to go tbrough sono of tho lotters iu original odd-
qeseed by tho King of Nopol to tho Ambaq. It appoara that
those differed little iqohoracter ftom thoae add*escd by the
Anbstr to tho King of Nepal. The form of addrera war tho
same in both. Poseibfy the Amban was treatod by Nopal at
the,eamo level with ito King 8nd vioo vetsa.
,A.ootber thing of Doto in this oonnootion is thst tbo Amb&n
olwaya appriaed tho GoverDmotrt of Nepal about tbe maiu
ooourrsnoos of tho timo rogardiag Tibotan affairs. A lottor to
iho i-ban by Maharajo Glirvan Juddba Yikram, dotod Kanti-
pur Sombat 1864 Olwi ta tnili 7roi, puPorts to show that
thi6 wEE & r€ply to tho ono addroerod by tho Cbinoro roprason-
tative inforning tho Nepaloco Ifiag abo'ut tho install&tion of
the aew Datai Lama, ood arrival of now AEbans to rePloco tho
iucumbonts. f,'rom thig lettsr it also &PPoars thet tbere ueed
to bs two Ambane ia Lbasa to looL sfter Chineso intoreats in
Tibot. e I
\{o know that the essenco of the &greeme[t did not afreot
tho case of Nepal's eovereignty and territorial iat€grity'
Thorefore, wo baYe to dieregard the tone of the above letters
in assossing Nopal's truo Position after the treety. But to
this wo shall ooms & littlo lat€r.
Accoriling to & l€tter rf, Rana Bahadhur Shoh, Damodar
Pando wae asked to leavo for Ohina to wait on the Emperor

99. LodEgr.il Public Lib!.ty, Es. hil, II, 148.

 TEE FTRAT COBrEA.IIBET gAB 403

{n rosponae to Tu Thwang'r suggoEtiotr (Ban. Sanilceh I-5\.

But it appoers thot this idea wae leter abandoned, sad otherg
Tero sont for tbe purposo,
It appoaro tha,t tho Chinese army began to pull out froln
the middle or end of October. Abdul Kadir learnt in
Banaros from letters of some Kaehmiri morchants in Nopel
{Lotter to Duocan recoiyed &t Csloutte on l0 November,
1792)er thot the Chineee ,had not marched out of thc
oountry a,ltogether, aud some of thoir troopo are gtill itr the
vicinity of Dhaibung'. Ar, any r&te thoy bad conpletoty with-
drawn by tho boginuing of Deoember. Tho tro&ty ras sigued
in Lhasa following the withdrawal. Abdul Kadir in tho same
letter reported that he hae oortsoted a Pirjada (aon of a,
Pir, a Muelim diviao) who wae shortly to leeve Benarar
for Kathmandu and from there to Lhasa to seo ths Chinese
army. This Pirjada had told him about 0116 Sul,sirran'a
diaciplo ofhis, &trd& man of ranh of Kaehmir, wh<i knor
Chiaese, Tibotan and Netrmleeo la,nguages ; it wae through
him ths Chineee Vazir carried on hie politicd togotictioDg
witb Nepal'. The Pirjada had advised Abdul Kodir to uso
the eorvices of Sulaimau for auy nogotiation or tlanaaotioD
of businoss in bohalf of ths 3ritish.0 6

Cutru o! War with Chha in Nepolcae uorilc.

An &uthentio Nepalese vergion of tho sccount of tho
'Ohiaa-Nepal War hag iuBt como to light througb a lottcr of
King Raua Bahadur Shah to some oficerg ffghting in Clarhwal
(Kazi Jagatjit Pande, Sardar Amareirha Tbape, Captain
Golain Khawae). The origina,l of thie lottq virh & rted EeaI,
the usu&l mark of theking of Nopal, iein possession ofe
Baua Goneral. Recently this has appoarod iu print in en
iesue (3-3) of the Nepal Sanskritik Parishad. The letter gives
& lesume of the incidonte involved ia the War, and traces the

94. CPO, X N, 94!1.

e5. Ibid,
461 UODEBI{ NEPAL

courso which led to the cessasion of hostilities. It ie dated

VS l84g Kartik Taili 7 Sundagsc:August, 7,1792.
"Vazir Iu Thwang the son-in-law of the Emperor advanoed
further at the head 'of a hugo force. Our outpost in Kukurghat
was captured on Aeadh Sudi 2 Monday. The Chineeo had written
2,3 times for tho surrendor of Syamarpa Lama, Kazis fto and
Dhurin. But we refused to surrender the fugitives. Enraged
at this Tu Thwang advanced to fight. On gotting information
reinforcement of 2 oompanies was sent from Kerong by Sardar
Satrubhanjan Malla. But thoy were caught unawares by a
detachmont of the Chinese Army, which lay in ambush, at
Pangsinghar and Subedar Tularam with 20125 soldierg perished
Tho unit thon rotired to Kerong. Satrubhanjan w&s wounded
iu the arm while he was engaged in a fight in a place ne&r
tho Kerong outpost.
"It appoars, our strongth in the Kerong fort wae thinning
out with tho result that when the enemy struck, it could
not eustain as w&s expected, although for four consocutivo
days it repelled several attaoks. The fort surrendered on tho
6th day, with the death of Udhan Khawas but fight oontinued
ineido and the enemy met with tough recistance by the
r.omnants. Our caeualty was 200 killed. The fight raged inside
and outsido tho fort. But the enomy lost four hundrod and as
many wounded. The noxt engagement took place in Rassoa
Pass. But our force could not withstand the proosure and
rotired to Syapruk. The enemy w&s emc&mping on the other
side of the river. F'or tho defence of Syapruk Prabal Rana.
Bherat Khawae, Rarra Kesar Pande, aud tho whole of Srinath
Company were ready. Tho enemy wanted to crose the river.
but on seeing our force encamped he could not. Tho enemy,

96, X'acts mentioned in this lett€r tally almost in toto with those brought
out in the l\femorial. (See Nepal Sanskritik Parishad Patrika, 3-3). Date
verifietl, October-Novsmber. 1892,
The jourual publishetl the lettnr as copietl by the learneil historian
Baburam Acharya, The letter is a regrly to the one seut by Nepalose offi-
oerg, whioh hetl reacheil tho paloco after 6 months,
 TEE BIBST OOBrEA.IIBtrT YAB 465
.howover, crossed tho riyor at another point, which was difr-
cult for our men to nogotiato boing ot a higher altitudo and
therefore our mon and officerg retreated to Dhunchay. Eere
vaited Damodar Pande with a stroug contingent. An advonce
party was stationed in Deorali, whieh was captured by tho
onemy after sustaining a casualty of 200 killed. Later otr,
wheu Dhunchay was also being preseed, Kazi Damodar tooh
position in Dhaibung. Oqr force auccossfully beat down an
attack noar I(amaryagarh, where about 250 Chineee were killed,
50 by bullots and s$,ords and the rest purhed to die of a fall
from the procipice. The enomy wes now euoamping at
Ramchya.e?

"Moanwhilo from Dhunohay tho eneny sont a letter with

in0entions to nogotiato a truce. X'rom our side Chioia pands
and Dhewa belongiog to Dhurin Kazi'g entourage and a prisouer
Chinese carried the reply. They met Sardar Eaikun and Chu
Tu. two subordinate. ofroors of Tu Thwang. and handed ovor
tho lotter.

"Tu Thwaug orally asked our oEcors to allow the

Chinese to oooupy Dhaibung, as Ramchy& w&s too small
a pla,ce to aocommodato thom. Then in response to their
wishos both eidos displayed . flags of truco ; and our
forces abandonod Dhaibuag to retire to this side of ths
river Botravati. Oa their demand, Dhurin Kazi and Ito
Kazi were eurrendered on Sravan Bl Saturday. Tho next
day, the delegation oomposed of Ranjit pande, Bhotu pande
and Narasinha Taksari met Tu Thwang, and to these persons
tho Chinese reply to our lotjor was handed over. Tho Chineso
now wantod to como to Noakot for talks as they folt
Dhaibung to be too n&rrow to contain them. They aleo eaid
that they would liko either the king or the kirg,s uncle to bc
present in person during the negotiation. If this was not

97' As661d1ag to Memorilr, tho tr{aharaja hail seat at this atage another
reintorcement with Ohautara Krishna Shah, &m Shah, Kgzi Abhiuansinha,
Kazi Dhokal Siuha and. Sartlar Satrumt.
460 TODEBI NIPAL

possible, .thiywroto, somo inPort&nt Bha,radar. rhonll bc

doputed. The Chinese fsrthor eaid thlt thoy would fortibly
ontor Noakot, if their request was refusod. Another lottar
repeatiag the samo deuands was setrt. Onr rop\r ras ready.
{Vo hc.l also aslod our motr to striko the Chireso if thoy tried
t,o Gross the rivor in rpito of our dissussion. Oa Bhadra
8 Mondoy,900-1000 men of tho enemy'c forco oroasod tho
Botrrvaii aad one wing advtucod towards Chokday where
Damodar Pando onoampod whilo snoth€r took tho dirootion
of Gerkhu whioh was dofoated by Kirtimen aoil yot another
4urnod towarde Dudhya Thumko. Our foroo pushod thom
brck to tho Botreyeti, whoro in an &tteDpt to make r flight
most of thom woro drownod' Tho tot&l oaeualty ou thsir side
should not bo lege than 1000 to 1200. Tho Chtueee out oE
ths uoies of the two of thoir owr offioorB, who had fled."
Often roforrsd to in the footnoteg abovs we have t
memorial propared by the Nopalose authoritios on tho oouduct
of tho War, which throws a flood of light upon m&oy eYenta
couuocted thereto. Although fects of doubtful voracity, orop
up here aud thero, tbo Memorisl on th6 rrhote is so important
sourco mstoriel on the sccount of the Sino-Nopalese Wor.
Somo paasagos from thia Memorial ar! includod &s &pPondir
to Kirkpatriok'r volume. But KtlpatrioL omits certsir
importsnt psssagor. Bslow is a lssume of tboso pessages for
tho bonefit of the readerr. Tho Momorial aays : The foroc
of Gorkh& M&hBraj had oocupied o plaoo on a ridgo at t highor
altitude, so thet whou they doscondod to oncounter a hand to
hond fight, this gavo them 8o much advontege that tho
Chineso wors forced to withdraw ( p' l? ) . . . . .The new
bridge over tho Betraveti was a half measure, and therefore
while tho l&tter p&ssod through the same it broko awey and
many fell ioto the rivor. The Momorial givos a gist of the
f&cts about fight io Kuti Soctor : The force in Lisli wanted
to odvfnce to Kbasa frortr whero Kuti was at a distanoe of
two ilays'journey' But heavy snov fall prevented tbem froE
ombarking on tbo edvanoe. Ths Chineso Commaudor Char
 TEE FIBST GOBITEA.TIBET WAB 467

Chwang, however, bad marcbed to Kbasa with 15-20 thou-

rs&ndtroolls, and after tho snow had melted advauced furthor,
whoreupon &n encounter took place. Its result sas to throw
Kuti to the invador'g mercy. Tbe Nepalese Subedar and
somo d€[eDdant8 were kitled in action. They fought with big
guns ( todowala-chapwala ). Birt as tho gun posder storo
was set ou fire, it forced tho dofentlers to retre&t to LiBti.
After eometime the Cbineee tried to occupy Lieti and force
tho defouders to retreat further. But boro Chan Chwang oot
with a strong resistauce, and big advance wae cbecked for
good. The above letter of Rana Bahador Etrtes that troop!
on both sides wore kept in roadiness, elthough talkt for peace
oontiaued. It is also reported that ono oEicor was sent to Tn
I'hw8ng viih all what he wonted atout tbis tine.
KirLpatrick nsrrates tho foltowing doeoription of the
qualitior of enduranco snd oapsoity of suataining hertlrhip
dieplayed by Nepaleae {igbterr ar were evident during tho
Nepal.Tibet lYar in theatres which l&y in the auowy ronges of
the border and beyond.98 "When, enoumbemd with the apoile
of thst city, they wore induoed by vsriou3 conEidor&tioDs,
though tho vintor res ooneiderably advancod, to trle the
Khartah and Hutto& routo, instead of the ordinary one by
Koote, at tho lstter of whioh pasaes, the oommrnd€rs, it
r6am8. wero awaro they thould find it improoticable to cludo
aho exarain&ti,on of tho offioors etationod therc, in ordor to
'tako an aocount oftho booty they had acquired. The perila
to whioh they were erpoaed on thb ocoasion were ofa kind
shich it would be littlo imagined in Europe an Eaetern army
was either c&pablo of supporting, or liablo to oncount€r o[ tho
very broders, &B it vere, of Bengal. fn short, it is an unques-
tionable fact, that ia crossing that ridge of mountaine whioh
strctohes in a, south-e&8t diroction from tho viointy of Koote to
the country of the Limbools and of thc Dewa Durmah, it vas
vith tho utmost diffioulty and dong€r thqt they penotrated

98. KirkpitrioL, Op Cit, Pp. ,16-16.

408 UODEEN NXPAL

through th6 snow, with which thsir traok was coveFeil to e-

dopth thst provod fatal in several inetauces in tho alightest
felee step. They wore in thia droadful situstion for fivo or si:
days, during which thoy wero obligod to psss tho dght orr tho
bare snow, aftor hardening it for thet pulpose, as woll as thoy
could, though'their labour ras sometimee so-arcely over when
r fresh fall would nearly bury theo, The loss of tho army
in this r€troat, which rnas conducted by Damodor Panilo
and Bam thah, is said to h&vo smoutrted to upwards of 2,00O
mon, Srost numbers of whom aPPoer to have been frozon to
doath ; the romedy 80 coruuon aud so efloctual in the lorthem
parts of Europe and Amorica, in froct-bitton ca8e8, waa
unfortunstoly ulknown to theto people, who, on our mention-
ing it to them, lamonted bittorly that tboy hod oot beea
&oqueinted vith it at thie perioJ, when many of thoir
oompanions weru daily obliged to be abandoaed in this
wrotchod condition, while others desmed themsolves happy
to oso&pe with tho loss of their fingerd and toee.'
Tho lottor of Suuday, 7 August, 1792 goss on to say thrt
eyeu at tho hour of the flgbt in tho Betravati, Nep rlose
delegetion remainoil with tho Chineso to continue poace talke.
tsoth the partier had agreod to nogotisto inspite of tho strain
oausod by tho now flaro up. Aa tho Bhotiya fogitives hrd
tror demanding propertiea
b€en surrandsrod, the Chiueee rvoro
brought by the Nopaleso from Digarcha, aud olso tho ashes of
Syamarpa Lama and all those who had ooms with him' It wag
promisod that ovorything bolonging to hiu would bo kept in
the Lama's Gumha (monaetery). Ae Vazir Tu-Thwang wrote
2 or 3 times ebout theso mattors, flari Balabhadra Khawas
who was also to eocompeny Tu Thwang to Peking carried
with him all thst wos demanded. The Turbanod courtier
c*riod pncsents and lettors to tho Emperor. ff ho could
arrange for peaco with Pekirg it was well and good' Tho party
oonsisted of tho treder Kazi Devailatta Thapa, Suba
Pratiman llana, Jayanta Sahi and Balabbadra. They wers
to accomp&ny Tu Thwang' They left Kathmandu on the
 TEB TTBST OOBKEA-NBTT V^B 469

5th day of Asoj (-17 Septembor, 1792), aud on ths lOth th6y
mst Tu Thwang in Dhaibung who was ploased to eee the depu-
ties. Our delegation found th6m in o poor condition. fhey had
aot onough to Gat, tbo number of Lillod wre also groat. Ihey
vere gleo eufreriog from pain (doo to wounri). They vore aow
paoking their luggage ond ttoiarting. Tu Thwang, left
Dhribung on 2rt Anoj Samvara 0 Tithi (:Ssturday, 6 Octobar,
t7s2).
According to Tibetan sourco the Gorkhoe wero driven out of
Tashi Lumpo by mid 1792. Tho Glorkhae wsro dofeading their
position in Shskar and Dzonka with all thoir booties of tho
mouasteriee. The Chineso and Tibetan forcos thon rdva.noiug
compolled the Gorkha troops to foll back ou Nyanog and
I(yrong.esA
Euo K'ang had ordetod furthor advance, thoreupon tho
iuv&der8 retresteal to their owu tenitoties. The Ohinese
oomm&nder rras assietod by Kaloa (ministor) Earhhyang in
ohargo of 10,000 troops.
ft is said th&t inspito of the advioe of tho Ambsns ths
Dalai and Panchon Lamas h&d not loft Lhas&. Tbo fibotona
tad maintaiued thoir morale.
The SikLimose rulor w6,s inetigated to invodo Noprl from
his gide of the frontier.
About the rainy roason thero was o ffght iqsido tho
Nopalese territory. Erhaueted, tha Nopal rulor8 Eued for
peaoe. The oonquorors, however, demanded tho prtrence of
the King'r unclo on the nogoti&tiou sit6. But thie waa refused.
OD ths defeat of tho Ciorkhalio tho fiyamarpa Lema
'poisoned himeolf to death. This gavo tho Nepelero & pretert
to throp the blame of caueing hostilitios on tho ooldierc of tbo
loto Lama. Kalon Doring rho was kept as a hostage by
Nopal was askod to &ccomp&ny the Nepalese DcgotiEtorr to
Kyrong. The namo of the Nepalese offic€! iB Kazi Rattan
Pando. There was onothor Nepalero delogatiou undot T&ks

984, Tib€t, A iDlittcol Etrtory bt W.D. Shalrlipr, pP 168.08

Yangr-Rg;ron i Mdrot-B6ren
470 UODlB]I ITTPIIJ

Nmyaua Simba oooompanied by Kalon Yuthok en0

Teng.yeling Dzasa, rho had gono to Nyaarog' It is reid
th&t thi!.perty met the Tibetan trooPs at Noakot whils thc
former hrd oontaoted them at Theepung' First Kalon Doring
m6t tho Tibotan Gleneral Phayo Lhakang' Tho lattor
immediotely referrod to the oamp of tho Chinoso about o day'l
distenoo to convey tho ierms eccoPtsblo to Nepol' Nepal hail
&gr$6al to eurrsndor tho bodily remains of Syamarpa, his
wifo
rnd rotinuo as woll as proportios, inoluding those earned es
booty, by tho Nopalese invaders. They hail al:o agreed
to
aend Ove-yoarly tributsry Dission to Peking' About that'
tido, howevor EorLhaug hgd disd. Tho Tibetons st&to th8b-
tho ClorkhsE ooming as fir ae Theopung were deteinetl e*
hostage until truoo w&8 settlod. Loter Bhim Sahsb &nd KuD
Bahaalur had arrived to sign Che poaoe.
Tho Tibotsn acoount tallieg with our own account'

Ertertt ol Chimse Aihanac'

Tho extent of the Chinese ailvance ia a dobe-table point"
Erom Dunoan'e lotter it &pposrs that they had come as far as
tho uppor reoohos of tho Trieuli Gauclak. KirkpatricL rontious
o'
o battlo in Dhaibupg, a mountain overlooking the same rivor't
The Nepal chronicle alludoe to a parallol fight ia Leurivina at
Betravati Ko Pula (bridge ovor Botrovati) whiob ig not fsr
from Dhaibung, and to hor a largo uumber of the Chineso got
drowned whon the defonders pullod tbe bridge down in the
midst of the fight.roo Tho Chinese haal croesed tho rivor antl
woro oncamping et GorLhuter, while tho truoe egreoment wsr'
rigned. The chroniclo added that Kazis Ranjeet Pando and
99. geo elso th€ Mslooria.l Properod byth. Nopal Clovelnmont' KirL-
prtriok I'
gi"6s tIrDsl.tloD oI o poltioD lo Appenilit
100, Aooolditrg to l6tte! tol€lrsil to il the aext Pego it olrp€'r6 thot
.
.bout locllro) rnsD ol tho Chloere ormy hait lElishei iB thi6 oEootrutd'
This is ooafrEoil bt ! stBtoaent ia r lett€r to Raua Bob'dEr thoh etitt6D
lubtgquoatly aft€! th6 oessstioB of holtilltioB by Tu Thvtug Uhyrn Juogi
tho Co6ttrrnilor ol tho Chln€so Aloy'
 TEE rIBSI OOBXEA.TIBET WAB 1n
Bhotu Pandol I
were ront to negotiate oa beholf of tho Nepat
o

Governmont. Tho ortsut of advauco aa abovo givon ie

confirmed by the letter of tho Amban to the King of Nepl
(Seo below), in which ho cl&im8 to hovo ruoceeded iu croeeing
ths river Betravati, upon whioh Nepl bad suod fot peaco.
Ae all inforpations tally, we oan eafely infer that tho last
battle was fought in or near Dhaibung, A small psrty of tho
Chi.oese had, however, come as far as tho ridge in the north-east
ofthe valley to interviow tho Rogont Bahador Shah. Thir
ridgo ia oalled Panohmane a,nd hac five rtupaa built by tho
Chineeer0l as msmorial to thoir coming into Nepal.
It was said thst thero rers not maDy Chireso croseing the
Botravati at Lauriviaa, ae a substantial number of them had
periehed by drowaing et tho tiee of tho encounter with the
defendere. fio Nepalese clsioed thet even the remu&nta
cncsmped et Gerkhutar oould bo tbere at their eufferance.
The other eide of the Betravati was malarious, and oo a request
wae made by the Chineee to be allored to cross to GorLhutar
which hsd a better climato. Ths Chineee had b€en permittod
to oross the riyer oo tho assurance that they bad no design to
advanco furthor. Wo hovs no means to cheok up the &courscy
of the clsim mrdo by tho Nepalese.

101, This hlormstlor la !r!oEg, Ths Dogotla,tioa we,s hsEilleil by trirl

D€oil.tt& Thspr. Bhoto Palalo I,o. on6 ol th6 two ofiio€ls who hail met tu
Thwatr8 itr K€IoBB vhilo tho Chi-ttes€ v.!s &bout to enter the Nepslese
territo!Y.
1Og. Patroh lfsEo, BeariDS live rtupra. Th€r6 i6 s legoEil about this lidge
It sriil thrt wh6! the Chlnese aray looletl tlown frora the ridge, lt srw s.
16

huge sllrDolo of m6n antl woErotr ln arB6 ooalDg ttr theit illtection. Th6y
thougbt thit tt6 Noprl RsjB wrs muoh Btrpe.iot to tt€@ .Dil they lleil. Th€
Gortbalir o€lobrateil th6 yictory .t the toot ol tbo hilh eDd DcB€il thia plsco
'Jilpurphedl'. S06 atso tbo iftoiiptioD ot Bsheilu! Shsh lllihasprukas, 2 2t,.
Thls ts ilsteil Sste u14. B.bsAu! gh6h who wor rullng wlth hl6 nepb.s'
Ling itr his lep oLrlE. to hayo routeil tho Chher€ AtDt.
 472 UODIEIV ]T'PI.L

Eou llu Odtuae Wilhd,rao

(r) lilepaloea verrgion :

A parageph from o lettor (No. l, 3-3 Nepal Sana*r,itib

Pariehad Patrika) supports th6 visw that tho Chinoso thom-
aelves werc tirod of fighting in tho rugged areas of thc
Eima,lsyoJr rogiotr.
"On tho 5th dsy of Asrin, Kazi Deodette Thapa, Subba
Protiman Rana, Jetha Budhs Norsinha Take&ri'e eon Jayanta
Sahi and Khardar Visnugankar'g son Balabhadm wero B€Dt to
woit ou tho Chineso Emporor. On the loth of Aarin they
cont&otoal Yazir Tu Thwang in Dhoiburg, who was muoh
pleaaed. The Chinoeo seemed very much hard pressed at tbe
timo, and they ha.d aleo lost a good number of men of their
forco in battles. Tho entiro army in oporatioa wae dieperaiog.
Thoy woro ooly collooted whils our msn teachod thore on tho
24th of Asvin Saturday. Vazir Tu-Thrang left Dhaibung for
Chlna accompaniod by our mission" (VS 1849 Kartik vsdi 7
Sunday).*
Evidontly the porsons reforred to in tho beginning of thir
lettor wero iocluded in tho firet Miseion rent to China after tbe
War. It is gooil to read the contentE of tho lettor seot by
Kiog Rana Bahadur to Kazi Damodar Pando for an ides ofthe
Nepalese version of the aooount oi the war,
"The Cbineoo Emperor is Eighty, but by God's grace wo
oould woll meet his oholleogo, and drive his invading force out
of our territory. Still, as Tu-Thw&ng wonta peaco and our
polioy is not to &ntsgoqise the Emperor, we have decided to
aue for cesEation of lVar, In reBponse to the demand of the
Commander, wo havo doputod you tho aeniormost Kazi of the
'couutry, to lead tho mission to va,it on tho Eoperor...'t 08
Tbe Memorial reporteil that ths Chinose army sufferod
terribly from malaria duo to tho rainy eeoaon, anC they also
t ltihasprukata.,l, Pp. S4 (Th6 copy of the letto! lr ir ths poeaesrlon
o, Brb[raE Achaqn).
7O9, Sontk',t Sardcsh, l, 6. Bhoilra soili 18 roj 5 (Thursitst, Augu.t,
8C. 1?9r.
 TEB rIBS,l GOBEEA.IIBIT WAB {73

ran rhort bf rotion6-aD d s l8rgo nuEbor of mon diod of hutrgBr

.and ravsgi[g disosse.
All the sccouDts of W&r in Nepaleto reoord: aup;nrt tho
version that China was defeated, aad tho Chineeo srtDy wero
compellod to seok peaco and retroat beyond the Eimalayos.

Chinese V eraion

fn tbe appendig to tho ohaPt€r wo havo reProaluc€d two

Chineso o6cial rocords about tho wa,r, (l) Tho Lhasa Pillat
Inscription and (2) Woi Yuan's aocount of militsry opor&tions.
Tho socouut of Wei Yuaa is suffciently disparegiog egainrt
trhe Nep rloso. But it doeg not show that the Nepalose had
boen routed.
The Lhaea pillar gives o moro insulting colour to the
desCiption of tho defeot and humiliation of tho Gorkhalis by
the Chineso army (Seo below, Appendir I).
Bqt wae it a humiliating snd diotated peace Nepal had
obteinod frod tho Chinose I
X'acts ehow otherwiBo. As we ehsll seo letor, neither Nepal'a
aovereignty nor its territorial iotogrity was affected by tbo
result of War. They had, howover, affected Nepal's position
in Tibet in an adverso manner.
If Nepal waa totally rnnihilated by the Chinese army, tho
,letter would not ha,ve coDeented to quietly lesve the bordor and
become couteot only with theoretical acceptance by Nopal of
the Emperor's suzeraioty.
From the Nepales€ aource metorielE it iE gathered that aa
&tteBpt to come to terBa with tho Chinego wog boing made
dnco tho very firet contact with the Dmperor's ermy' But iu
their an6ry mood, tho Chinese authoritieg ehowed littlo desire
for coegatioa of hostilities. We have it from au offioial Nepaleso
letter (See beloE), tbat when the Chineeo reaohed Dhaibung,
they insolcntly demanded surrender of Noskot, ths Eummer
capit*l of tho K.iogdom. They would not list€n to &ny propo-
eol lor poaco unloss the King of Nopal or bis Regent himself
171 TODNEN XXPAi

r8m6 to theD ia o supplient mood. It was as if telling tho

(stand
Nepaleso before ue in sack cloth aud ashes or vo maroh
onvsrds to your oepital to destroy you', Thic arrogaDt ettitude
coDtinued as loIlg as the rainy seeeon had not 8ta,rtod.
But raios B€em to boy€ had upset their echedule. Ihoy
complotely balted their movemont. The rivers were swollon
and tbe Chinero wers unablo to cross them. While waiting on
tho bank oftho rivera, they were erpoaetlto the attock of
mal8rie, dy8onkry and othor diseases. fn spito of thoir best
€fforts tho advancing Chinege uuits wete not Bucceeding to
ovorcomo the rigour of climate and geography. The Ntpalero
guerillas had taken sdvantsgo of their plight. Thoy had
made rurprise attacks on tbe Chineso camps And when taxed
beyond limit, tho Chinese attempted for pitcheil battle, their
strategy 80 fsilod tha,t instood of successfully fordiog the
river they found a large number of their comb&t&ntg drowned
in the ewollen torenta.
Ae September camo the Chineso sere in a chaetened mood.
Tboir experience of War was bitter enough to discourage them
from further vontures. By non they had roalired that it was
a rtiff problem to ffght these sturdy Nepalese mountaineers.
Tbey did not wish to continue the fght. They wanted a
suita,blo protext to disongage themielvee from ths conflict.
All thie time tho emissoriee from the Nopal gide wero do-
ing their job to ma,ke iho Chiness a,gree to poaco. They w€ro
off and on yisiting the Chinese qommander with the King's
message and ronowed offer of settlement of disputes. The
Cbinose General had kopt the Emporor informed about tho
fesce overtureB from the Nepaloso. ft is said tha,t tho leter
despatches from tho army commaud in Dhaibung complained
of adverse result of bostilitiea under an incleoent peather ond
Eought for tho Emperor's permissiou to sgre{ to Nepal,s offor
of s p€eco troaty.
All Chineso deapatches sent to Emperor from ireide
Nopal since the mid.rainy rearon betreyetl grave anxiety for
aefoty and well being of tho army which w&8 opereting ir the.
 rEn rrtSlt. oorrEA{rrDlr wlB 47i
unhealthy mountaitrous Egion in tho north of the }tepol volley
Although eorlier ths romo coumsndorl s1rcko of havlng main'
tainod tough attitude toworilg the Nepalese who l,ers solisit-
ing a truco, now in Soptembor, hoving roalised the futility of
prolooging the War they had begged to bo pormitt€d to con'
promiso with the enemy.
The Emporcr st long Iast eent & mossago giYing hi8 cono€nt
to the proposod peace propoaale'
As we heve ssen tho official ohronicler of tLo Chinere, Wei
Yuan, is very frank iu hia admiseion that China veg ultimatolJr
foroed to occept truco becauso of the revsrses on the Bot'tsYsti
front, and duo to tho realisation that if they missed thic
opportuDity 'the big Enow iu tho mouDtsin vould ma,L.e tho
rrturn most diflioult.'
Ilo have no idea of tho terms of trnco. The Nopalese
ilocdments whicb claim victory for Nopal do not talk ofany
torms of iruco. They 8&y thst tho Chiness wero conpelled to
withdraw unconditionally. But oousialering tho oYorell effeot
of War on Nepal, tho withdrawal of tho Chines€ w&8 not aa
simple aa conoeived in that spirit. I have heard of the Chineso
tlaterials on tho subject, which as my information goea talk
of peaoe parleys and terms and truoe. But I have no accegs
to them. But one thiog loohs very clear. It wa8 not a Peaoo
dictated by tho Chineso. The Chinose did not inpoee on tho
Nepalese such huniliatipg terms, which tho latter had spumed
earlier. Thoy accopted in all good faith whet vas promisod
liy the latter, a,nd oonsonted to go back. Tbo Nepaleso in
thoir turn had pledgeil to accept tho Emporor's suzerainty
ond renounco all privileges in Tibet.
The last pLaso of tho negoti&tioD was very smooth. The
Chinese Ceneral on previous occasions had asked for tho King'a
or the Re:ont's presonce with him as a condition for negotie-
ting the truce. But now this was waired snd ho &greed to'
talk with anyono the' Nepaloso doputod. Tben & truco. v&B
signed with Tibet in tho presonoe of the Chineso militory
suthorities.
 t76 f,ODDBIT TEPAL

Eamilton wrote that the Chinese wore so relieved to

consent to move baok without any conditiong as soon as tho
supply of grain was mado over to the army and E0 virgine to
'the Emporor and, no stipulations were mado for the restoration
of the plunder'. The British writer added that the Nepalesc
claimed that the girls threw themselves from the precipices in
order to save thomselvos from the imlure Chinese, but he
understood that thoy were kept in a convent near the border.
We do nqt know how far to roly on this statement. But the
vholo looks a very odd piece of buginoss,'and it is difficult to
'reconoilo tho two parts of tho etatemeot-uuconditional
with-
draral by the Chinese and sumeuder of fffty virgins by tho
Nepalose to their Emperor. The ,latter story makes tho
withdrawal worse than conditional. Auy surrendor of women
to the victor would go against tho self-respect and diguity
of Nepal which the Gorkhalis would not do at any uost.
Wo come to know from tho following lines of Sylvain Levi
how high bas the opinion.of the Emperor about the bravery
of the Gorkhali patriots. Levi wrote :
'The Chinese Emporor Iearnt through official reports the
indomitable courage of the small tribe who had dared to
oppose him ; the Ambassador Macartney sent by the British
to the Court of Peking to carry tho tribute, in ITSE confirmed
end completed these information ; Kieu-long held firmly to
this belief and on the point of abdicating after a reign of sixty
yeare (1736-1796) he recommended to his successor not to
.interfero without absolute neccessity into tho Gorkhe afl:eirs,.1o r

If a humiliating aet of tho typo as suggested by the

Burrendor of virgins was done by the Nepalese, the Emperor
would not hayo surely erpressed the above eentimeut.
Now to Bum up the arguments about tho terme of the truco
between Nepal aud China. We have to strike a balance

104. 1, P. 181. Stannorr, G. Bart : An Authentic Acoount of the EerI

of Macartney's Embassy to the Emperor of Chita, L:nilon 179? (the author
hae, however, not read this book) quotetl by S. Cammann who 3ives a similar
story'
 TEE fiAAT OOBtr,EA.IIBET W B 477-

betweon tho two positions, that of a total dofoet and

that of viotory for Nopal. ft vas too absurd to suggo6t
th&t Nop&l had oomo opt viotorious in ths War. But
shg was also aot totslly vonquiehed. Tho Chi]leso had
foiled to eooure total victory over tho Nopalese. Although
th6y h&d Buoceeded in achieving .succegs in tho initi&l Btago
and could peaotr&te deop into tho intorior, tbey had
beon evontually obliged to oveou&te, and loavs tho border,
though thoy did it of thoir oyq eccord &fter a prelim!
n&!y agreement on the terms of tho treaty, Nepal had not
ootled any pa,rt of tho torritory eroept & littlo etreich in the
Kerong-Kuti eoctor, (oven about tbis it ra,s raid that Nepal
had wrested this portion and nore from Tibst siaco the early
l6th century) ond no residout Amban wae &ttachod to tho
Court at Kathmaudu to superyi8e its internal and ext€rDel
afrairs. The Chiaeae woro oontont to securo for thoir Emperor
Nopal'a aoknowlodgsmeDt of hi8 soveroignty, vhich wae only
nominal. All this did not &t all afrect Nepal's eoveror'gn rights.
to mansgo its own busiusss iu any Bphoro whatiosver. To this
ext€nt tho likely adverse results of 6ho var sero ofrsot in
Nepal's favour. But attho aamo timo Nopal wae deprived of
all rights iu Tibet, whioh it could not havo willingly eurren-
dorod. It was no moan losr to -tho Nopalese to havo gurmudered.
tho priyileges they onjoyod for centurios. But thoy had to
accopt it as a prioo for peaoo, Thie was cerbainly sometbing
erpressive of dofost. So was the seoession of the small aree
ou the border with Kerong aad Kuti strotch, if *6 sorutiniso
tho fact moro olosely. the ouly redeoming feature oftho
whole sffair was that ths Chiueso army had not cbosen to
stay ia any plrt of Nepal. Evidontly, they had been forced to
go back without loaving any trace urdef forco of circumg"
tencoS.
Ln tho ffnal analyais, it may be raid that whatever the.
Nepoleso reoordg claim for ths reeult of the sar, tho fact can-
not be deniod that Nepal wag defeated by the Chinere. Ilorever..
we c&nnot forget that in this inetonce Nepel, a emall coutrtryr
 478 ODEBN XIPAI,

rss pitohd agoinst & m[oh overwholming force of a vastly

suporior onomy who was sovoral timos bigger in teaoutcos,
territory aatl mrn-pgwor. This defoat war uoC so ignominous
aa it vould hrve beon if Nopal had wagod a b&ttls with an
oqual.

Overall Dfiacte ol War or Netrnl

It thet epart from geoeral s&orifoes of a protrsoteil
seems
wor it had to mako, Nopal ultimatoly lost uothing in t€rritoly
or indepondoace by theso roversos' But on tho othsr batd
sll oressin Kuii and Kerorg Bootor that lay on that sido of
tho llirnalayas os woll ar a little portiou on thiB sido woro
ffnally sottleil in favour of Tibet muoh to the opposition froui
Nopal. Tibet wos. howevec, requirod to pay Rs. 10,000 yoarly
cs s tlibuto to Nop&I. f,rou a oiroular letter of Bahadur
Shah (YS l8L6 thadru oaili 2, roj 6) the boundary lino fired
in 1789 to assign holfof Kuti to Nepal wos in pursuance of
tho old agroement referred to horo that took pleco in
Pratrpamalla-Bhimrmalla's timo. Bub the agrtement of
l?93 did away with thil provision sltogether. Now tho
frontier liue in this sector did not also follow the Eimalayon
heighte and wator-shods to oonform to tho n&turel boundery,
becauge Tibetan territory had here deeply penotrated far
inside the Eimslayan hoights on Nopal'o side.
This was, howevet, truo of only tho e&atern sector. fn
the W€8t the old boundary of Nepal was regarded as to have
held gooil. Its jurisdiction ovor Mustang and similar oNher
juttingE w&s not questionod. In tho middte sector that had
witnessod a sceno of Chino:e incursion the dem&rc&tion was
otherrsiso not c rnforming to its original line.
'fho Govornment of Nopal lost tho right of coinago. Ordi-
narily in this matter Nopal rould qot havo been e total loser
becauso of tho oconomic suprem&cy as its curronoy had the aomo
negotiability io terms of orohangel o - But all import of Nopaleso
5

g'
106. TEEI. OL.,116-12b-13, 2rb-15, l{1&9b'10 (Citeil by oeEm8!E)
 rEE OOBTEA.IIETT WAB 470
'IBAT
ioulfonoy rba pcohibited end similarly the ontry of Nopalce
into Tibot wag baanedro6. Nopal'r oooaomio advaatagoe werc
aor rondsrsd inefrootive by theso measures of the Chineo
Goveromoot. For somotims et le&st Nop&l was praotioally out
of from Tibot ond its trado in that srea, had oatirely osased to
orist. By a spocinl olause of tho treaty signed botweon Nepal
ond Tibet thst we8 to follow all theso settleoonte, Nopal wal
*lso requirod to aoknowlodge th€ Euzereinty of tbo Eoperor of
China aud it appmrs th&t tho KiDg did acknowlodge Chinese
overlordahip eYen thougb nominally for a loog timo. Furthor
while acknowledging Chineso suzerainty, Nepal renounced its
oonquesi ofsikkim which now becamo a vassal of the EmPer'
orl o ? . Of courro, these provisionr wore designod to work &g&ingt
Nop&l'B iniorest both materially and psychologically end no
doubt thoy succoodod. Ag a reeult of ths rovorses Nepal osmo
to bo tot&tty etcrilised vis o vis ths norchorn ueighbour' Nor
io thst relstionship Nepat'r lot wos o&8t for tho role of a vassstr
of Chiua. Nopal olso undertook to senil a rogula'r 6ro yoarly
tribute to China ooosistiog of elophants, horaes, peaoocks,
0 8. Eamilton saya that
rhinoceros horne, and posoock Plumosr
with regord to tbis &spoot of Gorkha'Chineao rotationg tle feol-
ing in Nopal bad been to t&ko it as a friondly allianceroe. Ir
ocoordanco with tho 8t&t€ment of Chiooes souross the status of
Nopol was to bo liko that of Chior'g many othor dopondonts
liko Koreo, Aonam, Siom snd Burmalro' It woe undoretood

lc6. TUEL, OL, 1l0 rrb-13, 37b KTSLi 1411'38b-15' I118'9b'10.

ll7. THEL, CL., 1r8 98. 11 quoted by E' CsloE!trd' P' 131
lJ8. I(uug-bsu IIui tie!' 67 I3b quot€il by 8. CaEt!3trD'
lO9. Ibid. Kirtpotlick, h.wever, slys (Preiec6): It wss i4 othor rBs-

ll€otB by Do ltosos honolrtsble to the lulsls of thst sotrntly, esPocislly il lt

bo true, as $sB efitmeal6t the tiEo by roluo ilt€lli8e[t porsonsr that e littlo
looro Aror,ess on tho P!.t of the BeSoncy would sp:eilily hav6 ooropollod th6
Cbiaese (rybo hal eufisrod gtcstly from sickresr a,nal6catoity slril {€!6 aot
le6s impationt to quit NePrI th:tn the NoPili*ns to 8ot tid ol thoE) to solioit
tbe scooaoilstion \yhioh thby r!.ero P3rmiibsil to Er tii€ o aorit ol graBtiig'
lll. IluBDg-hsu Ilui-tie!! 6?.13b T!iIIL CL, 110 lrb i KTSL 1111 l4b
quoieil by d. CaEExtrE.
 480 UODf,BN NE?AL

that Cbinoeo soveroignty ir thoso countriea saaso little oreF-

cised tbst itB aocoptanco did not mesn cu silment of their owD.
sovoreign rights to any dogr€e. Except five yearly tribute, no
other obligations vsre to bs discbarged by these countries.
Beyolrd thir the status involved only &n aoknowlodg€m€nt in
perpetuity of tbo Euzorairty of tho Chinsse Emperrr. fn fact
in that oontort Chinese suzerainty wos meaninglerir and Nepal
wae as indepeudent ag everlrl. The evonts following provo
that Nopal vas fieo to pursuo its own courso aud mogt of all it
fought battles with oxtornal powors, whioh a vass&l ooulal not
have foughtl r !,
Ono could Dot Bey thet Nopal oomo out of the otdeel.
uusoathoil. It had surely involved tromondous loes of valuable
lives, years of ffghting labour aqd sbovo all a proud country's
prostigo. But the end had left Nepel pr&ctioally wbero it hed
beon beforo the war with the same torritorial poeseesiono and
eovoreign powers, Ilowover, with tho Chinese Emperor accop-
of th6 war oert&inly reflocted
tecl as overlord tho 6.nal upshot
uofavourably on the feir and proud nome snd credit of tho
Nopaleso p&triots oyen if it b8d Dot afrected its total indep,on-
dence and teuitorial integrity.
Ae a result of the war, ths Tibet-Nopal boundary was
also dofineil and uarked off here' and thors by piled atonee
("Obos").rlr But this kind of delimitatiou was doue only in
Kuti agd Kerong aroas. Eleowhere the boundary was loft
vaguo. A kind of rough dem&rcation, howover, fo[o\red iD 185?.

lll. Tho NPI|aI GovornloeEt usetl to 6sEdl 8ve J'etrly iloputstioE with
Dre6eDk to ths ChiEese Ccurt tiII 191,2, Iho 6rst !ois6io! led by Xqsi Devs-
iatta l'hrp. sDd PratilrraD RaEs roacheal PctiDg ia I7l4 gake (1792 A.D.)
1l?. Bsmflton, P. ,40. "Th6 tribute rgteetl upon has never evon troen
ilsmaoiledl Euch l€ss 6rpecteil, sotl tho Clorkbslis sre iD th6 habit oI sryiag
ihst should thoy hsyo any disputs with the English, thei, only folmidsblo
neighbour, thoy will oI&iB the prot€otioE ot tb€ ChiBe€e, wilb $hose iDfluoDco
over the Ooop&Dy tlrc, @6 to D6 tluch t€tter ecquaitrted thsi oD6 woula
Usv6 sxl,cctca", From otr uDpublishod lette! wlitt€o to th6 Ri!8 oI Nel,al
by chlsu Jung, dated Gh)tlung 67 (h th6 cugtod, of the Foreign A8airs
fljnisrry of tbe Nepel GovellD€Dt) it sppeatr that the Chioese retumeil all
tbe coDquereil territoriei \\'ithiD Nepa,l to the lnl,ter, asil this lettrr coDtliDeit
& so!6 oI utralertahjDg to thot effect,
3. TETEL CL, 116, 14bII. KISL, 1411. 24b. 1412. 95ff citedby S..
CaEBer}&
 IE! rIBI!I OOBTEt-TrEtr W..'B 48I

Ia Kerong aad Kuti the Tibotan territorill limit was purhcd

to about teu milss rithin tho Ltngur Uplond. Bursoa wa,
the hst Nsplldo outpost io the former, and Kodari in the
lsttor. Both tbeso are rituated on thie eids of the Longur o
bit ineide aa wo havo juat EhowD. It 8eoEs that before th6
,sr, tho trsditionel boundary of Nopl wss at Khasa in tho
Kuti sootor and tho Nopal Govornmont obtaiaed tributog form
tho Kemr$ traot. fD the rottlomont tbat followed Khasa wap
codod to Tibst ond Nopal alao had to give up its rigbt to
obtaio tributes from Korong. X'or about 16 miles iu eacb
of these, thero ic the rivor ae the frontier lin€ &t the momsnt.
In Korong tho Bhotia Kosi and Lindo Kbola form tho
boundary aad in Kuti anothor river, by name Bhotia Koei
runs to donsrcste tho bounilary. Al[ thie demarcation Ys&
done io courao of ths now settlemont. Elsouhere tbe mountain
was the ecknowledgoil barrier of domarcotion between Nepal
and Tibot.
I(uti and Keroog provided tho tr&ditional highways between
Nepal and Tibot. By oontrolling thero, tho Chineso wero to
rogullt€ tho flow of trade botseen tho two countriea. But all
kindr of oommorcial trsni&otionr cemo to & rtop as tho Chinese
ertonded thoir control over this or'€e.

The Xirul Nepalzse Miasbn lo Pching

Wo roed from the Nepaloso thet the miseiou had

sourceE
sterted from Dhaibung aa soon a8 the truco was aigaed, ond
this was lod by Kazi Dooilatta Thapa' It sPpears thet the
rame delogation which had uegotisted tho truce vas sent to
Peking to wait ou the Eoperor of Chino. The instruction to
tho delogetion given by tho Government was that they should
erplain to the Empero! thet the Nep&lese had acted on thc
instigotioa of tto Syamarpa Lama, ald they had no intsn-
tiotr to di8ploase the Eoperor $'hom they respected so highly-
Tho Nepalese did not wautto fight Tu-Thwang' The Kazi
/{42 IODABIS ITBPIIJ

rat leDtlowsit oathc Empomr bcoouso ths Chine Ocae-

rel .ordersd ao. The King or his unole should havo. uder-
traken the trip. .bnt tho King wis in inf&nt and tho onelc
'could not Ieeve tbe country duo to prcocoul)Btion rith tho
afaire of &dministrstion. Eenco tho delogotion led by tho
:Kazi vse, in PoLiag to Book the Empsrror,s eheltor.
If aeked, tho delegation wes to s&y that Nepal ras on friend-
ly terms with the British and Nawab Aeafdoula. They weru
also to 8ey that if at any timo tbere waa &n attsc& on Nepal,
thoy looked to China for help. The .assuar&nce of s8listsnc6
thould fiud a placo in tho Emperor'a lett€r to tho King, Tho
ingtruotion is incorporatod in a letter datcd yS lg49 Awitu
Buil,i 2 roj,3.: Tuesday, l8 Septembor, 1192.
Thefollowing Ercorpt from s lottor Fritter by tho delega-
tion from Djigarche to King R&na Ba,hadur gbah on .thoir
retum jourBey gives further dotails about the 6rst MisEion
-and the route trovolled by thom. The signetories to thig
letter Bro Deodatta Thapa, PretiEsn Raaa, Jayanta Shabi
-a,nd Balbhadra who composed th6 delog&tion. Thoy vdte
''Stsltiag on the l6th of Bhadra from Lhaee we resohed here
on tho 26th Bhsdro. We shall meet the Lama. So fer no
arrangonent bas beon made for horses. T[o shaH not be ebls
to roach there before Dasahora. We might &rriyo E or 6 dtyg
ther€&fter.
"Your Majoety ahall rouembor th&t ws w6ro accompanied
by two Keshmiri interpreter. on our wey to pekiog. Theso
have aleo oome beck along with tho Misaion. Interpretsra of
four Kazig of Lhasa and tbres Dhowoe of Lhasa altogottor
aevoD poraorls shall como to seo ug off ae far as Kerong at tho
instlnce of th€ Ambar. To tho Jamadars of tho attendant forcs
vs recommend the asard of some prizee of swords and, Rhula:te
as woll as of a winter coat (Bakkhu) of banat clotb. Tbo
Dbowas also deserve rewards from your Majesty. Chintai is
deputed to wait on you by tho Amban. your Majeety shall
confer on hio prizes whon tho party roeohes tho oourt.'r t a
114. Nepal Sal,sktitik Pa tad Patika,No. g,a.
 lBI FTSBT @BAA -IIEDT WTE rs3

The lotter ,rras tritton undor ileto lir,la Blaiha fud; 3 toj 1:
Surday, 8 Soptember, 170;].
It appoora that tho total tine tskon by the minion to
.reaoh Peking and bo back to Kothmartdu waa noarly a yeu.
Ths ni:eion etayod in Poking for about flvo monthr' ftom
{hinoao and Tibotan sourceB r:o know th&t. the title of W'ang
end plumos for their crowns wero conforrod on Rana Bahadur
,ond his uncle.

$ffeat of ,he War on Britiah Diplonacy

.As soon ae the truce was agrood, the British wers told not
.to ssnal tho modiator to such far off plaoo ginoo thero was no
aoed for suoh occssion as the Chinsso haal vithdrawu.lr5 This
was in Octobor, 1792. Theh ettitude rsmainod tho s*me up till
January, l?$3. Io mset & roquert from Kirktrntriok tbat he
bad come as far as Patna, aqd hs ha.d with him o lotter of tho
Sritieh Govornor-General in furtherance of mutual friendahip'
Bam Sb*h ond Diuanath Upadhayt woro seut thither but rt
$nyrsto he was aot reedily aocepted.rli Not until certain
prolimiTry objoctions were raised snd satisffed he wss allowod
to prooeod. Wo ahall t&ko up the subjeot of KirlpatrioL'e
mirsion in tho next chsPter.
The British sttsmpt to penetroto into Tibot olm colLrped
.as a rorult of tho wu. Tibst wrg now Yortuslly oloe€d. Tho
Lrmas ver6 doprivetl of powerr to comnuuicato with the
foreignen. Now th6 Chineso authoritiel Isore tho solo repository
of theeo powors. But they woro loast sommunicativo. Even
es a oorsequonco of this the Britieh mic:ion in Chilra led by
Lord Maoortney aleo fail6d,
The leader oI tho mission reported that on account of thcir
non-oommittal attitude in the dispute the British woro regard-
etl 'to have given essistanco to an enemy of tbo Chineso.'r I ?
115. I/ott€! oI ths Baja oI Nepol to th6 GovorDor-C6Delsl CPC, 23, I.
;
116. 8€or6t DopsrtEedt, 17 Joau.rr, 1?93 leth! oI tho RajE, receiv€il
"ou ,ail Jqauary, 1?93.
U?. S€.ret Ploce€ilings, 29 SepteDl.t, 179{.
{8r IIODEBX }lfPAL

Markham, the author of the Nanatiaes of Bogle's misstorr

lamentod the Britigh failuro-'wo lost all good resultg of tho
polioy of Warren Eaatinga and the friendship of the Lamas,
oxcited joolous suspicion of the Chineso Governmeut, and tho
scorn of the Nepalese'.

Costly onil fruitless aenture

We havo seen whatthe war cost to Nepal in terms of the

loss of human matorial, suffering undergone and prestigo
irpaired in the course. We have also seen what this country
obtained in roturn. Tho balance weighed heavily againsb Nepal..
Today after nearly 180 yesrs wo have a full pioturo of the
wholo affair ond judging from a study of all aspecte of the
ovent it has to bc admitted that the Tibetan war of ths
Nepalese was o costly and fruitless venturo.
There is one thing more. The Chinese Commander had
ereoted a memorial pillar in Lhaea inscribing lines muoh dero-
gatory to the fair namo, of the Gorkhalis. The inscription'
abuses them, and oalls them n&Eles, barbarians, oheate otc.
ft further sayo that the Gorkalis were let off only while they
pledgod words to bscomo a vassal of the Emperor. WhateYer
argumeut might be put forth to justify Nepal's stand in'
acknowledging Chineae suzerainty, tho fact remains that Nepa}
v&s nover a vassal stato of China oven though ite vassalago
was just in theory. It was claimed later thst the Nepalese
could use their dopoudonoo on China to demand protection if
tbo British thought at any timo to invade Nepal. The Nepalese
Bharadars and officials do not also seem to havo attached more
than a parsing signifioanco to their relation with China. Nor
any idea of ignominy associated with vassalage had over'
woighed with them. This was so becouso in practice thero
was no loes of independence. Bub who can deny that Nepal
had to pay a heavy price for the war and it extricated itself
out of the situation rviUh extreme difficulty and while the
poaco returnod Nepal becamo a vassal stato of China ? No
 rEE rlB lt OOBE,EA-TIBET WAB 485

iadependent country voluntarily sgrees to beoomo a yasacl

ctate of another. howsoever great. It had obviou Iy afforded
'no pleasure to Nepal to sigo a treaty acknowledging Chineso
tuzerainty. Undoubtcdly Nepal hod acted in that connection
under compulsion of particular circumetanoes. But nevertholess
,it was a price that Nepal paid for itg defeat in the war.
Aec:rding to Chinese and Tibetan sourees Nepal hail
consented to become a vassal of Tibet for a period of sirty
Toare ia between C. 615 A. D. and C. 705 A. D. This ie wrong,
but now Nepal had really became a vassal of China. A country
from beyond the Eimalayas wag destined to play a dominaut
rol; in the war and as a result Becure position of a suzerain
pow6r in regard to Nepal. This time it was ,Manchu China
which had imposed its vassalage cn this eountry. Eiatory had
repeated itself after nearly elevon hundred yeare.

It was seid byKirkpatrick that a Iittle moro patienco on

the part of Nepal might have ssved them from a humiliating
treaty ae the Chinese wero muoh too erhausted to be prepared
f,or a protractod peaco parloy and in an endeavourto soe a quick
'solution would ha,ve dropped the clauso requiring the Gorkhaila
to acknowledge Chinese euzerainty. But even earlier while they
wero having &n easy timo in Sbuth Tibet just at tho end of thc
frst phase of the war, the Gorkhalis had not hesitated to aocept
tbe suzerointy of tho Chinese Emperor. We eurmise that
vhile the final agreement was concluded,the former draft had
been pro lucod in toto and thus the plrticular clauso about
China'e suzerainty came to bo adopted. Tho Nepalese negotia-
,tors could not have objected to that clause baving aecepted it
,alreadX three years back. But if there was no such presaure
exerted on them for acceptance, thero must be some other
reeson for it. It ie said that tho Nepalere plenipotentiaries
had thought that unless China's euzerainty wae acknowledged,
the benefrts of tho treaty ontered upon with Tibet could not
be availod of. One may ask, why should they covet certaiu
advantages in Tibet and accept a vassal's status to enjoy the
$6 IODEB]$ T'P,rI,

lano ? Wcf,e thoy ao invaluablo as to impGl one to go to the

length of oompromiaing ono's intlcpendent etatus ! But tbio
slao doog not seom t,o be a euficient gtourd to justify Nepal'b
lirtc of aotion in that dirootion.
A probeblo erplaaation for tho conduot of the Nepalese
iri occopting a rubsidiary plaoo vis-e-vis China ie tbat on both
oocasionr baving overron prts ofTibet they were afraid of
repriaalr by the Chlneso and they thought tb&t in asmuch ae
Chiuere suzomirrty was too vsguo and infectively ererciaed,
they ooutd &y6rt tb6 risk by acceptiog to become China's
vassal. But thon thoir Tibetan raide could bo branded as
thoughtlessly utrdortakoa.
Whatsvor the sxplana,tion Nepal ilid uot fare well by the
wrr in Tibet.
Th6 sftermath wa,a ovon moro complic&ted. The Nopalese
immediately faced the British mission. This question tackled,
thero ras intemol crieis born of disunity amongrt the nobility.
This crisis further deopdnod and- it was to give rise to worct
kiad of political instability. Nepl had now bocomo totally
etetic. Its ueutl vitality ofa newly rieing etate vas gone.
Its marob onward was holil up. We shall deal with thess
ihilo proper oooasion comes. For twelvo years Nepal seeihed
in .agony and trou.blos. its progresa arrested and all acti-
vitie8 at st&ndstill and it was rescued as the etrong personali-
ty of Bhimreu Thapa emorged in tho scene asserting vigorously
to put down with iron hand all that t€Dded to reaken aod
disorganiae tbo couDtry.
This much for tbe 6nal coEment on the Tibetan War of
the Nopaleso. Thore was one redeeming featuro. Tbanks to
China's etupeudoua iguoranco of the rorld outBido and to tho
geogrrrphical bsrrrier repmsent€d by tho high enowy peaks of
tho Eimalayas, Nepal wrs not touched by the Chineso once
they had croased over tho pesBes &fter the l,ruco wag concluded
in the winter of 1793. The Nepalese bad also mainta,ined the
oontinuity oftbo five-yoarly mission to imprcss tho Chinese
that Nopal had not shaksn off itl ststus of the Emperor'e
 tsE rlBsr ooEEEl-TtElt wlB 87
v&Essl. Ait6r &ll Chins hsd obtsinetl itg suzerainty ovor Nopa?
not to €footivoly sroroiso it. The Chiaoso Lner! thot tho brovc
Gorkhalis had tarod their patisnco iD tbo 6ght sDd giyon thoru
eufrciont ombarsE8Eont. Thoy had no desiro to orastr)orsl e
thom and drivs them ioto e doEperato litustion to rener ths
grim Btruggle. Thoy varted to forgot Nepal for tho four'yeoro
of the miseion's ffve years wanting to aoek reminder oaly in
tho fffth at tho vory oud of the term.

Ncpal eent last mission in f908. In l9t2 a gre.t reyolutioD

uproot€d the Manchu dynasty, anil a ropublio. eev itl bLth,
Sincs then there had beon no tributary miseiou from Nepat.
Aftor somo time the vassalago of Nopal wae looked uponar o
msttor of history. In the thiltios the Foreign Minietry of Chino
had no knowlodgo of Nepal boing their tributary. In lgd0, the
Pooples, Goverament of Chioa rocogniaed Nopal es e eoveroign
and ildspondent country.
AU this shows that Chineee
.suzerainty wos restiDg on
artifioial foundatioa and 'uot only nominally cloroised, it v&a
alao incoosidteot with the inerorable roeda of geograpby,
history and culturo as it was io tho oaso of Burma, Thailand
and Indo-Chiaa.

In 1908 Lord Curzon arked the then Prime Minieter

Chaudra Shumghet &bout tho cher&cte. of the mission; to
which the reply aont from Nopal was that this was not $
tributory deputation and was chorged to only ccrry rome
presertE (Bazrar) to tho Emporor iu Peking.* I think that
tte lapse of time had eroded tho tributarJ ohBracter of tho
miEBion.

.A lottoriro tho 6erio. ol Utrpublisheil SocorAs ol l.il CutzoE kopt iD thB

Publlc Librqry, Editrburgb ScodrnA
 APPENDIX I
Appctdiz I,o tht Memo&
AccorJing to or rsoordod in tho Aooount Bmk of inoous
cnd erpenditurc et th6 timc of en sss&ult on Tibet.

![he Year 1815. (Vikram)

ProsootG offored ou beholf
ofthe niuo hundred subjecta of
Kerorg through Kaji Jagatjoet Pende.
on Bhadca Sudi 7. . . . . Rr. 254/8.
Silver Tolae P,;s. tzLtl-

tis. lool/-
For l0 horges 2\llg
For I toa coko
tr'or I Cuchin Thaa . .

?hc 7ew 1846.

Presont Betrt by tbe Vekil (ropreEeatstivo) of Sahye of Lhaeo
on Moghe $udi ?.
Silsor Tolae for 3 Dhoje . ., AgL|
2l Khagam for two violet Kuohin Than
12 Khrgam for one white Kuchin Than
ll Khagam for ons brown Kuohin Than
I I Khogam for one greon Kuo[in Thrn
X'or ouo pair DosLalla Fresented by the Vakil come from
Lhaso on M4ha Suilir4.

?he Year 18t7 . (Yahran)

Token of preseuts offerod at difforent time! from Bhot on
Chaitra Sudi lE totalled to lSllil4 tolar of gold smounting
to l5l-8 Aserff (Gold Mohar) the value of l0 Dam et
r5-8. Rs. 23a8lr4/8.
Tho valuo of l0 Dam at l5-8 from Djigarcha Silver Tolns
2086-8 and eoonomioal (choap) mint silver tolas, eilrer tolas
I 16-8 totallirg to 2203 tolas at Ro. I por tola . , . . 210tl-
 TED rIB8T OOBIE -IIAET WAB 489

Tlw ycar 1819. (Vikram\

Presents takon from Tun Thuan Chinia through Kapardar
.Bbotu Pcnde and Narsiugh.

To Hia Majesty Sree Panch

Dark Violet eoloured coat (Bakhu) . . l.
{lhina Bubhal glass . 2-
RedOuclrinThan . , .. o
Flower spotted Cuchin Than 2.
Block eoloured small Gaha Cuohin Than t.
Saffron ooloured Cuchin Than 1.
'Ilammak Khalada number 6.
Red Violet and (black) coloured Cuchia Thon . .
o
e-
Red Ghedwal Cuchin Than o

-Ash coloured Gaha Cuchin Than small 3,

'Violot coloured check designed Gaha Cuchin . . l.
'Ting Shyan Than 4.

To Bhree Mahila Baheb

Derk violot coloured coat (Bakhu) . . l.

Pink coloured Cuchin Than ,. l.
Black coloured Cuchin Than I.
Violet coloured Cuchin Than I.
Saffron coloured Cuchin Than I.
Ash coloured Cuchin Than l.
Tammak Khalada number 4.
'Greon coloured number , . l.
Il,ed coloured number l.
Violet coloured number small I.
Ting Sbyan Than 4.
Amount received through Siri Pande, Jasadhar Panta
Sinha frcm Kuii as intalment due of tho year 48 ou Magha
.Sndi 3-1038-8.
490 UODf,BIT ITES.}I,

(2)
Reoorded in the Aooount Book of l8{5, the
oxpansss incurrotl for differeat needs during the attacL
of Bhot :
Tho gift offored to the deitiss otr th6 conqnest of Jhurgs
on Bbadra Vadi .. .. 0-3?.
Doshallas givou to the hoadman of Jhunga Kerong
togetLer with Gauga Dhar Padhya (for 2) amounted to 86/-
Found in tho Aaoount Book of 1847
Mbnthly ealary to the sereant of Ohinia come from

The daily food expsnse to the Bhot of Lhass on Choitro

Vadi 6 .. .. 30/-
Ttaoed in ths Acconnt Book of 1849
The rsward given to tho interprotor accompanying
Chinia on Jestho Yadi 4 50^
Prcsent offored to the Raja of Dharma through Dinanath
Patlhya oa Jestha Vadi 4 . . 118/6/l
For I Kia Khap Than 60/-
For I Kin Khap Than . . 67i8
For 2 Adhersa (whito cloth) napkins . .1412.
Eor 2 oil cloth -1610-

Tho o:pense incurred for twenty-one persons for

carfying tho proseDt I coDsi8ting of wster melon to
Tun Thuan on Asvrin Vedi 5 . , .. r0/-
The erpenses incurrod f<-rr coolies for carrying Shyamarpa
Lama's bolonging to Dhaibung on Aswin Vadi 6 5l-
Tho prico oftbo goat required while seudiog friendly
token toTuu Thuan on Aswin Vadi ll . .
Tho red broad oloth as cover to Chegt to contain
tho pearl neotlace to b6 presontod to the Emtrreror of
Chiaa on Assin Vadi 12 i vd.
Mahesudi oloth l' vd"
 TEE IITAI OOAESA.TIBXT WAB 4gI

Corering of the lotter require<l to despatch to Tun

Thua,n ou Aewin Vadi 12
For I oil oloth piece
For I Khaea oloth piece
For I Account Book
tr'or I Embroidory thtead

Pregents sent to Uzir Tun Thuan to Dhaibum through

Rajo Abhiman Sinha
Bor purchase of articlos
Ten Pathi of cumminEeode .. 201'
Tea pathi or4 dharni of , .. . - l7l8l2.
Ton pethi or 50 dhatni of ghee . 591412.
Ton ps,thi or 60 dhami of sugar .. , . 661'
Ten pathi or 5 dharni of bleck poppor . . - . 201'
Ton pathi or 5 dharni Agafoteada . . 1il-
Ten pathi or 7 dherni dos€rt nut . . l4l-
Ton pathi or 6 dharni swests (B&tta,rD&) . . . . 7i8
For Garlic .. ..218
For 500 Ksb&taras of curd . . 6218
ForSmuriof wine .. .. I20/-
For 25 pigs . . 751'
For l5 muri of pulse . . . . 80/-
For 5 muri of smitten rioe . . l6/8i3
For 100 coconut .: .. 18/12.
tr'or 5 dhorni of slmonil .. ,.201'
For 30 dharni ofsalt .. ..37/8.
For 6 dhr\rai of white oardomom . . 721-
tr'or 5 dharni of black cartlamom .. ..2118.
For 2 dharni of oinamon . . f8/-
For 6 dharni of Alaichidana
(Blook cardamom coyered with sugar) . . . . 9l-
For 56 buffaloee .. 44nl-
Onion . . ll4
Pumpkio, cucumbor, snakegourd and bean, otc. . . 16l.
40 muri of rice . . 2781412.
 !',92 XODTBN ITDPTL

. l0 Pathi of turmeric 31412.

r' Goats 5tl8lt.

The expensee of coolie for carrying presents to Dhaibum

'on Aswin Vadi 13 3r8/-
The dress aamied by the delegation of Ram Dayal's son
,going to China on Agwin Vadi 14
X'or 2 Kaseiwal Than ,.
'Bor I Kaaiwel violet coloured Dupatta
For 2 Than of embroidorod turbans 471-
tr'or lining of the Jama (frock) $ than of red cloth
X'or I Than of red chibuli cloth (white and fine)
X'or 2 red Malmal Than
I'or I enbroidered Kasiwal Dupatta
Bor 2 embroidered Jamowal Thon 4r!-
iror I white Asavari Dupatta of Dhurakpur
-tr'or I violet
I'or 2 Agavori Jamewal Than
Sor Chira Turban Than 4l-

X'or I silver handled sword to be sent as present to Chanohun

'on X'algun Vadi 5.1r I

718. Nepal Sanskritik patrika l-8.

Aleo roril tho king's ortler for the purchase of certaia artioleg to be presen-
teil to the Chinese Emperorin YS. IB75 (Itihas Prakas. 1, P.144)
 APPENDIX II
According to Sylvain Levi we havs from tho Chineso sourcee
tho following account of Siuo-Nepalese War.r r e
"The cup wae ovorflowing (Januery lI92). K,ieu-Long
ordered the 5,000 eoldiers of tho principolitios and military
colonies of lfin-Tchoau to rally to tho holp of the 8,000
rogulars iu garrison ai Tibet ; and to cppose io the (teeted)
tried valour of the Gorkhas, etrong adverseriee, ho raieed
amoogst the f&ithful Menchuriaus, a forco of 2000 men recru!
ted amonget the warliks tribos ofSolon, on tho bounilariee
of Argoun ; timo hail to be geined i thoy werc taken through
the path of Kou-Teieu-Lou, but briatliog with difficultics
and impediments. Iu May 1792, the ooutiugents rrore united
ulder tho leadership of tr'ou-Ifaug ; the Chinese army compris-
ed only 10,000 men, to tho tsstiEoDy of tho Chineee historiau ;
tho Tibetan relation (chroniclo) attributes it 70,000 men,
divided into two divieions.
'rA fust encounter took place at Tingri Maidao, betweoa
Shikarjoung and Kuti ; the Clorkhas vauquished after a
tonifio etrugglo, 1oll baok io rotreet. trou-K'ang occupied
without a strugglq tho Kirong pass (July l?92) but tho
mount&iu oost the invoders moro men th&n battles ; thc
svelanche and tho prooipioo wore rtrore deadly than Gorkhae.
Ono by one the Gorkha positions fell in tho hands of tho
Chineso; Fou-K'ang had at his dbporal light artillery
whioh workod wonilers, leather oannons which 6red ffvo cr sir
bombs which burst aftorwords. Eitally the Chineeo army
appoared on tho height of Dhebong about Noakot at a day,S
journey from Kathmandu (30 kilometres) on the 4th September
1792. The massed Clorkhae sttempted a supremo offort;
but.Fou-I('ang rushod his troops on them helped and suppor-
ted by his artillery rhich ho haC placed on tho rear,
U9 Levi, U, P. 181,.
494 UoDEBN NEPAr'

the Chinose mothorl, against the enemies and

.*ocoriling to
the
*gainst tho runaways'" . - . ;Lovi further writes aboub
diplomatio migsione . (P. 184).
t'o Poking an
"Every ffvo years, Nopal was obliged to sond
Embassy composod of several high dignitaries &ssisted by
an
seort. Tho Enbasey pays rospects to the Bodhisatwa
,Manjusri in the peraon of the Emperor and deposits between
the "five olaws of tho Dragon" a petition writton on gold Ioeves
togothor with different gifts. The uumber of persons composing
tho embassade is fixed and oonstant ; it must not sin either
through shortcoming or exooes. If by an unfortunate accidont
ono of the members of the Misgion falls grievousl-v
ill en routo'
ho is not allowed to stop or abandon tho journey but is carried
on a palanquin and if ono is not availablo, iir tied
to the eaddle
of hie borso. The journey muet be completed a givon time'
in
relays all
by dotorminod stogo. The difrculty of organising
eiong thia vast stretoh of ground explaius this intransigent
Bosides the path ie mado ea'sy as far as possible'
even
"uo"iity. Dietractions are found of o most intimat'e order and
agreeable.
tie ef tho Mission do not disdain them' In t'welvo
^embors mission reaohes the frontier of Tibet at Kuti (or
stages, tho
A Chinese
n"p"fj of which tho Gorkhae &ro meaters sinoe 1853'
directs it in twonty-
offi."r then takee care of the convoy and
Thero is a
'eight eteges to Lhasa through Tingri and Shigatze'
The Imperial commis-
nttt of one month and a half at Lhesa'
they aro
*ry pro."uds to tho inventory of ths gifts' ascert'ains carofully
with the stipulations of 1792 and has them
"o*iit"ot IIe thon instructs tho delegt" of tho rites to follow
,""n"a. "
hands them their indem'uity of
,:" iO" pressnoo of the Emperor'
and also littlo presents of a personal naturo
(silk'
;;; j".;""r, give him; and
,-it", p"aa"d clothes)' The delegatcs-in-return
T{epalese king. }'rom
iou,ur", Lama tho persoaal gifts of the
to Ta-Tsien'Lon' frontier of
Lhasa the delegates &re directed
China and Tibet, in 6i
;'l'g's withhaltsatDezong' Gya-h'
chor-Kong la, Lhatse,
rtvando Dozong, Artsa, Lha ri, Alamdo,
Tag-yab' Nyeba' Batang and
Maganda, Lagoog, Tcharndo'
 TEtr FIBST GONXEA-TIBEI WAB 495

Litsng. The oscort ryhich come from Lhasa stops at Ta-Tsien-

Ion, anil the mandarine of Seo-tchaou thon tako tho direction
lnd tho rosponsibility of the Embassy. In sevonty-tpo Bt&ges,
it reaches Peking through Hona, efter eight long months of
journeying-

"Tho Embasey sojourns forty-five days in the capital and

its chiofg aro allowod to prostrate themselves once bofore tho
Emperor in person, thon it
turos by the Bamc lray. but it
.crosasa oyor tho Ifimalayas by the
Kirong pass. Tho barbarous
eoil h8s soiled tho Gorkha euvoys, thoy aro obligcd to stop for
three daya at Noakot to undergo the ritual of expiatione which
will return them, together with tho Iegal purity, the lost oaste.
As a public cousecration of their recovsred purity, tho king
oferc thom water from hig own ower. A state procossion goes
thon to roceive the Imperial misgive which tho Embassy has
brougbt baok. The Ling leads tho way, accompanicd by 6fty
nobles on boree-back ; tho coun8eUorr and the king are ritling
on olophauts. Throo thousand soldiers surround tho cortege.
At a loaguo from tho capital, the kiug eomes dorn f"o- hi"
elephaut, he tekes the missive which tho envoy carries round
his neck, hanging in a eheetb coverd with brocatlo, a c&nno-
nsdo Balutes this rslemn moment. The king hange back
tho
lotter to tho neck of the envoy. The envoy thuo g"t.
on oo
clophant and taLea in his turn the lead; tilt tho
ertry to the
Pelaco".r t o

lto. to ooDDectioD pith the ttis.ion st pskiEg. F€ril Csvstr gh,6g_66

(sftet the Nepst€so ofrcorr) ; Ilodgsoa ; lllscelloneoui Xssays, 11, 16?-19C
(Notrrsleseitir-,tul6d) ; Euoter, Lit€ of IIoikoE, .p.7g (Beoel,lion oI th6
EDLass]l ot Xsthoauoiu) i I!dbsdt-Eea*,, o[ 6pisol6
oi dtplouatio
roletiorb betweoD ChiEA a[il Nep&l in 164!. iD ,B€viov oI tho
Fer iasf l1t
(188?)' 1-23 ; RooLhiU, 'Ih6 [.uil of ths Lrmrs'-Lorlou, fSSf (iltelricr
lrlth the EEboerr),
 APPENDIX IIIr r l
Two Roeords of the invaeion of Nopel by the Chinees in
t792.
I
Writtoo by thc King, &nd ongreved upon & stono rlab belor'
the Potala, Lhaaa :
Nor that tho Clorkhas have Bubmittod to mo, the Iopeiirl
aroy hes boon wiihilr*ra, &nd tho aomplotion of this brilliant
teuth achiovement hag boen sot out ia tho lotter. Tbough. tho
famo of this E&tte! was gro&t, i6 has not beon fully manifosted.
Aherofore, tho proclamation has boen inecribed on this monu-
mont, th&t tho mouurnent m&y seryo alr & moral for tho mindg.
of meu.
It comes to ury minil that my miod was formorly attacbed
to the Yu.kur writiog. Aooording to tho writing ol Che-n-Lur
tho aots of the respectful aad sympathetic Amban, and o[ tho
ovnsr of tho oountry, able to porform all thioge, aro sot dowa
hers. It is writton in s ch&pter of tho Lu A-u that, when tho
mind ia in & gooal Etato tho mind and the deeds arejoiaed
together. I{owever, ho who actg ia occordanco with tho sbovo
procopts rill obt&in the approval of tho Ilelvenly Proteotorl I r
and will gain reward. As my conduot ras on thoso liner, f
gaiaed all tho merits neoesEary for carrying ouc tho toa war
to a suoc€ssful cooclusiou. It is fitting thst thoy .hould
bs corved otr this monumeDt.
Tho merits of th6 ten times are as follows :
Two victories over the Chung-kar.
Ono victory over IIu-i Se.
Two victories over Tea.'la and Chu-cheu.
Oao victory over Ta-i Wan.
Two victories over Mi-hantan ond An't&!

12r. ApDendix X\I, Pp.272n. Vol. II by Lauilon. Camaanu holtls thrt

tbis tmnslatioa is itrcorrect at maDy places.
122. i e., Emper.! cf Cbids.
 lEE TIBIIT OOBtrEI.-TIBAT VAB {97
Now I have fought twico with the Clorthas. I hrvc madc
an end of thom, ead thcy havo tendorod thsir rubnilsion
to m6
This oorpletes tho ton tinos. Threo of tho intemsl victorios
src of losser import&no€.
Nov as regardr tho submierion of the Gor&has in the
Eemale Earth-Bird year. Although they b,rought
trootr)B for
looting Urt! and Tsang (two provinoss of contral Tibot),
tho
A-u Eu-i. Dot da,ring, pa-chung tlid not go into tle
nattor
thorougbly, blt arranged it in a hurry. So the Gorkhas
vero
rot frightened.
Again, haviug obtainod loot last yoar, thoy came back.
Tho
rioked miniator was degraded, and tho famoue Chang_chua
was
eont. Tho latto. arnngod on a large eoal6 for provisiine and
wagee. u-kaug mou appreoiated my gifts highty, and did
F
oot
oousidor fatigue or fear,
During the wintor of lest yoar additional sold.iefl of golon
and Szechuau oeme quiokly, batch by batob, olong
the gintrg
road, and arrived in thd oountry of tho thioves (i.e. Gorthasj
during the 6fth month of this yoar. fmmediately on their
arrival they retook tho couutry of U and Teang, and capturod
the territory of tho thioves. Thoy travereed the mountjae,
eo
aliffioult to push thrcugh, ao though they were mooiog
oo"" a
Ievol plain. They croesed rivers;ith g*rt .aves
na"ro*
gorges a8 though they were smell etreamr. They "n-d
climbod up
the peake of mountaine and deecended again in tho pureuii.
They captured tho importent ploces and at tho ssme
time
osptured the roads in the gorgos. Not oonsidoring
iojurioe
to hande or feet, they fought eeveu betdes and g.io"d
victories. The thievos wore pauicstrickea. "uru,
After th&t, when tho troops &rrived oloso to yam-by (i.e.
Kathmaudu) the ohiof leaders of the thiovee ,re.u -Th.o
*ot. .olll
submitted respectfully and reproeontod that thoy
;;;;a
duot thomeolyes according to our orders. eJtUough
thuy;.;;
out t[o ordors of the great Commaoder.in_ChU, tn"y
,"* ooi
199. OhaBliriE i.0., ghig&ts€ i. itr Trong.
498 XODEB}I NTPAL

allorod to ent€r our encampment. The rearon for thir rsE thst
tast yoar they aeized Ton-dzin Pal-jor and those with himrl' by
mesns of a falsehootl i &nd Bo they wero not allowed to ontor.
Owing to the gro&t heroiem of the miShty army the
thieves we-re holpless. Ee coulcl have had them removod
from hig preEonce, and could have made an end of thom,
lotting not eveu ono of them escrpe. Eowevor, th&t w&s rot
thc wish of tho Heavonly Protector (i.e, Chineso Emperor),
Evon if all those torritories had been obtained, as thoy are
moro thau a thousand distancog from the frontiors of U and
Tssog, it would havo beeq difficult to cultivate them &nd to
guard them. As for ordinary, simple people, oveu ifthcy
.obtain o thing, the end will not bo gained. Therefore, ordere
wero giveo, the rospectful submiBsion was uoted, snd tho
srmy wac withdrswn. Thoreby the work was completed.
Formerly, iD tho time of King Thang 1ha-i Tsung, thero yaa
.* confereuoewith tLe Ohi-li (the Englich), As it wss ehowa
that tboy (the Gorkh6s) were coaquered and powerless, ho (tha
Chi-li) eoid tbat they would always remain on good torms
iwith China). It is not fftting to tako tho ChiJi a8 an orrrnple.
Tho frontisr of U and Teeng ere not ne&r to China. They tthe
Gurkbas) fea,ring to loso their lives, wore oompelled to.ubmit
reepootfully. A pcetended submfueion, made in order to
obtain pesoe, vill not Euffice. A greet victdry hgr now boon
obtainod. The thioveg havo ofrerod a hea,rt-felt 6hbmi.Bion.
and thie is believed snd sccoptad. Afairs hrve boon enanged
in accordance with the three points of King Tha-i Tsong of
ltaog-gur,
Necd I write the formor afr&iB of the Tor-go (another tribo)
how they became afraid of us a;rrd followod ur. IIow thoy
o.m6 to agroo reith us and to follor us, this ha€ ell been rritton
already. Now the Gorkhas having admitted their faul t, rnd
virhiug to savo their livee; fear us ond follow Ue, Thue ogree'
iog with us and folloriug, tho trro quolitio8 are complote. Tho

1r4. Theso v€!6 th6 oDvoys ol IiLet to talk trl€&o€

qith N6pil.
 EEI rrBST OOBBf,A-flBIT VAB r199

failing was theirs, aad they have edmitted their fault ; that ie
how the mattor staads.
If this mattor bo considered, it will bo seon that the poople
of U, abandoning military pursuits, devote thomselves solely
to literature. Thus they havo bocomo liko a body bereft of
vigour. This is unfitting. If a people abandon military pur-
euits aud make literature their chief objeet' they become unable
to safeguard their formor position. This should be known.
Tho manner of going and the m&nner of returning are clearly
written in the book eatitled 'The planets and Stars'. Now
undorstand this and do not forget it. ft is to be considered
ogain and again at the timo of meking wa,r, tha,t it may bo
of advantago.
Owing to the knowlodgo gained duriag fifty-seven years of
warfare these ten deeds havo been fully completed. This is
tho gift of the Ileaveuly Protector. Thus the kindness of tho
Eeavonly Protector is exceodingly deep. I also havo fsith in
it. They (tho Gorkhas) thought thoy could achiovo a great
deal by violonce, but the favour of the Eeavenly Protector
remained. ft is hoped that this will tend to turn people into
men of complete juatioo. Besides this, there is nothing to be
said.
This has been written by the King on &n upper date in the
first month of winter in thd flfty-seventh year of the reign of
the Eoavenly Protector, that ie to say in the Male Water Rat
year.

II
A descriptive Acaount of the Military Operations of the
Sacrod (Manchu) Dynasty (Sheng'wu-chi),12u com{iled by Wei
Yuan, native of Shao-yang (Eunan kovince). the expedition
against the Gorkhas (Nepal) in the Ch'ien-lung reign. Literally
tranelated (1926) by Mr. H. S. Brunnert,.126
Wei Yuan (T. Mo-Shen) died A.D. 1856. Hs served a! a

125. Londou, PP. 275ff. Appendir. XXI (U).

126. Chapter Y ol the Aocouut tranelctetl by C. Imbault Euert.
500 f,OD'BX llEPII,

magistrsto in the provincas. Eo rrote the "8hong-vu-chi," a

doscriptiyo aooount of tho military oporstions oftho Manohu
ilyaasty, ond also the "Esi.kuo t'u-ohih," a rocord of foloign
aatione, fouuded on the notes of Lin Tse-ksu.
To the west of the provinoe of Ssuch'uar and Yuunan lies
Wu-Bsu Tstng-Tibot .1s7 to tho south-west of the latter Gorkha.
(Nepal), and to the south-wost of Nepal-"The Eivo Indiee''
India is the Anoiont Buddhist l$rgdom. lt lies to tho
rrest of Onion RsngerlrS (Ts'ung-ling shan) sDd, on the south
is bounded by a big sea and tho dietauco betweon India and
Tibet ia fully oquat to 2,000 li. The opinion haz*rdod by somo
porsons that Tibet ir tho Ancient Buddhist Kingdom is not
truo.
ff one joumeying from Ta'chiou-lu, in Seuch'uan weet-
is
vards, there art more th&n 20 etations to Auterior Tibet, l2
atations more to Cetrtrel Tibot, another 12 stations to Ultoriol
Tibet, Efter 20 statiou8 more is eituated tho iron Euspdnsio[
bridge at Chi-lung,l29 rhich is the romotest froDtier plac€ in
Ulterior Tibet ; to thc weet of thie bridge lios the land of
Clorkhas (Nopal).
The original name of Gorkha is Pale'pu country. In old
times it wss divided into three partB or tribee : 'Yeh-leng-pu
Pu-Yen-pu and K'u-mu-pu.130 In tho ninth year of Yeh-ohorg
regin (f731) oaoh tribo presonted to the Throne memoriale
rrrltten in golden characters, also DatiYo products, in tokeu of
tributo, but afterwardg the threo tribes were amalgamated into
ono,131 rnd this country thon become the uoighbour of Ulterior
Tibot. Its dimeneions are : from ea,st to west-sever&l
thoucaud li ; from south to north-more tban one thouE&trd li.
The capital is called Yang-pu ; it lies approximately at ll-12

1gI. Ootrtril !!ii6t.

1r8. Th6 Bolurtogh MouBtsins in Tulkodtea'
129. IhrtoEg.
130. Pett!, Bhst8soE !,uil (.thmouaq'
ghah'
131. Unifloil by Plithvhrtrrl,tt
 rE! rrBsr coBrEA_lM! , ! 501

doya' journey ftom tho froDtior. Thir oountry also ha.e aone
Buddhirt rnoaumoDts; theroforo, the tangutslsl yearf oemc
in pilgrimcge to porship &t tho pagodas and phitavash thom,
tr'rom snoieut timoa Nopal had no relatione with Chila
t
the beginning of th€ hostiutios between them dated from tho
65th yoar (l?90 A. D.) of the Ch,ienlung ruign, when Nepel
iuvaded Tibet.
In tho 4Cth ye&r (l?81 A. D.) of tho Ch,ion_lung roign th6
Pauoh'oa Lama bf Ulterior Tibetlsg came to tho Capltal
of
China to congratulato tho Emporor on tho ooca,sion of his Z0th
annivofs&ry i donatiom to the pontif camo from .,inglde
and
outsido,', (capital and provinoee) like soaa overflowiug end
mountains "hoaping,. When the panch'en Lema parsod
away
in the Capital, hie remaiue were escortod baok to Tibet.
AE to
hie treasuree, they all beoamo the property of his
older brother
Chung-pa Eutukhtu. But th€ l&tt€r g&vo no donatioae
oithel
to the monastorios or to the Tangut soldiory bosidet, ho
;
declined tho olaim of his younger brothor (She-ma_rh_p)
have
hisrsharo iu tho division of treasuree, on tbo
lgrountt tl*t ho
(Sho.ma-rh- pa) hatl ombracod ..Tho Rett Roligion,'.
Angereil
by this rofusal, (Sho-ma.rh-pa) brought his complainte ti
the
Gorkhas, and usod tho hoarded troasurss of Ulterior
Tibot
aod tho Chuug-pa,r &rrogsDc6 as iaoitpmente to thom to
invadc this oountry,
In th6 3rd month of the E6th year (1290 A. D.) of the
Ch'ien{ung roigu, the Gorklae, using as the preto:t the
increaro
of tares on mercbaudiso ond tho admirture of duet
in the
table-ralt, 8ent troops end invadod the frontier aroa.
The
Tangut aoldiers voro not ablo to make rny resistaaco.
As for
tho offcorg whom ths Govornmo[t &ppoint€d, in ordoc
to help
in th6 oxtormin&tion of invadors o.g., ofroor of tho Guards pi
ohung, Tartar Glcnorale Ao-Eui, Ch'ong-to sud othors_
th6y triod to Bstflo ths msttd smicsbly sad to getposoo

13S. Tib6th8,
193. I.bzrn8PslA6a-Y.sh€r.
fiz XODIBII IiIPAIJ

bribery. So thoy scoretly rdrilod tho Tibotan Abbotc

through
uil other ooolaiastioa privetoly to Poy tbo Clorkhsa a
yo*ly rubsidy of 16,000 in gotd iu ordcr to .toP the
Eilit&ry oporstionr.
At that tinia thc Del&i Lama oould not agrco to tho
![gg.rtion. Ncvortholoes, Pa.chung vontutsd to doosive tbo
Empcror by pr€sonting a momorial to tho ofeot that tho rsbolr
had runondoreil. So far vas tbig from boing tho osse that ha
aotually persuaded tho Gorkhr ohioftsin to briDg tribute, i!
ordor to be &Ppointed Priaco of tho country (Kuo-w&ng)'rr'
In thie "War" not a ringle eoldior was lort, but a million wea
epnt on soldiers' rations.
In the 7th month tho Gorkhss sout an Envoy to Titret to
bring the tribute and to Present a lottsr to the ImPorisl
Rosident thoro, requesting that tho stipulstiotrs of tho Tro&ty
(with Pa-ohung) bo oompliod with. But Gonoral Ao-Eui, fear-
ing tho discloeure of tho above Eentionod feota, put thie letter
asido and did not memorialize tho Throno.
Noxt yoar (1791 A.D.) Tibot again did not ovserve tho
Trcaty, as regartls ( in sPito of the r€ooipt of ) tho yoarly
subsitly. Iu conaoquonco, the Gorkhae sgain rai8od troops
and penetr&tod deeply into Tibet, uader tho protext of
puuishing tho oountry'for ths broaoh of tho Tre&ty.
To tho eouth-wosl, of Tashilumpo, in Ultorior Tibet, &ro
situatod : Oh'u-to-chiang-kung-to the East, and & mountain
rangg bearing tho namo of P'eng-ta'o'ling-to the Wo8t, both
possessing importa,nt stratogical positions, conristing of sheer
prooipioes, suoooeeive ridges and defilee. The rebel iufantry,
to the number of sovoral thoueand, deboucheil from a place,
namod Nieh-la-mu,l8 s At that time, tho GoYernment troops,
both fibetan aud Chinoso, had only to tlivide themsolves
into tro dotaohments, tho ono dofendiug Ch'u'to-chiang-kung,
to prevont tho onomy from advancing; the other making a
dotour to the P'ong-ts'o-ling mount&in range, iu order to cut
194. Rulo!.
-rgi-]siltrn
 IEE fiBaT OOBf,EA.IIBTa WAB 503

ofr tte snemy'B retrest. In that iaoe, the Gorkhos, (who had
invaded the country very dmply, but un&ble to get roirforce-
ments, pould bs forcod to dispor8o vithout & comba,t.
But P&o.t'si, the Imperial Residsat in Tibot, oD learning
obout the rebels' ailvaace, in the first place had the Panch'en
Lama removed to Antcrior Tibet ; then, panic-strickeu by
the rebole' movemeuta, ho memoriolizod the Emporor,
eupplicating to have both Poutiffs romoved out of Tibot I
Dalai Laua-to Es-ining,r ! t and Panch'oa Lama-to
T'ai-ning rospectivoly, being ready to abondon tho TibotsD
tonitory to the rebels.
Ar the city of Trshilumpo ie situated on a mount&in &nd
hss a rivor in ftont of it, possessing & Btrong Btrstogicsl llosi-
tion, the Lamas, to the numbor of eevoral thousands, had
only to ocoupy the city walls and guard them, waitiug for the
reiuforcomoute to aEive. But Chung-pa Eutukhtu had olready
flod, tating with him all big treaeuree. Ae for Chi-lung
Lamars? and other ooolesiaetioe, they all alleged th&t, &g
thoir divinations had ahorod, tho Eeavoaly. Mother wag
agaiast fighting. Iu consoquonce, tho populetion becamo quito
downhearted, &nd tbe rebels succeedeil in plundering the city
of Tashilumpo mercilosely, This oaussd groat constornation
throughout the whole of Tibet, and both Pontife urgently
memorializod tho Throno &bout the critieal stato of afairs.
Tho Officer of ths Guards, Pa-chung, was just thoD
acoompaayiog the Emperor to Yobol, aud hearing that the
rebels had invaded Tibet, he committod suicide by t'hrowing
himeelf into tho riyer. At th&t time Ao-Eui held the post of
Governor-Goneral of the province of Ssuch'uan and Ch'eng-to
that of Tartsr General thcre. Both ehifted all the guilt ou
Pa'-chung, saying that, boing master of the Tengut languago,
ho had oonductod privatoly all the negotietions, so that he
alono wes roepousible, and that thoy had no knowledge of
thom at all.
190. In ltausu,
137. CLioI Coun.ollor.
504 IODf,B}t ITBPAI,

Whon the Emperor ordered them to prooeod to Tibot to

€xtormineto the invoder!, thoy advanced by oaay etagos antl
verc in no hurry to otrtar tho tibeton territory. But Eie
lfajesty knew thst both ver€ quit6 unroliablo. 8o hc
oommanded Duke Fu-K'ang-an to &Bsutuo thc post ofTartar
{loneral and Duks Eai-lan-ch'a to bo hie ldilitary Aesiatant ;
also, to mobilizo tho Manohu troope of tho Solon tribor s r
snd tho nediso drilled forcee for tho ort€rmination of robolg.
Ag for the supplies of the army tbo Emperor ordercd
thom to bo providod by Sun Shih-i, the Governor4onorsl
of tho Ssuch'ustr provinco ; for the Esstora rogion of Tibot,
by tho Imperiol Resident in Tibot, Eo-Lin, for tho Westorn
rogion of Tibet, i.o., for the ares lyiag outside tho frontier
placo of ChiJung, by the former Govornor-Genersl of the
Ssuch'uon lroviuco, Eui-Ling. Pao-t'ai wae ordered to wea,r
tho o&nguer.e in front of the srmy. Moreover, tho main
forcoe wero to enter Tibet by way of Kokonor steppes, thur
ehorteniug the joumey by 30 stoges, in ooupa,riaon with
tbe advanoo via Ta-ohion-lu in Ssuoh'uan.
Tho rebele, relying on the preoodont ol the leet, yoat'a war,
rhon peaoe had been obtained through bribery, roturnod
to their country, taking with them all booty &nd loaving oue
thousauil men to guord the frontior.
Aq-.Eui, Ch'€ng-te, and othore, though at the head of 1000
aoldicrs ; neither attacLed tho enomy's forces l&den with booty,
Bor routoil the robole left for thc d ofonce of ths frontier ; they
only reiluced the small fortifietl placo of Nieh-la-mu, hold by
sbout a hundrod robels, and then memorialized tho Throno to
the effect that tho eDemy had retreated. They intendod that
the matter should be rogarded as closed, and did not mention
the prosonce of tho robel forcee at such two places as Chi-lung
and Yung-hsia. Butthe Emperor rebuksd them aud refused
to act upoD their suggostion.

138. FroE th€ rsgiou ol Amut.

139. A hoagy 6qurr€ wooilen coller wom ss a hudillstiEg PuDishmsnt.
 TS} trIBTIT OOBTEI-IIBTT Wl'B 605

In the 2nd moath of tho r€rt year (1702 A. D.) tho Tartar
Cloneral end his Military Assistant, advanoing through Kokouor
ontorod ths torritory of Ultorior Tibet.
In tho 4th ioterc&lary mbnth 2,000 Solon soldiors, aleo 5,000
soldiera quartered ia Chiu-Ch'uan ( Ssuoh'uan )-all asremblsd
oD Tibet&n torritory. To theso numbere aroto be added 3,000
Govemmont troops from Tibot i trelf i 70,000 piculs of whoat,
oad more than 20,000 cows ood sheep woro bought on tho spot
to Eoouro, for ouo year, the provisioning necossary for 10,00G
16,000 soldiers so a8 to &yoid euy uncorteilty ebout the trenr-
portation of supplies from the intorior of China.
Duriag tho 5th month tho rebols, who had beon left to
guard tho froutier, were several times defeatod, and tho
Clovernmont troope complotely recovored tho Tibetan torritory.
Ia tbe beginning of the 6th month the m&in forces potretra.t€d
deoply into tho etromy's territory.
Out of foar that the robols might mske &n encircling
movement and attack our troope in tho roar, tho Commotlauta
of X'orcog Ch'eng-te and Tai-sen-pao and Brigadier-General
Chu-shon-pao bogon to &dvance by the o&Btern a,Eil vostern
roods respectively, in order to divide tho enomy's forcer i whilo
tho mein army began its advence by the cenlrel roail. Hai-
lan-chb formed the vanguard from 3 detachmonts of troops;
Eu-K'ang-au followed him with 2 detachmonte.
At the iron suspension bridge, 8:t Ii ,listrnco from Chi-
luug,1{o they approached eaemy'B first mouutaiu pass. The
tobols broLo the bridge and mado a resiBt&uce, using tho
ratural &dyantrgos of the place. While Fu-k'ang-an, with tho
maiu force, wcs standing iu froat of the eneary, Ilai-lau-ch'a.
usiug bamboo rafto, crossod the river upotream &nd Eaking
e detour through tho mouutains, appeared abovo tho rsbel's
samp. Eu-k'&ug-an, on his aide, immodiately took adva,ntage
of the situation thus oreated to construct a bridge. Then,
having captured the enomy's post, they made o joint attack

I40. N€roDg.
500 f,ODEBIT NXPATJ

on the rebel's oamp and purcued themfor a distance of 160 li

to the plaoe named Esioh-pu-lu. Ae on tho road thero exigted
no placo suitable for a camp, they did not meot a eingle
onemy.
After pursuing the rebele anothor stretch of 100 and a few
scorp li they reaohed the mouutain-range Tung-Chuoh-ling.ral
where two cliffs, "standing like walls," wero Bopar&ted by a
river, with deep water and swift current. Our soldiere,
climbed them by by-paths, braving dangers equal to those
presented by the iron suspensin bridgo. Then, taking
advantago of a dark and rainy night, they divided their forcos
into two parts and both up down stream threw bridges &cross
the river made out of dead trees, which enableil our troops to
crose and capture an important etrategical position,
On the gth day ofthe 6th month our troops roached the
Yuug-ya mountain. The Gorkha barbarians, stricken with
consternation, then despatched envoys to our eamp, offoring
submission, but the Tartar General and hie Military Assistant
stornly rejected this offer and for several days did not sond
any anBwer.
Afterwards our troops again attacked the rebels from three-
directions, routing them in six engagoments, and then parsed
over the big mountain. Succescively they killoil 4,000 rebels
and invaded more than 700 li of their territory. Our troope
were by thie timo neariug tho enemy'o capital city, Yang-pu
( Kathmandu ).
Up to this moment they had the mountains on their eastern
and western sides, theso mountains being separated by a river ;
but after they had reached tho Yang-ya mountain, they had
now mountains on their southern and northern sides, theso.
mountains also beiug separated by a river. Tho rebels wero
holding both mountains, and in the centre there was a bridge.
In the beginning of the Sth month our troopa made an attaqk
from throo direotions, took the mountain on tho northoru sid6

I4I' Dhaibuug
 IE! GOBf,EA.IIBEA WI 507
'IBST
of tho river, .Dd routod the rebelr to tbc nortb of the bridge.
The eneuy's copital was thon situatod beyond the big moun-
taiu on the eouthsrn shoro of tho riv6r forty or fifty li away.
Tho robela, numboring ton bsttslions, wore holiling tho
mountsin very strougly. Eei-lgn-oh'a propooed to guard the
rivet and make c cemp thero, but X'u-K'ang-an did not cousoat
to thie plan. Eo cros8ed ovor tbe bridgo and attacled tho
enemy; then, inspito of rain, ho climbed the mountaia to 20 li
distsnco snd reachod a yory st€op pleoo. Tho enemy, tshiug
&dy&ato,go of his poeition on tho eummit of the mountain, poured
down trooo &nd stonos "liko rain," and et tho ssmo time
thoee rebels who were soperated by rivcr and mountain mado
an attack from tbree diroctioas.
Our troope sometimes fought and sometimes rctreatod. Thc.
numbor of killed and wounded traB yory great. EaiJen-oh'a
from aoro$ tho rivor, csmo theD to the arsistance, aod Ole-
teng-p&o, holding the bridgo, fought otubbornly ; BEd suooedod
to r€pel the enemy.
At tbat time the enemy'e country bordered, on thc gouthern
eido, upon &n Itrdi&o laud named "P'i-long". rI r ; this land ha<i
long ago becomo Britain's dependenoy and ropeatedly had
quarrels with the Gorkhas. Whon X'u.K'ang.an, at tho hoad'
of his troops, had euteroil tho onomy'E territory, ho sont, to atl
the countriog bordering upon the Glorkhaa, i.e., Cho-mong-
heiung (Sikkim) and TEung-mu-pu-lo-k'e-oa tho eouth€ast,
Po-tso-mu-lang-on the west, China.ke-rh and P' i-leng-ou
the eouth-tho intimation to attack tho Gorklae simu.lts-
neourly promising to divido 6otwoon them tho Gorkhas' lande.
&fter peaco hed beei restorod.
About thie timo the Gorkhag aleo had addreseed themeelves
to P'i-leng asking to help thom in their oitiosl situation. But
P'i-long, pretending thst they would come to ths &Bsiatanco with
thair solalierg, in rcolity invadod secretly tho Gorklrs' frontier.
The Gorkha barbarians, being fotood to yithstsnd two"
poworful onemios, rsro afraid th&t thoy could not suoocod in

142. Firiog.
608 TODXB]I ]{DP..'L.

It; l{|.oroover, they approhended thet this news would rousc

oErtroolx' onergy. Th6r6for€, thoy agein eGnt onvoy to our
oamp to &sk humbly for moroy.
At thrt moment our troops had just suforod a rcverae,
\rh€rosa tho onomy'e oountry pr68ented moro and. moro dangerr
to them ; bmidos, ofter the 8th mouth, tho big suoy in thc
mouDtainr would,make tho returD moet difficult. Thoreforo,
tho rebels' roquest for surrender was granted.
They gave back tbe former tre*ty i rortorod &ll the
trealures, plundered ia Tibet; the golden epires of pagotlaa
end tho golden tablets, soale. etc.; released Tan chin, pan-chu_
rh, aud otherr, formorly held by thom; gavo back tho corpse
of the.ma-rh-pe aud promired to prosent, as tribut6, t&Es
ol€phsntl, horees, and musioians aeking the eternal observonoo
of tho stipulstions ond tho withdrawal of our troops.
Origirally our Emporor bad intondad to divido ths Gorkha
country botweeu the chioftains of various native tribos aad to
b€stov the title of Priace of tho 2nd dogroe on Ea-k,sng-aD,
but on bearing that tho rebele'request for surmnder hod beon
glant€d he gavo his sonction to this sottlement (and withCrew
hia army), Ieaving 'behind 3,000 Tibotan soldiers and one
thousand Chiness and Mongol roldiers to guard the Tibetsn
frontier. X'rom that time bogan tho gsrrisoniDg of fibot by
tLo Governmont troopa.
Thore is a big road loadiog from Ultorior Tibet to Gorkha,
via Ting-chiehr r 8, but persons using this road must ma,ko a
detour through Pu-lu-k'e-pa ond other tribes, &nd it takor
moro thaD a month's time. Thoreforo our troops, advanciag
from Chilung, took tbe noarer road, along which thoro woro
preoipicos on tbs Ioft and torronts on the righti it was im-
poBsiblo, €von for a single porson to ride; tho Tartsr Glenoral
himself and his Military AssiBtart aleo wero walking on foot
oll the tins, As th6 t&ms olephants whioh had b€ou sent sr

143. Tiqgli MoiilaE.

 TEI TIBSI OOBTEI'-TIBET WAB 509

tributs uacd the big road, thoy atrivod iu Ulterior fibst in tho
rpring ouly of tho nort yo8,r.
Ae for tho Wu{a.ling mount*in.range, one must spond r
wholo doy'a timo to oover tho distanco of 120 li in ordsr to
ascend rnd dosc.ad it ; aa aoou as it is getting Blightly dark,
instcntly it is impoaeiblo to 6nd the right road ; norcover, the
acoumul&ted gnow forms walls, "like the covored way through
a city gate", to tho depth of sovoral tens of chaog.rr. Mon
going to and fro do not dero to utter a word, otherwire ln
avolanohe "as big ar a houso" would orurh them to death.
When tho Gorkhao, after having plundered Tibot, vero
returning to thoir country, neorly all 2,000 persons, who had
parsod ovor this mountsitr.lange worc frozen to death, iutteed,
to the eouth of the Onion Rengo., Meroiful Eeaven hae prt
a bouadary betwcon the oontro &nd the we8t. The deagcu
are doublod aa oomparod with those of Chin-ch,uan, and
aurpass by f&r the d&ng€r8 proeouted by Turtcstan._ fhe
military forcer of thc IIan and T'&ng dyn&stie8 hsd not roechod
thie rogion. tr'ortunatoly thoir (Gorkhs) oEcers and men werc
going baro.footed, they had tho hqbit previously to agloo upon
e dato &ud thcn to rotroat aft€r a elight engagemont, whercas
our troopo, rogtrdlese of this uosge, wero ffrtt in maling
surprieo attacks on the ouemy and, in tho loag run, oamo
out victorioue in several ongagemeats.
Boginning from th&t big punitivo orpedition and till now
tho Gorkhas havo been bringing us tribute uninterruptedly.
Their (Gorkhas) country borderu; on tho vest_upon
Caehmere (Kaehmir) of Northoa India and to tho Eouth_upon
Chia-ka-rh of the Dastern fndia, named in the Annale of the
Ming Dyaasty "Pang-ka-la,' alias,,Mong-chia-1o,,-an old
dependency of Englaud, rrith a cspitel oity nsmed ,.p',i_long,
(author's note : alias Ka-li.ks-ta, Bengal).
In the 60th yoar (1795 A.D.) of tho Ch,ien.lung reiga, tie
English Ambassador (Earl Macartney), who wes bringing
tributo, himeslf made thc followiug doclaration I ..Tro yoera
144. A !ce!su!o of tou ChlDoso f6et.
 610 IODIBX T$IPAL

sgo, rrh€nyou Tortss Clororal, losdhg the troops, bad roachod

ths land to Timi tribo, situst€d to tho louth-wolt of Tibet, our
oountry's sdldiors elso r€trdorod s8si8ta,noe. If, in future. you
sgein stand in noed of employing foroigu troops, To sro willilg
to 6rort our Etrougth'. Thon for the fust tima did our Govern-
ment lo&rn thet, duritrg th6 previous punitivo oxlnditioa
sgiinet tho Gorkhas, they also had houblos from foreigners
on their Bouthorn froDtier,
'When, in the 20th year (I84O A.D.) of the Tao-kuaog
reiga,
the English barbariaus had invaded tbe provincos ofKuang-
tung &nd Chokiang, the Glorkhas, on thoir side, also sent Etryoyg
to tho Ioporial Resident in libet, to make tho following
dsclaration : "Our country borderE upon tbo land of P'i-lcng,
which ia a dopendenoy of Li-ti, and at the h&ndo of which it
repeat€dly Buffered insults. Now, upon lerming that hoatilitieg
havo oommencod botroerr Li-ti and the tr[etropolitan Dopetr-
dency, and th&t tho latter has gaiued soveral victorios, vo aro
willing to load our troops to ma,ke an attsck on the Dopondoacy
of Li-ti, in order to rcader &ssist&nco in tho punitiyo oxpendition
utdertaken by your Emperor'. At th&t time ths Imporial
Rosident in Tibet did not know that 'Li-ti" meaut ''England";
or tbat "tho Motropolitan Depeadency" moaat "tho KuaDg-
tung province of Chiua" ; or thst, il consoquenco, "A Depcn-
doncy of Liti" Eeant "B6Dgal (Meng-ohi,a-La) of Eaatern
.Indie". Thereforo, ho rejeotod thoir offor, &n8woriDg th&t'the
barbariang vore attaoking ono another, &nd that the Eeavonly
Dyn&Bty nover interferod iu such a matter".
The capital city of England is situatod beyond s groat
rf,estern ocean, but Eugland'e Dopendency-India-bordors
upou tho land of Gorkhas. As there was a hereditary enmity
botwen these two countries, and tbo Eaglish barbariane did not
fail to seizo their opportuoity whon China attacked the Gorkhas
Gorkhas, on their sido alao, wero willing to eseist Chiua
-the
whon this country attaoked the English barbsriana,
 APPENDIX IV
Text of tho Dhmmqtalro signod by the King of Nopal and
tho Dalai Lama in N.S. 896 Bhadra pada aukla (:1775,
AuguaQ :145

W'e,tho Lama and king Simhopratap executo the deed to

maintain and continuo ebiding friendship betweon Tibot and
Nopal, tho samo friendship of which tho foundatior was laid at
Khasa by an agrobment entered into by Ramashah'and then
Lama Thancho Khembo'
The vakils of bcth sides (horo aro enum€rated names)
concluded talks ou Wodnesday 13 Sravana suklo' Ths main
points of agrooment are tho following : (l) that all merchan-
.diso betweon Nepal and Tibet should pass through specified
,routos of Ktiti and Korong, 12) that gold and silver bullion
was subject to oonfiscation by appropriato authorities in caso
of oontravention, (3) that all countorfeit coins imported into
Lhasa was to bo mado over to Nepal authorities, (a) the
Nepal Governmeut unilertook the responsibility of minting
ooins with, minimum alloy content commonly agreed by the
two parties, and (5) The samplo of silver usod in minting.
Tibetan coins was to be showu in advance to Tibetan autho-
rities for their aPProval.
Tho penalty for breach of this deod to whogoover wae
responsible is 50 dharni of gold.
The following is the original in the Newari Languago'

fr sil sll qEIq r rfi sqfril st'l ga dl qd n-l t*q qfta

sE qE ril gse taat $m?adl st-l tldqlcr stl Saqq rII il
?qat qfta znq I
rqf€$ gil fqlsq {fqTrqilUfisse Gql-
qsile n*Eql F3 qRaY frlsq RFqflfqfq ooixftp+
+1fR-uil veilvq qFGIslFti iqsmahffiltt slffI eEm-
qqqqffrfi Efllqf $ dt Sl uqlq ilq{le'l& flqI \f€il I
FqlF<r sil fqlttlu
q( qxruoleqlR {qfaq frq<r'
gfrq1 rlEIuflftIfiET gil ql S
"mqglqfq
rail lBrmrnq qFI'iacT
1.45. UnPubliehec.
6t2 IIODNB]T XXPAL

cEmi silq ftE mEr rEr{r (TFfr( ril-v: trC qfrIe q-"o
;Erct dt (lw Trq srEq, El *u't** q[cr llq
=Uqt iqrEr
s ?€rsrq Ett zrFll q st' sla 6'$r sG slqq qFTrq srsrlT
a€Nr qsr qrflEfb-dqfqrH{ er+aftomqqlm fr
dmgfl 6gtl rurqfrdt agutu v<tr dsrcrurq qrw(
lsr a'tume)til R lbft qCo $ai+ rrif-sft efvaar916*
g sfl ifl gg.r sld ilwf iqmqr lrtnefo'u fliflssclktur
foww-qrclqq,orfr icr<rs ciGq +E-sl umrr qi€,
o-*wrl rl Hil qdrqfH, ErsrTrt srqr, iqqrs sqtqr uefl-
qnrqq gqreqr, qff<r trE, aE€lfftt, erc'lEr sqrcql, teq-
silsoJdlar cErua uu 6no dlr16<da emgt+ea1fr6,
ungta u'lt errcflqt rcml€'alfq q{gqrsis6u( flqqqr
;qrs udcz slq{irilar srea eq{ frdl srqq TF tt gffirr
dfl sl silFE iqgi| tlg( teTflstg rll rqm a'tq]fi
v)&irmgn s6}a s qh.qf ?emu a5mv fl 8il fr q6rrq
sauf*E qlr€rsEr(t srfrr GrRsq a+'loe {lsqqis iloq-
uO qaaaa alsQae eag qaat qeiiqrocqrg'ql6 iqra
flst iqtcql (NIr {IEIITIT TflMIEI ?flq uetg d6'tt urar-
sfiqt d;s iuroa e5rma quq( qm{Ti6'KsqArd q'rs'il-
qe]{A qlils rq;r o.Iq 6o riltoi firq+ql{lq olaq
-s'latq6rq u)il,;i mnaaq qEqrqrq f,oq qtu qsilqs
ivrou {aefd oogeeigaoriegs orsicfl filE'lw uH
q{rd?rqfiqr tistsmenft EqE q-lc iilsts8s-
rtstTirT
qpririr (cru qts{ qFliqr ere'lo Hcal qnls q)E(
Etrrs lqr.is tsc u'lt q'lE{il qwf{ qicsls seuq qrq
qq amil lild fr qmsr elrEroq Eqiq Bf,{ frfr;q$ ai1tr
qfra fa-e6vr uolr g<e eqasqt qqtGr irirsilcr oelir'erql
fafqer( so'sfrd qdqalq rrTq6 ?6qr softc ESq
Etois qaiAut eryonil Ertstsut rt'ltflqtqt clq qc
wg{gqrc sq aq (qsn dilsqots qiqtq qto saet
qd quru uq m<faa fr qaR6au Gtw s6tta iks
qr+is rilrliqtqi qrqqrq rilcq wa qo{ sE} Sqifc
 TEE T'IEST OOBKEA.TIBET WAB 6ls.

gfl E{q-q]a um<l$ uq

qrqdilg
zll qErtr{
s;srrtrs;I
qq lrq qfrqrrrq HIq frfrTqr s'n q,qFu qrq' S{qE-{q
c0tt q-.ia aig< watfr qfarm q6rtrqqFrf6fd ( As')
erlf{ gfe5{ ilaffiWq qqFIIqTq qE Ost iqmqr
Ss-dq olwt iqucia qqrq FErqEfl gi{frs FEr$q
A6firm ?Erst fufia sgq sts € s']e tqlr qErsa
dqroqrF-oqi iqtou qcrla s) Acldul ;Tntfi qrq
;.6rqm BFr qutd{tr{sq-qlel eH'leda fr Gaislq ss
rflqNlqrlii-r ql'rrgs sTrd tcrsf aqql =6crql (Ivl(Ivl
vresguHa'lo)srulssratltaTlUfafr fe+slqqlslsr+T
H(Eqrq qg aii (qt flsI s(lsersrEeqq'le dlrE
eart-g{flfr {o q'mu-oru srEd qqg fcft ctscs
qpqqe'o'

APPENDIX V
Two letters of the Chinese Commauder to the King of Nepal
sent immediately after tho truce agroomant'.

gil t
sK{r€
rsfrd er'l dt sil fr sil d-qfi ercatt f,fqfl qr<{lE 6l
ggr ivram sE'lsr qqTt ea slqfl sek flqr+dt(
dlritfr neqq'qavei ;oig1 +e taram ou uaq..-
i
fit rqsag( cnE qa q-6rg f(qlol cr$c w ... ssFa
fflfr i A Erd qd0qi orfs ) Q+<t flqlqfr 8 rret qti r
st ehrd s+r cil Ersr Eqtqr en* ErO fqar c-i qrqi
Ger 1o16au qfr fiifd tttu r
iil tr<l R{t q o.ol q o)
{qrq6te trjfisi...6r EEqt re'l q.rEt qn drl t
lcil qrut+lu egi r$t ;r4.-. 4-fl tgqf frrffi.Afr
l+qfiacaqaEqoursl a fr "'sle qfi sq qAqhft
6sq[ qgt qd qft fsttqrc'l v< qts. qR erq {sJ flc
146. Tho toxt ir takotr froD o ohtoqicb.
6t4 IIODEEN NEPAI,

Ecfrq 6;ar E I €flir sxrc sfr... fr] ESq -qr i?.T$

wFr dl.... d qrilq guq cdg qlit €frr,Jr er*s-dir
eiJ eflFrr rsmi srHR qR g€ Et qlfi nE I iaa)
yqr-rsrfse qfi filo 16g sqgr crr{ ,ft...A rs)
teafqfi ir60rr EqT cKfr sA aE s0rr qit a-*rg rrur+)
1y sqfs srd sci=H a aigqa-e qfc cEm frc AO
lqR qisilr stfr Emfto) qtg l6tro r e+i 1 o) qfi:.+l
-Aqr
+1q qfc se' q6lsq{l caqo} a srf6 dua qln
ftqm1 qrsq vla uqorc srgro'l Br-silos er+sr q{qm
qt i|Ift lqffi tr;ut erls qrrct 0111 wer tiq onrR
cril tlk $a6l A fs{lesfr erfu omgr m)aA sdce
Af.€ srrfi {f{ ldqr+l A tcrgr rr;u Gqstor mqr6.l
crqrc€ Rqro) Gu flqEdt tr;at ftbfqq qltd Eld qli
eu't tFiqail dsarol sf-E q{ frc r fAsil mma &sr qft
uf cao'l$QratulcHdl lcur qturo.lqr eu) iErqr
srdrq o€ R:qI E't lsil qfu 1adl0 qofav frat qO fqar
ctmoJ r ftoc qiff fcwqla ( ... ) gsd E'lqr Ersr
qlqil qnl toom) qqo si fqrta Rq r fa fol?<
EFEwt sqrc{ qqrE qiq qEi Es} gq} rite ElEq r le
o6mertelfcQ1....nw ci or errffi q'te sq or
sir.rs ql qfa qrqu ol fts dq eq qlfil cqlt siq fgqnl
qr-l rfi qtlo f6il eo) qf qa sllqer eq't qrgm) ( . ...
)
l?qral <il tr;ar Rfrts-0 erci uFit qrql uJ .... ril .... mr
qwr qI fEat qlt qf( eeur qfu le qdqzqlo'l gil qva
vtr vtga HFq ;fi{ ( {q$ ilfr $e ) fsd clc aTfiror
fte Sr sqqiqlr $Et e)Er r{ eifh d€or sq mtagrqr
qnom) dEr vlr lgr cfts+ a1 sifo' rr"lcfor qqr Etrr
r o'l q)€t FErsrfl ) gdTul q;ziT €flrtl Ra aqr qzl6]
ae)fua aoqll qo a)6r +l gg cl6t rttf uear vrera
gqqrr qEq q-d cldq q;qr eql qqgffi'l Bifrsr qqJ
i $r t ) d olfrr iqre sl€ q'lir slq R crrqrol $ile,€
eilq qlq q€ frs'q fou- ue fsil e[F{s ttr rit tori fa
 TET flBSI GOBtrEA.TIBNT VAB 515

1tqt6'l srra eqr frtrds ltst sf ( €rrqrfl fqtd ) FFtts

Eqr+lsaseisascrfrslrt fiq dqn, qil
qa qtsa
isdft{'terera elBlt lsws 0tu q-srao} u leq 8st
s .... qcql6'l qr I sEq qlq src lsr q-flt eE qlfi itl
sel qilto erqot frsot qFi sqgt cq{ asd fi.'.. ml
ESq ;ot qr.il {EqI qq ? sEs mq< \N{ $st 3€6lt
c-6lfl+'l El aR aaig' to $a olfem aE t tu gue^ 1

fr { snarE
*qRa fr rits'lailgil r-qEl €flsilt f,a <t<rn6ot gpa rl-
qlqlEr qi"l<r qrqo sq oeor qlwfl s<t( fi{clqHR
i
eslq S sil d q'{Els(l z{l;!J1{sl ?qlai o,Fq lisr
q-aq.... sqttc' {l {
{q qElgq {rEts S9..., s$ra fr
;arqq q-qil otu dsvl emc {set'dti'q'lgslUlfkot€
e6i oroerg lt<r qrl iio, aqmv fq-dl qa tr{
s'lqld sla scfi qdlqrfl ffF3lElilfl glo'l tlotsito
Ffrtro] srET6 qRoJ qq qw cloil ... 6'l ef(q cui
uoo) E), orE vfa fo{1540 ... or scqff fqat wutol
UJ , fqul sft qsif qa wslqa qft qfTs cs€ <ia qd
q-orqml El sll6 €m$en qfa as:f,t alolsnfr sel qrc-
fu< aedl qoglml E'l ..'. +) qlq leri'lEr qt ogi <ci
r+qr6} fQrqt qf& liqfl sEw rutam} g<t Rlu otttct, f+1-
fqqldER1 S{tqr ardl ftrg €flE-Ea s' wta1 cc=E
r
snilfrrg tr;qlo'l sil .... o) ora-o 61 $ sr{lw-{} qfr
r
cstmui eE gs ftql a1 isl qel .. ile Rs;c'l cur6'l
r
el foilEai ql? qd f{ilulfil fl arar t livm
6I
EgqA talqc svt d ar+r w1q Eil rfrB) 31E{d
q
ilars-{l srq qlTrfl E} ffrqlEsa nut o) twot a g6o
qri sq q'lsa cn) €'flt q;at alru El et le{lEtr&
6rfrd ratruril E'l qlc qHl eEfr qEsa efa gre t qo i:
fsr rr0 Erfl Egrqt icfl cf rmt6 ril+ stlslergI
gfaqr6\ s;I qrq qH q?lql e1 t
ers sfeql qFd
 516 ODXBN ]TEPAL

FqIqrsJ 6s rrR Su ffim il+t u-{ qrd qlc TfrE

colql 81, qn'm Ofl ltur vrur fr1 Aq) rrfq fift rnqr
a1 cB ilO rrft ilErol qor orsil t+eq srqmrg lqsi
ctqr6''l €rif,f qa rns'lqre s'l qalvc qaE fefl a1, Eift
slq lwrf frr6 qrcfq RflErt se) qrq dri esfirdE
tsqrfr r*Fqr iils qoual qlb Afl qtacsErr ul€ qi<tc
qrqfti sqs sr€ frrq srq qdrE kaT a'l r fi se f{sar
riiurglaerfr....argqaf fEfoq€t s{q: A u sifo.
faftrA sqq lqnr qslol ul qfr q{} cEE eif+. srftrs}
qfc{it stl FU tfri ilBo Br.r gcFET rr=st st{ qa-}-fitlfl
rrqml {ifi A6-ssle ils dsr <vgro-l war*1 eu} vfr
oFr BrrF-f, ft;il ulq H{l G[o qqq+l slfb $sro] oiss
qfiril {qlff,q *3or s'lug qF faft nfurc} sllo
FEr$$r orqrc{ u,616i1rgo) Errnicq qrE sr slqia q1'r
ffiq sorgor qft Glii qtqol f( sq...si EquTr
GRqft serao)B ssr;d .. ate lelE6a*lQ lorur
rqrqruc sf-eqr Fqlsrirr lrrt qfu dFrET q EE], rt-jqr,
rfrru,Gqfird, rr<O, qrlc qrqro] elsq Eif.q rql
ri6 fflq) cvr fqcrA cfi EqR at8 €rfl mlqa stf( crfr
tncrr qrq laqr orrra qR {i cw noi}, ctq qa' qsr
ris6r, qFA 81, qqla qlc ... ol gw effirl r{r;cl o}
E-{ cq{ sfi ...qrqr, s+rr notsr$, (fl sarr ci, rluro)
a, ascf lBfr66sr€, cfqq'lre <rn] <6a' *iqrr rfq+lfo
+1q tfu e6e, fiFilerot Frrr srrq, A{lt trnqro} d
rfr anB qf, qo Fa-q qlr erqr etq lcur qtqr o)ss
ilT0 uril tlcqr6] s|a En ssTFir rut qtu $tB s"rq
Efi ilt6 IFqf Elq qfi fsFa rqqral R ts elaqr r{
rrqu rsri fr ss tt' m ri].... se qlq eGqi e*q fr nfrl
Etfr erfr Bqtur6') qs qrs qfr frct6s sqq fqu c{qr61
fqEI ff1 uqu u-t;q...d cF fidl6aor€ qH fqur lhqr6)
Stcl frql erqs sft r*sm qf,atE ft-d qq'ro) u BIFH
.... rra qfi E frdr€ EF q0u eia 666roE kil qa
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6t8 UODER}I NIPAL

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 TEXi FIBST GOBX,EA-TIBET WAB 619

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 CEAPTER XtV
Angla-N epalese Bda,ians (1771 -17 89)

tr'rom our owtt oyos

Tho disputo with the Britigh oyor oortain aroas on the

bord6r continued for eomo timo &ftor hthviriaroyana' death.
It &pposrs that Rajeudralakrmi and Bahadur Shah had tried
to mako a eottloment with tho British on euch issues. Subt
Diuanath was asked to t&lk to the Britigh officor on tho
border. According to a document dealing with the Nopal-
British disputes oyor tho border arerg formerly under
Mackwanpur, which for our reforenoe wo might call Mackwan-
pur Bordor Paper and in short MBP, Dinanath sought the
holp of Mr. Poacock who w&8 theu m&htoining bie hoed-
qu&rtor in Rampur, aad ho roached Ca,lcutta through tho
lattor'e help irr VS early 1834:mid 1777 A.D. At that time
Ka.rnason's miuister h&ppened to be weiting in Calcutta.
But it Bo occurrod. that the former died of small por just a
few days after Dinanath roachod thero. Tho causs of ths
Maokwani dynasty we8 thus doomed and their ministor
waited in vein. But Dinauath could see in person the
Governor4eneral Mr. Warren Eastings, through efforts of
Mr. Poacook. Ee remained in Calcutta for 6 months. Lq the
meautime Ka,thmandu favourably reeponded to tho oall of
the British iu togard to the SannyaBi and Fakir menaoe. Thoy
forthwith acted to provent thoir inffltration into Nepal and
hido in tho Tarai Jungles.
U&king tho Nopalese Terai a bsso of operations against
the British, the Saunyasi marauderg wero &otiy6 throughout
the bordor from Eardwar to Dinajpur. They harassod
British subjecte on the border. Nepal's action in helping the
Britieh was acknovledged with gratitude. Their income from
tho ares wsg enhanced. Tho MBP's short a,ccount oovers tho
 TNOLO. NEPALNAB BBIJAIIOI{S 521

story ofa poriod of thhty y6&rs, and it isalso piecemeel. So

aothiig of concreto information cau bo obtained from thia
small record. 3ut this gives us somo idea 6f Arrglq-Nepaleso
rolatioqs. in the tim€ of Prthvinarayane's imEodiete suocessore.
The MBP throlys light on other aspeots of the Anglo-
Nepaloee relations in sbout 1783 A.D. Diuanath at Bnothor
time wee iu Caloutta to telk with tho Briti8h euthorities
about Rautahat which had been foroefully kept in occupotion
by Abdulla Beg. Thb eubject was again raisod in tho Council.
But tho Goyoraor-Gonoral was departing from Calcutta. 8o
Dinanath also was asked to accoupany him for further talks.
The Upadhya wss doleyed on the wey and ho roached Patna
in duo cou.rse. But Warreu Eastiogs had left for Banarar
whore ho had to fight tho Raja's forcos, but in .tho eneuing
oEgagement he was forced to Ilee to Chunar. From hero ho
organised a task forob to inyade Vijaypur, the Rajo,e reeidonco.
Som6timo later tho Banaras forco cspitulated, the Raja war
arrested and the rebellion was annihileted. Alt this took
sovoral daye. Some of the Britiah officere stationed in P&tne
askod Dinanath to w&it for tho return of Warren Eactings.
In particular the Prsgident of tho Patna Couucial was oagor
to utilise t[o occasion of hie presence to cemsnt friondship
with Nepal. Tho Nepalose Vakil in his roport Etates that ho
wae asked by Warren Eastings'e wife (Bibbi) to persuade Nopal
to come to the eid of tho British aud eend troope in Banarag.
Diueaath wrote to his govolumont commending thia step and
adding that the Notrreloso force ahould not proceod farther than
Mackwanpur aad wait for information from Pataa. Diuaneth
had r.eseonod th&t dosp&tohing of troops to the Briti8h
torritories might not ariso ae tho British wero likoly to wia
out of th6 con8iot. If they wero defeated, their influonco ia
Sihar might bo liquidated, and Nop&l could advance upto the
Gangea storming Eaiipur. Tho Nepaleso suthorities at the
centre fully sppreciated tho Upadhya's reasouing. Tho Nepalese
troops roached Mackranpor in respoDfo to Dinanath's rscou-
mendation. Ths Bibi war duly informed of thoir arrival but
522 MODEEN NEPAL

ahe instruoted Dinanath to inform his government to keep

the foroe roady until further orders. But by this time Warren
Eastings returned to Eetna in triumph. Dinanath reportod
thot the enemies of the Nepal palaco were poisoning the ears
of the Governor-Genoral, and Nepalese troop movement waE
interpretod as a step taken to interforo in tho internal sfrairs
of the Englieh if they had beeu defeatod at Banarae. But the
Bibi reprosented the matter in favour of the Nepalese ruler,
which calmed Warrou llastings' feeling. Dinanath further
roportod that the Governor-General had promieed to look into
tho matter in Calcutta. Thie could not happen as he Ieft for
England immodiately. Mackpherson acted for him as he
departod. Now there was Lord Cornwallis, as Governor-Goneral
but the British attention was being diverted by tho Nepal-
Tibet war. Ambar Singha Thapa was to be replaced by Bahel
Rana, who will aleo beaoua the Suba. The roport onded with
a atatement : "fle will bo in charge of Bhavgnibox compeny.
The ncw ofricers will depart ou 8 Chaitre. Ilordworking'
eoldiers who guarded the forts but have been found out of
employment duo to the recent pjoni wsre to bc reemployed,
their cases to be reviewed in consultation with the new
Chautara."
 CEAPTER XV
TWO BRITISH MISSIONS

Kirlcpatriclc' s M,t saiorl

The motive of tho mission was selfish, it was desigued to

influenco Nepal to put itself undor British protcction but those
who were responsible had thought that they would be able to
achievo their objeotive by giving a different colour to the wholo
issuo aud held out a prospeot to savo Nepal from total
deetruction. fn tho evont of ths British mission gucceeding
in its desigus what would havo been the fate of Nepal uobody
kuows, but the cessation of hostilities turued the channel
of Nopaleso history into a different cours6. The Nepaleso
authoritiee wero as much opposed to the British at this
juncturo &s on previous oocasions. At this stage thoy had
f'urther reasoffr to reject tho British as tho help thoy domanded
from the latter wero not needed. They could not allow thom
to probe into the unknowu. Therefore at the first inttancs
the invitation was withdrawn.
The first letter which tho British rocoived from Nepal
intimating them about the truco with the chineso oontained
also a requost aoking not to doputo the mission in the altered
ciroumgtances.r The Nepalese wero not propa,red to recoivo
captaiu Kirkpatrick. and were reruotant to ailow him to vieit
Nopal. Ee was, therefore, told not .to put himeelf to the
inconvonionce of the journey,.
fn accordanco with the wishos of tho Nepal Govornment
ths British Govornor-General readily withdew the miesion and
an intimabion wa,s oonveyod to the Nopaleao authorities ir
that light.z Captain Kirkpatrick was asked to return to
Caloutta.

1. CPO, X, N. 849 to 852.

2. Ibid,N, 873.
624 UODTB!{ NXP.TI]

But the British had not givon up the idea of a mission to

Nepal, for so soon aftel the accoptanco of Nepaloso wishes,
snothor lotter was seut to the King of Nepal by Duncan saying
'os e ms,rk of friendship, tbe Raja ehould havo received the
mission in a befittiag manner. Eie lordship had taken the
atop (of deputing tho miesion) at a considorablo orpense for
the benefft of Nopal. . . . . . But the prooent behavior of tho
Raja will mako it difrcult for the writer to comply with &ny
request for help, rhould tho Raja roquiro in iuture which God
forbid'. t Meauvhile Gajoraj Misra w&s approaohed to write
to Kothmandu to persuado them to invito the Britieh mission..
IIe wrote a. Btro[g note to th6 King ropoeting oll that hed
been said in Duucan'g eommunication and adding thst 'it wa8
necoss&ry in tho interost of the Raja himself to ksop tha
Britieh satisffed.'6 (Noyembor 7, I792).
While putting all kinds of preesure t'o hoyo the mission
seut to Nepal, tho Britieh wero also tryrng by overy word aud
deod to aegure the Kathmondu authoriti€s 'of the Company's
adhsrence to all their engagements'.6 It a,ppears that ths
er-Raja of Mookw&npur w&B ocoaeionally raiding certain bortler
aroas iu Nap&l and tho King of Nepal wrote to the Gcvortror-
Gen€rel oomplaining of all this aud 'asking tho British to
punish him.'? This complaint, was tontained in a letter which
Gajaraj Misra received sometimo in the middle of December,
while on hia w&y to Kathma,ndu. The very letter had also
oompl&ined that 'the Company's ofrcors did uot allow tho
transportation to Nepal of the muskets which wero purchased
in the Britieb territories by Bishon Nath Upadhya'.8 The
above asaur&nce waa couveyed to the King in response to this
lottcr and it seems that tbo grieyano€s were immodiatoly
redressod.

3. O?C N. 8a4 (1) Lett€r NovoDter 7, I?92.

4. tbid, N. au ol
5. ,D'd, N. 881 (6).
E. CPO, X. N. 10)3 (IbrahiE Kh.o,s lottet to the Goverllor-Gerelsl, 19
Doo€Eber, t?92).
7 - Ibid.
8. rbid.
 rvo BBIIrcg rssroNa 62A

We ffnd that the British harl vitel stakee in rospeot of tho

mieeion as tho asmo waa expeotod to straight€n out mqttoru
betwoen ths tvo Govornmente conoerning sovoral aubjeots
including the trado treety. Gajaraj Miera was told that 'hie
good namo, &nd ropltation woro involved'. IIe wag alsq to
oonvoy to the King of Nepal 'nothing contr&ry to the articlos
of treaty takes plaoo so for as trado from any part of Bongal,
Bihar or Ba,narss is conoorned. Should tho Nepol Government
nogloct thi8 point it would not be in thoir interest. Tho
Engliah alwaye stick to their treatiee aud eDgagomotE and
they c&nnot seo any breach of their tr€&ti6s by others, nor can
they bear suoh couduot of the Nepal Govornment petiontly' s
Such was tho attitude of the British autloritiee. Thor
Nopalese on the othor hand were not anrious to entertain tho
nission. In their eyes the treety had also lapsed. It was
reportrd that tho usuel high duty on importod goods, 'tho
Sair and raLedori' continued to be lovied by tho looel customs
of Nopal ou the Purqea-Moraug borderr 0 .in spite of the
provieion of th6 trosty for its roduction. ThiB instsuco of the
noncomplianoe of the treaty provision oamo to ligbt yhen one
Mr, Pagan'& morohoat &nd cultiyetor' wantod to send some
meroh*udiso for Tibet. tr'rom o letter of Giajraj Misra it ir
known that he promised 'to spo&k of this ircident to the R&j&,
sud get th6 trersons responoible for tbis incident severoly
puaished.'r r Gajraj Misrr hoped at tho same time's€vor&l
rofractory dopondente of irlepal had takon to plundering during
tho retreat of th6 &rmy of Chine, but row as tho army of China
had left the oountty such people will be brought to book and
Eith them the dieorderly people of Morang rill also bo
punished.r I Wo do not kuow how his Govornment reacted tc
all this, Bot it will appoar lator that dispito hie initial succose
ir being able to tako,Ebkpatrick to Kathmardu, Gejraj Misra
9. Ird, N. 897, 19'D.c'eEbo!, l?92,
to. lbid
11. IDi.d, N.993
L2, lbid
526 XODEETC llXPrIJ

oventually failed to givo life to tho tro&ty, Throats and por-

suetions could not c&rry the mettor fu*her thrD what wBs
achieved in obtaining ae occels to Kathmandu for an intetvior
rrith tbe King.
Ihe mimion ras alreatly in Paina whilo the messago of the
Governm€nt of Nepal was convoyetl. Kirkpatrick informod the
authorities in Nepal that he was going back '&lthough it
proventod him from fulfflling his oheriehed doslro of eeoing tho
.Raje, eDjoying tho Bc€nerio8 of the country aud becomirg an
instrumont of oomonting foundatione of tho bond of friondship
whioh havo beon happily laid betwoon the two countrios'l8
(Letter November 13, 1792).
It is obvious that tho British hod reluctantly given up tho
idea of sendiog Kirkpatrick to Nepal.
But the lottots of Duncan and Gajaraj Misra wers eurs to
lxoiluoo their doeireil efrect. Ilowever, not cont€ut with sending
a letter Gajaraj Miera uudortook a journey to Kathmandu
vhoro ho arrivod on the l3th of Januory.l4 After a good doal
of persuasion, tbo authoritioe in Ka,thmandu woro agreoablo to
roooiving Kirkpatriok.ls The letter of accoptanoo was rocoivod
in the middlo ofJanuory, and Kirkpatrick began his prepara-
tions of the journoy immodiately aftor (Also ai,ila antc). EptlJl
the Eret wesk of January they wore ovadiug tho iesue. A letter
of Bdua Bahadur datod 12 Pauss 1849 VB (Decomber 27,1152)
stated that 'Kirkpatrick may not proceed to Nepal in view of
the ho&t and troubles of journey.' Tbe Kirg of Nopal ropeated
'by tbo grace of Ood and your Lordship's auspioes a ffrm
aocommodation Las takcn place between the Chinese and me'
and heuco thqre was no need of a persou €ont 'to undortake an
aocommod&tion bstween ug,'tr'rom l,ho Bamo lett€r, it a,ppoa,rs
that Diuauath Upadhaya and Brm Shah wers sent 'for ex-

13. cPc. x. N. 898

I4. cPc. x. trt. roo3. 11?6
$. Sso. Dopt. Oonsult, 25 FebrEoly, 1793. Iatt€t oI tho Eeja ol N6D.l
toG. K. Ohouyr AGtLEg Beridelt, BraaEs.
 TItrO BBITIAB ]{IssIONS 527

chsngo of yiows snd Bo[inonts betvmn tho two Governmots', ro

Dinaoath informed Kirkpatriok ( l7 December, l?92 ) that

he ras coming to seo him in Potna.l T Probably they Eet
.ubsequently iu the lest week of December. Aftor this
Eo€tiag it psE said that 'the Maharaja has sinco changed hir
mind and Dow deeir€s Captaiu Kirklutrick to procood to
Nepal. They found the C&pteiu to be a vory wim and good
maa'rE (Ls0tet to the Govornor-Gsnoral recsived on Jauuary
lf, 1793). Subroquetly a request war made to the GoyernoF
Genersl to r€soitrd tho sarlier ordor withdreving Kirkpatrich'e
mission.l e
Captain Kirkpataiok obtsinad frosh betruotion from hig
GovertrBout. Apart from Etrcssing tho need of frioadly ties
betweou Nopal and East India Company, Kirkpatrick was asked
to persuado tho Nopal Cloyommeat'to give ofrect to the troaty
of 1792 and roport ebout ths possibility o{ further trado and
&bout the 8tBt6 of oommunicotion, topogaphy and panners
&nd customs of the peoploJ with these he wac algo to onligbton
his Govermont &bout the oaueea of the fibet-Nopel diapute,
so thst 'thc Company might in any futuro oaossion in ctss of a
royival, Dight &odas a mediator'.,o Kirkpotrick was to refer
anything to Calcutta by a codo meaeago if Eocrot con8ultation
wae deeired,
KirLpteick left Bankipur on tho Zth of Februa,ry, and
reoohed Barogarhi on tho lSth &ft6r about a week,s tr€k.
Kirkpatriok oarriod vith him articloe to pr€seut to tho
impodsut porsoas in Nepal, the valuo of which had erooeded
Ra. 6,000/-. Therc was a BtandiDg ord€r, which rostrict€al the
limit of prosontr to Rs. 5,C00/-. Ee had beggod tho Govornor_
Goueral to acquit him 'iD iho event of hir boiag foduoed to the
noceaaity of contravouiag ordor iu tbe E&ttcr of}rcsonts,.ql

16. CPC. X. N. 1051. l.lso Nelal King's Lottq lD B.olot D€B.ltE.nt

17 JaEurry,1973.
I?. ,6ir'. N. rJog, roto.
I8. Ird, N. r.t9.
19. Politicsl CoDsult. Js![rry 1{, 1193,
r.Duary 14, 17!e.
3?: id.)..*..
528 UODEB]$ I(XPAI,

Ou tho bordm Kirkatriok wae well receivod by tho o6oor.in-

chargo of tbo district, whoso nsmo appoars in records as Boosr
Khawas gnd by Builravir Shah at the hoad of two or throe
hundrecl sopoys. The latter togother with hig mon wae.
dospatched fron Nepal 'for the oxprosr purpoeo of waitiag
my arrival hero, and of oacorting me to the court of his
maater.'22 Kirkpatriok wae highly improssed with tho roception
aocordod to him, and he roported 'it wae i.ucumbent on mo to
say tbat I have observod from tho moment of my oroesing tho
Bagmutty the most earnost and uuiform solicitude itr my
conductors to atbrd mo in all rospects tho comPlotost
sstisfaotion,.2S Earlisr whilo he was to leavo Potqa, iwo seEior
members of the royal family, Bam Shah and Baiu Shor mJt
him os they were roturning home from Gaya. Kirkpotriok
roportod that they woro muoh imprersed with what thoy sar
in Danapur of tho Bdti.h ortitlory ostablishment.,4 It var
his hope that lam Sbh in particuler was much improssed
'with the alaarity snit uarogorvodtross of the ofroors who took
thom round tho establishment, and this wae bound to 'create
oonesponding spirit of oonffdenoo in hin, and porbatrn, through
his influenoo i-o tho rost of his ooultrJmon"g5
Ordinarily tho pcrmiasion grantod to tho British mission to
entor tho country might hate been withdrawn fol good. But
tbe Bogent Bahadur Shoh thougbt it impolito to refueo a.dnit-
teoce at thst stago. It seoms that Gajaraj Mirsra had to mako
frosh offorts to porsuado hie Goverumont to acc€do to Britieh
pmposal. At long l&si the Nolnleso authorities rrero agloesblo
to tho proepect of C&ptain Kirkp&triok viaiting Nopal'in ordor
to strenghthon tbe tioe of friendship betwoon tho tvo Bt&tos'
(Lotter recoived,24 February, liom the Rajl of Nepal to Dun-
can).26 Kirkpatrick, thereforo, could go to NePal but not

92. Irrd, Sec. Dept., 25 Februtry, 1?93, No' 40'

,3. Ibid.
24, Seo. D6pt., 25 FebftsrY' 1t93, No' 40.
,5; tbid.
26. OPO, XN. 1181, P. $5 (TR' 39' Pp' 16&8'N.103 ; AB.q P'ag) r$0'
 IWO BBITISE UIIAIOXS 529

without vigilonoa by tho Gorkhalis.t? Obviously, tho Nopelore

ruthoriti66 woro tror pursuilg s polioy desigtrod to keop thc
Britieh in humouf,, but all tho same thoy wero d.otormined to
yicld ao ground to thom o! any iBeue whatovor. Ltl tr'rem and,
hi8 r8sooisto ofr.cors att&shod as Eurvoyors rrore not &llowod to
iocomprtry hin, tho id6o beitrg to discourago tho missiou from
und6rt$Li"g tho oxplorstion of that kind.ee Iadirectly there
ros oyery impodimont put ir th€ way. Kirlpatrick himself
v.a not takeD to Kathaaudu &t tho first Btago. Eo Bsw tho
rulcn et Noakot lomo 6ightoon milos aorth-wost of tho Valloy29'
bcing crcortod through a cirouitous routo through Chitlong-
Tlrtutrg-Dhunibori. Noakot wor thon tho rumnor rosideace of
the rulor of Nopol and it we8 tho 7th day of the nonth of
Mrrch vheu he meohed thsrc. Aocording to ohronicle he
roaohod Nosbot on 2{th Chsitra 1860 YS. The r<i"g war alrerdy
thoro having goqo to c6lobrtt6 the holi. But Bahadur Sha,b
alono war left to coaaluot thg trogotiation with him, 9[6 r(ing
hrying lcft for trsthmanilu 'undor aeoeeaity of returing to hir
ocpitsl'. trirkpatriok bad audionco of tho king only onco.
Oojraj Mirre ras pr€lont [t th6 tim€ of iotorvior, and he
iutroduod Ceptein Kir&pattiok to tho KiD8.30 Ercept exohange
of formsl oourtmios, no soriou! tdtr followod. Abdul Ksdir
..r thc King for tho BGoond tiDo on tho l6th of Mrroh. Withb

,?. For. iLtditoilr .oooE ot th. iourn6y E,d'hrs lccourr, ol tl,€ Xint-
.brn d Nepdl r ?olitlo lcttor to th. Coult oI DinotoE , 18tL
urY' us3'
,8. Pol. Ootr!.1JEurrt, 1793.
t9. No.Lol ll lltu.fod ou r !tdg. oratlooklDg tho liv6t friruli. f,.irl-
I.trill r.. ooliluctql b, r il€putrtto ot the N.IElero Ntbotities 'ooDrir.
tiDg ot BsE th.h (r E Eb6r ol tbs OotorBltr6[i' his bloth.r Eodsr Bo{,
aoraroaitrr oI th. n j.'s guAtils) .!d Dilrn.th Ulnttt.r., the Nogrl
V.Lil, Eru.u, rsiilsEt .t Odoutt.. Thi. it€!'ut tion trB l[rtLot leinlolod
rhtlo tn N.!.1 bt B.ioo S..r, hdl brcth6! ot ths E i. .qil. rort Dlomidlg
toqth, to!.thc with ola o! teo olL.t rclr$our of the Xojr, who Lril t .o
oL 6 pltCE{e to G.yr. trirh.tdot'r Prt6rcs to the 'Embrr6, to trrth-
!rrldn'. AIro OFo, x' N. 1190, P. 158'
80, OPC, X, N. l!95.
 530 ODERN ]I EP.AL

I fo!, days Kirkpatriok also wss brought to Katbmanilu pro-

aumably 'for tolks on the subjeot of oeuenting friendrhip
botween the two Government.' s8 tho KiDg rsfote to Ipd
Corawallis.9l But this never materialired. It &ppeara that tho
obioot of tho Nopal Clovernmsnt in permittiag tbs Britieh
Bisrion to go to Kathmandu wrs to oblige them to that extent,
aud tho Nopaloeo never intended to opon up trade talke vith
thon. As a laet measurs I(irlpatrick discuesed with the Regent
'adjuotmont of ell qrrestions relating to boundariee and comEer-
ciol intercourgs between the two countries,' but those werg
never oonclusive. Kirkpetick etayed. in K&thma,udu for a woek,
and hs wae provided rosidenco close to the eastem spur of the
Swayambhu hillock.
The Regent wae woll-disposed towarilg him,32 but tho v&st
majority of the Gorktra nobility vero anti-British. The day
Kirlpatrick erivod in the espital, ho had loornt from Guru
Gajraj llisra thst hi8'contiouing in Nepal beyoud tho end of
March was g mattof not wished for by the Darbar'. 93
Kirkpatriok ia his memorandum epeake of their hostile
o,ttitudo which wps uncompromising. There wae aogoti&tion
on I pacl of politicol n&ture. lfis bst &tt6mpt for tho imple-
montatio[ of the trado p&ct entered into in l?92 was made
without sucooss, Io the atmosphero obtaining then nobody
would doal with the British:S4 For days togethor Captain
Kirkpatrick tried in vain to h&vo opportunity to show them
the dr&ft of the trectlr, but he was kept ai bay. Tho Rogent
was rebukerl for giviog him oucouragement and asked to Eend
tho Missiou back. IIe rvould havo continued. tho aegotiation

31. Ssoret Deprltbont, 1 M.t, 1?93 N. 14.

32. Kllkpatliok, Op. Cit., Pp. 119-23.
93, Abotrt.Bahailur thah it isssiil that he hoil liyoil with theDirsto-
,:iad€6 iD Bettia iluling his €rile. tr'or that !€ssou f,6 waa
lnolingd to treat
tLe loreigners kiailty. Ee hoii i,tvileil ChdstisB lf,o[Lr et Eatht!.tralo irio.
iu 1793 rEil l79j eysE 60 ab6 iliE[6.6u!e ol6o|De of his oen. (Corholiclt,
ltsr6h suil April, 19121 Ptta. Mi.sioa L€ttor).
34. Politic&t lsttor, lSth M.y U93. Fotl Villiarr,-ldio Holtc Con t-
pondcne, \L P.268.
 TWO BRITISE IIISSIONS 531

ot a great risk to himself and provoked hir nephew to take the

Government into his own handsgs and, theroby mar his future.
Beyond'acknorledging the friendly advice of the Compaay's
Government', and etpressing 'sonse of obligation for our wiehes
to bring about an accommodation with the Chinese'nothing
was offered.sG It was gathered that there was a feoling of dis-
appointment at not having reeeived tho assistauce requested
from tho British Government.g7 Kirkpatrick emphasised that
his Governmont's policy was to keep neutrality in all disputes
betwseu their neighbours.SS But all this was of no avail to
induce the Nepalese authorities to chaoge their mind.
. The attitude of the Nepalese outhoribies towards tho
mission w&s expressed in tho king's Ietter to G. T. Cherry and
in Abdul Kadir'e paper transmitted through Kirkpatriek. Thig
attitude was outlined in the pessege that the l(ing wrote, that
'Ihe small obstacle was romoved. This obstacle was his
( IGrkpatrick) seeing the places aud roads of my country and.
thoso urgod by the cordiality o[ our mutua.l regard I did not
refuse to show him, becauso f considered the English as noted
for their adberence to their word, and tho sincerity of their
friendship' but 'because of the hot soason and unwholesomo
winds, he ( tho Raja ) would not givo Kirkpatrick further
trouble of detaining in l{opal,' and thab ho ,would wait for
ancther occasion, should both parties a,gree, and provideuco
did not opposo a meeting, it might take place at another
time.39
fn his substance of a, conyorsatioa between the King aud
irimself on tho l5th of March AbdulKadir had reported that
'bocause of the hot, season and unwholesome winde, Ifirkpa_
trick would not bo given the further trouble of being detained
in Nepal.ao This made it clear that as soon I(irkpatrick

35. Ibid.
36. Ibid.
37. Ibid.
38. Ibid.
39. Seo. Consult, No. 1{, 1 llav, 1793.
40. Secrot Department, No. 14, 1 I\Iay, 1793.
53? MOD&81{.I{trPAL

roacheal N€pal, the authoritieB were &nxiouB to send him baok

to Patna. Tbere wae not tho loa,st desiro to nogotiate with
him on any subject whatsoever. Kirkpatrick's proposal for
negotiation ou the subjoct of trade was turnod dovu on tho
ground that'for eomotimo the road to Bboot, owing to the
diaputes with tho ChinoBe, had boen totally shut up and tho
trade with that country, in ooneequeace, shut up.'41
Furthdr Captain Klrkpatrick 'avoilod himself of the
unwholesome ao&Borr &a & pretext for solioiting pormission to
dopart'.4z IIe thought "it muet bo suitable to tho dignity of
his Govsrnment' to uudertako himself to leave ir this
tr&nner:43 Probably his etay for aDy time longor would har-e
cneateil troublos. X'or tho last tino on tho 24th March he
interviowod the Regont. This intorvier took place in
Kathuandu. According to the deBp&tch l'ron C&lcutta ( lSth
May, 1793 ) 'in the intorview Bahadur Shah ronewed his
former profosrioas of friondship and attachmont aud expressed
some eolicitude lest a futurs English Goveroment ehould not
ersrt thomselves equally with tho present in m&intaining the
friendship'aa formed vith the Govornment of Nepal to which
he reoeived for angwor thlt ar the maintenance o[ the
Company'e truo interests must &lweys be tho object of overy
Eugliah Covornmeut, aad as the cultivation of a friondly
intercoume with Nopot wag blonded in an intimate degroo with
that objoot he might be assured that th.ore nevo could be o-
Briti8b &dDiDistration in lndia who would 8o f forget their
duty ro to act upon different princiPles.a5
Kirkpstriok left Noakot on tho vory day ho had an audi-
cnco of tho Rogont. Ee was grantoil all facilities lbr comfor-
tablo and safe journoy back to ths bordor' Othorwise, ho

4L. lbid.
41. Pol, Lotter Is I\Iay, UgJ, Fotl Willion Inlia Hout. Cones'
potd.nce, YI, P. 268,
1 . Ibid
44. Ibi.l.
45. Political lettor, ISth ilry, 171'i.
 r\TO BBITTSE MISAIONS 533

return€d ernpty-handeil. Not ono pupose y&E fulfilled, not

oue objective yas attsined.
ft appeers thst British sttitudo towards the Nepeleso
corrflict was eo dubious thst while it bofrisndod ao psdy it
rrent ultimatoly to, augur ill for the eucoees oftho objoctiyo
they had ia viow. The propoeal of mediation by the Britiah
was not liked by both parties. This had only sugaontod
euspicion of British interests. Eyea tho sympathotio Rogont
of Tashi Lhunpo erpressed hie disapprovel of the British
mi:sion going to Nopal.a0 The outoome of tb,o war on Tibet
was to place Tibot undor aomplete aubjugation of China.
In &ll m&tterg of adminietr&tion tbe Amban had como to be
the final authority in tho State. Tho vaguo kind of suzerainty
rca uow turned into the most absoluto ovorlordahip that the
Dmperor ororcised.4T Tho Chiueso had muoh itisliked British
attempts to penotrets into Tibet. Now they could effeotivoly
sPurn thom from any kild of vsatures. Tibet w&s finally
clos€d to British trsilers.
However, it was claimed thet 'Kirlpotrick'E visit to thc
Court of Nepal hag oonducted oxtremely to remove the shyness
rrhich till lately morled tho departmont of tho Nepal Govorn-
meot iu its ocoasional commuuications vith ours' (Lotter of
Sir John Shore to the Court of Directors, I0th November,
1793). Thie w.is one point of g&ia. It &ppesrd that the
Britieh authorities vero no less satilEed with the prospect
thoy hail obt&ined to exami.uo tho ma,ny pa s of tho country
os they paseod through. Tbeir desp&toh s&id : "It is of [o
tmall importanco to us to hsve oomnenced an immediato
i:rtercourse with that Government, end to have had an opF)r-
tunity of making observations on tho manuore oftho peoplo
&Dd tbo red Bituation of that country by tbo mesns of our
gorvants" (Politioal lett€r, l8 Moy, 1793).18 Iudeod, bis

a6. IEQ, Op. Cir, No, 18, I?.89i.98

4?- TIIELT CL. 116. 14.I4b; KTSL. 1alt, 2.1-24b oitod by ooEEEntr
( P' 133.)
48. Fort Wi iqrn-Ildio Eouse Corrcspondence, Xy ,P.269
531 MODEBI{ NTP L

'Account of Nopel' is tho ffrst doaumont providing iaforma-

tion in detail about trodo and commerce ofths country as
woll as itB geography, history, politics and military atrairs.
Above oll, his report had gono a ooasiderable way to remoyo
misunilerstanding Ebout the stato of trado ia Nepal that it
was importing bullion from Tibet.
Although the sontimetrt €xpresssd above does rot indicato
aDything of au achiovement it nevertheless proves the tcnacity
aud doggedness of Britirh policy in Iudio. But having nothing
immediate in hand, the British authoritios tlow ouwards 'were
watchiug to improye an opportunity thot may offer for
confirming this fovourable dirpositiou, and for opening by
that means new channele for tbo British st&ples to the
Grteneive rogioos of Tibet' (Politicat lottor, 2l AuguBt, 1794).{e
lfieanwhile Cornwallis had retired and Sir Johu Shore
stepped ioto tho mtcenud in t\e British domain of India. Ths
East India Company's agents in India had not forsaken tho
idea of 'ertension of commorco and sale of manufacture in
Nopal'. The treaty of oommerc€ entered into with Nepal had
lot lapseil. Thoy thought th&t with this treaty in the back-
grouail tbo way to further their tratle iuterests was etill open.
They had felt that tho ignorance of Nepalese authorities about
actual trade beuefits to Nepal throueh thi deiri as envislged
hadstooal in tho way of the apreenrent being impleurented.
The only thiog neoded, therefore- was to render 'the
advantages and practicobility of the commerco apparent, Bo
that the Eerclrants would bo 'induced to &va,il th€mselves of
the trade ficilitieer. In this direction Goveruor-General uade
a movo 'io order to set on foot tho trade' and after propor
enquiries decidod to eend Abdul Kadir Khau, the person wbo
v&B twico earlier employeils 0 in ncgotiatiug tho treaty'to
49. rbiit, xvrr, P. 83,
50, Pol. Conr. 10th NovoEber, fi94. Fott ,yillian.I ditllouse Cotrcr
pordence, \cl. )illl, P. 993-94, Politioal letter to tho Couit of Diteotots,
asted. 30tb Decembor, U04. gs6 elso Si! John tho!e'6 tuiEute on thc subjecb
dsteil lotlr November, I?96 in ilocumeEt No. 5l itr'Srrec, Docufiehls of the
British Pe od in the Coll.ctiot of Calcutto Victoia Memorial, \y D.C.
Gsngulii 19i8, Pp. 134't6.
 lFO BBTIISE ITISSTONS 635

Nepal nowin tho capacity ofa mercbaat with tho ortiolos

vhich he has pointed out, giving him {JBo recommeDdatoty
lgtters to that Government'. The propositioa of a miesion to
Nopal wos so import&nt to th6 British tha,t thoy were ovoa
preparod to face the riek of failuro provided it was undertaken.
Sir John Shore had observed in thte connection : "We doubt
not...the magDitudo of the obj€ot furniehos a sufrcient,
authority for the orpoase of uadertaking which, even, if it.
eventually fails oannot occ&sion any considerable loss.,,
Abdul Kadir'e appointment for the job was dictated by
two consideratioos, (l) tliat ie had experienco of negotiating
a troaty with tha,t country a.nd thet (2) ho was &n Itrdian of
a high family. Sir John Shore had a notiou thet the Nepalose
with their deop distrust of Englirmeu would bo influenced by
tho choico to eroludo a Europeon.
Abdul Kadir'g journey was delayed for about a year as
th6 Government of Nepal iaitially was dieinclinod to accopt
him51 for reasons of their orn.6r Perhaps they were averro
to the very idoa of * mission from tho Bdtish Bo Boon after
Kirkpatriok took one thoro. At sbout this time the King had
assumed powort of etato in his oyn bands having dispenred
with the regency of his uncle. King Rana Bahadur was adrired
not to entert&iu the Britieh migsion. Tho roply to the requ€st
of tho British Government though not in the form ofa flat
denial waa onough to discouraging them from the venturc.
It war euggestod that the War with Chins ha.d laid woste i
great portiotl of Tibet and tho entiro country pas not opeD
for trado activitios. ',There waa no ono thero to be desirous
of purchasing import€d goodE. Tho loss upon the goods and
tho elponsos of carriago on the road rill bo ercossive,.E r Tho
Kiag wroto 'I am, thorofore, induoed by the Uaion and attooh_
mcEt 8[bEisting botweeo the tso statis to vrit6 to you that

51. Pol. OorrElt. N, t9 (!) ttuIoh 20, y95.

52. Politto.l OoDrqLrtion. t t[.,, 1i95, No. S. dgt!.UI L. lEopcd to
oort Alt, ElL rith hlta.
68. Ibtd.
536 MODEBN NDP...L

you by no moe,rlr wh&tover bring morohanilisa to this quarter

asit will hurC my reputstion and occaeion loas iu the articlo
and e horry erponsc for carriage.s a But leter on by Guru
(lajoraj Misr*'t efforte, the proper 'invitation from the
Nopll Roja to Abilul Khautlor was procured'. (Political lotter
of 12 tr[on 1795 to tho Court of Directors).5 6
Tbe Resident
at Banor*s 'who hod beon iu correspondence with tbe Nopal
Raja for several yosrs' BeBt Guru Glojaraj Misra 'to remove
the scruplos or appreheneions' obtaining ilr the minds of tho
authoritier in Nepal and this had succeodoil.6
6 Tho Guru got
o[t from Celcutta with a letter of J. Dunean, the Residont
in Benaras to the Maharaja (f May, f?95) whioh eaid'acting
contra,ry to ong&gemont among rulers high in place was
dirgraceful.' The letter fu*her etatoil that there ehould have
boon uo objection ae M. Abdul Kadir was going to NoPal
primarily with Khillatg from tho Governor'General aad Nawab
Vizier and to pey respects to you (the Iling)' and to discus8
'bounilary dieputos in Morang aDd Pume& antl adjustment of
Nepal's claim ovor Cossipur and Rudrapur" Tho Agont
Getrersl msde it clesr that 'concern of trade interest' was
socondary and Abilul Kadir I(han ras carryiug tho goods with
him 'on his own accouot'.5 7
It appeara that the British euthoritios had felt th&t the
Nopalese wero now witling to &ccept the mission &s they sensed
that questionB other tbau thoeo of commorcial interost were
not eovered in its obiectivel. Duncan'g letter and Guru
Gajaraj's porsuasion pt'oduced thoir effect as normolly the
Nepalese leaders {elt that nothing harmful wag dono by tbis step'
The request for the derpatch of tho miseiou was grantod
roatlily aftir tho receipt of this letter.58 Tho British &ttribut-
tUJ i";n'" earlier apparent disiucliDation to deal with the
Britieh o&rtlv'to the intrigues ond ip8ucncc of Durmanant
"J
epp*airi (Diranath Upadhiya)' 6e the Nepalese rePresentatiYe
s4. Ibtd.
-iiii
sl. wittia'x'naa House cofterpondet'cd' xvrr' P' 415
l-0. pofitiorr Oo"suftstioE, 10 Noroabot, ugl, No' 29'
57- Pol- CoEBult. 10 Nov' 1794'
ie, Foiiti".t cor"ott tioD, I Msr, l?95, No ?'
5s- Ibtd. td.o.7.
 TwO BBTTIAE UISSTONS

&t Celoutt&, 'rho vas joalous of any iDtelcourse betweon

us through other chenDels thcn hie own &Dd p&rtly to e
gonoral feeling of distrust ontertained in the high circlos at
Ksthmandu.'60 Dinanath Upadhaya, according to the British
information was acting also in furtherance of the intereate of
the many merchants who bad a monopoly over Indo-Nepaloee
commorcial busineas. Of course, the attitude of the Nopalese
authorities in accepting the mission after the initial rcfusal
betroyod thoir vaccilation, and stato of copflicting minds in the
innor circle as ono Nopalese writer put it. Their repl.y had
argued to juetify their previoua etand that'they had a,ppro-
hended nothiog but loss upon the enterprise and no motive
but that of ettsohment aud purity of intontion, had &ctusted
them and thie the British could verify from merchants of both
countries, while egreeing that 'whatever two Sircars wieh shall
bo done' and 'tho l[aulavi ehould bo now deepatohod'.0r
This was not a tough line to be adopf.ed in dealing with the
throwd diplomacy of the Britieh in Iudia. Another thing, the
eame also showi what a treneDdous influence J. Dancan and
Gojaraj Mima wiolded at the Court in Kathmandu.
In his minute Sir John Shore bad said ibat Dinanath
Upotlhaya was also interegted in preserving tho monopoly of
trads in his own hands anil thercfore no efectua,l a$istanso
cculd bo expected from him. Bahadur Shah, the uncle of thc
Reja, 'who is 8t6ted to have had more liberal and exteneive
viev8 of the advantages of commerce than &Dy other Pemon
of ths court had resigned his regency eomo months ago.'
Thereforo, 'th€ only chaunel through which tho British
Coveruor-Genoral hoped to make euy favourable impreselon
on tho li,aj& ofNepel was a Brahman of the name of Gujraie'
Mirser living thon iu Bonarae, vho had boen alweye dieposed
t,o promote our views and whom Captain Kirkpatrick found
posreased of gtoat influenco vith the court of Nepal'.6!

C0. ,brd. No. ?,

61. PoI. CoDsElt. No. ,4. I I trtay. 1195.
6r. /6id, No. 2s.
 538 MODEBN NEPIL

Now that tho Nepal Govarnment were prepared to accopt

Abdul Kadir, ,it atrordod &n encouragemeDt to hopo
that
the objocta of the expedition may bo ultimately
fulfillcd'.o t
Tho objeot wos now moro clearly deffaed. .Thie communica_
tion spplie! to the subject iDto two pointE of view,
The
me&surea to bo adoptod for aacortainiug tho
valuo of trade
with Nepal sseisted by sn &ctual erperiment ou a very
mode-
rato ecale and the modo of giving a permanent ostablishment
to it by the reeidenco of an agent on tho psrt of his Govorn_
ment at Nepal if the commeroo should bs found on eaquiry
of eufficient importance toloudor it erpedient,.6.
The Goyernor-Goneral &now th&t ovor sinco tho .uufor-
tunato expodition of Kinloch, tho Nefal Government wae
jealous of the movements of the Britisb. IIo,
of course, felt
that eiuco thon tho British had aflorded no grounda .to
perpetuete or renow-that distruet,, but it was there and,until
htely oll access to the territorios of Nopal was debarred even
to tho natives of these prorincoe, and an &ttempt to op6n it
under tho atlministratioq of trfr. Ifaetioge wae ine0.ectually
made.'.5 So when tbo Nepal Governuent erpresseil ite
willingnees to receive the proposed miseion, the news had
oome as I bappy augury of a better future to the British.
The British were also prepared to coneider the quostion
of Parganae Rudrapur and Kasipur (Coshapur) .without oEer-
ing a,ny doterminaiion on the proposition it may becomo the
subject of further onquiry, and I propose writiog to tho Resi_
dont at Lucknor to procuro information on tho dieporition of
the Vizier to oblige tho Nopal Raja, or the annual equivelent
which he would expect for tho Parganas eupponirg them to be
held at ront b.y tho Nepl Raja and whsthor tbo
lnssoseion of
them by the latCor would bo productive of dauger or inconvoni-
enco to tho Vizior.'o o

63. Fo Williarn-Irdia Eowe Carrcspoadance. Op, Cil., p- 42s.

U. Selgct Docurnen*, otc. Doc. No. 5i S!ror6.s oI th6 lobh Nov, l?94.
85. Selecl Documentt, etc, Doc. No. il ;:, l.:il.
06. ghor6, Op. Crr,
 TWO BBITTSE UIESIONS 539

Earlier Kirkpatriok had beon requested by the 'Nepaleso

Vakil in Calcutta to obtain tho possession of these' areas to
Nepal, and thero was oasually a talk about the problem.
botween the Govornor-General and tho Vazier's ropreseptative.0 ?'
But it was thought imprudegt 'to urgo tho point with tho
Vizier, immediately on accession' and somo apprehension'from
admitting so aloso a vicinity on the Rajas of Nepal to the
Vizier's territory'.0 a
Now Abdul Kadir was instructed to negotiato about t!i*.
iesue (Political Consultation, May l, 1795, N. 12) and aleo that
of the adjustment of tho diaputed areas on the Purnea-Morang
border (Political Consultation, March l. f795).

Abd,ul, Radir's M i esion

The published matorials about this Mission incorporated

in works cited above take us only thus far. Now we have to
look into unpublished records for the account of the Mission's
activities and experiencp in Kathmandu and of subsequent
events related to the same. Fortunately, sorllo documente of
our concern are preservecl under separate olassification in th6
collection of thc U.P. Government Recordr OfEce ab
Allahabad. Our perusal of these papers has certainly helped
us to add to what we have already writ"ten atrout Abdul
Kad'r's m.ission in Kathmandu, which follows hereafter. But
for these the account would have remained incomplete.
X'rom a letter in the Volumo of oorrespondence for 1795
from Edmonstono, Fort William. dated the 27th May, 1795, to
tho Resident at Benaras, it appears that Maulavi Abdul Kadir
Khan was given :-
l. f Ten bales broad cloth, arore )
2. ) Four bales broad olothr red L TotaI
3, ) five bales broad cloth, ordinary blue ( Rs. 9,807/l/-
4. LTwo bales broad cloth, green )
67. lbid.
66. Ibid.
640 MODEBN NEPAL

5. One four barelled gun Rs. ?00/-

6, Two pieces of gold muelin
7. tr'our piecee of florver muslin
8. Ton yarde double coloured cloth, scarlet and blus
9. Thirtoen strings of coral containing 520 beads Rs. 432/8/-
10. Ono silver pocket compase Rs. 32/-
ll. One spying glasg Rs. 36/-
12. Ono packet ot pistol Rs. 325/-
13. One pieco of green broad oloth
14. One pieco of ecarlet brord oloth
15. One bundle of coral -576 beads Rs. 466/-
16. (o) One bundle of 612 beadg Ra.7r)lll4l?
(b) One buudle of 294 beads Rs. 155/13/6 l Rs. r,5a6l2/0
(c) Ono buadle of 688 beads Rs. 688/6/8 I
In the minute of Sir John Shoro wo havo the following
eetim&te of the articlee and oash that Abdul Kadir 1ras to
take vith him.€ s
Broa.d Cloth red 86. 6,000
,. ,, blue Rs.5,000
Large Coral .. R8.2,000
Kaehmira broad (white) cloth Re. I,000
Mirzepur Cbintz anil Guzzies . . Rs. 2,000
Eard Cash . . Rs. 10,000
Poreonal Adyance. . Rs. 5,000
Maulci Abdul Kadir's journey rvas carofully watched.
J. Duucan in a lottor datod tho 2lst June 1705 iaformod that
Abdul Keilir Khan had safely arrivod at I(athmandu. Pro-
bably ho reached in June. Immediately after hie arrival he
interviewed the King and dolivored tho pres€nte.? 0 This the
Maharaja acknowlodgod in a letter to tho Goyoruor-General
which assured best consideratiou to anything said by Abdul
Ka.dir in the lattor'e behalf. T I Abdul Kadir Khan reas given
for hia protection e properly eqipped posse of mon onlisted

69, 24 Novsbb€r, 1794. S€L Doc. Vio. ltromo. No. 51, P. 136.
70, Pol. Oolsult. 2{ gepteDbor, 1?95 No,20.
7t, Ibid
 TWO BBrI SE XrS8rOli8 641

from ths 2lst Battslion of the 4th Brigade (stationed rt

Choonar).
Aa suggested ia the abovo pges Abdul Kadir Khan's
mis8ion vss uodertakon vith e viow to proDote tra,de rel&tion
of tho East India Company with Nepal, and through the latter
with countries beyond thc Eimalayae. The Btitisl autbori-
ties tf,ere vory caroful to clear any suspicion on that account.
Lest it may be treated as s diplomatic drive iu disguiso,
Abdul Kodir was Btrictly eDjoiDed to avoid doiug anytbing
likely to caueo doubts about the purposo of his visit. Es
wes to reg&rd himsolf just 'esE€nti&lly ae a traveller and a
trader'end no more and no less than that. It was made clear
to hiB thot he was uevor to bohave as an accredited ropro-
Eent&tive ofa Government, His conduct vas regulat€d by
Epecfic instructions and he bad no authority to oom.miL
himself itr eny isBue whltgoever.?2 Sir John Shore hsd iadi-
catod the lino in hig piaute drafted by him on the proposod
deput&tion of Abdul Ikdir to Nopal for the purposo of carry-
iugona oommercial trado.T E Abdul K&di! was tobo given
& rooommondatory lotter'for the Nepal Government and hir
inatructions il gonoral for hia guidance' and notbing moro.
than that. He was, howevor, to report about the attitudo
of influonoiol poople iD Nepel towards tho British. Obviously,
this expresser thoir intention to 6nd out whioh of the Nepolore
persouelities wor6 friondly to them rnd which of thom woro
hogtilo. This Abdul Kadir was to achicve 'at atry cost ovo!
by giving vslueblo end rich presort to the Rejs, and hia..
minist€rs. ? I
In ths Ceutral Rocortls Ofrco ot Altahcbed thero is a docu-
m6nt (No.50), whioh is tho tranel&tion of tho roport propa,rcd
by Maulvi Abdul Kadir Khen on his rotum. This rclnrt
bears the dsteline the 6th of Jaouuy, 1796.7 5
7r. Iatt€I froD J. Lu!$d6D" A,G.G. B.Ealis dat€d 22Ed J.rusw Ug.e
to 8L Joh! thore (AllehsbEd B€coEds Oltice No, 48).
73, gelac, Dochnents, 6tc. P. 136.
71. Pol. CoDsult. ? March, 1796, 40!,
t5. Al.o !o.d Politicrl Coqsultatio! ldelch 7, 1796 (N. Jr r),
542 ODEB]T ]{EP L

In this roport Kailer Khsn suggosted that broad e,loth and

othor artioles, produos snd manufacture of Eurotrn, wbioh wero
iinpoltad from them on aocoutrt of tho CompanJ and were iu
dcmand. in Tibet ehould bo lodged at the undormontioned
places:-
(l) Near the borders of tho Buxailuar distriot of Koooh
Bihor.
(2) In Sarkar Chsmpar&n.'
(3) In the Nawab Vizior'e dominion adjoiniag Bhootawal.
(1) Noar Kummaoen in the Nawab Yizier's dominian.
(5) On the most wosterly bouudary of tho Nawob Vizior's
dominiou towards Sbrineggar.
Kadir Khan's idea was that thsso ffvo factories should
routrol ths entire trade to Tibet and Nepal by their own
chonnel with regard to trade to Tibet, he thought that tho
Btatioos indicotod would &ttmoi tho Tibetang in winter snd.
thu8 comBerci&l transactiona would be coudu-cted 'without the
itrtervention of others'. Kadir hed in miDd tho Nepalese
middlomeu who uado an onormouB profit out of tho ontre pot
trado possing through Nopal. IIq suggestod th8t tho Nopalese
merchants ehould be left only vith their own trade. The
factories would acoouat for tho. purchase and sale in each
month and accounta would bo e'oot to Tibet aud China
regularly. Ee suggestetl lbat \o Perunnoh rhould bo iesued
for such articles ae woulal bo dealt with by tho faotorioa with-
out tho eoal end signature of lho Gun&fltaE of the ffve facto-
rioi. Ho mentions "but this plan can ouly bo oxpootod to
como gradually into effect from the result of my enquiry, I
have found thot tho exports to Nepal from tho dominion of
the Coupauy and of the Nawab Vjzier at pros€nt amoutrt -to
about four or five lakh rupeee pet annum..'...'
As the places abovo noticcd are lot distant from Eindustan
and the produco of th6 country in ooneequence of its boing
iu tbo Company's possession could be transported eithsr with-
out any trollble or vexotiotr, th6 merohaut8 are 'roll placed,
Broad cloth may also be transported to Saling (1) through
 Two BBrTrsE urssrqNs 643

China but the oxpenoes of couveyanco through that routoare

much greater. Goods of thic doscription may also be sent to
Ya,rkqnd from the westward through Bokhara but from tho
"oxpense of transportation and apprehensien of attacks from
tho Turoomauns and Calmacs tbis does not ansrf,er. tr'or
these rossons f havo found that it would be much preferablo
that the artioles could be introduced into those countries by
merchanta from the Company's end the Vizier'e dominions
with the conc[moncs of the neighbouring hill Rajas and if it
shall pleaso God after sonetimo theso Rajas will not have in
their powor to throw any obstacle in tho flow of their trade
which may be carried on by the merchauts of tho Company'e
Provincee end thoso of China, Tibot, etc, without a,ny interven-
-tion on their part."

Speaifi,cation of artdclee oJ tnerahaniliae gtroper tor erpoilation

from Hdnil,ustan to N epal,
Broad cloth... . . . . All colour oxcept yellow which is ir
demand throughout Tibet and particularly black-after deduc-
ting all coets and chorges, if it ie eold in Nepal tho profit will be
4 ans. in tho rupee aad ifat Lhaga l0 ane. in the rupee.
Coral-Reguired by the Army and Sardars of China. The
charges of tronsportation of those a,rticlee aro trifling and
one lakh rupoos worth may be disposed of
annually. The
profft was 37 P.C. if gold in Nepal, but in Lhose it amounted
'to 75 P.C.
Poarls, not round and of different oolours.......like coral,
wero also much in demand, and profit earnod wa,s &s largo as iu
tho case of coral.
Cotton aloth, the manufacturo of Mow......Tho profit if
told in Nopal is 4 as. in the rupoo, and l0 as. in the rupee if
eold at Lhasa efter doducting all costs and aharges.
gtnlr, Conoh shelle for ornaments......profit if sold in Nepal
rill be 4 as. in the rupee and if sold at Lhasa hundrod per
cent.
544 UODEBI{ ]{EPAI

Beagal raw silk."tho profit exactly the gsme ol in cottoD

oloth.
Woollen carpots, cazz,'o looking glaases, knives eod
BcissorE-the produco of Europo, tho Profit in Nepal will be
4 os. in tbe rupee anil 100 pr cent st Lha8a.
Brass scaloe and woights, nut-mog, cardamom, mace, sandal
wood, Googool, alum chhohara, Banaras Kumkqm, silk piece
7
goods, cotton, Banar&s Bu8sr, tobaoco, karua? cloth profit on
thosa i8 4 as. in tho rupee in Nepal and l0 as. in Lbasa.
Indigo-tho profit ia Nepal may bo 4 as. sDd I00 Por ceut
ot Lhasa.
Cuff of Diamond? ltho profit st8nds e8 in the case of Indigo.
Artialet o! ,ncralwtdise tor dmporlatdan fiorn fibet into
Hitduatm: Gold, ailver, eohaga, cow tail, chow-rie, murk,
ooerso saJ, Cbina silk, sal blankot.
Articlu of Nepal lor irnrya,;on to Hittiluctm: Muuzoet'
war, wooil fit for mast of ship, terpeutilo. SilYer and lead
minog ars found in Nepat but tho nativos do not undoretand
working thom although they do work eome of thoir coppor and
iron mines,
Abilul Kadir's early improssions havo boeu giveu iu his
letter which he wrote from Kathmondu as Eoon s! ho r€sched
there. AmoEgBt othor things he Yroto to 8sy that ho hosrd of
complaints by the Nopoleso authorities about Kaaipur aud
R.udrapur. At tbe initial st&go he soemB to h&Yo beon quits
moying. But the a.dvent of tho winter causod him physioal
ailmont, and hie m.ovements slaokened. Since the for &bout
two months till he left for Banaral he had various troublss on
account of staff. AU of thom were suffednB
himeelf and his
from chronic malaria. Although, bo reoeived atteotion snd
cars of bis host, thoro was uothing that !e could do to froo
himaolf oud his men from the malarial fevor. AB I col6equonco
threo porsons of his ontourage had tliod, and ho himcelf rau a

76. To .it on while P!sYin3'

7i. Kols (uublecched)
78, flits Kashi (fercus sulPh.t6)'
 two sf,ntraE rtlslorE 6'16

rial of thot frlo. At long lest he sss oonpolled to quit

Latf,mandu. 7 t
Abdul Kadh reported that tho King F88 indiEPosod duo to
:omo eilmot, and he could havo littlo lnreonal contact rith
him savo tho rudionoo which he was givon on arrival.E 0 Tho
obroniclo rhioh, hovcvot, doo8 [ot ssy sDythirg about Abdr
Kadfu notos thst King Rano Bahadur ruffered for oighteen
monthe sinoo immotliatoly sftor ho took over tho reins of
Govornmont on Jyostha 27,1841 VS (midillc of Juoe, l?94).
It s6oms thst while Abdul Krdir r€aohod K8thm8trdu, tho King
was ailing.

Kailir Relurw
Abdnl Kadir $tumed to Banaraa bofore the end of
Scptonber or oarly October eftor a fairly long atoy ia
Ksthnandu.l I Of oourse, ss wsr inh€rent in tho naturo of
the missioo, orcopt tho fa,otu&l rcport tboy obtainod of tho
oondition of the oourt in Nepal nothirg was aohieved by the
Britiah authoritios beyond whst was dosimble within lirnits
of their instructionc to Kadir Khan.
Aocordirig to tho lettor of J. Lumsden above quoted "of the
revsral articles oxport€d through Abdul Kador, tho broad
oloth vss the ouly ono which had boen sold.s t Tbe coral wae
unesleablo io oonsoquonoe of the high prico aad bad aolection
of beads. No articles from tho produco of Nepal and Tibct
bad boon purohased as the Maulvi wae advised by lbo Agont 8t
Pstna thst Et ptosent thay would bo sold at a loea in tto
Company'a provinoos.'8 !

?9. Polttiosl Oo!!ultrtion,'21 gepteuhor' 1795' No. g0

80. rbiil.
81. Birtrupads Oh.krsvsrti h Calcutta Reeiew,86, JftDuary 19{9 (pP.
4&49) wrttos tlit ho returnod iD th€ lsst w€€k oI D€crDbet or lat€6t fltt
rr6€t ol ,taurry-
gr. OostiD! Bs. 980?-1{ $as.6oltl ot N€I616!6 Rr. 14065. Ihe 6tio
gloos r'a6 looto 115' ThuE tho
betweel tbe Bolaaraa Sioc. sDil Nrpol€€€
r"iuaf orioe totoheil rEs Bs. 11955'4'0 Bsnstas ruP€€s, proat b€ing Rs.
2i48.3-{i fPol ooEEult, Uotoh 7, 1796 (No' 1)'
89. P. C. Boyohrudhuri'B Dot6. Politioal Oo!6nltstior! tr[irch 7, 1796,
No. 1.
646 UODEEN NBP.AI

ft not appoar rhother ithe bouudary diaputes in rcs-

does
poct of Momng enil Purnoa, was settled, although we find thot
tho Nepel Goverumont was let to klov of tho instruotionl tho
Britigh authorities 6ont to the Collector of Puraeo for efeotiag
suoh adjuetment ae wae sought by tho Nepaloee Govemmsnt.
-We
also do not loe in tho documetrts relatin3 the mission of
Abdul Kodir anything to show that the disputo regarding
Cossipur and &udrapur vas eettled. Of course, tbis qucstion
Eoonr to havo boon raised iu the interviow wtrich Abdul Kadir
Iad with tho Kingr!, in Kathmanilu.
Abdul Koilir ou his way bock to India for tho olpresa
purpose of nogotioting with tho A. G. G. in Banarae iu regard
to th6 possessioo of theso torritorios.s 6 Itr o lotter which
Rana Bahadur ssat to J. Lumsden through]Abdul Kadir it rar
sritl thst the Migsion had made a commitment on that iesue'E'
But Abdul Katlir doaied to hsYs done Bnylhing in tbo matt€r,
strd this !ts8 supported by Gejarej Mirra rho eaid 'if thcre ras
ony misappreheneion it \r&s due to the EisroprosantatioD of
Dsonanath Upedhaya whose objmt was to intoruPt harmony
botvson the two Sirkore''8 ? The Britirh Govsrnor-Genortl
ffuolly clarifioil thoir attitude ssyiug th&t tho m&ttst did not at
.all fall within tbo soopo of thoir authority. It &lro sPpoart
th&t the Nppaleso a,ttomptod to msko e ditooc spPro&ch to thc
Newab Nazir for eecuring the two trlukae.8 r
So oq all accounts eron the minimum erpeototion about
the mission's urefulnees had not been fulfilled.
Yet, the British outhorities thought tbrlt ae ono moro lilt
in the chain which thay w&uted to eot up in thair relation with
Nepol, it bad served its own purPole. lt hrd gono st least to

84. ?olitiosl CoDrultetior, SEtebbe! ql. 1795 (No. 9C)

8t. Nos. Si'36 of tho AUstBbsil Becods OSos'

86. Its ocpt &ttBcboit to tho l4it€t Nr, 69oIJ. LulriilsE to glt John
Shore
8?. Docuuent No.5?. Ltt€t il,rteil4th Jsuusly 1?96'
88. Pol' ColBult, tiirch 7, 1?96 (15)
 r TO BBITISE [IA8IOI8 64!t

pres6rvo'& fscado of oordisl relation botwoou tho tro GoYora-

monts. Gajraj Migra bed aleo writtense to thsm that Kadir
Khan's migsiou had worked to dispel aay doubts in tho miads
oftho Sardars, ond tho Maharaja was oonyinood about the
oxpediency of the stroDgest cordiality and ftiendrhip. rubsistirg
botween the two Sirkars'. Although, with thia aesurtnoo, tho
ohapter of friendly intoroourse was oloeed. at leaet for a period
of another fivo yonrs, tbis w&s somothing whioh sustained tho
East foelia Company'e Goyornmont in thoir endeevour to
promote their iltorest in Ncpal.
Sir John Shore's observatiou shows that tho British did lrot
rogard tho result of tho miseion aa somothing of a total failure
and thcy still hoped for a bottor futuro.

"Of the reeults of tho moroanlilo tlanBaotions eatruotod to

tho conduot of M. Kadir, wo aro l1ot yot qualified to form e
iudgomont...but considoring tho oommercial as well as politioal
information dorived from hia doputation it csnnot bo d€omed
uroless s[d uDimporto,ut, This commuuioatioa hor onabled us
t,o opon somo judgomont of ths charaotere of the Raja aud his
priucipal oflicors and to &Bcertsin their diEpoBitiou tora,rde this
Govornmout*,.the political impdimonts lesulting from the
charaoter antl conduct of the Iiaje are of moro conbequeuoo and
whilat those erist, th6 commerce mEst r6m&iD iD a feeblo 8tato.
'Wo ought tr,r look forward to a poriod of bettsr admiuistration

in Nopal and iatermediately to promoto our counootion with

e o.
tho B,aja'.
We intond to conolutlo thig soction with tho political report
of Abdul Kadt, wbich ho propared about tho condition of tho
Court ol Kothmaadu, Eveu if this nay &ppeat a bit out of
ploce, it ia hoped that the following quot&tion will eupplement
the uarrative ou the subjoot we havo provided in tho n€xt
chripter. The roport is expected to sheil muab light on tho
curreut politic&l situation iu Nopal.

89. Ibid, Gajroj MiEtB'8 to lurn8alotr.

90. Politjca,i 0oosult&tio!, ? Mrlob,1796, No. 29-
548 UODEBI{ N&PII

Pditical sitttalion in Nepal aa Kdir Eouttil

Molvi Abtlul Kadir in dooument No. 56 in the volumo of

Pranulirg Reaorih (Lottere isrued by tho Agent to tho Clover-
aor-General, Banaros. October, 1795 to Dooombor, 1795)er haa
liveu his ideas regarding the Rajo of Nepal aod tho st&ts of
afiairs in that oountry. Eo montions that from tho time of
his aocession lo lhe wefiqd, the Raja hod listcned to the advico
of ths lowest olocs of pooplc anil omployed his time in attonding
to Bingers and io dissipation. 'At tho advice of his low-minded
fri€rils tho Raja's uacle, Bahadur Shah had been disgraced and
Bahadur Shah was now entirely devoted to roligion. On this
acoount Bahadur ShaL, Abhiman Sirgb, Damodar Paro and
Gujeraj Misir wers much dietressed. Glujeraj l\Iiair htd somo
influence on tho Raja but the Raja did not alw&ys follow his
advice.' Tho Rtio entertaiuod a great oatipathy to his uncle and
suspecteil him of hia boing in concert of tho Sardars of aeigh-
bouring couotries for diepossossing him of tho Raujo' The
rulors of China were wsll pleasod with tho Raja's uaclo, Baha-
dur Shah, and had recommended to the Raja that Bahadut
Shah should be appointed ss tho Naik. The Raja in reply
wroto th&t he hed diemiesed his utrcle ag be had commenced
hostility yith th6 peoplo of Tibet without his cons'ent. Tho
rtply from.China to this messegd bad not yot oomo. The'
-bf
Emporor China elso wrote to tho Raja to rocommond &ttoa-
tion to merchents trading to Nopal, s reyision of revenue from
tho r&iyets of Newar caste and to propose the iBtroduotioD of
tho Chinoso coins into Nepel. The Rajr had obi6oted but
Abdul Kadot was convinced thst his objeotion would not bo
rllowod. "Tho Raja hae reteined in his aerioo lbre,e Vir$qczt
iD tho oha,rye of his artilleriee. One of thom, o Etonchman, vas
very akilful in his proforsion ond was ontertsinod in the Raja'e
servicet;z Deensnath Updhya's brother in Caloutta. While
Bahadur Shah vss in oftco thir man recsivod 690 rupeos per
month snd was omployed in casting cenon. 200 canons had

91. P. O. Royohruilburr'. ooth8.

 TWO BBITISE UISSIONS 649

teeu o&Bt strd soyoral Nepsloso lesExt tho &rt &nd the Fronoh-
man's salary hed been st6pp€d. The Xtonchman wantod to
escspo but he wes aprehoniled and res put in oonfinomcnt. E6
again escapod and was seiz€d end put in igrn and was troatod
so harshly that he (Abdul Kadir) thought he was dead. Tho
Bhootawal Reia ras io t€Ims of friendship with the Nswsb
Vizier and woe e brothor-in-lew of tho Raja,e uaole, Bohadur
Shah. The Raja wontod to oonfne hie son and many of tho
old Ssrdsrs. Tho eon had osoaped and maay ofthe Sarilars
were undor perpotual apprehension.', Abdul kadir Khan founil
Nopal iu a sort of fcraont. Many of the big mon and raiyate
of Nepal were friendly to Bahadur Shah who vss in good term,
with Gujeraj MisL end ths other Esn of understandiag ia tho
country. Bahadur Shah was anrious to cultiv*to the friond-
sbip of the Company. Abdul Kadir Khan hinted that if
Bahadur Shah bc restored to powor the friendly intercou$a
botweon tho two ststss would inoroaro. ,.Even Abhiman Singh,
the Dewan Eantcd to quit Nepal aud roside in the Company,s
territoriee if he be given seme malgoozrree lauds,', ho
rcported.
Tho roport further !-,,Thc Enperor of Chiaa
meations
has dietributed his foroes from thohil Ghate to tho southw&rd
of Tibet, to the wsstrrard as far as his bounilary of Kashmir
and to tho eastvard as far as the country of Debraja and has
establiehed l&rgo dopot of grain at all the Ghats. A greator
portiou of armymea srd also of grains wero 8t&tioncd at tho
Glhats bordoriag on Nepal than elsewhere aud wbai bappened
will be eoon hereafter. The aon ofths Raja of Joomla bill
adjoining to tho eastern bounda"ry of Kashmir whose country
hag eomotimss beeu anaetsd to Nepal vent to Cbina to com-
plain of the Raja of Nepal. Ee roturned from thenco with a
confrmstion of his Raj and r.esidod at th6 fort of Kotteo.
'But th6 Raja of Nepal hae not mado oy6r to him the possession
of Joomla. It will, horeeftor bo se€n vhst oralors th6 oountry
of Chine will eend ia consequenoo or wbothor the Chineso troopg
will put the Joomla Baj into possssEioD. Thero is no anlty
660 ITODEBN NEP{,

betwosn tho Raja of Nopal and the Sovoroign of China.ot

Under these oircu4starooe it i8 Dy advice that in the firBt
placo frioudly lotten E&y bo written from the Euzoor to
Glujoraj Misir and Abhimaa Singh rrho iE s voll wiahor for tho
Ssrka,ra anal wishes"'."--to get Bahad'.r Shah and Damqdar
Paro stoa<ty in the goorl ofims' It is olso proper that lettere
rhould be r ritts! to Tribhuwan Singh and to tho li'aja in
terms of gooilwill oud if 'the Nawob. Vizier rill bo brought
to cons€nt to tbcir wishos raPocting Roodrapur aud Cossipur,
it will be e4redient that they ahould be gretiGod in ordor to
sotisfy tho Raja anit his ministors of the eincerity of tho Englirh
Glovernmoot. It will bs also right that lettere shoulil l;o written
to tho Subedar of Lheea and to the Dalai Lems by ![ir Baha-
ud-ileen who last year brought letters &nd prcsonts ftom the
Dalai Lama st Lh&B& to ths Glovernor-General and to Mr.
Duaoau. A lstter shoulil also bo Eont to Mr. Cherry from
Caloutte to pty &tteutioD to the Vizier to tho R,eja of Bboota-
wsl whenover he &ttonds to p&y his comPlimont to him the
regard, vhich tho English gentlemeu etrtertaiE for Gujeroj
Mieir and for Bahedur Sheh, bie msster's rslatiou. All thig is
orpedieut and propor."

It that Guru Cajaraj Misra pinned a hope on tho

waB st&tad
possibility of Bahsdur Shah'a restoration to the helrn of afairs
:o that in tho doys to come the British obiootiYo of consolida-
ting friendsnip with Nopal euoooedeil.0 I

t'rom l?96 to 1799 the British had oominal contn'ct with

Nopsl. They rero oaroful not to offend tho Gorkhabs at a

91. Abdul troili!itr atrothol !6tt6! erite to€sy th.t tbo ItrDD€ror raotoil
to rciDst to tho Boir ot ,u!oL i! his Poirdrlon aEil i.D
tho Eejs ot Nopal
crlo of Eon-coEplisrloo hsit thr6.tdeil to lnvrile Nsprl Ttth 80,000
tJoops. fho' Rai. of JnmL h.il his ot! to&o oI 10,0C0 'r!6Eblod i! Kuti
(J. LuEsde!. Ltte!,No. 116 ot thE All&h.brA Booorils Of,co)
93, Polltiosl Oo[sultotlolr, Mtroh ?, 1796 (N. 9 N' 13)
 fWO BBITISE UI88ION8 55[
timewheu w&rsworo raging in the Southand intheWegt.e.
They quietly allowed the trado pact with Nepal to lapee aud
made no attcmpt whatever to reintroduce the subjeot. But
they did not cease to work for an opportunity. In lg00 they
agaia offered a treaty, which wag liko a troaty of subsidiary
allianoo.
Tho trap thoy laid down was, however, smashed hardly was
;
tho ink of the treaty dry that tle Government of Nepal repu_
diated their commitments. The Britieh cane &way, agoin
disappointed.
fn this and other instances the Gorkhalis acted with the
utn?ostwisdom. Any other oourse involviug concessions to
the British, oveu though they bo in respect of oaatters
commercial, would havo brought in its s6ft6 flsmination of
the Compaay's Govornment. It certainly reflects creflit on
the sagacity and far-sightedness of the Gorkbali rulers to have
set aside the advanoes made by tho British.
The credit of hotding high the banner of freedom goes to a
host of young mon at Kathmandu. Theso mon in spite of
thoir youthful lovo for adventure uere nevertheless remarkably
sagaoious in coaducting their relations with the British. They
wero imbued with the highest ideal of patriotism and were
brave and strong men. They woro abovo all perfectly honest
and would not stoop to,greed or tomptation.06 Aslongas
the trrclicy remained in their hands, Nepal waB very far from
the disaster which at Iast betook hor in lgl4.
94. They were engagetl in fights against Tippu Sultan in Bouth India.
The Mahrattag were elso opposing them as f*r ag the Jumna River. From a
letteroI Bana Bahailur shah to Dinanath ulndhya(traced from one of the
latter'e tlesoeltlantr) it appears that a vakil-repreaentiug Nepal was stationed
in caloutta, antl border tlisputes aad extrailition of oriminal cases wero
'negotiated through him'. This letter'publieheil in Etihasik pata sangraho
speaks of certaio inoitlents of robbery'in Dinajpur distriot where Nepolese
citizene fron the hills were invorvetl. The company's Government has been
asketl to repatriato all porrons of the type mentioued to avoid further troubles
on their account. rt conveys also promise and aggurance of frioudship anit
ol proper aotions agaiast tbe iniscreents (pp. S0-gB).
96. Old6eld, I. Pp. Z86.eB.
652 !trODtrBIT T{IPAI,

A survoy of ovonts in Netrul during that period will ahow

that they had to work against heavy odds. Becauso a minor
wss otr tho throns, fotoos woro lot looso, whioh fostorcd
intrigues and, very ofton, womorl Gamo to oontrol ths afailg.
Stability of admininstration Pas the excoption rathot than
the rulo. It is said that Bahadur Shab himself wes subjectetl
to untold barossmont as & result of Court intriguos and ho
had to leevo his country twice on that account.
$imilar was the fate meted out t,o msDy othors. The
wom&r, R€gont Quoen Rajenitro Lu-kemi, seorls to have
aotod iniliscreoily rrorso than othsrs and indulged in itrtrigues
a,round her eud encouraged tho malioe aud iealouay amonget
tho uobility, and she was not at all fair to hor brother-ialaw,
Bahadur Shah, wbich oaused a jolt to Nepal's progrees.
Other womon, dow[ to tbe queen of King Rajendra who
foolishly wrecked tho structure of the Shah power, have boen
rocponsible for weakoning tho Gorkha Kiagdom. But ovon ia
tho8o circumstauces those valiant aons of Nepal acted in tho
best interest of the country abovo jealousy &nd rancour, ofton,
isolating the palaoe for that purposo. To their crodit they
annered in this period Tanhu, Palpa and the forty-six hill
principalities botwesn the Iiivers Mahakali aud Krishna
Gandaki (Gandak). Sometino aftor, the Gorkhalis marched
upto river Gangea occupying Kumaon and Garbwal. A eet back
camo orly aftor tho Tibot war, and more when Rana Bahadur
bogen to rule directly without hie unolo. Rana Bahadur
acted much unwisely whilo he ruled, aud at last ho abdicatod
his throue, and wont to live in Banaras. But eveu there in
his exile he aoted so indisorootly that tho British had almost
aucceeded in imposing a Resident in his otherwise freo country.

Angla-Nepal,eae nela'tiofle, U96-1800 -,4. D.

Tke account of Abdul Kadir'g miosion eorried tho thead of

th6 genersl aarrative of Anglo-Nopalose relation to 1796. In
tho present eectioo rPo proposs to continuo ths narrativo to
 TWO BBIIISE ITTSSIONA 653

includo ovents up to 1800. Here wo stsrt with tho doeoription

of tho working of tho Nopralose foroiga mission, which ofton
csme ir tho pioturo.
Ihe Nopal Governmont bad a repres€nt&tivo ia Calsutta.
Ee porformed eovoral. funotions. IIe watched the British.
Eo watohod the Indiane. He gave all gorts of information
to his msster. fn his correspondonce ho touched all aryrocts
of lifo from personal disposition and oharaotor of the
Govornor-Gsnoral doyn to th6 doteils of intriguos in the
British camp oud in Iudian Cou{ts, about Assam, Kabul,
Poona and Lucknow.96 Ee woe asLed to b6 polite, and avoid
enything li&oly to through him
c&uso misundorstanding.s?
Kathmandu ooutscted fndiau princos: cont&ctr with the
Marrthas end S&hc beoamo rogular as the timo approached
ths Aytglo-Nepeloeo War. ,S€cr6t sgents wors stationed iu
Gwalior and Lahoro with aumerouo other Bubordinste agon€ios
in goyoral mors statos, Padma Pani reptessnted his country
in Sindhia's Capitel, antl it was a full-fletlgeil embassy funo.
tioning oponly whioh hs managed. We have tbo following
lines in a letter to tho Goyoruor-Goaeral by the3esittent at
tho Gwalior Court about the Nepaloso miseion.
"Padma Peuio, tho Gorkha agent to thil
aourt, i8
roprosented to have requested for his dismissa,l and the motivo
escigrod for tihie iB Eie llighness,s neglect to porform his
promiso in rogard to tho obtaiuing of the miseion of a man of
rauk from Nepal to bo present at th6 ceremoDy of hir daughter,s
Euptials.9s

96. L€tto! No. 16 -Eirihorik Patra Saryraha sbout IJord Wetlesly.

97. Instt[Eonr of iu6tlDctioD io Kheride! plithvivilai by AEsr SiDha
d&tBitV. g. 18?1 MsgLavadi 19 loj g (6rst pubtisheil by Chittaronjatr Nopali)
I€tts! No. 294 troD th6 r€.ld€nt to J. lilam. No. g19 of th€ saDo. I4tt€!
ol P&illr! Poni to Geuerol BhiEgdE Tlal,s ond trazi Rrndhrraj Thelle ilat€il
Y, B. 18?1 glsvans va,ili I loi 2 &ddresB greallo! (reproiluced) in .Bhioren
Thepa aail Eis Tiraee' by Chitta6nj&D Nelsli, (FoteigE ofio6 srchlves)
98. 'Pliti P&ul, though Bome o&ll hllr pdti Ealo B€€lrs' No, 266, from
Reslil@t -ith eiAdhi. to l. Adafr. (poona Residetcy Correspondence,aol
xrv,8109.18).
554 MODEBN NSPAL

"Ee to the court whilo the war continued

was disposed
A person about the Darbar is employod to roceive the Gorkha'e
oovnmunication and to convey to Eis Highness." But the
Ietter belongs to tho post Anglo-Nepal war period.
Frum a letter (No. f 7)se i6 is olear that tho Gloveramert of
Nopal used to appriso itself of all the events occuring in India
and uear about. In this letter Rana Bahadur refem to afrairs
n Eyilerabad and issuos instructions to his Vakil. The letter
was in reply to the latter's eubmisgion about international
afraire. The Vakil had etated that the Freuch had invaded
E5rpt but were defoated by tho British and itheir outposts
were soized by the latter. Rada Bahadur in his letter h&d
asked Dinanath to congratulato the British on their success
in defeating the X'reuoh. The lotter is dat€d VS 1855 Margasudi
16, roj l:Suiday,2J. December, 1798.
Baua Bahadur wrote another letter to Dinanath to say
that Kirkpatrick rag pursuing his intention to see Nepal. 'But
this will not be good in the interest of our country. Even if
Nopal woro to gain l0 times additional territories Kirkpatrick
should bo pereuaded not to rittempt the venture'. . But Dina-
nath was to appoar modei,t all the timo whenevor the gueation
was raised.
Thero is a passage in this letter about Ugrasimha a cloimant
to Assam's throno intimating to the Vakil that the timo fol
oontaoting tho Assameso rulor had gone. The information is
doscribed in full in the next section dealiug with Assam.
In 1798 Dinanath informed the King through a'letter that
dacoits from the Nepalese torritory operated in Dinajpur. Tho
King in reply etated that the authorities here had issued no
iastructions to thoir Subas and Amlis to aommit ravages in
the company's territories. Ee could not think that the Subas
did so.' Probably the unomployed hill-men must have taken
to plundering fcr their livelihood. They must have meutionod
the Suba's name to savo their ekin ; Dasaratba Khatri had
99, Eitihasik Patra Sangraha. (In the Possasglon of Baburam Aoharya).
All letters fuom 16-20 were copied by the Aoharya aad they are lying in. hia
possession.
 rWO BBITTSE UISSIONS ooa

boen orderod todeal with the dacoits aocording to tho names of

the list suppliod. Dinanath wae to provido informs0ion as to
the families of the men involvod and tho placo where thoy
lived. Ife was also to let the Govornment know if such aots
wore committed under somebody's instructione. Any body
endangering the frioudship between Nepal and East India.
oompany would be puaished. The Brltish could send euch
nen back home, wheroupon proper action could be taken. Even
good men should bo persuaded to return.
Letter No. 20 gives a resume of what Dinanath, tho Nopaleso
vakil in Calcutta,wroto to his Clovenlment about the victory
of the companyts G$ovornment over Tipu Snltan. "Sriranga-
patam wae uuder seizo because Tipu wou ld not listen to the
Britieh who had repeatedly dissuaded him from aligning with
tho French. Tipu appeared in a mood to fight the Britieh.
Thorofore, Cleroral George Earris and others were sent to meot
the ohallengo. Thore were two engagements. The seoond took
placo on Vaisakh Vadi $0 Saturday at 2-30 a.m. For five
houra they fought aud Tipu was vanquished and killod. Tho
The entire family and their treaeury fell into tho enemy,s
hands.t'1@
The Nepalese wero keen to maintain friendly relation with
the British and took meticulous care to avoid any oocasion
likoly to rouse misundorstandiug about thoir intention. In the
same lotter Rana Blhadur expreseoil himself to say : "Tho
victory of our friend hag mado us happy. Tle aro happier that
after Tiputs defeat the prestige of the British has goue
high."101 This no doubt, shows the desire on the part of the
Nepalese authorities to impress on the Britieh vith the feelinge
of friondship and amity, os oould exist betweon two noighboure.

100. Datetl V. g. 1856 Jristha Suili 18 daturtlay = 15 June, 1?99. Also s6e
his lettcr to Dinanath Upadhya ilsteil V.g. 1855 Phelgun Yadi 14 roj 3.
ihas ik Pat ra S agr alu,
-Eit
101. AIso hig letter to tbeGovernorGener4l,JuIy18, 1792(TB31,pp.
No. 218) antl to'Mr. Bturrt tOB 388, AB I, P. 120. No, 208). CPO, X,
X91-4.
No. 569. 678, Pp. 114-15.
666 UODEB]T Xf,PAI,

of Nepal also 8€ems to havo pronisod

Tbo Governmert
help to tho British in preventing Clhoolam Mobummad, the
Rohilla Ohiot from gotting sn asylum10, irr Almora (30
Deoembor, 1794, Political lottor to tho Court of Direotors) in
rcspon8o to tho roquest m&do by the Britieh Rosident in
Lucknow (Correspondence, lTth October, Nos, 17-32). This
should go to disprovo tho chrgo of complioity of Nopal in anti
British aoGivities. Ths Kothmandu authorities rrere over alort
to avoid giving romotest cauae of suspicion to tho British or
thot aooount.
A lottor of Rana Bahadur Sh&h to Dbanath Upadhya
informed him that the Govornmetrt had inatructed all its ofrcors
in the P8lpa-Butwal area not to'givo Bholter to Wazir Ali
Shah of Oudh ( Letter No, 18, Eitilneib Patra Bangraln'
agha auil,i 4 rol: Saturday I X'obrua,ry' 1799). Wazir Ali's
aceeesion to tho tbrono wss coDtriyed by hia supportors againat
th€ widheE of tho Britieb whoeo preferenco for Sadat Ali had
becomo knowa at tho time. This man, Wazir Ali, eon of
Arafrutldaula, waa depored ou tho first of January in 1798 aftor
somo months of rostleso rulo, (Mirze Sadat Ali, hie unole was
put on th€ throno of Oudh) and thoreafter rras kept in Banaras
under eurveillanco, from whero ho escaped to tho bord€r of
l.Tepal. It appears from tho letter that Wazir Ali escoped after
killing {our Europoan officere including tho Residont, G' T.
Cherry aud whils on tho border aroas was engeged ia collecting
forces and arms to use against the Britiah.l03 Wazir Ali had
conspired and when this was dieolosed and tho Sritish wanted
to remoyo him to Calcutta he had robellod. Ee had murdered
G. T. Cherry in the latter's ap&rtment when ho was boing
received. This was on tho l4th January,2 days provious to
the dsto ffxod for his removal to Calcutta. The letter furthor
inshuoted "even if the British did taks no notico of tho affairs,

f(}). Fort William-Indla House Oorrespetdence, Vol. XY[. P,e82, Ibld,

P. 104 ; ?oliticsl letto! A.hil4 Fob!uny,1795,
1OS. G. B, Gutba8, Ar AcooEDt ot the Aco€srioD ol Erilst AlI' PlooooiltllB
'ol the IE. B.C. XYII.
 Two BBJIISg UlsAIOXd 667

it
is our duty to ohock ell inoidento in pmsuaaco of our usuel
polioy of maintoining fricndrhip &t sDy cost. TaLo caro to
impress them boldly that wo moan nothing but friontlship, you
will also counteract ony miechief our adversa,ries might ereoto.
We have alro directly vritton to tho Governot.Goneral.,
Tho Govemor-Genoral communicstod thoir concenr abdut
Wazir Ali in thsir oommunioation in roply to the King's lettor
&nd r€quosted tho Nepaleso authorities to help thom to routd
up the fugitive.l o. Inyot anothor letter to Dirensth Upadhya
(No. 19, dated YS 1856 Vsirokh sudi 14 roi:S&turd&y, 18
llsy
1799) Rana Bahadur assures the Britieh of tho aupport ia tho
campaign egainrt Wozir Ali. It BBomE rhet sll outposts on the
border ae far ee Kumaon had boon alertod. Thero wore also a
fow cngagomente.
Tho lotter elso reports Wazir Ali,e attompts to force unity
yith looel landlorde. r o I
Ths Nawab Wazir had sssurod tho Govornmont of Nop&l to
gront the Jagir of Cossipur and Rudrapur plm bO thousatrd
rupeos in lieu of the support in hie oaee (lettor No. 20, Raaa
Bahadur Shah to DinaEa,th datsd vS lg50 JyoEthE Suili g
roj
7:Saturday l5 Jone 1799 ). In anothor lettar ( Vg f85i
Phagua) Iryazir Ali hae boeu rbported to ha.vo entor€d the
juugles of Gorakhpur. But all this proved inofroctive
to tempt
the Nopaleeo officers who had csreal littto for roword
of th&t
nature. They alw&ye stood by what they ha.d promised to th6
British oarlier. They had sont their men to approhond
Wazir
Ali irrospectivo of what tho Narrab lgazir had otrorod thom
or tho English had orpeoted of them.
It appears that WszA AI
vas takiug refugo ia Ajamgarh
and Gorkhapur forest eraaa, ao no trace of him ras found
rithin Neprl. Thie information had also reached Rana

1O4. Politioql Consultatiou, Aptil 12. 1799, No.9.

105, Also soo Bsns Brhralu!,s lettor, poiitioot CoErEltotiorx, Msroh 1,
1799, No. 7. Tho ti!8 o, N€prI s6Dt 6 yrrlstie oI lics to B.!o!as in !espoD.6,
to Blitish !€que8t (9 trun6 1?98).
Algo eaoloEgro, reoelveil lg.l&t?gg. IloBaj&oI p&lpr xli r&o,sh6d.
b68 UODEBN I{EPAI,

Bahailur who montions it in hig lettcr of Tu€sd&y, 5 Maroh,

l?99. Eo also cone incognito to Lucknow to Eeek hclP' but
no ono w&a prop&red to Bide with him. For eomotimo theroaftor
he lived in Rajputena. Later in Septomber 1799 he fell into
tho hands of the Sritish who dotaiaed him in tr'ort William
Calsutts till Juns 1816, vhen ho broathed hie last.106
Eyen when thero rses a movemeut of troops, for instanoe,
of the romoval of 6 companies from Morang to tho border of
Purnea, intimation.was given to the authoritieg across the
bordor, eo that they might como to know tho roal purpoeo of
the Bteps taken by the Nopaleeo Govornment.
Tho Nopalose authoritiee did not seeo to deeire to givo the
Bligbtoet grountl of suspioion to the British on any ground
whateoevor.

nurtker Aaaount of Bord,er DisputcE uitk th' Bdl,;sh

Although &n acoount of ths border dieputos on th€ south

had founcl place in the narrative dooling with tho oYentg
lesding to tho Anglo-Nopaless trade p&ct, yet this wss rot
oomploto. Now wo intond to olose this chspte! with &n
aattlitional aocount of ths bordsr disputes botween Nepal and
tihe Britieh in tho last decailo of the oightoelth oentury'
In l79I Dinanath Upadhya compl&ined to the Goveraor-
General tb&t one Abtlulla 3og had unlawfully occupiod
Rautahat (,Rotihutt ). The Govemor-Cloneral referrod tho
m&tter to Maxwoll, tho Chief of Patna Revenuo Departmont'
Abtlulla Beg who resided in Patna was eummoned and tbo
c&Bo w&a thoroughly examinoil' Eo produced a Sanad
from
the late Raja Kaur Kunau Singh (Kanak Sinha) .of Mackwan-
pur. IIo ssid th&t hs was in possossion of the area for tho
l'aet 30 years. Earlier Abtlnlla;Beg was &lmoet dispcsaessed'
but Rumbolt'e intorcession had saved him ( ilIarwell to
Davitl Anilerson, Presidont and mombere of tho R'ovenuo
Board, Bort Williom, l0 July, I?81, Shahbad Recortls)' Abdulla
ia
106, Lifs soa Coroet ol Wszi! Ali Eh8tr by A'u huEa! Mokhotii
JBRS XITIU, PtB. III& IVt PP' S2S'28'
 rWO BEIIIISE UISSIONA 659

Beg'e oontontion, howevor, was oot acgopted and the possoesion

ofB&utab&t vr8 the Nopalese. About o ye&r lator
givcn to
the disputo iu regard to' Rautahat was agaia rovived, But
this timo tho collootor of Champaran neutralised the area, and
Provetrteil cither perty from taking possession.loT B,&utahat
was restored to Nepal aftor sometios on reprosont&tion to th6
Goyeraor- Gonoral.loS
In l&11 troubles about certain border areas led to wa.r
between Nopal a,nd the British. But these troubl€s 6xist6al in
one form or another sinco the esrly so\ronties of the eightoouth
contury. Thoy wero oftwo Linds. One involved Cisputes ia
rogsrd to celt&in &rea8 over whioh the British laid claim for
possossion. The seoond relatod to insta,nces ofraids carrietl by
the inhabitante of one country oD the trorritories of the other
ss it was alleged. The diaputed areas all lay insido what was
oalled the torritory iu the possession of the Gorkhali ruler.
These ertended ftom tho Gaudak to ths Tista. At one time
ths rholo of tho Torai from west to oast betwoen the8o two
rivors were claimed by tho British bn tho ground that they
formod pa,rts of tho Bongal-Bihar Diwaui. Later, howover, good
sonso provailoil ou tho British authorities and they gavo up
proaring their claim. By 1785 the eituation had eo changod
that nobody on eithor side talkeil of a &sputo regarding
tsritorial claims.
n'rom.District B,€cordc of tho Bihsr flontior vo know that
tho Sanyasi robbors ofton raidod villages on the Britiah side,
&nd deca,mpeil rith the booty to the neighbouring placea
insido tho Nopal bordor aud madc themsolyeg safe thero.
The Sanyasis had bsoome a problom for the British. Thie
problem was raieed by tho Governor iu his correspondenco
with Kiag Prithviuarayan Shah (vido ante\. Letnt whilo they
were vanquished, tbers were other factors that contiaued
to keep tho troublir very much aliyo. Both tho parties, tho
British and Nepaleso, each complained of raids on one's
10?. OPO ii No. 7.
108, K. P. Mit!., Op cit,P. L61,
660 MODEBN I{XPAI

torritories' oithor by Zemindars or by Amolis of tho other.

Botween 1787 and 1792 there woro sover&I complaints of thig
t5rye on Champaran, Tirhut and Purnoa borders. The
Nopalese alleged that certain Zemindars from acrose the British
terribories had been actively ongaged in dacoity. In 1792 they
hsd also approacLod tho British ofrcers to provent the fleeing
Limbus from being engagod in activities against Nepallos.
In roply, the British eont thoir own complaint alleging that,
Nepaleso Amalis had violated tho aroas in their jurisdiction.
In 1793 the Bakira croated troublos in Darbhanga district.
Their loader Kurram Shah, used to operate from a junglo at
the Kosi wasto land. The British had alleged that the X'akirs
wero instigated by the Nepaleso officers of Morang, who
wanted to bully thom into accepting certain points of their
seeking in tho boundary disput'o. In April 1794 the Darbhanga
treasury was looted, and a year aftor the Collector of Purnoa
had a n&rrow escape from the marauding stroke of the
assailants. Tho British had by that time stationed 32
battalions of sopoys under a, Britieh Captain all over tho
Purnea border in order to prevent operations of the anti-sooial
olemonts operating from the other side. But the preseuce of
troops on tho bord.er had not boon conducivo to the restoration
of normal relation botween the two t':ountries. Two notorious
robbers by name Ajodhyaram and Mirzapat Sarda were acting
in Morang and the Nepalese Vakil in oady 1792 had represenl,-
ed to the Govornor-General the urgency of taking action against
them. It was said that after some delay theso bad charaoters
who wore previously in the service of the Raja of Sikkim woro
arrested by the Collector of Purnea (Letter, 20 July, 1792).
Ouly aftor 1795, troublel on account of raiders had come to an
ond.l1o
Boundary disputes in regard to Morang and Purnea havo
been referred to in. several commuuications sent to British

109. Letter of Dinanath to lt[r' Pegan, rsoeivetl on l\[ay, 14, L792'

lI0. K. P. l\[itra' OP.Oit' PP, 168ff.
 TWO BR,ITTSE MISSIONS 56I
Ofrcere by the Kilg of Nopal.l r r (Letter of July
18, l7g2 to
tho etc.) The Britieh pmpoaed a boundary
Governor-Genoral,
CommimioD through o letter of one Mr. Stuort to tho Nepal
Governmoat (May 8, ?92)rrs, which hail oarlier reproaentod
it8 caso through its Yakil Bisuunath Upadhya- A lotter in the
aame of Rana Bahadur Shah to the Governor-General complaios
of hostilo &ctivities of the oxiled Raja of Maokwanpur, who had
carried raids into the Nepalese torritory acljoiaing Champaran
and reoommonds drastic action by tho Collootor of the di8trict
of Purnoa to ohastiso the raidors (dated 20 Agahan, lg49:4
Decembor, 1792),trs Ia Novembor of lZgZ the British maito
a complaint th&t tho Nopatose oustoms o6ce at Moreug had
tried to levy thg ugual high rates of duty on goods oDtoriDg
Nopal from Britieh arsas ia Iadia (the goode wero sent by one
merch&nt Mr. Pagan) rotwithstanding the provision of tbo
Trado Pact of l79l-rr.

In another letter to Raua Bahadur the Britiah reque8ted

him to ilstruot his officors iu Morang eDd Goores diltricts
'not to aford eholter to the bodiss of tr'akirs, who ffnd eafo
retreat theto.' These tr'akirs oftsn raidod the outlying Britisb
areae ia Saran aod Purnoa and harasaed tho pooplo,r r E

Lator in 1795 whon Abdul Kadir was Bo[t on doputstion to

Nepal,ho was agked to appriBo the Govoranont at Kath-
mandu about tho concern of the Britiah in rogard to tho tr'akir
mouaoe ia the bordsr districts.rr0 Tho Nopal Goyornmont,
was roqueatod to tske prompt and drastic ectiou to meot this

u1. CPC, x. No.569, 5?2 (IR 3r, PP.291-4, No. 218), pp. 114-15 r No.
569, P. I15.
lIS. OPC, X, No. 391, P. ?1 (OI, 24-5, PP, 239-4S, No, 1S8 t rI, 38, pp.53-
?I No. I49.
113. OPC, X, No.9?9, pp. 218-14.
114. I€tter, November t5, 1?9e. CPO, X, No. g3B, No. 892 (Lott6r of
Dutrcan to Nswab -Ali Ibrahim Khan, 19 NovoEobe!, 1?92).
1I5.Secret D6partD6nt, JuIy, 1794 No. 28 lJ6ttor, 27 June, 1791,
Ako iE i{Bp publishoil as eppeailix.
roBdl Nel,alsso soulcos
116, Politicel CoDsultotions, March 80, 1795.
562 XODNBIY Nf,P.rI,

motrroo &nd punish th6 ofonditrS'gang of Kurroom thoh anil

Sobhau Ali Shah.'lr7 It Bas eaid in behalf of tho NoPsloso
suthorities that they hail sont troops to tho aroas infeltod by
tho raldsrs and killcd many of them,lrE but they wore unable
to doal rith thoso who operated from the basos on the Britieh
sido of the bordor in Purnes.

King Rana Bshedur writ€s a lettorr r e to Dinauath Upadhya

on Thursdoy 9 August 1798 askiog him to vrito to tho Suba
of Yijayapur (Dasarath Khatri) to arange for tho ofricsrs of
the Company to moet tbe Nepeleso ofrcers 8omewhero on tho
border eo that the ecoused arresteal on chargee of dacoity on
tho oiher side might bo properly checkod and stolou proportioa
discovored on their confession. Iho king w&nts Diuonath
t,o impre$ tho compsuy'8 authoritios that surrender of tho
priaoners wpuld aot be effected by mothoils whiph were
tlot regulor anil which would looL undignified. What wes
promised wae tho gurreqder of eto'len proporties whatevet
could be discoverd. Tho men arrostetl woro mendioants eual
hillmen.
In Guru Gairaj Misra'a lettor to tho British RoEid6nt in
Banarae (document 72 of Allahabad office in the Bonarag
Recorde) tho s&me. readinese to oblige the Britieh by going to
the ertent porsible is exprorsod. The letter mentious the Fakirs
and Darvishes molesting the inhabitants in the Company's
tonitorioE from their basos ineido Nepal, whomtho Nopaleso
suthorities h&tl deoid€d to exPol, slthough thoir religion forba'do
actions in this rogard'
Atanother io8tetrco, tho Nepalese did not hositats to
interprot an aot of espionago by a Bdtish agent (W. Moorcroft)
in a difreront m&nner aa if it was just an unintontional walk-
ovor. This, thoy did in spite of the faot that the eaid agent

11?. Politiosl Cotrsoltetigas lis!oh'2o' 1795'

118. Ibi.l.
119. D.ba V.B. 1855 graysnt' Itlhasowakotq, L lg4,
 TWO BBITISE UISSIO]YS 563

tss ceptured by a Gorkha outpost in Garhwal while tryiug to

oBoape.l I o

Obviously, the Nepaleso in thoir eforts to maintain friendly

relation with the Britieh would not bo provoked by covort
actions, oven if those wero designed to iujuro them.
Disputes over areas ou the border wero settled by a Commi-
ssion as \ras proposed to be dono in the case of tho two Parganas
of Juvijam and Koilia along the Darbhanga frontier. The
method. of settlemeut was au examination of the question
through public enquiries by the Nepalese offip.er in cha,rge of
tho settlement divieion and by one Mr. Smith, Earicharan
Kanungo and Rajendra Ra! Amin in behalf of the British
aatl the iesuance of the decres thoreafter followed an
agreemont on oath (Earibans and Saligram, per Charter to Kazi
Abhiman Basnait, ; Itiha"sq, Prahasa I, P. l5). This is confirmed
by materials belonging to British sources. Yet another dispute
was settled with the samo methotl in regard to the adjustment
of bounilary between 'Tera Cordeh and Moraug' on ZB
Soptember, 1789 (A letter to Kirkpatrick by the Collectqr of
Purnea).r 21 Earlier in August of the same year it was alleged
that 600 Gorkha soldiers with Bhutia irregulars had attackod
Tera Cordeh and caused panio by pluudering orops and uovablo
proporties of the peasants.

120. I-etter ot Chautara Daa Shah to Vakil Mchila Guruji in Calcuttr

YB. 1869.
121. I(, P, Mitrb's Artiele on Anglo.Nepaless Relations ia the Last
Deoatle of the Eighteenth Contu'y in Proceedlngs of the Indian Historical
Records Commission, Yol, 18 (1942), p. 161,
 CEAPTER XVI
SIX YEARS OF R,ANA BAIIADUR AS R,ULING KING
End,-ot Regcncy

As Rana Bahadur approaohed hia twenty-first year of birth,

he declared himself a ruling King. fn consoquonce the regency
of Bahadur d.hah eniled.
Bahadur Shah was the central figuro of the drama during
all the fatefui years between 1786 and 1794. fn the final phase
of hie careor Bahadur Shah guided the dostiny of the country-
this time uniuterruptetlly for sevon yoars. But on all occasions
he assumed powers of Begeat. Eis powers were not as absolute
as thoso of a dictator, and thoy wero not ag much adequate to
ofrectively promulgate and implement schomes of social and
oconomic reforms. Thoro wero checks on his powers even
otherwiso; during his rogoncy on both tho occasions ho had
the misfortune of being checkmated by personalities beyond
hie control, who wero moved solely with a motive to
thwdrt him.
On the first occasion Quoen Rajendralakshmi wag a drag
and sho played her partto:that end, Iater Behadur oxperienc-
edlthat for tLd duration of tho second torm his opponente
would give him little quiot all but in the beginning and this
developed to aotive anC constant interference in administration
towarde the snd as tho King grew youthful in age, which
evontually led to tho Regent's downfall. Bahadur's regimo
consequently s,aw litlle of achiovoments by wiry of reforms, all
his energios lieip.'diverted to maintaining his position through
superior intrigues.
Ifowovern in his time Nepal absorbed various digtricts
comprising ths states of the Baisis and Chaubisis antl Kumaon
and Clarhwal in the west and Sikkim in the east. AII these
were conquered and a greater portiou of Tibetan Kachhar also
fell to tho arme of the Nepalese.
 BANA BAE^DIIB ooa

The account of the expedition has boen already providod in

the provious pa,ges. Bahadur Shah with all his' statesmanship
and adminietrative ability could steor cloor of difficulties, and
stressos of circumstancoe.

About tho alleged illicit conne0tion betweon Bahodur Shah

and Rajendralakshmi as mentioned by Ilamilton (R 247), there
is no tangible proof to establiah any fact of euch a relationship.
Rather the truth was that with the queen mother he was at
cro8s purposes; he did not cortainly owe his ascendancy to her
favour aud oforts. Each timo he obtaiued hold of the Glovern-
ment, it wae becauso others hed regarded him indispensible.
Ilamilton disbelieves the story, but he eays that it might havo
originated from thoee who wanted to vilify Bahadur S'hah in
tho oyo of his nephew. In ths story Eamilton heard about
this affair, it wae snid that 'actually in times of reconciliation
the t*o rogents woro thinkiug of a protrnsol of marriage., But
this wes absolutely uutruo. Such a marriage was prohibited
by scriptures and unthinkable. Similarly it would be wrong to
ray that Bahadur Shah was intend.ing to koep his nophow evou
under his personal surveillance and invited the consequoncea.

Oldfield wrote (I. P. 284) that Bahadur had kept his nephew
purposely 'in a state ofprofligaoy aud ignoranco, and the latter
had suspected a dosign on the partof his unclo to.keep him
in perpetual pupilage if not actually to usurp the throne.,
Kirkpatrick had observed in lTgB that Sher Bahadur, Rana
Bahadur's hatf-illogitimate brother, 'had exhibited such superior
symptoms of geniut as to have influonced the Regent to pay
particular attention to tho cultivation of hie-mind, ( p. Z7Z
).
Kirkpatriok'e obsorvation implies that Qahadur had boen par-
tial to Sher Bahadur to tho noglect of Rana Bahadur. But all
this opinion is based on bonjectur". fhu faot that Bahadur Shoh
was suddeoly dismissed iu mid l7g4 (VS t85l Jyestha) is no
ground suffciont to help anybody to build such pr6mises, rather
ono could say without fear of aoutradiotion that Bahadur,e
dismiesal wa,s a natural sequol to Ranars attaining majority.
Bahadur Shah had no intention of usurping tho throne, nor
666 MODEBT{ I{TP,I.L

to Leop his nephew in'perpetual oonfine'ae it was

ho tleaired
dlegbd, Ee could hevo ururped ths throno, vhil6 the King
was in his'infanoy. All theso days Babadur acteil liko & trust€e.
Eo bad to give up powere while the Kiag atteined majority.
And this perfectly normal. No ruler tolerates a regsnt in
wd,s
his menhood &ud least of all ono, Iike Rana Bahadur who wae
aspiring to onjoy au abaoluto &nd eutooratic rogiJo.But moro
thsn thet Rana Bahadur had boen inrtigated by Bahadu's
opponents to dispenso with the uncle. The prospect of wiol-
tling absolute ruliug powore temptoat him to Iiston to thie
odvico.
Bahadur Shah was not only dismissoil but as it is said he
was conffneil and died after four months as a prisoner. Tho
imprisonment oamo a little later.
B,ana Bahailur wae a latl of twonty while he assumed
powers. Knowing his tempers Bahadur Shah thought to yield
to hie desires.
After his exit R&na s,ppointed Tribhuvana. Khawae, Kirti
man Basnet, Damodar Pando and Naraeimha Qurung as
Kazis or miuistors. Jahar-singh Basnet came nert in rauk
but he aleo enjoyed the king's favours.l
On suggostions from quartors hostile to Bahailur, tho
nophow instituted enquiries into the tloiags of the lato Naib
who was allegod to have depleted tho ttea,sury to squander
money for himself. He preforred more chargos such as ombezz-
lemont aod couspiracy to nurdor his father anil himself'
Bahedur vory much dosirod to olear the charges, but 'to Bo
ofrect'. Before, howeYcr truth could be established in regard
to theso ohargos, Bahadur breathetl his last in prison.
Imytrkonmed anil Death of Bahail,ur thah
fn a noting of chronicle Rana Bahadur is shown as having
aesumod powors on Jyeetha 27 X'riday of VS 185I:6 Juner 1?94.

1.Au lettorr s€rlt by Rsr& B.hailur lE tLis trerioil a,re eEilolsetl by the
kazis who€€ asmes we bEvc giv€n ( IPES, Pp 405-06 ).
 ,IISA BAEIDI]B 667

He appointed Vidur Shah and Sher Bahadur Shah in tle poste

of Chautara. Balbhadra Shah snd Bam Sbah alco boca,me
Chautaras, Narasimha Gurung and Tribhuvsna Kliaves
rporo nominatoC as Kazie, whilo Damodar psnde and Tri-
bhuvana Simha were allowed to contiuuo aB K&zie in thcir old
position. At the time Abdul Kadir visited Nepal, Bahadur Shah
wae living iu retirement solely devoted to roligiou8 practicc8.
But subsequently after, towards 19 of February, l?97 (phagun
Il, VS 1853) ho was suddenly srlested et uight uuder mysto-
rious oircumatances. Eo lapguiehed in coafnoment for four
monthe. In a letter he wrote to Raue Bahadur Shah from tho
prieon ho w&rns the latter but does not pload for hie releans.t
Tho wording of the lettor shows th&t Bshadur Shah h_sd
replied to his nephow's gostures in & mannor befftting Bahadur,s
high sonee of dignity. It ia suggosted that Rana was seoking
reconciliation with his uncle and had called him to his ride-
Thie doos not appe&r, however, to bs truo.
Bahadur Shah died in Aryaghat still a detainee on Asaalha
14 Saturday of YS 185{ (2I of June, l?97),s B,ana Bahadur
informed the British Governor-General of his uocle,e deaih i!
a letter which reachcd Calcutta on t4th Auguet 1797 (politicat
Consultations, August 1797).
Kirkpatrick wrote about Bahadur Shah ( P.2ZB ,,Ee
):
w&a a m&n of exooptional quality-a man of enlighteaod viewe
and possessod of administrative skill, and yhatever he learnt
out of his a:sociation with the Britieh, whilo in Betiah, ho
wanted to oxort bis yievc on the various problems of Nepal
in their line like tbo much wanted roforms on judicia,ry aud
army. That opportunity, howevor, would aot come, reeista;te
being the lees onlightonotl colleaguee who not only distrustod
the Englirh but also conceived of tboir politic&l Bystoms in Bot
loes hostilo terms", Eamiltou called him a prince of great

2. Eirihqsikpata Sa gruha. 1, I€tts! No.15

3, It ers viil6ly sp€oulateil about thst time tLat Brhsilur wcs hrDgEil
oD a tloo oa th€ lreDt oI the river VirEumati bolorr the t6ple ot BhiErEeDa.
508 MODERl' NEPAL

yigour but €xtroEoly Buperstitiou!. All. the samo ho wae

frienilly to the British (P. 250).
The Patna Miseion lotter calls Bahadur as friendly to tho
Uissiouarioa, "friend enough to vieit thom in Pstns, ofrer them
tbroe Nepiloso to bocome gooil Christiane, olso oalling thom to
come ogain to Nepirl. The British Missiouary wae oalled to
a-
Kathmandu bocauee of hie ronown ae a physicion......tho
ldiseion obtainod &Dnual prese[ts of olophante, silk and
pouies" (Roprint, Oalkol,iat;,e, M&rcb, 1942). Copious refer-
onoos to Bahadur Shah's solicitude for the migBiongries ha,yo
been algo maalo by one Psdre Juvenal who was iu Nepal for
aomo timo in 1974. (This man had prepared a diotionary of
Nepali language vhioh is lost.)
With theso two obsorvations Bahadur Sha,h's end ie aecribed
to the machinationc inspirod by anti-Britieh sentiment of tho
nophew. But thero ie nothing on record to indicate th&t the
action tskoE by tho King agaiost hia uncle had a,nything to do
with the latter'B attituds towards tho British. Most of all,
there is littlo tluth in the allegation that Bahadur Shah wae
pro-Britieh to tho extent of beooming their tool to further
thoir imperialist intoreat in Nepal.
It wa,B also said that Bahadur Sbah wae much dislikcd by
his own poople bocause he had forced to submit to the indigtri-
tios of dsfeat at the hrnds of tho Chioeso (Eamilton, P. 249).
According to tho chroaicle Baha.dur Shah had ordered a
fresh survey of cultiysted latrd in the couDtry, aDd thue had
provoked the goddess Errth.

Amitlet this tangle of conllicting viowe on tho downfall of

Bahadur Shah it is difrcult to s&y as to which factor was
solcly responsibio for the situation, But one question comee
to our mind. Did Rana Bahadur noed any sogent proof of
guilt to oust his uucle 7 Tho fact that tro charges were pre-
ferred, and Bahadur languished in prison to dio s cold dea,th
shovs thst his adversaries had acted without Bny thought of
ovidence agair:st him.
 BANA BAEADUR 609

As wehave olready obsorved, thor6 w&s nothlng .to cauee

aurpriso in the fact of Bahadur's romoval fiom tho soeao of
power. Bahadur's rsmoval oame on Rana's attaidng m&iority.
As eoon as thc Kiug assumod powers to rulo by himeelf, thc
regoncy sutoma,tically onded. Up to thi6, ever5rthing procoo-
ded normelly. But Rana's action in impriaoning his uncle and
allowhg him to die in deterltion does not normally'fit in vith
tb€ procoss. Tbero must be somo erplanation for this actioa
of Rana Bahadur. What led him to mot€ out this Eort of
tre&tmont to his unclo z Bahadur Shah w&8 s6nt to prieon not
immediatoly altor his rsmovel from regenoy but aftor two
yoars of rotiromoft. Obviously the ohsrge of misappropria-
tion was an a,ftor-thought concoctod by his enemies of th€
Court. Tho real oauso of his imprisonment must bo sonething
else. It ia euggeeted that as Bahadur's imprisonment coiaoi-
ded with the pregD&ncy of tbe illegitimate queen of Bana
Bahadur, it had something to do rith the quostiou of eucces-
eion.. At the time of his detontion Bahadur was the eole
legitimate eurvivor of Prithvineraya[ Sbah's euocessors besialee
the reigning Kiog. As wo ahall fnd later Kuldip Shah,
another legitimate scion of the family, was debarrod from tho
euccession as ho had become deformed having lost oue of his
eyes, and it was widoly suspocted that Rana, Bahadur had
manoouyred to cauee this ond. Wo shall eoo how determiaed
ho wae to euthrono bis son by the Brahmen lady. So King
Rana Bahadur might have got anuoyed with tho idea o{ seeing
Bahadur Shah &B a legitimote auccesnor to the throne and
contrivetl to briDg r.bout bis death. But this argument though
conviuoing to Bomo oxtent seems a littlo far stretched, Rana's
action in imprisoning his unclo looks well calculated, and did
not coms all on a sudden in 1797. A year earlier to tbis Abdul
Kadir had reported thet Bahadur Shah was living completely
estranged from his nophew. Abdul Kadir had also noted
vhile in lGthmandu tbat Bahadur Shah was popular reith tho
rosponsible elemeuts of ths Court, and somo ofthem would

4. Ihe aEEotato!, -Eitlhasik Patra SarngruhaNo. 15.

670 UODEBT NEPII,

wotcome 1o eoe him back to power. ftis not impoesible that

Rena Bchadur a,ctod ia concert with hia uncle'e adversaries to
m6ot tho cballengo of the opposito group. Tlo bavo no doubt
th&t B&hadur met his end in priaou for political reasone.
King Raua Bahailur was workod up to feel that Bahadur Shah
left free would ultimately becomo the rallying poiut of all the
forces hostilo to his erstwhile eupportere. Ifo muet havo been
givon to uhderstand that if Bahadur Shah obtained back hie
powors, the King would bo reduoed to e puppet. fu the circums-
tonoes tho King would deal leuiently with his uncle only at a
groat peril to bLiuself, ff his eupportors woro dicplaced, he
would also ceaes to becomo a ruling Kiug. All this considera-
tion led him to imprison his unclo.
Brom two letters of the Cbinege Ambac in Tibot
writt€n to Raaa Bahadur it appoars th&t on t\po differont
oocasions Bahadur Shah deaired to go to Peking. The letterg
now presorvoil in the Archives of tlto Nepaleso tr'oroign Offfce are
dateil Marga sutli 5 roj 4:23 Novomber, l?97 (Chhyabine, 60
yoar 1l month) and Magha eudi (Chyaohhing Wyarcang, lst
year, firat month). They wero sent aloDg with presents. There is
& roferone to letters of the Amb& Bent to the king's uncle. The
first letter asks the king to bs recoociled to his unele who had
roporteal to the Amba bis removal from duty and his subee-
quent retirement from admiuistrative rork. Tbe eecond
rspe&ts tho seme, but says that they were prepared to nelcomo
ttre King'e uncle provideil be wao to roturn home after somo-
timo. The king was asked to let tho Ambas knov if the uncle
was going to Lhasa. If he had no intention to allow him to
undert&ke tho trip, tho matt€r ended. The Chinese had only
atlvieed Nepal. They had no intentioD of forcirg Bahadur's
departuro out of the country.
Rana Bahadur counteracted th6 Euggcstion of Bahailur's
going to Pekirg by his own erplana,tion of the fact that bad
leal tohis uncle'e dieoissal aud consequent watch on tbe
latter's activities. A lottor carried by Deodatta Thapa to
Lhaea contained the expl&Dation of charges lovelled against
 BAIIA B EADUB 671

Bahadur Shah by his nephew. Wo hcvo more dotaile in the

eaual (instruction) issuod to the doputstion. Thie is c*lled a
comment ou Bahodur Shah's orimeg. Thit was issued on
Semvat 1864, Vaisakho vadi 13 roj 2:Monday, 24 April, 1797
with 12 clausos. Tbs aawal vaa ir tho nsme of Sarvajit
Paude, son of Renasimha Pande, Chamu Bhandari, brother of'
Jasyauta Bhantlari and Ajit Khodka who wero to ropresent
the case in a suitablo menner to tho two Cbitrese Ambar in
Lhasa. The instruotio$ deal vith tho subjoct of Bahadur's.
crime poiDt to poiat.
(1) A conspiracy was afoot to kill King Pratopasinha,
Kazi Svarupa Siuha and the Aohare aud this was sohsnetl aso
result of aa ogreoment betwesn Dolamardaa Shah aud Bahadur
Shah. But Satrusal came to know of it and stationed sipahis
(guardsmen) oach with two ewords st the g&te, on the 'eteire.
snd the kirg'B sleeping room. The king himself used to bo
onbed with two swords by his side. -Eearing this Bahadur
Shah took refuge in Chautara Dalamardana Shah's house.
But by orderol Pratapesimha tho houso was sorounded by.
soldiere of the Sabuj company and old Srinatha company. Both
Bahadur Shr,h aud Dalamardana offsrod reeistance- Me&n-
while Jethi Maiyau aud Thulokanchhi Maiyaa interceded on
thoir bebrlf for their rolea:o. They saicl if within tho royal
family mon started fightiDg the womeu might bo victimisod.
So eayirg they and Vievanatba Misra, Baburaj Mirra and
Ssrdar Ramakrishna Kuar of Sabuj company, Jogamalla and
other ofrcers arranged to sond thom aomsa the frontior at
Chepo and the t$o could crose the river.
(2) Baliadur Shah charged tho quo6n mothor Rajend;a
Laksmi with tho crime of unchaste conduct md imprisoued
ber. IIo &lso.tilled Sarvajit Rane. Ee wanted to dospatoh
her to Bhot rind also attenptod to kill hor throwing the body
into tbe doep well of Dakhawa. But tbir sas the time while
Pancb (?) camo to Vienu temple anil refueed to oboy him until
th6y s&rv Rraa Bchadur who w&s plaood on tho Goldon
window abovo Eanuman Dhoka for their view. The queen
67'2 I'ODEF.N ]{EPAL

mothor also cried for juetice. This frightened Bahadur Shah

who oonfesaed his intontion and ho wag imprisonetl.
(3) A room on tho grouDd fl.oor of tho Kot was oocupied
by a fomalo sorvatrt by nomo Mathura who camo from Tanbou.
One day Bahadur Shsh ontored her room 8nd told hor that
she ehould bo his kept and sho rould be treated liko a queou.
Sho was only to poisou tho quoon mother. 'Iho promiso wes
givon itr writing. Mathura on bor psrt wantod to c&Ey it
out and octually Bho had mired poieon into the drinkiag wator
Doant for Rajeudra 'Laksmi. tr'ortunately tho latter eoDeed
foul gamo and questioned tho msid aervent, thereafter sho
oonfessed tbgt Sahedur had instruoted her to poiron tho
qu6on mother ; later Mathura wae banished to Bhot.

(a) Whilo Bahsdur Shah w&s going to Palpa for his

child king, he stoppod for the
marriage accompanied by tho
uight for reet &t Borlaog ghat. Eo thought that & son would
be born to him who would claim tho tbroao. Thereforo ho
conspired riih Sibya Khatri tb throw tho baby king ioto the
river Gandi (the Budhi Gandak). But Jothimaiyao came to
Lnow about his design aud rho forcibly carried tho baby into
her room wh6ro he alopt the wholo night. Tho child otherwiro
always alept outdoor. But to koep him in that siruation was
full of riaugor. So be had boen removed.
(5) Bahadur Shah aboliehed lho Patka company organised
to provide for the child king's entertainment. Jethi Maiyan
was eriled, Innoce[t Indu Dvare and Jaskarna Khawae had
their eyeballs taken out. Bhaktavira and Jorabare, adjutante,
were boheaded. Rana Bahadur was confiued in a room. Tho
unclo had ordoretl thst the boy should not be allowed to go out.
fn the morning ho wanted to movo out of the room. But he
found that hi6 moyoloetrts wore regtricted. Still Rana wantod
to leave tho room for tho plsy-ground. But he thought that
Bahadur Shah would come to seo him. The lsttor delayod to
appear. Raaa Bahadur however escapod to the stablo ot Aghor
 II,AITA B^I{ANUB 573

one called him to Manesaphal where it was eaid Bahadur Shah

would seo him. The child was ofrered two Mohars. Bahadui
Shah, howovor, rebuked tho Rana for having allowed the chilil
king to movo outeide. This was tho day-tho sarno day while
Sikarjung was being attacked.
(6) Rana Bahadur had goare to pay rospects to Taleju.
That tims Bahadur was employiug a person iu hie behalf to.
perform a ritual ryith a view to bring about bis (uephew'e)
death. Duo to this porformance Rana Bahadur had au attack
of diarroeha at once and ho passed stoole and vomitted aeveral
times and also fainted. But ho wae gavod. by ono barber physi-
cian by namo Masta,ram. Eo sprinkled water chanting nwntram
(littanies) v-ilh Kuaa grass, brush aad peacock'splumo and tho.
child kingrecoverod in four hours' time and rooognised pooplo.
(7) While in the buildiog Basantapur the child king had
just entored his eleeping room at Sghati night. Bahadur Shah
c&mo &ccompauied by a male Bervant, but a dog of the king
jumpetl at him and made othore alert and nothing hoppenod.S
Most of the charges about tho allegod ottompts-made by
Bahadur ShaL ou the life of Rana Bahadur seom irnoonvincing.
Thero wero also chargos of creating enmity between Bhot aad,
Nopal and of deetroying Gombas in Tibet ag woll as of co-opera-
ting with the British ignoriug tho Chineae omperor'who had
savod Nepal from their clutchee.
All these are frivolous. These vore framed to evoke s;m-
pathy of the Chineso upon Rana Bahadur and win their favour
against hie unele. The allegation of oonspiracy against the
mother and child has been proved basolegs by circumstantial
evidence. Bahadur Shah's exit occurred whenevor the queen
mother had thought it necess&ry; Bhe had always acted on
suspicion and her judgement was always proved wrong. If
Bahadur Shah had really conspired, hia incoming would not
have been possible. But it happonod as often as he hatl to

5. The copy of the sawal lies in the Arohives ol the Foreign Ministry
But we tlo not kuow what elfect this proilucetl in the minils of the 0hinese.
d71 UODBBN ICIPAL

quit. Ee wag exiled by his brother, but his presonco in Kath-

mandu was found quite essontial as soou as tho latter was
dead. Similarly before ehe died Ranr's mother had invited
him. those must prove that Bahadur Sbah was innocent.
AII
Ee had devoted his whole attention to the boy king's caro. Ee
had fulfilleil all the obligatione of an unclo towarde his nephew.
Eo had uurs€d him in his lap with,all love he could give him.
After all, if Bahadur had wauted Rana's life it was in his hand
and he might not have spared him. But Bahadur could uot do
such an immoral act. His martiage had provided Rana with a
protext to doubt his iutention. But could ho be condemned
for mamying 7 After all, this is done in fulfilment of a man's
.natural urge at his youth. By rnatrying a wife Bahadur Shah
had only done a thing whibh ccncerred only himself and
nono other.

Bahail,ur' s g ener ql contr ib uti,ons to N epal' s deaelo pmen t

Whatover Rana Bahadnr's allegations might ouggest, the

fact remains that his uncle t'ho was a, rnan of talents and
modest tomperament had built a militariiy strong Nepa}
addiug to the glory Gorkha had earned duriug the time of hie
father.
fu his time Nepal bad expanded from Sikkim to the river
Alakhananda in Garhwal, which had again as a state acknow-
ledgetl Nopal's suzerainty.
Although Bahadur had to conduct his campaigu for long
with qld hauds and weapons.newly introduced by his father,
he concurreutly started to train his men in the art of using
field guns and bombs through a European military officer. The
officer bore the name of Musoeoil Paissi (in Nepali). Elo was
giveu tho rark of Sardar and awarded a monthly salary of
Rs. 500/- starting from Marga sucl,t 3:Etiday out of the rovenuo
of Bara district, According to tho royal' order of VS 1850
Marga suiti 3 roi 6 be was declarod in sole charge of tho
Eanumatdhvaj.company, which wes to receive training in all
 BANA BAE.ADI'B 575

€spoot6 milita,ry 6!eroir6a. Ec rag to ostsblish a aoy

of
ordnance factory producing magazioos.
Undor tho Europoen officer sovorsl native 6rtiss,n6, both
Pa,rbates and Narare workGd ia the factory. A royal order
iesued ou .tho ramo day os wa6 done rogarding the o:rport's
appointmont doolaretl the. numbor of holidays for tho
.employees 6

It appears that tho new militery olport hail begun hir

troini:rg towardr the oad of 1793. But unfortunately Bahadur
Shah wos lemoved fiom powor &fter 6 moDths.
To the IiegoDt is also aecribod the effbrts m&do iD tho
direotion of trying to facilit&te the mutual ttsalo botwien Tibet
and Nep'al. But th€ w&r mBrrod tho prospocts of tr&do for a
loug time to coEo.
Batradur Shah aleo introduced laad reform by way of grant-
ing more right to tenants. But hardly tho me&suremeDt of
land ia eomo districte hod ended, BahadL r Shah was dismiss€al
from office.
It is unfortun&te that all of his rsforme hsd begun about
the snd of his career,

After thc remaol oJ Bahoil,ut Slmh Band aa$urnc.s

I,ouerE ol sta,,e

With aU hir good qualities Raua Bahadur was a msn of

tempor. Ee was uicknamod a mad Ling by hie adver-
.unetable
sa,rioe- Eo dispWed ofton t€&knesB of mind ond ungovornablo
temper although st times he wae judicioue aad loviog. Ee vas
aurrouadetl by a coterie of young anil irresponsible oloments of
tho aristooracy, who oncouragod his harmful disposition. But
all ho hail -imbibed iu hia charactor and habitg woro due to
oithor lack of educatiou or faulty training ho received. Eis
basic gooilness was not aUowetl to develop. 3or this tho rogent
of tho Kingdom, partioularly, Bahadur Shah himeolf was
roeponsiblo. Rena Bahadur was 12 yea,re of age, wheu hie

6, ForeiSu trfilirtry Alohive6' Alro reproiluceil by OhittslaEirn

NErli in hls 'Lilo ot Boaa Bahsilqr'.
576 ODEEN NEPAL

uaolo ha.d become regont oft€r tho doath of ths quoo!. mothor-
But he had neglected the eduo&tion aud trainiag of his nephow,
alloring him to tlrift in tho luxuries of a palade habitat.
It so happened thatRona Bahadur commonoed hia roign
with no awkward or unhoppy incidont but ontlod with all tho
violence and acts of indieoretion not oxpocted ofs sovoreign
ruler. AB he wae youog end indiscreet he porpotratod ects
which oould uot bo char&ctorisod as not harmful to tho larger
intorost of tho country. tlis conduct beoa,mo moro rsprohensi-
ble in subsequont da7s. Evcutually this led to hie abdication
&nd oons€quent oxiloto R&n&reE. Again, wbile in Banaras ho
would aot eit quiot, but indulgo itr sotiyitios &g&itrst hie
advereariee in Nepal, aud this gave an opportunity to tha
Sritish to play up their gamo ia Nopalero politioe, whioh had
gre*tly eadangorod tho country'a indopondence.
The power of the etate w&s row coutosted by the two
famillies of nobility-the Pandos and the Baauote. Tho Tbapae
had onterod tho arena rrery leto with the first queen of tho
Rana Bahadur, tho princoss of Gulmi?. Tho Pandee end Basuete
ofbou warring betwoen themselves wero earlier reconcilod on
the interventlon of Kiug PriChvinarayaaa who had erargod a
merlisgo betweou a son of tbe Kazi BaenetS and s d&ughter
of the Pende nobloman. But the animosity was only subdued
sud not entirely oxtinguiehod. Evon l,hon, theto wero the
Thapas who had thoir own are to griud both againet tho Paado
family and Bagnet courtiers. The collateral Chautaras wors
&leo contestants for powere. They banked on thoir being
blood relations of the king. But they also add€d their sharo
of deopening the intrigue, aud coufusiag tho Bitu&tion. Although
overything was suppressed at tho surfeco, tho undornoath
was a smouldering firo. ft
would flore up on dighteat provo-
cation, whenever oocasions arose. The contoet botweon
differont groups of courtiers was very much undesir&ble st tho

?, OIdieId, I. 156, Hnmllt6q, Iit6pa1, pp, 250.51,

3. ltihos Prakasa I. Pp. 18fi,
 BAXA BAEAD{'B 677

time, beoauso sano and wise o ounsels could least aseert in thc
situation end tho romoval of Bahadur Shah withheld a so-
boring influonoe from Rana Bahadur who would have been
rcstrainod and diverted from a line of irresponriiblo conduat. As
a rosult the gonoral tone of adminiltration and pace of military
oonquest did suffer and camc to a halt; Rana Bahaclur's
handlia! of tho affairs of etote aud his bad temper brought in
eonseqluencos which but for the wieo statesmanship exercised
by the gouius of our patriots would havo beon dieastrous for
lhe indopondonco and advancomont of the country. Ae it
rppoars from ae intimato study of tho court intriguos which
rrero now lct loore in tho absouce of a atrong royal power, thc
stato of affairs in tho Govornment at Kathmandu wae
aoauming a eorious and uglY turn.
The king nogloctod his first wifc, who wae legally married
to bim and entered into cohabitation with two oonoubinee,
Suvarnaprabha and Kantivatidovi. Tho firat was a daughtel
ofa Basnot Sarder whilo the eecond happened to bo a daughter
of a Maithiti Brahmant. Banr Bhadur had mado {,[6 [1s[mm
lady hir wifo against the orthobor and conventional notion of
propriety. She was the youngest of his- wivoe. Tho Brahman
girl was eaid to be a widow who hld oome to attsnd a festival
in Kathmandu along with her fathor. Sho belongod to the
modern town of Jauakpur. Tho first sight of hor on an
occasiou from a distsnco turued Rana'g head who deeply fol!
io lovo with her. There ie a story that for somo montha she'
did not accept Raua'g proporals for a marital alliance but.
ultimately ,egreed to becoms his wife if her malo issue wae
allowed to beoome king. This watr'of coutso, no legal marriago
but none could object to it. X'rom 'Suvarnaprabha Rana
Bahadur hrd already a son whogo neme weB Rauodyot Shah.
Three lotters, two eent by lring Girvan Juddha and ono by
Rejesvaridovi to pandit Ieveridatta addressing tho latter as
matornal unolo and brother respectively aro just published by
M. Naraharinatha.
g. I, Pp. 284-85
578 xoDlBx tsxPAIr

Iro lotter€ of qi.rvan Juildha aru drted VS 186l Ohaiba

Vaili 7 roj 6 and Sraanna Yd,i 6 roj 6:Fridoy, 22 March, 1805
.ond Friday,27 July, 1805 rospootively. Rajeava,ri dovi's lettor
is dated 186l Jgeatha ' r:a,ili 30 roj 1,:8 Mry f80i ( tho
veekday is 5).
The rocipient of the letters was an inhabitrnt of Mohottori
..distrioi aud belongotl to tho Brahman caste.
So there cau bo no question of tekiag Kantivoti sB othor-
*iB6 than a gipl of Maithili family. Thsro is e differenoe of
opinion ar to th6 st&tus of tho Basoot girl. The Basnet bolouged
-to o olan of Parbati& Chhetd, and thereforo, Dr. Oldfield, an
English historian, rogards hor as tho king's logitimote wifero.
Accordiog to him her son Raaodyot Shah vas a rightfut hoir
to tho throno. But tho previL'ng notion sbout logitipaoy was
{ontmry to acc€pting the Parbatia lady as the rightful quoen
aad naturally, thorefore, her son's olaim to tho Nopaleso
tbrone was not held valid. But tho male issuo born of tho
Brahman wife wa8 in a worso poeition. This morriago had
mado Rana a sinnor. But uobody had dared question him,
Although in the prime of hie life King Bana Bahadur wag
muoh agiteted oyer the que8tion of sucooseion, hc wauted e
son of his ,own to gucceed him, and & legitim&te eon had not
€sen ths Ught ofday as yet.

Sana'e hoe oJJoreignbreil, harsu, ilage, butrl,s

and domeslic birds

Rana Bahadur was ordering for one thing ot another in

Indio from his agont who wa8 et&tionod in Caloutta. At one
time ho asked for 208 tolas r-,rdinary pearls for the preporation
of medioinal ashos (b[asmc).
Iu a lottor addreesod ou Soturdoy, I January, l79E (Poun
oaili 15 roj 7 pf YS l8;3) he complaioed that as roquirod tho
dogs and bulls had not re&chod Kathmandur o.

10. Ihc oopy ol the letter is ir posssssion ol Babuem Achar Ptrbllsh.il

nn Eitthdsikopstnsamgtaha,I.I. P. 91.
 BI]IA BIE.TDI'B 679

Eo was glad thot tho oocks of Eyderabrd hrd roaohod

Cddutta. Eo hail ho&rd of a poir of lerge brtll. iD Vijsyanogar'
So ho waated it for himrelf. Itl owuer' ths Bsra, had di€'l'
If this wro not possiblo a broed ha,<I to bo oreetod by m&intsi!
ing a cow. Ailoquato arrangemont v.8 to bo made for t&c
aafety of tbe animal to bo sont !ero. If the bulls were ilead,
Dinanoth was to eenal his meu in search of a eimila'r broed in
Mesulipatanam. At eny r&to a lerge bull, largsst oftho
available propeily measured had to bo purohasod' Togot'hor,
a milch cow with the heifor was aleo to bo oolloctod'
A letter written eerlior to Bohadur thah eeys about hb
dqsile to procure sora,so and othor birde'
Amount of monoy r78a aot to bo grudged' The animah
woro to be brought, along a route which waa free from di-gesas'
The letter also rofere to pigoons anil geose' Also domaniled
was 1050 dharnier t ol 9al,illr,qt, a kind of inoonso' '
Tho lettor takes noto of tho informstion that Nanesahob
Phatlnie and Daulat Rao Siuclhia woro quarrelling and they
iight now seek peace. Rana Sahadur wa,lrted to Lnow why
General Clark was boing trausferrod. Dinanatb hsd vrittgn
to him about AMali, but inrpito of the rumours thst tho
Phiringis wore advancing to the w68t nothiag more was heard
of.
It appears from tho lotter that Dinanatb w&a on tour
ond ho ryas reportiag to hie mostot irr Kathmaadu.
Dinanath Erote tho letter of Katliba Sttili 15 ii Poreian'
Rana Bahadur complains that thc Suba should write in Nagari
script, boing a Hindu.
King Rana Bhadur had aleo ealior in a letter of VS 1865
dkiko Srwana, Vaili 12 roj 6:Thursdayr 9 Augnst, l8i5 asked
Dtuaneth to send him Gui&rati-breil ilogr anil Tajik horses'

11. l dhqlni=12 p6.

1 poo=aerrly l| lb.
 580 UODtrBI{ IITPAL

Garhwal'e Yaki,l Yieite Kathmanil,u

In tho letter of 1862 Phnlguna auili 5 roj l:Monday,
14 Merch, 1796, Garhwal ie montioned in partioular. This
vre tho reply to tho correspoudence sent by Bhakti Thape
oarlior, whiah gavo dotails of the situatiou following thoir
rttack ou Kilpur. They wero ot tho date guarding thok
headquater and other outposts. Thoy had repbrta that in
the midet of the campaign a party,. was sont to watch
Gsrhwal where things had ruu emoothly. The Iiaja. had
plcdged allegiance to Nepal, The reply in the name of king
tiana Bahadur oxpressod satisfaction ovor their condqct and
seid that Garhwai's Vakil in Kathmandu, one T(hadahri,
elso omphasised the need for friendly rolation betwaon the
tvo countries, ond rould on no account allow Nepal'e
enemies to bring about ite downfall. Gsrhwal wag not
orpected to betray the Nepalese. King Rana Bahadur informed
thst the Vakil of Garhwal would get a heorty send ofr-
Thc leitor warned Bhakti Thapa that the Nawab w&s pro-
vokod ovor a petty affair and thie vss lnot worthwhilo.
This was not tho timo to mako the Nawab quarrcl with
Nopal. Poaco must be rostorod. Ons should setr, displeaso
a great man over petty affairs. Nepal had to benefit out ef
itr friendehip with the Nawab.
Dd*iorating heal,th
Bana Rahadur was uever quito hoalthy in physiquo and
sinao ho assumed powere, hie health further deteriorated.
Eo was slmost confiued to bed for about a, ye&r and haif
aincc early 1796. Tho ailment was not so serious, but he
vas growing physically weak day by day. Ifo could not walk
but wag carriod on men's back. About thic timo Rana Baha.dur
contractod habita, which ultimately made him indifferent
to tho affairs of state. Wo have already reproduced wbet
Abdul Kadir Khan had to say about bis palace. To amuse
himsolf on his siok bed ho oollocted q group of comodians,
 BIIIA B^ElhIIIt, 68t
danesrt and musicianc rouud himsolf, and not all of them
rcre good aharactere. o took ploasure in witnessing bull
ffghh. Ths bulls were to come from Vijopur. Ee importod
bulls from fndia at a heary price. In a lotter addressed to
Dinanath Upadhya on VS LSSB Paupa oad,i 15 roj Z-(tho date
eor.rcsponding to 9 January, Saturday 1796-14 tithi, this dey
8 ghatt) ho coroploins that dogtand bulle eont for did not reach
him. Eis youngost wife, whgm he loved to distrabtion w&a
already olaiming muoh of his attentiou and time. Nov
with the spare hours spont in tho company of entertairers,
Rana Bahadur had already no time left to rua his Goyern-
,ment. But nothiag w&s so serioue as all this tolling on hie
mind. A delioatc life of eago and oomfort awoy irom
purauitt rcquiring physioal aad mental efrorts always tends to
meke a persdn abnormal, and Rana Bahadur beoemo extre,mely
superstitious aad fiokle and loet all vigours ofhis youth.

Ee was hardly twenty-two, but ho developed an obses-

rion that ho was destined to dio at an early age. It was
aaid that this feeling seized lim following a prophecy made by
an astrologer. The idea quickly acted on hie weak mind, rnd
it grew into an obsessiou. Evor aince the feoling of death
came to his mind ho got .auxiouq about his d;
"o"""".ror.
absenco of a legitimato gon was i sourco of oonstant anxioty
to him. But tho possibillty of having a legitimato son was
dictant becauee he was not Iivirg with hie married wife.
Secrotly he deaire! .his youngost wife to bear him a sotr,
.
co that he could bequeath the throno to him and be relieved
of the foar of dying without an heir. In early I7g7 Kantidevi
ras pregnant and tho King thought that his droam wy
goirg to. be roalised.
But he knew that the issuo born to him by Kantidevi
would not bo aeccptod as legitidrate, and. it would requirc
supor-human eforts to make him aocepteblo to the Court as
his heir-apparent. But ho. was not eo essurod ae yet if t[e
iesue would be a male oue to raiso all the problorJs.
682 UODEBN ]IEPI,L

Novertholoss, whatovor happonod, he was dotormind to oloar

tbo path for the eventuality.
X'iret ofall, hehadtoeeo thst there was no logitim&t*
rival to the th4ono,

Rana Bahailur Abilialea

Esmilton roported that tho KiDg oaused his couain Kuldip
to beoomo blind of ths l6ft oye, lest tho throno might rovert
tothim in the eyeDt of his not ha.ving & legitim&to eon. Wo
oould uot Bey with cortsinty whothor it was tho King himself
*ho wa,s responsible for the loss of the Prince's oye-eight, but
it was gonerally Buapocted that Kuldip had loet it bocaueo
Raaa Bahadur des ed it ao. The thtone could not devolve
on & pcrson vho wae roudored physioally incepacitatod. It Pas
eeid of Rsna Bahadur thst he vantsd to got rid of all the
riv&l cla,imants to the throns, and he took reoourso to &ny
moans to att&in this objoct. Beaides the King himselt Kuldip
was the only legitinate romnant of the deBcendants of
Prithvinamyan Sf,ah. With liis disinherita,nce, tho problem wos
golvod for Rana Bahadur. Guarded on this account Rana
B&hadur wsited for ovonts to tako tbeir owir sbepe. As
ho wished, Kantidovi boro him a son. Ordiuarily, tho birth of
anothor illogitimate baby had no meaniug. But it was
othorwieo in this instaoce. To Rsno Bahotlur thiq ofepring
r&a more then an illegitimats ieeue, The son, later Lnown
or Girvon Juddha Vikram, was born -on Aevin 19 sukla 12
of 1854 (October, l?97). Rana Bahadur publicly favoured the
inf&nt to bocomo hig hoir apparoat as it was a whh cheriehed
by him einco long. and for sometime this question waa serioualy
being considored at tho higost level. Ulitmatoly the propo-
sition was accoptod by. tho nobility and men placed in
position of respoDsibility. But w,hile the infant'e coron&tion
ae Yuvaraj was beiDg celebrated the mother got an attaek
of tuboroulosis. er condition beoamo worao in a fow da5re,
and it was auggestod tbat the King waa to bo propared for
the ffnal soparation with his belovod. Thir wae too much
 R.I.NA BAEIDI'B 683

for [im to rtond. Ee grew impetiont. A grsy6 sa[Eo of griof

overp,orcrod him, and he thought of requnci&tion and sanyar.
Ia thir mood Rana Bahadur got his infant-orown-priuoe
morned a King for sll oyentuolities ot . Plnl4un 28 ruj 6 of
1855 7S-Eridan 8 of Merch 1799). In a letter addreesod to
Suba Dinanath Upodtrya, datad YS l85E Phalgun vadi 14 roi
3, Rana Bahadur informe him to be loyel to hig gon who wag
to be eorneil ling on X'riday, . pbelgun 28 of 1866 VS
rs he had dooided to renouuoe the throne and livo in
rotiremeDt. Es had also aamed Ramaudit Shah ae tho first
Chautaria end Bidur Sbah and Sher Shah se Chauta,rias anal
had appointed Kttiman Siuhe ae the MuBozi in plaoo of
Abhinan Siuhe.
OldEeld (I, pp. 295-80) gives a diferent etory. Eo vritea
thot Rana Bahadur had to abdicate becauae of hh peoplo
growing hodtilo on scoouDt of hie having cohabitod with a
Brahman girl and 'in coneequence of various outragos perpotr&ted
rgainst, their sacrod body aud roligion. on tbo occaeion of
hie Srahman paramour having posioned horeel! after reoovoring
from an ettack of emall-por, whea ehe fouDd thet 8hs h8d
loat her boauty and with it hor influencc tith th6 Khg-
Old6old suggeste that tho Kiog,e a,bdiaation wae mainly duo to
Damodsr Pands .baoked b.y ths nobility, and oamo rbout
'whilo ho was dooidedly ingauo after ruling for some years with
tyranny and being guilty of most violent and atrocioug acts,'
A cument note from Nepal inftrrms tbe British Goveroor-
Gonoral that Qirbou Juddha Vikram was croptred, a,ud
demauded that henceforth tbe Britirh BhoDltt ert€nal thoir
frioudshp to his Goyemm6nt ('pol. Cons. 3 feptembcr. li99
N. 7 aud 8). The Goveraor-Goueral leciprocoted iho feeling
and aseured tho resigning KiDg that his Governuent would
bavo the moet friendly dealing with his son's Govemmsnt-
Tho youngert queen (Kanchhirani) died of tuboroulo8is sono
oight Eonths aftcr plungiog her hueband in gtiof and derpair.
Raoa bahadur duly informed the British in India anil
and Chinoso authorities ( in Lhasa ) obout hie ronounolng
581 IODEB' lYAI-lI

the thronc in favour of hir mu. Anotbcr tcttot on behrlf

.of the aer King writton on YS 1866 Phalguna sudi 6
llonday, ll ![arch, 1799 waa scnt to both ths &forossid
outhoritios plodging enternal friondship. Kazi Sarvejit
Psndd in oharge of Tibotan eEaim wrote soperstoly to th.
Amban, to whioL an acknowlodgenent lios Bent on Chyaoh.
Li.n yoar I mouth 4 &in Weekdey ?.
A ooppet pl8te in the collootionof Pasupati with dato V!
186.6 o4bt tttdilS rqj 4:Weilnesday, 20 Fobruary. lZ99 refon
to the arrangomeut under ths rod seal. This is.long documonl
anal oont&ins inetructioue to hie ofricera, mon end tho peoplo
in goneral to be followed by them ar he abdicated. IE thc
proamblo tho document has 'Now I watrt to renounoo this world
of my own acoord, in order to improvc my lot i[ th6 ne!t.
I waut to devoto myeolf to the eervico of Gods. For tho
caro of tho kingtlom I give my throno and monarchy to Glirrsn
Judilhr Vikram SLah, son of the Kanohhtani (youngest queea)
aad till ho comoe of ago tho Jetharani, eldo! queen, i8 to act
oo Nayab (regont) Eeeping him in hcr lap. As the mothor
of the two infant Chrutorae the Second queor w&a to live in
tho palaco enjoying tho title of lfsh&raai.

King Rana Bahedur erecuted ehothor copp6r plst6 i! th.

aqme of Sardar Angod Khawae o,od others oE the Eamo dsl,
and plolged his worde to &bido by the deolaration ho mado
whilo obdicating. The writ ran, "ff over I acted or orhibited
o tondoncy to act in disregard of tho &rraDgomout.I made in
oocortlano with tho copper plate eroouted to onthrono !(&haraje
Girvan Jrrddha Vikram, moy mt family deities, also Lord
Paaupatinath &nd Guhyesyari curse rno, and all my ancestorr
mysoU and my desoend&ats, m&y thoy Iive ia holl like insoctr
for millions of livoe to come !"
Thorc were 96 eiguatoriee to the paper of oonformont of
croriD on Giryau Juddha, they iucludo ell offiosrs and
mon iuoludiog those of the ranke of Dvaro, Daroga, Subodar.
ard Ditha.
 B.rl{l. B^EaDgt 685

Brja Prthvipal Sea of Palpa put tho vcmillion Eatk on thG

ocw King'e fomhead,
In tho lsmo coppr plate Sardar Angail Khowas allo
:pledged, "I shall ovoq be faithful to tho sn:angomont you
havs made in haudiag ovor tbe throne to Maharaja Oirva'n
Juddhe Yikram. Ite violatioa by me in any form or degrcc
rill invits malediction on no aatl my dosoendant!. This YilI
atsnd until the Maharaja comos of age."
Other offcors of Bteto hsdt aleo plodgetl to bonour t'hc
a,rrsgomoEt orooutod by Rtns Bab&dur Shah.
Whrtovcr might havo beon his inteation lator, Rtna
Bahadur abdioatod of his own eccotd. About this, thers 8o€mG
little doubt.
Aftor abdiortion Rana Bohadur booams a nonk. Ho ako
inltataal Keutidovi into his order. Both lived tog€thor btrt
rcnunciation was tho watchword.
But he hsd not ceaeed to rulo. Ee had appoiutod a Rogont
ond Chautaras and Kazis. But ia praotico ho was rtill a ruling
king aud ororoiaod his powers with tho eamo zoal. Nothing
rhowod that hia interest in tho afairs of state bad deolined.
Though his attentiou wss ofton distrscted by hia wifet illneer,
hc hrd not abandonsd handling of rtate affoirs as they oamo
to him automatically in the absoncs of o successor of agc in
ruthority.
Iu tho l€ttor writton to Suta Dinarnath Upadhyay by B,a,aa
Bahadur early 1800 ho writos with keon iutorest also on tho
rfrain of East India Company's Glovomnetrt. Es asks ahout
tho rsagon of the transfor of thc Governor-Gensral. e took
int€roet in tho Mehratha affaire aud wss happy to know ihat
Naur Phadnavis had patohed up with Daulat Bao Soiadia.
Rana Bahadur wat also euquiring whether the roport about
{avaeion of Tipu Sulten's domain by the British vith a foroe of
10,000 men was oorrcct.
Although he had declar€d himeelf out of the world, yot
'iavardly ho was deoply afrootod by worldly iateresta.
586 MODtrBIg I{XPAIJ

About tho timo Clirvan vos declared Kiug. Srikrishno Shab

the younger son of Dalamardana who was a Chautare through-
out tho rogeDcy escapod beyond tho frontier on Kartikq 4 oF
1865 - Wodneeday, l7 Ootobor, 1790.
In a lottsr writton to Dinanatb on Saturdey, 16 Juna,
1799 ltane Bahadur agks hi.m to koep vigilonoo ovor the
eotivity o[ Krishnr Shoh. In particular ho was to watoh ths
Een he conta,ot€d.
Ee might meet eomo Sritish ofrcere but Diuanathe yrr
to countoract any iqflnenco Srikrehna Shah was likely to create.
In tho elme lotter Rana Bahadur wanted to kno\r how tho
Peshwa had resctod to the British occupatio! of Eriranga-
patoam, and [ow tbo Marhata.British rolaiioa had developed,
in the mean tifoo.
Nothing is known about Srikriehra Shah'r anti-Rana Bbhadur
aotivitios in Britieh Indio. But Rana Bohedur exploited $ri-
hiena Shah's presonco to creato a frighteoiDg Bituetion
rupposeil to endangor tho tbrono itself. But Srikrlgng Shab
died in 1860 in Eariharpur near Patna.
But in visw of Kantidevi's illness it was beooming
impossi[e for Rana Sohadur to carry on as ueual with her
faat doteriorating 'coodition. Rana Bahadur needed to,bostow
all carag aDd a,tt€ntion on her. Ee could ill-aford sven
& minuto for othor works. Thue a Bituation was gradually
appearing whero Bana Sohadur was goiDg to be forced to
appoint a Regent end uew council of minietors. But ho
delayed as tbis ilvolred transfer of powor to sore €rtaut,
for whioh he was not preparod unless he was absolutoly
oomp6lled. As Kantivati'e. illne-qs grew serious, ho.shifted
from place to place. fo the beginniog he took her to
Pulchok, rhich situat€d on the uplaud noar the dity of Patan
roross ths BagEsti, was fre€ fmm the damp of tho lowland
of Kathma.ndu. Thero ho availed of Dow method of tre&t-
Eort !t the handa of tho well knowu aetrologer phyeician
Gluvajus. But K&ntivsti showod littlo improvement. So
aho had to bo removod to Deopatan pberr tho couplo livod
 BANI' BAEADUE 687

for rometirne. Rano Bahedur did not gpar€ any effort foi.
hor treatment. All available medioinoa fror va,rioug souro66
wom administored to hor. fn addition to medical troatmcnt
Rans Bahadur invokoil the blessing of doitieg to her recovory..
Yodic hymne ond Tantrio littsnios were chanted praying for
hor laating cure, Dvery tomple received worship and promiso
of moro alaborate worship in the cass of recovery. But or
mon had failed him gods and godileeses &lBo f&iled him. ,It.
appoared that Kantivati's life wns drawing ti ite close.
Aceording to the chronicle tho ox-kiDg wa,s liviug
a life of reounciation in neaby Patan (Pulchok) becoming a.
Sazgoari (Mentlicant)r I after handiug the administr&tion over
to a councill r of adminietration whioh included Rauadyota.
Sheh (first Chautara), his own balf brothers, Vidor Shah and.
Shor Bahadur Shab, and aleo Shamsher Shah and Balbhadra
Shah as Chautaras end Renjit Pande, Damodar Pande,
Narasimha Gurung, Kirtiman Bs8lot aud Tribhuvana Simha
I(hawas-all of then a,s Kazis (minieters). Kirtimsn B&snot
war appointod to tbo post of Chief Kazi.
As has' beou already eaid tho older Maharani wae.
eppointed aE RogoBt efter Rana Bahadur's abdication. Suvarne-
prabha aleo was ollowed to enjoy somo iufluenco ag she took
ohargo of tho baby kiog to nurse him, Eor four-year son.
Ranadyot Shah was the chief Chautara. fn cn inscription of
ths Mulchok Patau dated VS 1866 Asttine ealcla, S ad,itgavata
(:Surday 6 Octobor, l?99) tho chautarag were callsd
nanti tmyaka, i.e. those vho led the miaistors. With tho8o.
ffvo Chautarae msationod in tho precodiog paragr&ph tho
ffvo ministers wero oach ea,lled. Sqr,hioo in tho inscriptiono.
Tbose wero Ranajit Pande, Damodar Pando, Tribhuvane,
Narasimho, and Kirtiman Simha.
12. Ee hod. assum6a th6 DeE6. Nilv&asDdr gllsaiji lor hirrBell anil
oalleil his viIo. KsEtliloyl, ss Svaaini. IB aoEo othet record! ho ia aLo
.oilleil NirguDsDanila.
13. geo s l€tto! (IrFoiluced) to DiEEEstbo Upsilbyr coDt6yiDS th..
coEposil,ion of th6 oorDcil (1855 PhalguDr vsdi 14, roi 3) Eltihasik f.trr
arm8raha, I, flotE Biburaro .l'oheryo's collsctiotr.
688 IODEBN ]CTP.AI

Thc eane inroription ltat€s thrt Bhotu Ponds booamc tho

thlef trssluror, oad ho vaa auieted by Shyana Lala Upadhya
Aoootding to tho inforoation provid€d by tha samo insorip-
tion Bhimason war givon tho port of tho meltor of mint,
But he is not tho samo ar Bhima Son Tbapa The following
p€raona vero to bs the vitDe88e8 &t Che timo of the depar-
oation of tho boundrrios: Earea Pontha, Ifari Aryat, Bhana
Khanal Upadhya, Jagajjit Pande, Earivamsa Bhora and
YemsaYir RaDa,
Probably tho arrangemont wgs msdo in a lighter voi.n.
Becauso of this fector tho ministerg wore not in a positior
to offectivoly exorcise thsir pow6r8. Inspite of tho Chartor
appointing Chautarar and ministors, Rano Babadur hed
rontinued to s:ersiso tho suthority of the king.
But the insoription doer not roprosent tho Ch&lte5
'oppoitrtirg tho digaita,rios, Porhaps tho date comos two or
throo moaths lstor.
The appointment of thoge oficerg does not however,
mo&u that Rana had renounced powers. As tho ohautarae
and ministers woro his creation, thoro was nothing to proyont
Lim from orercieing Bt&to powors and ho did ororcise them
inspite of hie wifs'e dolioato hoalth and later, her doath.

Kantioati Dict
Inrpito of his bert ettontion and medical caro Kanti-
v&ti'E condition gror worro. Rana Bahadur had gone to
Pulohok on th€ outskirts of the city of Patan. Thereafter
shc va. takou to Doopstan near the B&notu&ry of Paeu-
potinath. Sho war kopt, nndor the trestmont of emincut
physicia.ns. But she was not Bhowing signs of improvoment.
ln ono of tho lettoB to DirBnetha Upadhya Rana BaLadur
e:pressed deaire to got a Europoen physioian or a Eahim
or Yaidya from India, But Kautivati erpirod bofom any
sotion could be taken ou the lottor, She died in Aryaghat
on gartibn Sukla 4 X'ridy of NS 020= f Novomber, l?90.
 B ttt BlElDlrB 580

Tho doath oamo as a gr6at Bhook to the or-kiug. For

r whilo hc logt his montal balanoo, aud wailed sdd oried to be
hinsolf takon away by the cruol death. The bereavomeat ho
look aB a regult of a conspiraoy botwoou gode, dovile and
DeD, rho oould not look with lympathy on the couplo living
togsther. At ono timo h6 thought hs oould dostroy ell
those rho had oouepirod to kill hie wife,
It ir aaid thst R&na Bahadur avonged the doath of
hir Bramau wifo by oonsficating proportios of the priostlt
Brehmanr and desecrating raored imagos, whooo interyention
ho had earler invoked for tho ouro of hig wife'r illnegs.
Iu this act of dsEloment evon tho shrine of pasupati-
rath and Ewayambhu Stupa did not €soepo unhurt, But
lhe Raja's fury ilid trot ab&to and ho oxhibitod eigns of
crco'ses likely to iajure the royal tr&ditior of pioty anil
rompassion. Tbe miaiaters and admiaistration, thereforc.
had to erert prorsure otr him to mond his woys *hiob
ho rosisted for o long time &groeing ultimately to rsp&ir to
Banaras aa a mocllue of ponitauoo. Yet anothor report har
it th&t undor preesuro he had abdioated in favour of hid son
who euoceedod him as the lowful sovoroiga of the oountry.
But ho had ebdicatod boforo tho doath of Kaatidovi.
In tho ohrooicle hig intoation to ebdioate is voluntary,
and ho had done eo for tvo roasons, (I) ho bads prlomo-
nition that ho would die eoon ( tho astrologors had
prodict€d that he would meet with e crieis, .K/radgo. in hil
treenty-fourth year) and : (2) he w&nt€d to keep hia woril
pledgod to Ksntidevi who had dsmgndod the orowring
of her eou. Kantidovi was ill for rometimo past and 8ho vaa
herdf facing s, crisis of a severe malady. By abdicatiag Rr4a
Bahsdur wantedrto dovote himself he&rt and roul to the oaro
of bia wifo and at tho ramo time reliovo hor of tlo anriety
on hor son's future-
Rana Bahadur loved powor eg ho loved Kantidovi- If
mybody hatl thought thst by more sct of sbdicstion
he (Raoa Bahadur) hail comod to goyorn, otro ys! ia
590 XODEB]I NAPA.L

illuoion. Eo now began to rulo by virtue of his former

lnrition of o mona,roh and rs tho father of the Child,
to whom ho hrd bsstowed tho throne. Of couteo nons
oould qsk him obout the souroe of powers. The Regent
was hia wifo, a,ad oftor all she wae his nominee. How
oould che disoboy him und prevent him from ororcisnig
powor ? While Kantidovi was alivg he was devoting his
timc to nursing her s[d foutrd littlo tim€ to itrtorfere iD Btato
po[tios. But ar sho had dep&rted aud his lury on thoso
tfoating hor had subsided, he turned to the aff&irs of Btato.
Gradually ho devolope&obsossion to-neddle in tho govornance
of tbe oountry. Ahe eldost .&&ni wss no mrtch for his
p,oworful porsouality. I{o lived in ono of tho wiugs of
tho pabcS and. was looked upon by.all as tho eovoroign. Evon
though out of throne he behavod in tho situatiou as tho
do juro as well as do facto eovereign of the couutry.
Thea the inf&Dt KiDg wos ehifted to No&kot. It wa,s
Eprilg time, and the ofrcers and men of tho army BtatioDod
in Kcthmandu playod their colour (holi fastival) in Noakot.
All important peoplo rent thore. Tirie time tbo kiug was
taken oarlier to Noohot as the astrologer bad maile a forecast
that there woro eyil eigns in appearanqe on the occasion
of aomo festivals in Kathmandu. lThile the King was i[
Noakot tho Court also sat there aud eo mot the ministorial
council. ?ho queon with her two EonE ltayed with tho
infaut King lookiug after bim. liana Bahadur also visited
Noakot frequently. But eaoh time he went thero [o insulted
ono or tho otber officer for their small faults. One dav bo
beat some ol them and Bubject€d thom to al bad trontuent.
Evon the Chiof }linieter aud his maternal uncle, tho powerful
Damador Pando, woro uot spared.
Others of courso bad to put up with worst indignities. One
day tho Swami hung ma,ny ofrcors on the ceiling of a temple,
with hslds tied ond.latar released them.
Amar simha Thapa and Ranabam Pande were also hung
upsido dova with logs tietl. Prabal Rana wea dragged tbrough
 RANA BAIIADUB 69I

lho msin bszer of tho towolot seated on a ekiu pioce. All

0hese aotione embittered the ofrcore. No one felt aafo from
the yrath of th6 Swami who was bocoming a problem for those
in povor. Eis cruel bohavior could not be brooked. Uptill
rrov no on€ had becomo a dead victim of hie frolicle.
But beoauso of tbat no on€ mustored coura,go to dofy him.
In ths situetion, tho eonior section of tho nobility thought to
oontrol him by othor Boa,n8.
Aftor a for days of his wifo's death ; Rana Bahadur
vith his inn&te loyo for powors of Btate aqd anrious to
raaumo glaBours of lifo of & ruler tried to reassert his
position &sking for de faoto rulorsbipl{. Ho abandonod hie
intontioo to go to B&naras.
Ilamilton narrateg &n iacident of a conflict between tho
King end the able commandor Damodar pande and hie
colloagues tho Basnot Kazie.
It was, howover, when tho oonflict turned towarde the
worst Rana Bhadur decided to Bta,ge a revolt, end. furction
ae B,ogont from Patan but ho did :o without the physical
presonce of his, the Kiug, b.y his side.
Becsuse of the person of the King with them his oppo-
aouts qoro. advantageously placed. They rere also endowed
wiCh legal a,uthority because of the baby king at Noakot.
Rana Bahadur's efforts to aasert hir authority in the roalm
were foiled by the oonsieteDt opposition of Damodar's group
bacted by many others including tho new Chief Miristor,
Kirtiman BBsnot whoee popul&rity then wa.s at its height, IIo
dircouraged ll,ana Bahadur to pursue his inteution. While the
oonflict with ths lqinisters started, Rajarajosvari joiuod he
husband. But Surarnaprabha had accompanied the child King
to Nookot and as qrrerrel developed sh€ acted &8 the Regent.
According to materi&ls at our disposel Rana Bahadul
tried to inqito rebellion, end functioaed for Eometimo &B tho
aovereign from Patan. Rana Bahadnr issusd coinB to celebrato

14. Socrct OoDsultatioEs, n. 42 13, 90 JuDo. 1802,

552 IODIB]g I(BPI',

thc oooasion of hie tahing powerr15. A deoreo ie€uod h hi!

namo by eome ofrcors datod VS 1857 Vaieaklw rudi Thureday
2{ April, 1800 oallod upon tho ontim iqhibit&ntB of Aiirgarh
(neer Gorkha) to como to Patan with all availablo arms for hi*
hclp. The sigxstories wero Chautara Balbhadra Shah, Chautora
SiJu, SU"U, Chautara Gyan $hab, Kazi Pratipan Rana. Kazi
Bena Keear Pendo (son of Damodar Pande), Kazi Jahar Simha'
Eardar Kalu Pontlo, Sardar Amar Simho Thapa (Bhimsen'a
fathor) aud Bhairava Sinhal'. This was foUowed by a morr
eomprohousivo' docree requiring tho ofEcers of Bbairavr
.ompany to oomo to Paten immedi&toly' Tho address ir
itatotl 1857 roj 2 euiti 11 Yaieabho - Sunday 5 May, 1800'
By this tioe Rans Bahadur had 8ot uP e nsw council
of Ch*ut*ae auil Kazir, shoso ndmos ffnd montion in thc
rbovo docum€nt' Balabhadra Sbah wss declared Chisf
Chautrre and Pratiman Rana as fusi Kazi' If tho
qhrotriolor'

vere to bs bolievotl Raua Bahadur'e reYolt st&rted from tho

undorstanding that hc wos to bo takon prisoner by his'
gon'c Govornment ancl thero was a oonspiraoy afoot deaigned
to this efoct, which faot was m&de known io him by
Balbhatlra Shah ( oa Chaitra 20 ) who said that ho had
porsonclly voriffed ths report. But all R'ana Bahadu/s'
dcoreer woro countoraot€d by those iseuod from Noakot in
the'namo of Girvan Jutlilha Yikram, who hail boen earlier
removod to that stetion ae tho Chariot of Matsyeadranath
had broken to causo foreboiling of evil days to como'16'
Moro lettors in tho name of Girvan Juddho Vikramr
boaring ths samo date sero dospatched to the Buba and
othor ofrc€rs iu chargo of 8ara, Palsa, Rautahat, Mohottari'
Spatari aud Morang, os woll as to the comp&ny Ilead-
quarters within the valleY.

$. 8, M' trorbi, oP. cit P. 118'

10. Eitthasitlotls giEgtrh!' I, P' 100 '
loi. Lott6! itrtoit Yg 1811 toi 1-P&'6rv'il lD Gort Atohit6''
'dtl
 B..'XA BAEADI'R 693

The royal oall from Noskot to Srinctha Company to act

dirorootly aocording to the statoment bf tho Trmropatra
it dutad Yahalcha odi 13 toj 3:Auo8dsy, 2l May, 1800. Juat
e day earlier a lottsr ou thc liao of the one addresoetl to
Bhotgaon was E6nt to Patan. On Yaicabho eu,ili 15 roj 5-
Ihursday,, 8 May, l80O the pooplo of Lubhu woro caJlod
to Noakot.
It is . suggost6d that tho ohild KiDg Girvsn Juddho
Vi&rrm wes removed to Noakot as Rans Bahadur oxpreseed
bis deeao to ke6p his lon rrith Dimself &nd rule in bie nama
in tho sams olil way. Aftor sll ho wss to bo brought back
to Kathmandu. In his lotter to the Jamadars and Sepoyr
of old $rinatha. Company dsted YS 1857 Yaiaabha uili 11
rqj 7:Saturtlay, l9 May, 1800 Rana Bahodur aeks them
not to romovo tho child King excopt on Yahabha 20,
whioh dey aooording to astrologor was auepicious for depar-
tur6. Eo eildod that Kirtiman ( Basnot ) aleo had writton
to him 2 or 3 tineg sbout thi8 date. But ho and other
Bha,radars might romovo ths ohild on auy doy prior to thc
20th, Tho Srineth Compaay is told to beware of the machiu-
etions of tbo Bharadors and not to loave their King
unguardod.
Porbaps tho child King w*s going to be brought back
to Kathmaudu aud this Raua Bahadur did not like for
obvious roasone. IIo had inciteil the junior ofricors snd
eoldiers ovor the herd of their ofiioers, &s sll his lettem aro
directly addrossod to them. The lettor to Brinath Compaoy
says thot becaufo he kaow the Junior Officore end eoldiers
would be faithful to tho King ho did not appoint a Subedar
oyer thsm. Eo proto to the Gurubar Company to ignore the
oommand of tho Subedar ( Yaiaakha vadi 13 roj 3:Tuesday,
2r May, r80O).
All his lettert aro oelled Ajnapaha, a,nd not rut&o which
ie tho oame appliod to royal oorreepondnonce. Ra,na Bahadur's
roal wae of yellow colour unli[o the red royel eeal.
In sll cssos whon the fathor hail to function with tho son
594 XODIB]I }ITP.IL

or kiug ho urod the yellow eeal (Kerariapanja). Thia happned

dgo af0er 1846. Jang Bahadur ollowod -Rajendra to ue. thc
yollor eeal in neoeseary papora, although the l*ttor tr.r
being treatod as no lesg tha! e pcisoner.
Rojeevaridevi, th6 oldost queen of Rona Bahadur, doea
oot se6m to havo rua a government of her own oE is tri€d to
meke out by somo Tbo documente &ttributod to h6r,
writers.
which is a docree ierued to a regiment Smdul Juog Compeny
( dttod Yaisakh aaili 13 roj 2 oJ 1857 7817:Monday, 2l
Uay, 1800 ) does not usurp th€ authority of the Swami Mrhal.
raja. tho soems to havo iseued another decroe celling upon
Purauo Srinath regimeat to take care of tho porson of tho
Ling at Noakot. Both theee decreea wero *orded to eay, 'If
you ocknowledgo Swamiji's suthority and havo in your heart
tho welfare ofour eon Girvsa Jrrddha Vikram Sheb aad oure,
then you disown tboee v'ho bad rebelled agaiust Sramiji.r8
Obviourl-v 3ajeevatidevi wos acting in coucort with her
hueband and &s a,n abettor.
Io the uame of Girgan Yikrama was also iesued a deoree
iotbo people of Bhatgaon saying thst his father who wes
defiling images aud harassing the Brahmanas and wbo wag
persu,rded to abaudon his bod conduct but hq did not liston
ond was ou the contrary preparing to fight agoinst him and
therfore he should not find any eupport wherever he goos,
Ihis deoreo is dated VS 1857 Vaisabhq oad.i I roj 6:Fridey,
16 May, 1800.
It was ssid that Srvaoi Maharaja's eupporters rrero det6r-
minod to fight ar,dthey fortiffed their poeition in Pulohok
having as their first line of defence the uorth wostcrn outckirt
of tho city of KBthmendu at Patanajol. the nowly habited
Euburb of tho toEn.
It eppoors thst oertein Companios of'aoldior had taken
the eido of Rana Bahadur. Theso woro Taradal, Raqemohr

17. For6lgu l[iaistry Archiro..

18. 3or6lgtr l[iEirtry llchir.l.
 R ]l..' t.rElDuq 596

lnd Dcvidatta . Therc is e lotter of King Cirvoa BddrGlr.d to

thoir Jamadarr, Majon, Kotes, Ajitan (Adjutant) rnd Solnyr
whioh erid 'Balabhodrc Sahi totd a falrc story to our fother,
rud you roro olso subjooted to one aidod vereion of tbo
mattor. But you did not come hsre to get erplanatioa, Why
you ero fortifying your lnsition and &g&i!st vhom ! you
ors reminded of tho selt you havo takon. Despito what ycm
hsvo dono alreedy you must aot honceforth, to bring au cnd
to our quarrol. Remeober the coppor-plate, you arc aekod to
itr virtues. Date TS I8i7 Vaisa vadi 14 roj B. Addrocs,
upbold
No8kot.' (l'he d&to corrcBpoDds to Tuosday, 2l Moy, 1800.)
All thie time however, Rana Babadur wae cauaing annoy-
aooe to tho loiuisters and their rupportorr.
Aocordhg to e chroniole a company of eoldiers called Betuk-
dal had rlroady beoo drawn to Mrckwanpur. There ie a
lottcr addrossed to Sardsr Chamu Bhandari ond Subodar
Karirath which euggorts that e fight.was imminent. This ie
dated Y,S 1867. The ofEcers wero ordered to ahift to Sindhuli.
It rsad'the strife wae liLely to flare up, but it is not good to
pick up quarrel, we h&vo to bring about a settle4ent. your
camp should be in Pauwagarhi until {urthor orders. you &re
furthor ordered to BtreDgthen the lortreos, keep alrort of events
oocurring at home and obroad, and mind your duty by consul_
ting the tbllowing persons. If you do othersi8e aud abandon
Sindholi, you will be untrue to sslt'.
According to old cuetoms a red-soal pormit enablod ono to
pess through tho Garhi on aacertainiug the identity of tho
pes8etrg6r. The Omraos in charge of Sindhuli nero consultcd
in any sctiou concerniug the area.
If curiers oflettera ood proeonts to tho palacs came that
way, they woie to bo esoorted to Noakot.
Any one cmrying claadostina letters from KatbmaDdu
phould bs forthwith an€stod &nd ssnt to Noakot.
trorco8 stationod in tho ea8tern eeqtor havo boeu orftrcil
to rosoh Noskot, Thoy rn;ght bo iutorfored rith or oatitleil
506 UODEB}I I{rP^AI]

by Krthmandu's mon but tho instruotion was 'you dircet theo

to ur to Noskot'.
Tho 200 ma,tchlooks bolongirg to Majb (midrtle) Kirat
Command wem to be kept in Sindhuli. The iostruction r&n
'you are arkod to:koop 100 mstchlooks in Peuwagarhi. All
ruoh ooming'from PalloLirat (farthor) ehould not roach Ncpal.
Thoy should roaoh ue at Noekot. Do anything which will
ErL6 your oountry proeporoue and freo from etaint.'
It appo&r8 th&t Rana Bahadur could not rocoive ride
luPport for his oause.
X'rom Noakot emiesaries wero sont to Pulchok erplainiag
their positioa. As a procautionrry meaeure armod pickots
roro ported in Jitpur to provont thc Swami from reaching
Nookot. Should he a,ttempt to tako posBos8ion of tho perron
of his son, forco was to be uaed. All Companies ported in
Kathmandu wero already withdrawn to Noakot. IIere is a
rpooincn of lottor sent in the namo of Girvan, Thir rao
rddrorsod to the people of Kathmandu. Said-'A disloyal
informer who was carelosg of the rtatemont made iD tho copper-
plato .oom8 to havo for eolfirh purpose iustigated my fether
rgainct uyself. You are my subjocts, Swamiji ie my fathor.
I oclnot comphrohond how you are led to fight &Dd ag&in8t
rhom. I aak you to bewars of the disloyal inetigators. Aleo
50 porcent ofthe tsx gro rsduced. Date VS 1867. Vaieakha
vadi 2 roj 0r D, Addross, Noakot.)

Rana Lcales for Banaraa

X'or tomotime more till he realised tho futility of ouoh
st6p8 tho Swami Maharaja was 6yon aotivo in prepariug for
largo ocalo hostilities with the Clovernmont of hir ron, but ho
loft ruddonly &louo at aight (Jyeetha, 8, 1857) for Banaras
rceohing thoro ton dey8 after (Jyestha l7, f857 VS).
Aooordiug to the chroniclo ar the Sabuj Company was
&alv&noing Rauo loft Pulchok suddenly at night on VS 185?

19. Moailay, 19 May, 1800

 BAI.I' BAEADUE 657

Vris&Lha eudi l0 roj 6. [Tho dotm oonlosponds to B May, fg00.

fhir ir Saturday. Thorefom tho ohronioler,s day of thi weok
ir irregular.] Ife passod through Tokar and oroseed tho frontior.
But thiE da,to iB too oarly.
Tho notiug in the book of Chandrgman Joehi for Rana,g
doparturo io JgeAln 8, Krtmo aditga lara rcltri ghrtt;6
(:Juno. 1800, but tho pafticular is irregular). Ee had loft
elono with his maida and aeryants. -Ee crossed- the frontier
ot Jgutha 11 Jgeatho Kreru 1l Sonwnsora tatri S?,saghati bldl
(-Juue, 1800, but the partioular is irregular). porhagx the
dates are not correot. Acoordirg to British sourco ho rcaohod
Banaras on May, 27, 1800t0. Ho was acoompanied [,y
Balbhadra Shah (Bulbudder Shah), Kuldip Kaur (Kuldirp) .a
pcreon of rark, four equipage of femalee rnd 50 men.tr
Thc
d&to a8 givon by tho Britirh Boruce is abeolutcly correct. So
othor dates can be dismiered as untruo.
Eyon R&j&r&Jeavari wos not itrforned ofhis intentioa to
quit. From tho Nepdoco gouroo it apposr8 thst with him
rorohing Banrros wero 3 coacubines, aad eomc Eerrzanta.
Bhimeen Thapa had joiued later. Earlier in li99 bo obtained
ths raok of the Sardar ae an aid of ths Kirg. Also, tho elder
Mohsrani and Bglbhadra Shah reachcd BaDsraB sonetime l&ter.
Tbo Swamiji's paasing through the frontior to Banuae camo
to be kuown in Ramnagar acrose tho bordor by farakumaro
Datta, tho former Raja of Tauhouh, who wrote a lotte! to
Parasuram Thapa in Banarae. From Ifarakuosra Datts,s
anothor letter to Parasuram lthapa tho faot of Rajarajesvari
and Brlbhadro Shah followiug Rana Bahadur comee to notioo.
Ifarakumara Datta Bays that on both oooagiors ho hail sont
bis mcn to coDt&ct tho real fugitivos but waa iliesappointed
to 6ud them gone out of hig area. Rana Bahadur reached
I(.aai on Jgeetha 16 Anilha Buil,i B, Somaoara pratah gbati
Sthapana oelo. 'lhil d&to ir aleo irregular.

30. 8o. Ooltultatlolr, 26 Jq!o, 1800 tNo. ?e?1)

3r, rbtit.
598 IOEEII' NITAL

that Bena Bahtdur

From the aborort uoting.it spposts
end nights to reach the frontier. Ee wrg
had trrvsllcd doye
slso not r$ting tilt he roaohod Brnarag at runrisa in tho
morniug.
W.hat wca tho rcaaon for tbjs hasty departuro tnd running
trip to Kaei I
Rana Babadur wae afroiil of being pumued by hir opponents
and henoe hie h&sty movements, He, howevor did aot realieo
th8t this rrss fer from their minds,
The ohrgnicle statea that tho Swami Maharaja dreadod
thst ell th&t Fse to rosult efter c'hat was boing dono on both
ridcs would oause oivil war and bloodehod. AE eoon as hc
Legrd the Sabuj Company wae being eent to
toko. posseaeion
tho
of Kantipur, the awaronegs of impeuding dissEter bocsmo
clearor to him. Theu he folt that he wac playing into
the hands of wrong advisore. Damoalar Pando had doscended
from Kakani and pauing through Mudikhu he wag throate'
ning the nortborn outakirt of the city of Kathmandu. Thc
Rogent Maharani had arrivid in Patau about tbie timo. It
might bo romembored that the Booond R&ni uov shiftod to
Noakot rsr looking after tho baby king and in the &bsonoc
of tho oldor quoen she wag also functiouing &8 the Regent.
Rana Bahrdur gave up tho idea of 6ght, and ead in heort
left for Banarae. It is eaid that tbe 6ocond queen's Persua-
BioD h&d its own ofoot and civil wsr was avortod. As tbo er'
ting auddonly eccaped to tho frontier of India, irll hostile
activitiba agaiost the Govornment ouded, and tho baby king
wes brought back to Kathmandu the nort doy.
Thoro is r roport Ebout oll thoso events by tho Dhami of
Noakot submittod R&jondre Vikram Sheh in 1832. Thc
to
Dhrmi eoys thst beca,uee Rans Bahadur had behaved like a
mtd man haraseing his ministore whils ho wus in Noakot, a

,g OhsEillrItrstr Jorhl ia hi. lat€ .6v6Btlod i! & r€4Bctea olalilrsB ol thc

towdot ot IhtDi, rho heg ln hta Poalalsioa! Yrlurbl6 Eit. ala oa tha
hl.toi, .!il culttrt. ot N.!el.
 BA]SA BAEADUB 699

rnovc ,8! afoot to imprison him snd trest hirn for hir
mental illnoes. But ono of tho Chautares oamo to Kethmandu
md gave him an olarming report. Tho Swami ilr an attompt
to reriet oolleotod forcer to 6ght but fled whilo Damodar Pande
mrrohed to the valloy from Noakot with mon of the
Weetern Command. IIe was acoompauied by aevoa of
Putuwar oaete as clrriors, 2 Jamadarr and 3 boyr to
work aa poreonal gervants. Eo paeeed through Thiogan.
reached Mackwanpur and thou orossod tho border. Tho
eldest Maharani and Balbhadra Shah passod through
Chimpanigarh sfter 2 or 4 dsys. As the King ond Bharodars
toturnod from Noakot thoy roceivod big ovation from thc
pooplo of tho capital. fn Kathoandu l,he treasury of tho
prlace waa opeued aud distributed to tho EoD of tho army
sfter coniultetiou with tho Bharadarg (noblemen). Thilr
socount of Bnna Bahadur'e exit epposrs to bo correct. W'e
shall have to 8ry morc about tho roport as we oom6 to thG
incident of Rsua Bohadur'c death.
The Dbami's repott i8 conoct. Bana Bahadur left homc
alone, but mugt have been ioined by hie rife end others oD
the border or beyondjt gomewhere before ho roached Bauaral-
Ifo bad however, iuformed Raja Earakumarddatto Sen in
Ramnager, who in e lettor datod Asadha sudi 12 roj 7 (:
Saturday, 6 July 18C0 )rt to Paroeuram Thapa eays that ho
had sont men to roceive tho Ling in Garhparsa, but latter hsd
already loft ond ao thoy had roturned without eeoing tho
royal peraonego. Tho queen elso had loft uunotioed,
Ilerakumerrdatta writes that in moBents of anrioty Pandit
Rrngsneth had been deepatched to Bauaras to treco the
wheresboute of tho Ssami.
X'rom Knor'a roport vo learn that Ranganath and his
fathor wsro in tho Borrico of tho Roia of Ramoagar, from
rh{ao thoy brd shiftcd to be rith Rana Bohadur io Bansrar.
It rvs! a&id that Ran6, Bahadur wanteil to vost all povore

tt, IULr.rFsLsro I. P.9?-

({0 xoD!3lt Nr?^!

of strt6 itr his hradr, ead attemped to rulnraede thc aduiris-

trttion he had orlier oonstitut€d. But booeuac of hiE aotlonr
in doiling and drrieorating tho i6tg6. aod torturing thc
Bnhmrna, ho had grorn im,ncnsely uapopuler, and hir
opponouts uged this situetion to diesuade him froo a.dopting
'tho htended ooursc of actioD. Ar I oonscquotlco ho rae die-
owDd by his army and for foar of lifo he fled to Bensraa.ll
I6t it
bo said that from tbe point of view of progreas, Rrna
Bahadur'a aooesaion to porer Plos€nted a period rlieh waa
practically rithout big eventa in favour of tho Nepaleso.
Ncpal, ou tho other haud, got iteolf inmorgod in internocino
strife and tbo court wallowoil io miserablo porformoncea of
ths worlt type of court intriguor. As wo will oome to know
from the following discourse, even Nopel'a independenco was
thre&t€ned oo aooount of the degredation tho politicr of tho
day uadorwont in th&t &tmosphorg. Bahodur'o romoval from
tho flold t€Ddod to movo Nopal to undosirabls channele
from whioh it was roecued by Bhimaon Eome too years after.
From a letter sont by tho Chineao Amba to Kazis Damodar
Pauile, Tribhuvau, Noraeimha and Kirtimau Simhr it appeere
that the Ncpaloae minilters had told tho Chinegs of Rana
Bohedur'e esoapo to Banarar ar an act dona under infuenco of
vrong mcD. Tbey had further reported that his preeence in
Banaras might be used by the British to aot Bg&inot Napalese
intoroets [Chhyasing (Chia Ch'ing) 5 ye&r intorcalory 4 month
2l daye = 1800 A. D. July-August]r !
The intolligence roport from Banaras (28 May, 1800) reacbing
th6 British Govornor-General at Calcutta seid that Rans
Sa,hadur bad left &s the Goy6rnment of his sou w&nted to
&rrest aDd imprieou him.
"Ee wanted to resuno hie seat on tbo Muenad of Nipaul
but tho ministere, tho Cauzeo, the Reun and Ca obeerved to
him that he voluntarily abdioated the Goyernmont in favour
of &nother and his resumption of it wcs inlilmissiblo, Tbis
24. S€c. cofuult&tlon, N. 4r,43.
,15, P!4ervoil iE tho Alchives of tho Fo!61gtr )lini.trt
 EAIA BAEADI'B 601

inonacd tho Roja gtostly rgaiast tho oftocrg of Govsnmut

rnd ho gave orilors for bootiag rome antl puttitrg otho[ to
death. They and tho body of tte people hrve, in oonrequoncc
of all thir, denouncod him as r mad maa, and doola,red thrt
tc ought to bo confnod; tho Rajc hoaring of thir, quitted
Nipaul and repaired to Baaarar."r.
Another informltioa one Thakur Yaidyanath tmasmittcd
through tbe Collector of Baroily stated "his (Bona Bahadur'r)
conduot had booa -markod with violonce and cruelty and thot
they (the poople) would aot aolnowledge his authority.Dr ?
It apporre th&t Dows of his doiaga had paerod boyond the
f,orntiorr of Nepal. A Christi&n Missionsry wrote from
Bettia :
''Nopal ie on the vorgo of conversion. Reccntly tho Kiug. of
Nepal has entierly forsaken the faleo G<,d. The assoltioD i!
at lealt unoxpected ; but proof follows. In 1898, his vifo whom
he tendorly loved wae seized with the small-por. She got
cured fortun&tely but her face bore indeliblo tr&c€E of that
awful diseass, Yain ae aho w&8, tho queon oould Dot resign
horsolf to thie dis6gurement and iu a momeut of dopair killed
hors€lf. Tho king was very deeply moved ; his anger at fust
swept fiercoly oyer tho docto.B. This did not satisfy him. In
his fury, he orderod the removal of all the idolr from the
tompleB into the opea and orposod air. Thcn he brought loaded
oannon and courmaudetl to open fire on these faleo gods, The
gunnors became pale with &lu&zemerrt in hoariog this crimin&l
ordor. They refused to oboy. The king thsn oondomued sevoral
of them to death and had them executed on tbe rpot. The
reristance of tLo (rthers woe broken. A torriblo report wos
heald. The idole flow to atomo aad fell back pulyerised to
the grouod, This ovent is perhapa the first Etop in Nepol of
her couvorgiou to Christianity,"
Jurt as the East lndia Company'r politioal sgonts E6ro
oonsideriag to tako advautago of tho situ&tion in thet ovn
,8. 8.o. CoBs. JoE6, No, ?0-?1.
,7. rblil.
602 NODEIiN NEP.II,

( r€o b6low
), thoir sl8o wantoit to erploit ths slrrc
psdros
'ry
lo rosumo th6ir &ctivities. The latter, howover, had wirhcd
tod muoh in trkiug the incideni ae eomething to signeli.o
Esturing of oonditions in Kathurandu for the reccptioa of
Chriotienity by tbo Nepalese. fn fact tbore was absolutoly ao
ground for such a presumption. Rsna Bahadur,s act of de o-
ment of imagos oforthodox roligion rer Eotiyated not by r
oonscioue deriro of a would-be convort but by a rensc of
pereonal vengeauco. Any idea of religious conversion vrr
totally ebsent from his mind.
fn Banaras, of oourse, Rana Bahrdur wae not keeping
quiat. Ee was intriguiDg mo8tlv sith the Britigh euthoritiot
who had tept him undor aurveillance. All this gave his oountry-
men rufriciont porriog, But to this we ehall come later in tho
loxt volumo.
 APPENDIX

GENEALOGY OE' PRTTHVINARAYANA SHAE

Yasobam Sahi
I
I I

Ncrahari Shoh (Lamjung) Dravya i'ihah (Gorkhe

i
Purna Shah
I

t
Chhetra Shsh (*-u'ao"o
I
Dambar Shah

Krirnr Shah Pitambar

Irl
Shah Shonkar Shah Balabhadra Shsh
I
Rudra Shah

PrithviPati Shsh Madhukare Shah

I
Yirobha&a Shah (died as Yuveraj)

N Shah

PrithvinaraYana Mahoddam Dalamardan Dalejit Srrrapratap

Shah Kirti Shah Shah Shah Shah
I
Kulchendra Sheh

Balabhodra Shah Krisua Shoh

804 UODARN NNPAL

Prithvinareyan Shah
I

Pratapsimha Bebadur Shah Ranasiugh Sahi

lt
I Satrubhanjan Shah

Rana Bahodur Sher Bahadur Vidur Shah

Shah Sheh (illegitimate) (illegitimate)
I

Ranadyot Shah Girvan Juddha Vikrama Shah

'l
lillcgitimato)
Rajendrr Vikrama Shs-h

Surondra Vikrlma Shah

Sona of Prithvipati Shah

I

ll
Udyot Chandrarupa Ranbirmau Santarupa
I

Shah Shah Shah Shah Shah

I I Surtan
Narabhupala I Shah
I
Nara Shah
Prithvinarayana
I
Pratapaeimha
I
Rona Bahadur
I
Girvan Juddho Vikram
 APPIKDIX 605

Chantlrarupa Shah

I
Visnurupa thoh Birbahadur Shah
I I
Uiva Shah
I

Praaa Sheh Shomaher Shah puskar Shah

I
I I I I I
I Dilip thrh rBam theh Eestadal Rudmvir
I Shah Sbah
I

I
trstya Jong . Ouruprasad Birbghu Rsnosher Shah
thrh Shah Shah

l. P&sasti F,lrtDsvoli
2. FOA ljst (Forelgu Ol6oo Alchtros)
606 IIODABN NBPAL

TEE PANDE FAMILY

Al' B** C
Sitarom Paodo Genera Paude Bhimraj Pande
lt
Mani Pande Yisnu Pande
Kalu Paade
I

KaluPande I Demodsr Pande Bamsraj Chitradevi

(Strdar) Viru Paade | (daughter)
I RsoDbsm Paude
Yali Pandc
I
Tularam Ponde
I

li I
-l
Jegajjit Ranajit Pando Vrajavasi Pende Bhotu Pande
Pande
I
Dalabhonjan Pande
t-
Balabhanjan Paude Gajadal Garudadhvaje
I

All tho three to the common ancestor

branahes bolong
Gaaesa Pande who was a Brahman. But Tularam Pando
wae a'Khatri and so was Kalu Pando (C). It is difrcult to
ffnd which issue was from a non-Brahman wife of the Pando
ond tho line of Pande Khatris followed except iu the liet (A).

' Kalu Pantle actetl as astrologer anil commantler in the army ol

Pri6hvinarayana Shah. Ife was a Brahman par ercellenco aatl
reoms to be relatetl to Damotlar not tlistantly.
rf ItlhssoPralsol, 132. This lirt gives Yisuudme ar thetathcr ol
Tulrreno but tLk ir wrong ln vier ol FOA litt.
 APPf,NDIX 607

TIIE BASNET FAMILY

Ihe inscriptions of Keltole and Naryanahiti, Kathmandu
oalls tho Baenotc to havo bolonged to Spripati femily and
traoee tho faurily to one Sripati. lVe, however, reproduco tho
tho gonealogy sinco Sivarom Basnet an early contomporary of
Prithvina,rayono Shah.
Jai Iiam
I
Sivaram Basnot

Naharsingh Keharsiugh Abhimansingh Dhaukalsingh

I
I I

Indrasingh Indravir Singh Ranadhir Singh

I
Jahar Singh
-l
Kritiman
I
Bakhtavar Singh
Singh

Sundhara Inscription of Bhimsen Thapa* givos the

following gcnoalogy of his family.

Vikrama Thepa
I
Virabhadra Thapa
I
Ama4singh Thapa (Sardar) t
I
Bhimsen Nayana Singh Bakhatsimhe Amrit Ranavir
Thapa Singh Singh
I
Uiir Thapa Mathavar Singh Thapa

' The frst 3 name ats lountl elso in FOA Ligt.

I ftlhara pralera I, for tbe cons ol ADsr Eiagh Th*pr.
 608 XOI'IBT TIP.AIJ

Ahiram Kuu
I

I
Rsms,kriebna Kuar Chondravir Kusr
I I
Suba Renajit Kuar Balabhoilra Kuar
I

BaLckrirna Kurr Rovaat Kusr Balarama Kuar'

I
Jang Bahadur oud his 0 brothere (by one mother)
Ee had an oldor brothor.

The Genoalogy of Amar Simha Thrpa @udha)

Banjo Thapa
I
Bhim Thrpr
I
Amar Singh Thapa (Sarder in YS 1869)*
tllll
Raneilhoj Ranajoro Bhaktarir Rama Dass Ronaeur

I I I
Bsnavir Ariun Nare eing Bhuprla Singh

. Itihe6a Prskara I, P. 146 fo! tho !o!! ol AlcEr 8t!8h fhaPt.

I'OA Liit tor bir arc€6trY.
 VOLUME II
EXPANSION: CLIMAX AND FALL
 CONTENTS
Pagc
Clwpt.r I
Exit of Rana Babadur Shah I

Choplcr lI
Thc Second Brittsh Mission to Ncpal 63

Chaptcr III
The British Missioa in Kathmandu 101

ctapti IY
British Mission Rcturns ll5

Chaplct Y
Rana Bahadur Returns to NcPal 159

Chapt€t YI
Advance to Satlaj and BcYood tE2

Chaprcr l4I
Ncpal and thc Sikhs 205

ChaP,CI YITI
Anglo-Ncpalcsc Confl icts, I El2-14 233

Indcr to Yol. I 305

Indcx to Vol. II 313

 Chapret I
EXIT OF RANA BAHADUR SHAH

Whcn Damodar Pande and his ncphcw Kirtiman

Basnct controllcd the rcigDs of govcrnment, the Thapas,
mcmbcrs of anothcr dynasty of barons and a scction of
thc Pandcs and somc Brahmans sided with thc ex-king'
Thcse iocludcd Bhimscn Thapa' Dalabhanjan Pandc
and Ekdco Upadhyay wbo had takcn up appointment
undcr Rana Bahadur at Banaras. It appcars that among
thc appointccs of lt56 some had abandoned their
assignmcot and lcft Nepal. Such mcn werc Balabhadra Shah
and Dalabhanjan Pande. It is rcmarkable that Bhimscn
Thapa who aftcrwards rulcd Ncpal as a dictator for about
30 ycars was active collaborator of the cx'king' But hc
had reachcd Banaras long after Rana Bahadur' He was
onc of thc advcnturist politicianr wbo had flocked round
thc pcrsonality of thc ex'king in crile'1
Rana Bahadur Shah whilc in Banaras led a very
scandalous lifc gathcring round him - prostitutes and other
defamcd charactcrs much to thc detrimeDt of bis fair
namc and rcsourc€s. Outwardly he was a monk known
ar Svami Raja. Nirvanananda but hc could not extricate
himsclf from thc idflucnce of his vilc surroundings,!

t. Io thc lettcr of appointmenl givln to Mathabs! Thapa (1841

A.D.), KiDg Rajcndtl recoutrt! tha cvcnts lcading to the exit of
Rana Bahadur. Hi. exit is attributed to Damodar Pande's
machioation to sct fathcr and solr in conflict Damodrr Pande
had marchcd al thc haad of thc force lo ov€lpower Ran'
Bahadur, after which in order lo avoid the conflict th€
lattcr had lcft for Banaras.
2, Tha following will thow how grandiloquent was the addrgss
2 l4odern Ncpal

which cost him more than $,bat ho could mect by bis

resources. His ycarly allowance obtained from Nepal
as
a contribution from his son, thc Maharajadhiraja,- was
not sumcicnt to enablo him to undergo the huge luxury
hc maintained. This led him to contract debts aDd
he nearly fell into a wellJaid trap which had almost
snared Nepal into the arms of the British.a
O.nb of the many tactics of the British to lure
thc Indian princes was to arrange financial credit to which
thcy casili succum6ed on account of tbcir luxurious
habits, Th'c British very clevcrly managed to lay lhe trap,
and once the pilc of debt became too large for the
debtor's capacity to pay back, thcy scized his administra-
tion and territory as a measure of forcible rcimbursement.
We know from certain records that the British Resident
in Banaras was acting witb a vicw to bring Nepal
under subsidiary alliance, while he helped Rana Babadur
with money to procced witbout snxicty in his usual
expensive habits. He also influenced the Nepalese prince
to tenounce his othcr-worldliners and reclaim his
domain and power ig Ncpal. By this hc obviously meant

assumed by King Rana Bahadur Shah after he took a life

of renuncirtiotr :
qqro qh aar riftq q,rl'a'rq ft<ak arrqr,rq*ror rftqti
c{ ii{rlJ ll;dn q}aarlqqt sar{ H arfi{ am fewrklagh
cnitoQ 'qrr f<rfvaq urfevrq...... ... ...
3. A transtction executed by Bhimsen and othcr associatcs of
Raoa Behadur plcdSing remission in 1866 yairakha \i,as contuined
iq a draft for a debt of Rs. 60,0011. The crcditor was Dwariksdas
of.Batraras, fhe dsbt bore an ioterest of 2p,c. The papcr
was stampcd with is:alofRana Bahadur. pandit RanSanath
in anothct lcttct talks of a dpbt of Rs. 33,000/- incurred by
Rana Bahadgr. This was an additior.a\ dob,t. (Atadhq.tadi ,oj Il
f|dha, Pro kasa, l, p. 2O)l

4. Momoirr and Corr€ipondence of Marqdis Welleiley,l, pp,373_74.

 Extl ol Rdna Bahatlut Shah 3

to achieve the vcry cnd, which hc had pursued in Bararas

with unique succd6so.
It appcars that as sooD as Rana Bahadur reached
Banaras, ai-officer of rank was dcputcd to wait on
him on
behalf of thc Governor-Gencral' Thc pcrson so dcputed
was Captain Knox. He reached Banaras in
June and till
then thc Resident attschcd to the Raja of Banaras
was

supposed to look after the exiled Maharaja of NcPal'

Tbcre
to Rana Bahadur for
*u, oo" Mr. Vandcrhcyden deputcd
that purpose until the arrival ofCaptain Knox' From one

of Kirkpatrick's letters to Captain Knox dated 23 Junc'

1800 (n.i6) and Guru Gajaraj Misra's lelter
of 25tb Julv'
1800 wc learn about the arrival ofCaptain Knox in
Balaras
to attend on the cx-Maharaja. Capt' Koox was asked to
can contrl-
show every mark of rcspect and attetrtion which
butc to his comfort and accommodation'0 '
Earlicr Rana Bahadur himsclf, in a polite addrets to
thc Govcrnor-Ceneral had acknowledgcd tbe gratitude
to
the Company's Govcrnmdnt in giving him sh€hcr with the
additionai riqucst that the Governor'Gcncr8l would beslow
of
the samc attention on him in future' Thc letter talks
Mr. Vandcrheydcn who used to look aftcr the king on
bchalf of the Company's Government until thc arrival of
Captain Knox. Capi. Knox bad accompa'ied Kirkpatrick
to futu."odo in tigr. ln his rcply the Govcrnor'Gcneral
whilc intimating Rana Bahadur of tbe apPointment of
Captain Knox said that'thi6 gcDtleman who is
pcrsonally
k;;;;," you and to the principal ofrcers in Nipaul and for
5 In the royal letter appointing Mathabar (above quoted) it i8
rlia-',1". Bhimscn and othc$ had ncSotiated with tho
[Jaui, the assistancc the ex-ting wss to sccure from
"uoo,
iio- fru fooiu compaly's authorities, but thc latter
proposed

in retur! 25 p.c. oftotal incomeofthe countty as atributc'

6 For, DGp. Pol. coo., loJuly, 1800, o' 14'
4 yodcn Ncpal

whom I understand you cntertain sertimcnts of particular

rcgard, will be satisfactory to you and that you will consi-
dcr it as an uncquivocal proof of my solicitude to cultivate
thc rclations of amity with thc Govcrnment of Nipaul'.
According to the samc kttcr CaptaiD Knox was to attcrd
on Rana Babadur on behalf of the GoverDor-Gcueral and
'to afford evcry assistancc in his power to the Nepales.
ex-king in concert with Mr. Vanderheyden to render your
abode at Banaras convenieDt and agrecable. He was to
bccome also thc channcl of communications bctucen Rara
Bahadur and thc Govcrnor-General'7. Guru Gajaraj Misra
was also informcd of Knox's deputatioD with the asguraDce
that the 'Raja would continue to mect cvcry mark of
rcspcct and attcntion, which can contribute to his comfort
and accommodation as loDg as he may have occasion to
residc within the Company'e territories'. The Guru was
the recipient of a personal lctter froD tbe Governor-General
n,ho appreciatcd 'his attachmeDt to the Company and
cxcrtions to improve amicable conoection betwcen the two
states'.
Thc letters exchanged between the Sccretary (Kirk-
patrick) and Captain Knox about this timc affords us an
intimatc knowledge of the rcal purpose of deputatiotr
waiting on Rana Bahadur at Banaras, The Govcrnor-
Gcneral did not know the full facts of thc cvent which bad
lcd Rsna Bahadur to leave Nepal. Captain Krox was to
providc to Lord Wellcsley facts as to throw ligbt on the
rcal stete of affairs in Nepal as well as thc.rcspectivc vicws
and disposition of thc exilcd princc and of the rulcr in
Nepal' for 'th€ interests of the British Government do not
permit the Governor-Gencral to remain an indifferent
spcctator of such events in thc state bordering, to so wide
an cxtent on the possession ofthecompany and H.E,; tbe
Yazir and with which our political as well as commercial

7, Pol. Dcpt. Consultation, n. 7, l6th April, 1800.

 Ext of Ranq Bahadir Shah 5

relations arc ofsome magnitude'8. The Governor-Gcleral

was unable to launch any policy towards improving
relations with Nepal unless he was apprised of the situation.

Knox appointed Deputy

Captain Knox was asked to reccive with readiness
and attention whatever communication or proposal the
Raja (Rana Bahadur) may be dcsirous of conveying through
him, But he was not to give the impression that the
Company's Government would encourage him to re-esta-
blish his authority by force until he was spccially asked
to do so. He was not to evincc a keen interest in the exiled
king, Lord Wellesley wrote to statc .the primary object of
thc Governor.General in council is to be instrumental, by his
mcdiation, in the reestablishment of the Raja,s authority,
and by thc service to conciliatc the gratitude of the priDce
and to obtain from him in return, such concessions as should
be effcctually calculated to improve and secure commercial
intercourse between thc two countrics,e. It was said that tbe
commercial ffcaty of 1792 had been entirely fruitless due to
the unenlightened views or jealousy of ths Government of
Ncpal. The Governor-General-thought that if RaDa Bahadur
could be rcstored to power wit.h British help, bc would act
uodcr a sense of obligatibn to help the British by giving
concessions to furthering their trade iDtcrests in Nepal. To
this eDd British policy was to bc dircctcd ifthe ex-kitrg
sought British help for his rcstoration. But all this was to
be achieved unobtr usively.
Captain Knox was, however, to etrtertain openly any
desireof the Raja for tbe mediation of the British in his
dispute with the Government of Nepal and ,proceed forth-
with to deal with the case opening a correspondence with

t, Pol. Sec. Dept., o. 86.

9. Ibid.
6 Modern Nepal

the principal ofrcers in Kathmandu to discover their tcmper

and to ascertain the terms upon which they would be willing
under guarantee ofthc British Government to re admit the
Raja'10. It was thought probable that thc Nepalese officers
in the administration of Nepal would like to corrcspord
with Captain Knox on the subject of s€ttliDg their disputes
with Rana Bahadur. The Governor-Geoeral advis€d Knox
that should thcy approach him he was to use the occasion
'to eogage thcm to submit thcir diferences with thc Raja
to the arbitration of the British Government'. But the
British on no account were to usc force to gain this objcc-
tive. The next paragraph of the same letter revcals the
true motive of the British in taking such an attitude in
respect of Rana Bahadur vis-a-vis his adversaries.
Captain Knox was to draw the salary of Rs' 1500/-
per month'besides which you will bc allowcd to charge
on honour for such additional servants, aDd extra erpers€s
as the nature of your employment may be necessary"
The Collector of Banaras was authorised to advance also
sums of money not exceeding 3 montbs' salary.
The letter of Knox was not entirely devoid of poli'
tical import. He assured the Covernor-Gcneral that hc
would pursue the point in respect of Nepal disputes as
Rana Bahadur on prcvious occasion in a ccnfidcntial talk
with Yaarlerheyden had'exprcrsed in the clearest manner
his desire of the medistion of the British GovernmeDt'
In his communication both ic Foreign Secr€t and Secrct
Department papers Captain Knox recapitulates all points
of instruction containcd in thc Sccletary's lett(r to him1l'
Captain Knox paid a complimentary visit to Rana
Bahadur al'l a,m. on thc 29th June, 1800. He reported
to thc Governor-Genoral that initially Rana Bahadur did
not react favourably to the appointment of Knox 'i! the

10. Ibid.
11. For. SGc. Dcpt., l0JulY, 180C, [. ll.
 Exit of Rana Eahtdur Shqh 7

present position, which looked to him as

one made in
replacement of Mr. Vandcrheyden wbose cordial
manners
had impressed thc ex-rulcr,, But on Vanderheyden,s
assurance Rana Bahadur's anxicty appcarcd
to wcar away
as hr was told that ,a gcntleman whole object
woulO bc
an uoceasing atteDtioD to his wishes, had becn appointed
to wait on him, which again was also ,an unequivocal
proof of his lordsbip's solicitude of friendsbip contributing
to his comfort and accom modation'r ,. Caplain Knox furthci
stated that he could not have confidential talk with the
cxiled ruler as he was surrounded by many people. Ho
was, howcver, expected to meet Rana Bahadur next day.
This mccting did not take place as the Iatter was reported.
to have fallen ill duc to extrcme heat. In anothe;lcttcr
of Knox to W. Kirkpatrick thc fact of repairing a small
bungalow putting it witb Khas tauee in tbe terrace ofbis
house to serv€ Rana Babadur as hc willed it for use as a
drawiog room to allow visitors seems to havc emanatcd
from Rana Bahadur as special request, wbich was complied
with. Thc British representativ€ had also scnt a physician,
Mr. G. Mcrcer, to treat a sick Rani of Rana Babadur on
the latt€r's request. Meanwhilc Guru Gararaj Misra had
comc to see Captain Knox. From him thc latter came to
know that Bam Shah and Rudravir Shah were recalled to
Kathmandu from Almora where they wcre holding thc
post of administrators, Bahadur Shahls, rhc half-brother
of.Rana Bahadur, who is describcd as .cxhibiting many
traits of shrewdness' in this refcrence was also report.i
to have been there and holding a responsiblc position.
Captain Knox reported that Gajaraj Misra also.occasion-
ally dropped bints respecting the fickle conduct of thc
Raja and the difrculty experienced by thc omcers under

t2 !t. 11, loth July, lgO0, Sec. Dept.

l3 Sber Bahadur Sbah. This rDistake i! corrcctcd i[ tbe tollow.
in8 lcttcr.
8 Modern Nepal

his govcrnmcnt in obeying thc cairriccs that had but a

momeDtary existencs'r 1.
Captain Knox had anothcr mectiDg with Gajaraj
Misra on thc 7th of July. Hc learnt morc about thc affairs
in Nepal this time, which hc reportcd to thc Govcrnor-
Gencral, On this occarion Gajaraj Misra 'profcsscd his
unalterable intcntion to be regulatcd by thc vicws of thc
most Noble Governor-General', He would provc his
conduct by 'cvery cxcrtion in his powcr to provc tbe
sincerity of his asscrtions'. Misra gavc him to kDow tbat
Sher Bahadur hcld thc first rank in the administrstion of
Ncpal and was the Chautara 'or thc Chicf Ministcr'. Hc
actcd in concert with the four Kazis and Dcwans'. Shcr
Bahadur was 'held in grcat cstimation for his sttetrtion
to business, steadioess ofconduct, ard regard for juslice'.
Misra also reportcd that Bam Shah and his brothcr wcrc
under his influence and they would support or opposc
thc new Governmcnt according as hc wishcd. FroD th€
Misra Captain Knox also lcarnt that the exilcd rulcr cx'
tremely 'dislikcd Sher Bahadur aDd tbc four Kazis and
has designed to banist thcm'.r 6
Itr his lcttcr of July 10, 1800 Csptain Knox rcports
his meeting with Rana Bahadur who was accompanicd
by the Misra. Thc mecting took place at 6 o'clock in
the afacrnoon at thc CaptaiD's residencc. Knox gavc bim
some presents. Guru Misra was givcn a Khillat of 7 pieccs
of serpaitch and mala Murwarced. AU this had goDc lo
give satisfaction to thc royal gucst. But thctc was to b€
a privatc talk, which was postpotrcd for thc ncxt day.

Kn(rx lnterriewt Rana Bahadur

Captain Knox r€ported that ao agent ( Gomast8 ) of
banlcr of Batraras' shoued him
Drvarikadass, 'an eminent

14. u..12, 10July, 1t00, Sccrct Dcpt

15. 17 July, 1800,4.46, Si6Gt D€!t.
 Exit of Rana Bahadur thah 9

two lctters from Ncpal. One was undcr a seal of the

ruling king, whioh authorised the banker to 'advance to
his honourcd father 8 or 10 thousand rupees'. The other
was also to thc banker addressed by Kazi Tribhuvan Singh
to thc samc effect. The object of the visit of the Gomasta
was to seek thc Captain's approval for the loan demande d
by Rana Bahadur who had already obtained thc loan
previously on the security of his house. On being
told by Knox that he would not stand security for the
loan asked for, thc banker's agent told him that he was
interestcd to know his reaction to the offcr of a loan.
Knox had rcplied that the British would have no objection
to his compliance with thc rcqu€st of Rana Bahadur.
A lctter from the reigning Rajah of Nepal on the
subjcct of his father's departurc for Banaras was reccived
by thc Governor.General on llth August, 180010. Aftcr
narrating briefly the events of Rana Bahadur's activities
in Nepal the letter stated that thc ex:ruler was worked
up to lcave Ncpal 'without any provisions' by some ill
disposed persons. Therefore he wanted thc Governor-
Gcncral to issue instructions to his men in Banaras to
'trcat my fathcr to givc evcry possible comfort and accom-
modation' for the sake of mutual harmbny and friendship.
Thc lctter adds 'Dinanath Upadbya and Chandrasekhar
Upadhya have no doubt fully communicated to your Lord-
ship thc manner of his departure'.1?
Before the private interview with thc Raja took
place one Bhikharilal ( Picaree Laal ) brought a message
from Gajaraj Misra to the cffect that Rana Bahadur was
going to send the Guru to Kathmandu, and therefore he
wanted to scttle with the Captain before 'his departure
matters relative to his ( the Raja's ) maintenance, and lhe
supportof hisfollowers,as rvould set him above pressure

15. Pol. Dcpt., 16 April, l80l-Cons. a. 12.

17. Ibid.
l0 Moilern Nepal

ard inconvcnience.' Rana Bahadur according to this

mcssagc had resolved not to dop€nd on .his rebellious
iubjccts in N€pal'. It was also made clear to bim that
Rana Bahadur expected the sum at the rate of Rs. 1000
per head of bis entourage, Captain Knox was led to
belicvc that the exiled rulcr 'looked up to the Brirish
Governmcnt as his sole resource'.
KDox paid a return visit to the ex-king at the apfoitr-
ted hour in tbe aftcrncon of llth July. There was no
onc else except Rana Bahadur and .his Guru. Thc kiog
secmed to distrust the Iatter. Instcad of candidly commu-
nicatiug his views the ex-ruler whispered into Knox,s
ears'that he bad much to say which hc would trust to no
ears but mine but therc, to ccrtain persons then prcsent be-
forc him he would not unbosom himself, and whom hc
could not with propriety bid to r€tire'. This was obviously
a rejection of Rana Bahadur's views of Gajaraj Misra.
Tbis suggested that hc would not talk anylhing very con-
fldcntial io thc latter's presenc€. So Rana Babadur sugges-
ted a meetiug on another occasion. But Captain Ktrox
was perturbed to hear the ex-king's opinion of Gajaraj
Misra whom he had thougbt to be a respectable character.
Knox reported to Col. W. Kirkpatrick that in ibc comiDg
intcrview hc would try to impress Rana Babadur ,how
prcjudicial it
would bc to his affairs to sufer himsclf to
be misled by thc slandcr of obscure people to withdraw
his confidcncc from bis most faithful advisers'r8. Tbe
ex-king, however, expressed bis desire to utilise tbe scr-
vices of Guru Gajaraj to talk to Knox about the subject
of his finances, to mention which he'fclt no uneasincss as
he cxpected suct assistance to be afforded as was suitable
to his situation'r". Knox, of course, promised to givc

18. !, 6, Sec. De!t, 3l July, 1800

19, rbid.
 Exit of Rana Bahadur Shah ll
attention to whatevcr Gajaraj Misra comDuoicatcs and
'transmit without dclay to Calcutta'e0.
Knox reports in the samc lelter that Rana Bahadur
referred to a an namcd Antony, a Portuguese quack,
who wls acting in his scrvice for a year as a physician.
This man was serving some medical men of the Bnglish
establisbment in
Banaras prior to his bcing conncct€d
with Nepal. He seemcd to eDjoy the best confidence of
thc Rana Bahadur Shah who had told Knox that Antony
would be visiting him often.
A draft of a letter to be addressed to the Governor-
General by Rana Bahadur was sent for Knox's consideration
to sce if any changes wcre necdcd, The letter cotrtaincd
'warmcst acknowlcdgement of his Lordsbip's kindncss, a
greateful tribute to Mr. Vanderheyden for his friendly exer.
tions, a full share of compliments to myself' and ended
with a requcst that Mr. Vanderheyden might be allowcd to
work unitcdly with me (Knox)'. It was, howcyer, convcycd
to him that thc arrangemcnt he demanded was to cause my
inconvenience and thereforc migbt not bc accepted.
Antony met Knox thc ncxt morning at about 6
o'clock. He gave him 'the Raja's assuratrces and regards'.
But hc also told bim that thc 'Raja desired Knox to dis-
rcgard any message which hc might send, and to pay no
attcntion even to written papcr under his seal', Antony
was asked to tell Knox that'Rana Bahadur was surrounded
by people in whom he could rot confidc and who wcre
selfrsh enough to betray him'.
Knox assured him tbat hc would be cautious having
regard to this warning. But he was pained that the ex-king
of Nepal was so indiscrect as to 'employ a man of Antony's
character, e fellow without a friend, so blunt and mean,
whose sole purpose was to alieoate the Raja from his

20. rbid.
12 Modern Nepal

respectable adherents'. Knox reported that worse than

employment of Antony for confidential purpose he had
ma.dc a friend of one of the four peons sent by Vanderhey-
dcn to wait on him. To this peon who always lived by his
bedsidc Rana Bahadur 'communicated all his hopes, fears
and suspicions'. The peon's advice is sought on important
issues. This pcon had become indispensible to him so much
so that Knox was requested to keep him in attendance
permanently. Knox was to refusc 'credit to any report
to his prejudice'. He commented that there could be
no better instance of the ex-ruler's indiscretion and
imprudence.

Rana against Gajaraj Misra

Rana Bahadur had avoided mentioning Gajaraj Misra
by name as the man who did not enioy his confidence. But
according to Knox's letter of July 14, 1800, this fact was
conveycd to him on the l3th by Antony. Antony also
told him that if thc Raja had dcsired that 'Vanderheyden
should bc the mcdium of his correspondence with the
Governor-General' it was due to 'the suggestion of the
Misra'. Knox thought that this was a dcvice to .create
coldness between himself and Misra and would have
influenced him had he not known that Rana Babadur
himself felt to be bencfited by the medium of Vanderhey-
dcn. On that very day Knox's Munshi also brought a
messsage from the Raja that Gajaraj Misra would be sent
to him to talk on financial matters. But if he talked
anything else this should be taken as corning from'the
enemy'. At 4 p,m. in the afternoon Guru Gajaraj Misra
c&me to see Captain Kuox and had a long conversation.
He did not utter a single word of 'disrespect to the Raja'.
Rather he was pained that his disciple was suspicious and
regarded all as 'perfiilious'. Only those who were least
ontitled to trust were, mado exception of. Knox assured
 Exit of Rana Bahadur thah l3
him that the Misra retained his confidencc2l. Gajaraj told
him that all property he possessed in Banaras were placcd
at thc ex-ruler's disposal. But this was of no consequencc.
Rana Bahadur was determined not to accept money from
Nepal, so hc looked to the British for his immediate support.
The Misra did not 'from a sense of propriety givc hint'
about the tenor of his expenditure. The Guru furthcr told
him on inquiry that he could not say if Rana Bahadur
would be accepted back by the powers that be in bis capital.
He also, warned that should Knox'bid him cntirely under
the influence of men without talents, character, of cootroc-
tion, he would not be able to assess his truc position and
prospect'. Gajaraj Misra expressed the hopo that those in
thc Administration in Kathmandu werc willing'to enter
into friendly engagements with tbe British'.
On thc l6th of July Knox had another interview with
Rana Bahadur. For half an hour the talk was held in the
proscnce of his courtiers, but later they were left alonc.
Knox in the usual manner conveyed 'his lordship's cordial
assurances of friendship, and told him that the Govcrnor
wilt attend in the minutest manncr to whatever subjcct of
a private nature without a moment's delay'. According
to Knox the ex-king of Nepal reciprocated his sentimcnts
and said that it was because he regarded the British
as friends he had taken'refuge in their tcrritory. IIc
also wanted to cement this friendship .for agesl. But he
necdcd 'some explicit form of assistance' and this fact had
bcen known to thc Governor-General. Knox drew attention
to the Governor-General's letter to him, which was an
evidence of the latter'sanxiety about the welfarc of Rana
Bahadur. Knox would communicatc any private confiden-
tial views the Ncpalese prince might like to reach thle
Governor-General. Knox asked about the extent of asri$-
tance he (Rana) expectcd from the British. The Governoi

21, N, l-3,25 August, 1800, Segret Dept,

14 -llodan Ncpal
would also likc to kDow how ho could hclp thc princc'for
thc furthcranco of his wishcs'. Thc Govcrnor.Gencral
wantcd 'previous information regarding his vicw which
might dccidc hie lor.dship how to act io a mannct most
conducivc to his advantagc'. Captain Knox warncd him
against ldanger ofcmployiog, in confidcncc, pcolle whose
charactcr had not bccn wcll c.tablishcd', He was refcrring
to AEtoDy, Captain Knox also spokc of Guru Gaj.araj
Misra, saying that thc lattcr had bcen an objcct of unfound-
cd calumnicr to bc in turn distrusted by his oastcr'2':. But
Raua Bahadur said that 'Gajaraj Misra was a party to a
conspiracy with his uncle Bahadur Shah who wanted to
kill him, atrd this circumstance was not a matter of
suspicion but of positivc knowledge'23, On being asked why
the Guru was stili €mploycd on importanl state assignments,
Rana Bahadur said that hc would not like the Misra to play
thc role of an agcnt bctwcen th€ British aod himself for
that would give him advantages. But be was arranging to
scnd him to Nepal with tha cxpectation of 'his being ablc to
form a party sufficicntly strong to displace thc presert
rcbels and to pave tho way for his own restoration'. Rana
Bahadur also told him that Bam Shah and his brothcr werc
in Kumaon and that in saying they were in Kathmandu
Gajaraj Misra had 'cither was himsclf misinformed or bad
intentionally dcccived me (Knox)'ea.
Knox had the impression that Rana Bahadur did.not
dcsirc British mediation. If he had talkcd loose bcforc
his scrvants that'hctwishcd to go back homc &ftcr the rains
with a British army' this was just to intimidatc the autho-
rities in Kathmandu. He wantcd to scnd to Nepal thc
Guru on his own without thc knowledge of th€ British
because he thought to achicvc his objective 'witbout lbc

17 N. 1.!(3)-25 August, s!c. Dept

23. rbid.
24. rbid.
 Exlt o{ Rand Bahadur thah 15

intcrposition of his Lordship'. From this Knox suspccts

that thc cx-ruler's'distrust of his Guru was an artificc to
pcnetratc thc dcsigns of our Govcrnmcnt'. Captain Knox
informs Col. Kirkpatrick that the situation was unccrtain
because of so many factors and: io th€ circuostanccs hc
would just avoid any tind of commitmcnt. But hc would
reply to Rana Bahadur that he (Captain Knox) 'would
earnestly contribute his friendly exertions for thc rcstoration
of the Rajah, or i! the cvcnt of this being utterly utrprsctic-
able, would listcn to such terDs'from the existiBg rirlers in
Nepal as might improve and sccurc the friendly relatioEs
betwccn thc two countrics'2 6.
Gajaraj lcfi for Kathmandu soon after as Rana waotcd:
He was on a mission from both Rana Bahadur and tho
British. Thc Minister did not intend to carry out objcctivc
of Rana Babadur who wanted to exploit the Guru's scrviccs
against his enemy. for his own ends, Gajaraj lnew that
Rana Bahadur did not belicvc his bonafides. His objectivc
was clandcstine. But Rana wqs the king's father. So be could
not refusc. to go to KathmaDdu while hc was ordcred by tht
ox-king. For this reason he was the messengqt of thc kitrg
to all appearances. But he was also on a diffcrcDt mission,
which was yital. The English wanted him to know what
w8s actually.going on in Kdthmandu. He was also askcd
to talk to the authoritics there about Raua Bahadur. In
short hc was to contitrue thc talk raiscd in thc letters of
the king to the GG. The qucstion of a trcaty wa6
evcr in the mind of Lord Wellesley. Now with Rana
Bahadur in their custody the GG thought it biSh tibc to
pursuc the thrcad of ncgotiation. And who could be a morc
trustworthy man than Gajaraj Misra, who had bclped thc
British during Kirkpatrick's visit to Nepal ? Gajaraj Misra
had been asked by thc British to raisc all thes€ qucstions

25, rbid
 16 Modtn Nepal

whilc in Kathmandu and cullivatc thc promincDt nc! in

the administration on bchalf of thc British.
Gajaraj Misra was liviog in Bansras gince Rara abdi-
catcd. Hc was not cven a signatory to the coppcrptatc,
through which Girvana Juddba was dcclarcd king. Hc had
lcft Nrpal a littlc carlier thsn Raoa Bahadur. Gajaraj
Misra was supposcd to bc trcutral and the miniatcrs in Kath-
mandu rcally thought him to b€ so. But Rana dccply
suspcctcd him of lcaniug on b is opponents.
Guru Gajaraj Misra, thc ex-kiog's spirituel tutor
who was living in Banaras st thc timc Rana rcachcd rnd
joincd th€ cx-king's cntoursgc to scrve in onc capacity or
anothcr, will he scarccly cnjoyed thc confidcncc of Rana.
But thc ex-king rcadily acccptcd the Guru's scrvices, IIc
was appointcd a. liaisoa ofrccr to d.al with thc GG rnd
Captain Knox in his bchalf. Rsna kncw that Gajaraj Mi6ra
commandcd soine influcnce with thc British and hc cnjoycd
thrir patrotrage having scrved thcm itr cotrcluding a tradc
trcaty with Ncpal and hclping Ki;kpatrick to go to Kath.
mandu in 1793. Rana thought that through Gajarsj hc
would bc ablc to gct British favour to win back bis kingdom.
But hc manipulatcd in such a Danncr thst this was Dot
achicvcd through thc Guru.
In thc beginning Rana uscd Gajarajk serviccs as aa
cmissary cven to go to Kathmaodu for contacts. But
Gajaraj was clevef cnough to r€ad tb€ ex-king's miod. Hc
fclt all th€ whilc that hc was just bcing cxploitcd to scrvc
th€ cx-king's intcrest, which was to returD to Ncpal.
In a lcttcr of July l9th Knox informr thc Sccrctsry
that two lcttcrs, onc from the'Raja and anotbcr from thc
Guru'had been despatchcd to thc Covernor-General. Thcsc
lettcrs wcre brought to him by ADtony with whom he had
furthcr talks, Knox advised Antony to usc tbc confidcncc
reposcd in him by the ex-king 'to advisc bim not to do
aoything likely to exasperate thc wholc natiou'. But Antony
gaid tha! 'none of his advice haS cficat op him wilh hig
 Exl,, o! Rana BaLa&tr Sluh l7
tempor to do things qulckly, not brooking any dcldy. Tho
King practised extreme fotm of cruclty if hc had to punirh
his scrvants aod ofrcers. Flogging and cuttiog off aoecg
and cars wae common whcn hc ruled. Kiag Rana Bahadur
had cvctr floggcd Damodat Pendc, aa important onccr ot
statc. Whilc his wife had died hc dcscctat.d thc imagcr,
dcmolishcd the temple and killcd thc Brahman pricrtr-
somc of whom wcre dcprived of casto" Antoay rovcalcd
thet by scndiog Gajaraj Misra to Kathmandu Ran8
Bahadur thouSht that 'thc Misra tay bc eblc to cffact his
return to powcr'. Rana Bahadur proposcd to bccono
Regent and Chicf Minister until his son comPlctcd his
17th ycsr. Hc also would punish all tho6c who wGtc itr
his son's Government at that tiEe. Antony thought
that thcsc desircs 'werc wild and impracticable' bccausc
thosc in powcr in Kathmandu were people of undoubtcd
worth, and thc cntire country supported them. But
ifRana Bahadur promiscd to lead a retircd life in Ncpsl'
pcrhaps he could go and obtain pension ofRt' 2,00,000/-
a year.
Although only ll days had passed since Rara Bahadur
had forwardcd his demand for pecuniary assiatancc from
thc British he was constatrtly reminding Captain Knox of
this fact, As thc Governor'Gcneral had not rcplied, hc
satisfi€d the Ncpalcse prince by saying that morc than s
fortnight was nccessary for reply to rcach Banaras from
Calcutta. Meanwhile Rana Bahadur's request 'for a routrd
trimmed hot with f€athers for his own wcaring' was
attcndcd to, Rana Bahadur was very happy whcn told
that this was worn by Gcneral ofrccrs in thc British
establishment. Although Rana Bahadut pleadcd for thc
conferment of a mark of distinction by Knox on Antony
similar to that given to Gajaraj Misra, the Captain awardcd
just two shawls to the Portuguese quack. He had refuscd
to acccpt Antony as Vakil, ol Royal reprcsentativc, but
thcn thc 'Raja's lowered requcst for a turbaD, goshwara
It Moilen Ncpal
putka,?6 e;n'd ts,o picccs ofbloth in addition'would not go
in vain and this was grantcd.l?
Meanwhilc from the intcrvicws Knox had with Rana
from tims to timc bc was getting a clue as to the workiDg
of his mind. Knox felt Rana Bahadur was aleo not sccking
any oediation of the British in his dispute with the
authorities in Nepal until his demands for ffnancial
rcsourccs had been m6t. Meanwhilc Gajaraj Misra had
departcd and Antony was sppoitrted Vakil in his placc,
Antony came to sce KDox on the morning of the 26th July
to inform him of this appointment. Captain Knox thought
that this was the most indiscreet act oftheex-Kingand
he reportcd to the Govcrnor-Ceneral that .this coafirms
what I have heard, that s,hilst on the Musnecd, he
considered neitber birtb, nor talents entitlcd to the l€ast
regard, but thought bis favour alone sufficient to promotc
the meanest to the high€st degrce of rcspect and
consideration',2 3
Oa being repeatedly approached by Rana Bahadur the
British Captain informed Col. W. Kirkpatrick in his letter
ofAugust 8, 1800 that the Raja was persuaded to lower his
demand for an allowancc to meet the expenses for apparels,
articlcs of subsistence for himsclf and Ranis and followers
to Rs, 17,000 per menscm, The application for such a sum
was mcntioned in the letter to Knox, ,as Rana Bahadur
thought it repugnant to write to the Gov€rnor- General
about his necessities in a personal address'.20 Rana Bahadur
had also dropped the idea of arting for an advance of a
ycar's expenses as well as monthly allowance (double of
what he had agrced), which he had pressed for earlier.
Rana Bahadur however, wanted to make it known to thc
'Governor-General tbat he hoped separate fund for apparel,
26. A long rraist band of cloth.
27. N. I-3(3)-25 August, Forcign aDd Sec. Departmc!t.
28. N. 5,25 August, 1800, Sec. Depattment.
29. Ibid.
 Exlt o! Ratu Baladw thah 19

furniturc and proper equipmcnt'. Knox whilc writing to

the secretary added his own recommcndation in the
following words,' 'But it is certainly truc ihat his
unavoidablc expenses must be heavy, for his Ranecr havc
numerous fcmslc attetrdaots atd his followcrt, I undcrstand,
excced 300 am'ongst his unclc Bulbhudder (Bala Bhadra)
Shah, Pcrann (Prana) Shah, Jadur Bhur and Dul Munghum
(Dalabhanjan) who ore of the fir8t familles in Ncpal and
will rcquirc a libcral assistancc.'8 0

Hakim Antony
Through Hakim Antony Rana Bahadur Shah scnt a
mcssage to Knox that Dinatha Upadhya migbt be allowed
to procced to Banaras. It was said that thc Upadhya was
bcing detained at Calcutta, although boats wcre rcady to
carry him to Banaras, Edmonstone had advised thc Upa"
dhya to seek Rana Bahadur's intcrccssion to thc Dritish
for trsnsit aud pcrmission,
The ex-king sent bis rcquest in a written form 'on bcing
told to do this which was immediately despatchcd to
Calcutta'. Ktrox wanted to kDow from Antony thc pur-
posc of his master's sceking the attendance of Dinatrathr
and he was told that the latter was regarded as onc of
those siding with his enemies in Ncpal. Antony addcd
"it was not to listetr to the Upadhyaya's advice as Kaox
had wished that he was called to Banaras, but to kccp him
under his cye, and watch his conduct with thc most jcalour
attention."3l
Captain Knox reports that the cx-king was cxhibiting
distrust of all the mcn of importance who had accompani€d
him to Banaras. He wrote to Vendcrhcyden to know of
thc real purpose of Balbhadra Shah'! visit to him, and of
hir offering him a Khillat, Prana Shah complaincd to Knox
30. n. 1, 28 August, 1800, Sac. Dept.
31. rbid.
!0 llodun NcPal

in a rnossagc that hc was being watched and not allowed to

mcet hil fricnds including Knox.
Captain Knox in his letter of September, 20th rcported
that thc 'Raja hbs suspended his decision respecting the
pecuniary aid'.s' According to Knox thc Nepalesc
authorities in Kathmandu had wanted him to desist from
taking pecuniary aid from the British so that 'an ample
sum could come from that quarter' and he was advised to
avoid British help by his foliowers also this prospect.
But Rana Bahadur one day appeared before Knox with a
letter addrcsscd to the Governor-General. He was
accompanied by Prana Shah, Parasuram Thapa and
Raghunath Pandit. The circumstances of his appearance
Knox describes thus: 'he came in the late afternoon but so
extremely oppressed by the intense heat of the sun as to
be unable to speak for sevcral minutes. He acquired ease
when sprinkled plentifully with rose water'. Rana Bahadur
plcaded that 'his only hope of safety for his son, and
preservation of the sovercignty in the line of his family
rested on the help the British rendered to him'. The ex-
king wanted thc letter to GG despatched at an auspicious
moment on September 19, 1t00 as recommended by the
astrologer.
For the information of his Government Captain Knox
estimated the Nepalese troops with firearms at 18 or 19000.
Therc were 25000 military who were called Guhars assem-
bled on special occassions.

Rana Bahadur's Appealfor Military help

lVhile a reply to his demand for monetary assistance
was being awaited by Knox, the ex-king who was sitting
impaticntly wrote a letter to the Governor-Gencral under
his seal with a strong plea to hclp him militarily. Hc
argued that the British should hclp him in the act of his

32. rbid.
 Exlt ol Rana Bahadur Shah 2l
gctting back the powers of statc in Ncpal, Thc lettor ir
dated l9th Scp.tcmber, 1800. He bcgaa by saying'ho know
that thc British wcre otre of thc bravcst nstions disposcd to
irrove thc slaims of mcn of rank and fricnds aad truo to
their engagcments; and thcrcfore hc camc ro their htrdr:
He not only wantcd shclter but also cvcry Assistancc atrd
kindness from tho Govcrnor-Gcncral to fight th6sc ctio
had treachcrously actcd against him and had dcprivcd bid
of lcgitimatc powcrs38. Thes€ peoplo now in power had
wanted to place on the tbronc LuttrraD Shah Ruddcr
Shah, ncphew. of Krisna Shah. He sought punishD.lt
for the traitors who in thoir Eomcrlt of triumph had
forgottcn all thc favours hc had showod thcm. Ho
wantcd to educate the child King and to tgkc chatge of him
and the statc administratiotr till he camc of agc. Thc
Governor-Gencral must hclp him in his endeavour to put
himsolf back into power as the Rcgcat of thc Kingdoo.
Rana Bahadur was alsd prcvonting byall mcans his
followcrs from contacting Knox and Vsndcrhcydcn so thst
hc rcmaincd the only channcl of commuaication,
Io the rcply lo thc l3 lcttcts of Knox, rf,. Kirkpatrick'
secrctary to thc Political and Forcign D€partmcDt, informcd
him of the Govcrnor,gcncral's coDs€nt to grant Rana
Bahadur a sum of R8. 12,000/- to rcpay his cxpcnscs sincc hc
had bcen at Banaras and for th€ futurc. His Lordohip
autborired thc Coltector of Banaras to makc advancc from
time to tiEc 'on your applicatioo to an cxtcnt not ercccding
thc rat€ of Rs. 6,000/- pcr month'8{. This was nota moothly
allowance but'was to bc undcrstood in that charactcr whc!
occasional payments had to be madc'.8! This Dcant
that ths British wcrc not prcparcd lo givc him moro than
Rs. 6,000/- pcr month. Rana Bahadur was to think that
31. o. 18,2 Octobcr, 1800, Sec. Dept. Thc lcttcr wes rrccivcd
by tbe Goveroor-Geleral o! 26th ScptcEbcr, 1800.
34. Scc. Dept., Octoba!, 1800, u. 18.
i5, Ibid.
 22 Modern Ncpal
th€ Britiih wcrc unable to give him a grcater sum. But he
wa! assurcd that due provision shall be made for all his
pccuniary warts ro long as the .circumstanccs of His lligb-
ncss's situation shall render such aid necessary'3.. Knox
wa! iostructed to takc an acknowledgement receipt from
tho cr.king if hc voluntecred othcr\ryisc from the mcn who
rcceived th€ sum in his bchalf. The iDsistcrcc on receipt wa6
'to cnablc, if his Lordship tbinks propcr to demand rcpay-
mcnt of thesc advanccs from the actusl GoverD4ent of
Ncpal'8 7.
It appcars that Rana Bahadur was making cxtrcmc
cforts to sttain his objcctivc of seizirg power. Hc
intioatcd thc Govcrnor-General that thcre wcre in Ncpal
ooly ,l(),000 troops, of thesc 5000 are muskcteere with j0
picccs of ordinancc, 3000 archers and 6000 armed with
sabrcs, and 200 rocket men, the rest ar€ irregular6'. Rana
Bahadur rcgarded'Danodhar (Damodar), Kurnomsnn
(Kirtiman) of the tribc of slavcs, RaDjit a Khctry, permul
(Prabal) Raana, Nurggra (Narasingh) and Srikishao Shah as
his sworn encmies'. Rana Bahadur plcad€d that if on his
hooc going therc was opposition, '9 baltalions of scpoys and
ooc battaliotr of Europcans with a largc oftccr will cosure
succcss'r8. Hc suggested that the fronticrs on Morang and
Butwal wcrc also to be propcrly guarded so that .nonc may
comc to thc assistance of thc eneDy'. He assured thc
Govcrnor-General tbat the dread of his prcsencc and thc
troops accompanyiDg him 'will lead to the capitulation of
thc Govcrnmcnt in Kathmandu'30. Rana Babadur would
repay thc assistance of the British 'once he was rcinststcd
in my Government I will repay all the charges of the troops
in thc usuel manner by instalments, and will fulfill any
stipulatioo of attachment and alliancc and matc such
36. Ibid.
37. I bid.
38. Ibid.
39. rbid.
 Exit of Rata Bahadur Sluh 23
rcmuneratiotr for service rendcred as may bc consirtcnt
with such a system of union and concord, &Dd Eay satisfy
your Lordship'a o.
According to Knox the letter was despatchcd on th€
same day it was rcceived by hiq. RaDa Bahadur had
personally handcd thc letter to Knox. It was dong in a
dramatic way with all the gusto of pathos and dieplay of
injurcd innocence.
Rana Bahadur had annexed long leaters with the same
contetrts cach to thc other mcmbers of thc Governor-
Gcncral's couacil but these were returnrd to Knox on thc
ground that thc practice of corrcsponding with individual
membcrs of the council on th€ subject of native princcs and
stotes was uoprecedcnted and .highly irrcgular and unpro-
pcr'. Rana Bahadur did not acccpt th€ r€turncd lett.rs but
asked Knox to dcstroy thcm for 6uch Don.acccptancc would
havc lowcred him in thc eyes of his peoplc,ar,

Gojaruj Misra Returns from Nepal

In the meantime Guru Gajaraj Misra arrived back
after his sojourn to Nepal Hc was met on the way about
2 Kos (4 milcr) farther from Banaras by Maulvi Abdul
Kadir. Koox was informcd by thc local magistrate that
Rana Bahadur was attempting to climinatc his Guru
physicallya2. Therefolc hc requcsted thc magistrate to
take security measures as a prccaution. It was sko reported
to Knox that Rana Bahadur was bcing advised by his
mcn to escape from the protectiotr oftbc British. Knox
wrote that this meant'his ruin but h€ is an unpredictablc
character aod he may bc rash enough to do, as he fclt'as.

40. Ibid.
41. Knox's le!ter, Scptembcr, 1800. !'orei!D S€c. Dept , l5 January,
1801, d.4.
42, Kilkpatrick ro Koox, loth SeptcEblt, 1800, For. Sec.
Dept., 15 Ja!. 1601, o.5.
43, Forcigo Scc. DeDt., l5 Jaluary, l8Ol. n. G.
24 Modcn Ncpol
Kuox wa[tcd a clcar instruction td dcal with the situotion
of Rrna Bshadur if hc wcnt out of his custodyra.
It appcars that for about 4 months sincc Octobcr thcrc
was no furthei approach on bebalf of Rana Babadur. Both
hcaud thc English sccmcd to haye bccn bidiog timc for
thc outcome of thc visit ofGajaraj Misra to Ncpala6, But
now as thc Misra was back, all parties bccamc activc,

Repofi ol Rana Bahaduls Destre to Etcape

From thc Sccrctary's lettcr to Knox it appcars tbat tbc
British wcrc dctcrmined to take 'cffectual mratrs to dctain
Rana Bahadur if pcrsuasion as to his pcrsonal safety,
distrces and inconvenicncc to prcvcnt him lcaving thcm
failod'46. It was said that the British having spent 80 much
on thc cx-king's account for his security and accommoda-
tion'had acquircd a right to sccurc by cvery just and practi.
cablc m€asurc thc attainment of th€ political bcncfits to bc
cxpcctcd by mcdiatiog thc diffcrence betwecn tbc Raja and
thc ruling powcr in Ncpal, and thar the Raja of Nepal docs
not posscss thc right to deprivc thc British Governmcnt of
thos€ €xpcctcd bcnefits by withdrawiog himsclf from thc
protection of thc British power without his Lordship's
coosstrt and approbation'a7. Knox was askcd to maintain
vigilanca a!4 kcep watch on rhe Rajaa8 if hc clandcstincly
tficd to cscspc.
Captain Knox bad warncd Anthony rhat as hc was
I coofidant of thc cx-king, it was his duty to stop him
from such a coursc bf action. Antony would rcccivc
duc rcward if hc did anything in that dircction to servc

4{. Knox to Kirtpatrick, February 5, l80l. For. Scc. Dcpt.,

19 Mrrch, lml, tr. 81.
45. For,8!c. Dept., 19 MErch, 1801, !.84.
{6.: Xtor to Socrctsry, 25 Fab.uary, 1801.
,17. Ibid.
48. Ibid.
 Extt of Rana Bahadu Shah 25

thc British. Thc Portugucsc quack agrccd, He also in-

formcd thc Captain that Rana Bahadur had cngagcd sonc
arood mcn two months back in thc hopc of gottiog military
assistancc from thc British and that somc of thcsc mcn
wcrc yct rctaitrcd.ae
But thc rcport of thc intendcd escapc of Rana
Bahadur was basclcss.60 According .to Knor the 'Raja
sccms to bc fully conscious of the value of British
protcction, and to be thoroughly conccrncd, that no
eolcmnity of oaths bc a suffcient sccurity for bis libcrty,
cvcn his lifc, wcrc he to rcturn to Ncpal, without his
Lord's modiatioa'.! I
Aftcr hir arritval Gajaraj Misra saw Ceptain Knox
and had I talk with him for two hours on thc l2th of
Fcbruery, 1801. Aftcr narraring tbc details ofhisjourncy
to and from Kothmsndu he gavc a rcport on the ststc of
afrairs in thc cspital. Thc nobility wcre dividcd, but all
wichcd to havc friendly ries with thc Britfub. Gajar0j
Misra tried to imprcss thcm with thc urgent nccd of agrec-
iag British mcdidtion in thc disputc bctwcen Rana Babadur
and thc Kathmandu adEinistration. To this pcrsuasion
thcy s€cm to yicld but .lctter6 from thc Raj+ and his
adhcrcnts rcprcscDtcd the Misra as cold to thc Britisb, and
rcekiog hir privstc advantagc in the destruction of thc
indcpendcncc of Ncpal went to countcrsct his movc,.
But as Knox rcportcd 'Cajaraj Misra had returncd with
dcputics from importrnt familics of Nepsl to lcarn from
mc (Knox) thc naturc of the Govcrnor-Gcncral's plcasuro'.
At this stsgc Knox accuscs Misra of digrcssion aDd acting
agsinst thc trust imposed on him by tho Britsh. Hc doas
not likc thc Misra telling him all along about Rsna
Bahadur'e strange behsviour aud crucl conduct, ctc, He
49. Koox to Sect€rary, 25 February, l8ol, For. Sec. Dert., 16
April, 1801, o. l3l.
,0. Klox to EdEo[stolc, 2l Fcbturry, ltol, !. 127.
51. Ibid.
26 Moden Ncpal
wantcd just to know wh€ther a ;agir would be settlcd
on thc Raja to an adcquatc degree. Misra comdunicated
that thc Nepal Government would likc to settle a J4gr, on
Rana Bahadur. Thcn tbe question of establishing a
rcsidcncc in Kathmandu was raised. Knox said that'this
was quite necessary kceping in view the need to increase
natural goodwill, and to produce the happiest consequel-
ccs'. Knox complains tbat Gajaraj Misra gave a confused
rcply, but suggested that questi(,ns might be taken up
aftcr the rainy season was over. Kqox suspected Gajaraj
Misra's profession of friendship towards tbe British.
He said in his letter to the Secretary6, : I asked straight
to Misra, should be write to thc Governor.Gcncral that
all that Gajaraj had achieved was to secure a pronise from
Kathmsndu to settle a jagir on the ex-ruler just to keep him
from being dependent on tbe bounties of a foreign Govern-
ment. At this the Guru 'indicated an uneasincss, and
implored Knox to defer writing to Calcutta by two days
assuring him that he might get somethiog more from the
deputics. He came again to meet Knox on the l4th,
The dcputics had been approached to realisc lhc necessily
for coming forward with definite proposals to satisfy the
British. They had told him that Damodar Pande and
officer had accept€d the proposal of establisbing a British
residcncy in Nepal, but some delay was unavoidable in
viewof thenecd to prepare thc situation for a measure
so rcpugnant to thc minds of the people'. Gajaraj on his
part was to assure Knox that thc British proposal would
be accepted in Nepal at the required time.
Knox was disappointed of the results of Gajaraj s
oission to Nepal. He and his bosses in Calcutta had
bccn induced to entertain hopes that the treaty would
be signed as soon as he came back, Knox reminded the
Guru tfuat their previous talls had led him to thiqk eo.

52. ibid.
 Exit of Rana Bahadw Shah 21
But now hc would not bc hasty in forming impressions
at thc formative stage of the undertaking. The Misra,
howevcr, would earn th€ recognitiotr of tbe British Govern-
mcnt'for nc,critorious services if he fulfilled his promise
with the sioccrity of his zeal'.6e But Knox learnt from
Abdul Kader thst'should other concessions be necessary6 a
for tbc attainment of their desire to come to thc settlement
of a pension $chcme about Rana Babadur, tbc Misra'
'had the authority in conjunction with his collcagucs,
to agrcc to the cstablishmeDt of a ResidcDt uDdcr
ccrtain private stipulations, of which thc principal has
for its objcct thc security of Damodar pande and his family
undcr the protection of the British Govcrnment.,66
As it will follow Gajaraj Misra had goDe to Kath.
mandu ostcnsibly to briog deputies from Kathmandu
at thc British suggcstion. Thcse were to n€gotiate with
Rana Bahadur over his pension as wcll as talk to thc
British on the issue of the treaty. Through Gajaraj Misra
thc ministcrs in Kathmandu wcre alrcady appriscd of the
necd for a trcaty with the British if Rana Bahadur werc
to bc put undcr check. Herc in Banaras thc ex-king was
told that he must come to terms with the Nepal government
if hc was to bc carcfree about his livclihood. He was told
thea hc must pur full faith in thc goodvill of thc British
authoritics, Thcy would ncver allow tbe ex-king to starve.
Their effort would be to cnable Rana livc in suitable
digaity and honour. Gajaraj Misra has impresscd the
authorities ia Nepal that the British werc their fricnd and
Rana Bahadur io tbeir care would mean no thrcat to tbe
administration, Gajaraj Misra beiog a partisan of thc
anti-Rana group must havc adviscd Damodar pande, lhe
Basncts and others to be cautious in dealing with
tbe
British. The British had madc thcir position clear from
53. lbid.
54. Ibid.
s5. Ibid.
 2t Modem Nepal

thc bcginning that the Anglo-Nepalese relation must bc

comcntcd through a trcaty incorporating cxchairge of rc-
prcscntatives. Therefore the dcputies who had accom-
panicd Gajaraj Misra were in no doubt about thcir mission
vis-a-vis the British, They knew that they wcrc in Banaras
trot only to talk with Rana Bahadur but also to ncgotiatc a
trcaty with thc Britisb.
As soon as thc deputies arrivcd they slartcd conversa-
tion with Rana Bahadur, whilc Gajaraj Misra had a scrics
of mecting with Knox about his mission to Kathmandu
and thc ministcrs' reaction to the proposal.
Thc original proposal was to allow Rana Bahadur to
comc to a settlcment with the Ncpelese deputies as rcgards
his pcnsion whilc Gajaraj Misra was to finalisc thc tcrms
of thc trcaty with Knox, which was also to incorporatc a
provision sanctioning cxchange of representativcs betwcen
the two countrics. Wc shall see that Rana'i talks with
Nepalcse dcputi€s had failed so that the handle for
machioation fell automatically to the English who cntcrcd
into thc arcs as an intermediary in a position to balance
thc two warring partics.

Proposals of a net Treaty

Gajaraj Misra conveyed bis proposal of a ncw agree-
mcnt on the l8th of February. This would envisagc a
trcaty with the folltowing conditions: (l) that tbcrc shall bc
perpctual pcacc and friendship bct$ccn the two statcs, the
cnemics and friends of the one to be thc cnemies and
fricnds of the other, (2) a Jagir to be settled on the fugitive
Raja, (3) a resident to be established at Kathmandu, (4)
Iastly, rcgulations respectiog commercc to be hcrcafter
discussed, and formed by mutual conscnt. Bcfore the
couclusion of the treaty a refetence to Kathmandu was
uacessary for approval and th€rc miEht be alterations and
this would itvolvor soEctiEe more not withstandiDg the
approach of the tai!y soaion'
 Exlt ol Rqno Salwlur thoh ,9
Captain Knox fclt disgurtcd 8t thc rcplics and expla-
nations givcn by Gajaraj Misra. Knor could not brook
any dclay in thc way of an agrcement, It is difrcult lo
ssy what rolc Gajaraj Misra was playing, whcthcr his scr-
vilc attitudc towardr thc British was fcigned to bo a tulc
a8 to hir real intcntion, which was to frustratc British
dcsigua or it was actuatcd by a selfish molivc to gct
rcwards from them. But st cvery inSlancc Koox uscd to
threatcn him that if thc British. intention of an alliancc
wasnot fulfilled, thc. tru6t imposcd on thc Mista qould
bo withheld and his hopcs of future favours of our Govcrn-
rirent' would bo dashcd to pieccs. It appcars that Gajaraj
Misra was acting in thc intcrest of thc company's Govcm-
mcnt for hc was often rcferring to himself as a'confdant
of the Governor-General'.66 In thc beginning Knox had
r€sp€ct for his pcrsonality but later .he uscd to bchavc
with bim as if hc was a person utrder heavy obligation of
thc Britich. Sometime Knox even chidcd him wben bc
had thc occasion to doubt his loyalty. Gajaraj Miara
submittcd if any threat was uscd by him. At onc timc
hc had dismissed him from his presencc saying that hc
had no timc to attcnd to his privato opiniontT.
Knox had misundcrstqod Gajaraj and his opinion
of thc Misra's motive was wrongly foroed. But Knox
was pcrsirting in his views, and rebuking the Misra for
thc slow pacc of thc negotiation.
.Hc reportcd that Gajaraj Misra was playing a fraud
on thc Bfitish.
Thc British had thought that with Rana Bahadur in
their hands they would dictatc a treaty to thc Nepalcsc.
Thcy did not want to losc timc for this end, Hcncc Knor'r
anger arising out of frustration. Knox evcn proposed to
put all the Nepalese in Banaras undcr survcillaacc'8,
56. Lcttar, 19 Fabruary, 1801. For. Seq. Dept,, 19 March, 1801, n. E,
57. rbid.
58. For. Scc. Dopt., 19 March, 1801, D, 126.
30 Modarn Nepal
Thoy wcre to be m&do to rcport Knox whcn they cntcrad thc
cityatrd rcport occassionally to thc police during thcir
3tay.
Knox had the apprchcnsion thst thc Ncpalcsc dcputice
might comc to tcrms privatcly with Rans Bahadur. Hc
thought that if cvery cntry of the Ncpalcsc was thoroughly
chcckcd up and thc cmissary was known, then alonc tbcir
rcal intcntion could be discovered.
Still Gajaraj Misrs scted as a ncgotiator bctwcc! thc
Bast India Company's Govcrnment and Ncpal. To tcmovc
ruspicion in thc minds of thc Company's ofrccts sbout his
bonafidcs hc appcalcd to the Govcrtror'Gencral dircct 'to
arsurc him that apparcntly h€ was undcrtaking thc journcy
at thc behcst of thc Raja but ultimat€ly, it is therc to fulflll
thc obj€ctivc 'of your Lordship's wishcs'60' To the
Govcrnor-Gencral's knowlcdge he wrote tbst although
the administrators in Kathmandu werc sinccrely dcsirous
of the fricndship 8nd satisfaction of thc British Govcrn'
mcnt 'yct the exiled ruler's communications tcndiDg to
countoract it'had created obstacles in thc way of achicvc-
mentoo.
He addcd that through thc Govcrnor-Gcneral'e favour
hc could remove all doubts regarding British intcDtion
whatcver from the minds of thc Nepalesc but thc man who
holped to negotiate had to bcar in mind that thosc'IPho
acccpted thc British views shall Dot suffer degradation
among thcir cquals and tbcir ignorant cncmice'oi. Gajaraj
Misra ptcadcd that bccausc hc was 'excrting himrclf to thc
utmost of his ability'6'? hc should rcmain 'in confidcncc
zcalously cmployed in promoting the intcrcsts of thc
British'o s, Gajaraj talks of thc provisions ofthe trcaty a!
59, Rcccived on 3td Marcb, 1801.
60. Ibid.
61. Ibid.
62. Ibid.
63. lbid.
 Exlt of Rana Daludur Shah !t
acccptcd by tho Nopal Govcrnmcnr, vhich hc hoprs thc
'British also would cntcrtain'6a. Once thcir approval wag
obtained thc minister or evcn the cbief ministcr of Ncpal
was prcpared to mect Knox oithar at Banaras or on thc
fronticr, Thc scttlcmcnt of the pensiotr on thc cr-rulcr
was definitely to be settled as the British wsntcd.

Rana T es lo Counlerac,
Knox reportcd that Gajaraj Misra rcnt two lcttcrr
intcrcepted by him enclosed aloDg with his corrcspondcncc,
onc written by Rana Bahadur Shah and another by Prrasu-
ram Thapa to the ministcrs of thc Ncpal Governmcnt.
These were sont to thc Governor.General for his perusat.
The Eaglish translatioos of these letters bclong to Forcign
Sccrct Department, l6 April, 1801, n. 130. Rara Babadur's
leter is dated Samvat (Vikram ) 1857, 30 Asvio, ( :30th
Scptcmber, 1800), while Parasuram'e bcars the date 12
Aghan sudi, 1857 (:26 November, 1800) and 'is addroscd to
Suklec Bathut Brahmin (?)'. Parasuram Thapa initiatcd hir
writing by refcrring to lhe grcat 8in to have vieitcd bim
in exile with tho king and queen. This should, howevcr,
be madc amends, and thercforc the Brahmsn should pcr-
euade Misserje, Kaloo Pande, Madro Rana and thc Eini!-
tcrs to take back the Raja-now in Banaras66. All th€le
had promised that they would try their best to this cffcct.
But sincc then five months had elapsed, but'there was no
end to the Maharajadhiraja's suffering, ard tbcrc is no
communication ; on the othcr band it is said that Gojaraj
had succeeded to prcvail upon the ministers for thc estsb-
lishEent of the English factory in Nepal'66. In thc lcttcr
all sorls of allegations wcre madc against Gajaraj Misra.
Parasuram had scnt his son for investigation of thc mattcr.
Gajaraj Misra was up to somc mischicf. IIc was rolling
64. Ibid.
65. Ibid.
65. lbid.
32 Uodcn Ncpal
Ncpal to thc Musalmang who slaughtcr cows, Thc counlry
must be rctaincd by thc Hindus, which could bc attrincd
with tho rcstoratiotr of thc Maharajs. All the familics
must pcrforcc unitc, All thc ofrcers had bccn called upon
to fructrate thc dcsignE of Gajaraj Misra and failiDg thir'
thcy should comc to Banarss.
All such lcttcrs had bccn sctrt wbilc Gojaraj Miera
was in Ncpal, and thcsc werc scnt at thc bchcst of thG cx'
king. Thcsc two lettcrs givc an inkling of how RaDa
Bahadur's mind was workiog. To thc bcst of his capacity
hc wantcd to go back home and ridc lo powcr' But so
lorg as this was not possiblc hc wantcd to bide his timc
liviag on thc doles of thc British. Hc knew that thc British
would use his prcsence in Banaras to forcc a trcaty on
Ncpal.
But he also wantcd to be rcstorcd to powcr with thcir
hclp, To this end his intcr€st lay not in allowing a rcttlc'
mcnt bctwccn the British and his oPponcnts itl Kothmaodu'
IIc ptaycd onc Party against thc othcr. Oncc hc rcportcd
that the Nepalesc deputation bad madc him 'uDliEitcd
ofcrs providcd hc does not insist on thc guarantcc of
Britfuh Govcrnmcnt' (For. Dcpt., 17 August' lEOt, n. l3l)'
Hc also assurcd the British that without thcir sccurity ha
would not acsept snything morc and 'cvcr will placc
rcliaoco without trcacherous promises thsn cfcctivc Dca-
surcs to punish thc turbulcnt pcoplc of Nepal who havc
thrown off thcir allegiance'o 8.

Rana Baludur's Efforts Frustratcd

Now with thc return of Gajaraj Misra a situation had
dcvelopcd that was trot in conformity to thc wishcs of Rana
Bahadur. Although Captain Knox had adviced thc Govci'
nor-Gencral to sdmonish thc Misra for his dubious conduct
57. Ibid.
68. For. S?c. Dcpt., 16 Apdl, 18J1, n. 129. RccciYcd io Cslcutts,
16 Marcb, l8ol. For. Sc,c. DoPt. 1801, o' 133.
 Extt ol Rana Baludur Shah 33
[nd tho lattor had actua[y admonished him, thc British
could not afford to dispensc with his scrvices, for as yet
the Misra rcmained thc only channel through which ihe
British could have a hope of being listened to by the Nepa-
lcse. Thcreforc ho was to bc curtivated though often.iiti-
midated' (Knox to Governor-General, 23 February, lg0l)o g.
Mcanwhile the Nepalese deputics had forwarded
thcir draft of the proposed treaty for Knox,s consideration.

Nepalese Draft of the I'reaty

H.E. the Noble Richards Wellesley, vested with full powers

for the control, and management of all the afairs of the
coml;any's dominions in the East-Indies on the part of the
compaay and Rajah of Girvan Jode Bikram Sahee Behader
Shumsher Jung do engage as follows :,

That as o trcaty was formerly entered into between the

tv,o states and since it is the desire of both Governments to
draw more closely the relations to amity it is agreed that rhe
Omleh (Omraos) and nobles of both stores shall
forever from
generation to generation, keep up a
friendly lntercourse with
each other and considering each other's stote as their own anil
without any dffirence or disunity of interest shall -endeavour
agrecably to their respective tenets and religton to promote the
prosperity, success and welfarqof both states and all territories
appertalning to them and that they shail consider from their
hearts and friends and enemtes ofthe one state the
friends and
enemies of the other1 o.
Wc have alrcady referrcd to the reaction of the British
to thc draft. Thcy had noted with particular care the
omission of two points, I ) relating to the pension for the
ex-ruler and 2 ) and another the establishment of a British
Resident in Kathmandu. But Gajaraj Misra had assured
that once the draft was accepted as .an exprcssion of the

69, Forcign Secret Dept., 16 April, 1601, n. 129.

70. For. Sec. Dept., 16 Aprit, 180I, n. 130.
3
X4 Modern Nepal

disposition on thc part of Nepal to contract an intimatc

alliance'?1 othcr things would automatically follow, and
this was indicatcd by a particular phrase in tbe document,
If the British favotrably responded to the overture, theD, an
important member of Nepal administration could bc
dcputed to scttlc tbc entire problem. But thc British bad
warned against insisting for a quick implementation.
About this tim€ the ex-Maharaja and the Nepalese
deputies were daily mceting but wirhout any results.
Captain Knox reported that the talks protracted 'not with-
staoding his avowed distrust, aDd such in his extreme
lenity, that the moment they retire, he publishing in thc
most open'mann6r everything that has passed'?2. Knox
furthcr 'said by this it appears that they deal cntirely in
gcneral cxpressions of submission and attachment tbat tbe
Raja insists on many salguinary sacrifices, ard finding them
unwilling to promise, what in fact is out of thcir power to
pcrform, loads thcm with bitterest reproaches, rcvilcs thcm
in thc most scurrilous terms snd then the conference ends to
be rcnewed on thc followiog day without much variation
in either form or substance'.? 3
But Rana Bahadur would not havc bcen bold cnough
to rejcct offers of a substantial pension from Nepal on a
bilateral agreement ifthc British had not cncouraged him
to entertain an idca of an intermediary. From the vcry
beginning the two parties in the dispute bad displayed
irreconcilable opposition of vicws. ' The British were in an
advantageous position. It was thought tbat'RaDa Bahadur
was sincerely desirous of British friendship at least to stand
guarantee for the continuance ofJaghir ifnot to help him
to go with his plan to seize thc reins of administration'.7 a
The British bad given him to know ofthe limitations under
71. Ibid.
72. Ibid.
13. Ibid.
14. rbid.
 Exlt of Rana Bahadur Shah 35
which hc was to conduct himsclf whilc in British tcrritoricr.
He could not ovcrthrow the rcgimc by intriguc or tctror.
If hc attcmptcd for his rcstoration to powct all by himsclf
hc might not succc€d and the loss of cyc-sight and pcrpctual
confincment would follow, his sufiering himsclf would go
in vain if hc submits to thc flattcry, offers and solcmn
oath'.r! Knox thought that 'tho Ncpal dcputics wcro
placcd equally in a dilemma, in which choico wae a
pcrpl€xity, They certainly wished to avoid itrtroduction
ofastrangcr into thcir country as thic would invitc thc
odium of a very unpopular measurc and the enmity of very
powerful families but by this connection they hav6 to draw
thc return of the Raja, supportcd by the British army,
joincd by numcrous malcontents... .'.?6 Knox thought
in these circumstatrces that they would makc libcral
promiscs to Rana Bahadur to enablc him ,to relinquish thc
safcguard of your Lordship's guarantee. Thcy watrted to
dclay the talk also to eyade thc measure to wbich rhey
were averse'. This rvas what Knox wrote to thc Governor.
Gcneral.T ?

After assuriog thc Governor-General that hc could

rcly on Rana Bahadur as'tbe Misra was a frail dcaendeuce,.
Knox advised him to favour the ex-ruler with a patronisiDg
letter. The Misra was to receive mild rebuke for his double
dcaling.?3 Gajaraj Misra on bis part was doing everytbiDg
to pleasc the British on everything except, on what the
Nepalcse dcputics had opposcd. Through Gajaraj's elforts
a son of Damodar Pande was coming to Banaras for cngagc-
ments in consequence of his letters and two or three persons
of high rank would follow'.t0 After the conclusion of
75. Ibid.
76. Knox to Edmoostotre, l0 March, 1801. Foreign Sec, Dept.,
16 April, 1801, n. 134.
77. tbid.
78. rbid.
79. Ibid,
,6 Modcn Ncpal
tho trcaty thcso non wcro to go to Calcutta to bc trcatcd
as holtagcs s8 long Knox
as remaincd in Kathmandu. This
wac a dcvicc thought origioally by thc British to guarantee
against any troublcs likcly to bcfall thcir rcprcscntativ.
whilc hc happcncd to bc in Kathnandu.
It was rcported that thG Nepalesc dclcgation wcr€
going back homc bcing disgulted with thc trcnd oflalks
they had in Banares.
Taking advantage of thc mutual antagonism bctwccD
thc two partics and haviog regard to thc need ofscparating
thc cx-ruler irom thc contacts of thc Nepalese delegation,
Captain Knox playcd a trick to prcvail upon Rana Bahadur
to ask him (Knox) to talk thc issue by himself with the
rcturning membcrs of tho dclcgation. Thc lettcr as cxpectcd
camc as soon as demandcd with the intcodcd content 8nd
Knox informing thc Guru prcpared-to go himrclf to a fixcd
bordcr outpost' But he was to act only on thc consent of
thc Govcrnor-Gcncral lfho was also informcd of thc
proposal, Mcanwhitc Knox also rcceivcd from thc cx'
Maharaja a l€ttcr with the samc rcqucst (Reccivcd l7 April,
lSOl).80 Thc Govcrnor-Gencral gavc concurrcncc to thc
proposal cnvisaging thc talk at Bctia or anywhcrc ncar
about. Thc important aspect of thc proposal was that thc
cx.rulcr wag to stsy in Banaras as long as Knox did not
rcturn. N. B. Bdmonstonc (.20 March, 1601 ) warncd Knox
that 'on no sccoutrt Rana Bahadur be sufrcrcd to accoopany
or to join you',81 The British thought that this would
bring thc ncgotiation to a final and satisfactory conclusion.
Thc trcaty was not yct opcnly talkcd about. But Knox
was trying to foist onc on thc NcPslcsc dcputics through
ncgotiation at the bordcr'
Thc Calcutta authorities agrecd to Knox'a propoerl to
go to the border. Tbcy concurrcd that the Ncpalesc dcputies

80. For. Sec. Dcpt.,116 Aptil. 1801, n. 137.

81, For, Pol., April' t801, n. 12.
 Exit ol Rana Bahddur Shah 3l
could bc workcd up to acccpt thc clause pcrraiDing to tbe
Rcsidency once they were away from the overall
ihadow
of Rana Bahadur's influence, Tho British nevcr desired a
settlcment between the two parties arrived at by
mutual
negotiation and conse[t. Thcir intcntion was to briog
about a solution to impress both Rana Bahadur anl
Kathmandu authoritics that the British werc iDstruncntal
for it, they expccted to put the parties undcr their obliga_
tiou. So thc scttlemcnt went to thcir advantage in strikig
a dcal with Nepal for tradc and diplomatic prcvilcgcs
tJ
bc gained. It was thercforc to thcir satisfaction that
thc
discussion bctween Rana Bahadur and the Nepalcsc
deputic8
had failed,;
Thc failurc of talks bctwecn Rana ald the Nepslcsc
deputies camc as thc British wishcd. Thcy ncvcr likei thc
bilatcral talk to succccd. In thc cvcnt of a ouccess thc
British would have becn isolatcd sr rhe British had
a
diminishing rolc in thc negotiation. But oncc the
talk
broke_ down the old position rcturncd. Both
tbc parti€s
looked to thc British for conciliation, though with
di'ffcrent
Eotivcs. Captaio Knox was alrcady machioating to this
cnd by inbibing falec hopcs in Rana,s
nind, ablut thc
orltcome of thcir intcrvention in hie bchalf, The
othcr
party was also pcrsuded to drcad the agrecmcnt
with Rana
Bahadur without the British standing a guaralt€e,
sfter
all their main dcsirc was to restrict n*",, -.on"r.itr, 'io
particular to prevctrt him from stealthily
cntcriDg Nepal,
Thcy kncw that the British alonc could cont.ot lis
morc-
mcnts as he was undcr their surveitancc.

- TheButEnglish
tailcd.
were happy that tbc bilateral ralls had
to thcm it wae cssentiat tbat thc treary they
wcre negotiatiDg with thc Nepalcse dcputies
must succeci.
r Ee ocgotiatlon would not succeed
if the venue was Baaarle
wh€ae RaDa Bahadur would get widc
scope to wrcck thc
s-8oe. So Kuox plaancd a scheme to shift
thc vcoue far away
froor Banaras, [t was said that tbc two partics would ucot
3E Moden Ncpal
romewhere near the border through wliich thc deputics
wcrc passing. Any other venue would causc incoavcniencc
to the Nepalesc. So the propolal was rcasonable and
obtained ready acccptance.

Knox Goes to the grontiet

Mcanwhilc through the medium of the Guru thc
Minister Damodar Pande and Chautara Bam Shah had
addrossed letters to the GoverDor-General cxpressing deep
sentiments of fricndship. Similar lctters had bcen sent to
Lt. Col. Kirkpatrick and Lumsden. Captain Knox was thc
rccipient of a letter from Rudravir Shah'
Gajaraj Misra was pleascd to be informed of Knox's
dcparture to the frontier, He told Knox that this was tbe
'devicc to kcep him more effectively from the dangcr of
breaking his promiscs'. Cajaraj Misra was hopeful about
the attitude of Damodar Pandc and his colleagues on thc
issuc of sigoing L ieaty with tbe British. But they had
to contcnd with his powerful families envious of thcir
asccndancy. Thc subordinatc chicfs were also not in favour
of the Misra's move. But they were detcrmined from
acting against thc Nepal-British alliance, by 'drcad of
offcnding the British"
Rana Bahadur dcsired to send Ranganath Pandit and
Balabhadra Shah along with Knox. RaDganath Pandit
who had served the cx-ruler in Banaras was oot getting his
remuneration. To keep up the appearance of a courticr he
had incurred heavy cxpenscs, he was immcrsed in debt aB
he report€d to Knox'8 2.
Knox reported to tho Governor-Gencral on thr subjcct
the purport of the talk Ranganath had with him. The
ex-Maharaja had enough money to meet Raoganath's
expcnscs if ,he had been frugal in his habits' but he eas

82. Koox to EdmoEstone 19-4-1801, For, Sec. DcDl,, 30 April,

80 d.
 Exit of Rana Bahadur Shah 39

squandering his moncy on employing singers, da;cers,

bufoons and miscrcants of the lowest dcscriptione3. More
than that Rana Bahadur openly accused Raoganath a8
another traitor like Ga;araj Misra. But Rana Babadur
without caring to notice what was passing in Ranganath's
mind had deputed him to accompany Knox to the border
with the secret intent of manoeuvring for his rcstoration,
which was beyond his stipulated duties. Surcly a man
eufering from pecuniary difficulties was not supposed to bc
sincere to the man who had insulled and starvcd him.
Perhaps this would not apply in the casc ofBatabhadra Shab.
But he also felt a grudge against Rana as his salary was too
mcagre. So when money was given to Ranganatb by Knox,
hc had to be careful about Batabhadra Shah lcst he might
turn aD agent of Rana Bahadur out to frustrate ,by cvcry
power in his means prospects ofthe impending trcaty with
the ruling authorities of Nepal. However, Balabhadra Shah
also was not expected to act for Rana Bahadur becauso he
had received nothiDg but maltreatment from the latter'8+.
In Knox's isformation Rana Bahadur was also instru.
mental in getting Balabhadra's property coDfscat.d. If he
was in Banaras, this was because of the reprisal he feared for
his action in causing the ex-king to revolt and in conse-
quencc of the failure to escape to Banaras. Balabbadra
wantbd to see Knox probagly to plead his caso, but this was
not Sranted.
In his letter written to the secretary from camp
Chaubepur on April 27, lE}l, Captain KDox statcd that
Rana Bahadur camc to sec him on the 26th and hc proposcd
that the Badi Rani (Eldcr queen) and Balabhadra Sbah
would accompany him. He was in a sullen mood as he
came to see Knox bccause the British had not complicd with
his requcst for a loan of '6 or 7 thousand rupces'. His

83. lbid.
84. Ibid.
40 Modem NePal

wishcs that thc British would securc him 2 Subahs in Ncpal

for Jagir had not been fulfillcd. Knox offered his own
plees and askcd him to have Patiencc till thc outcomc of
thc ncgotiation was known. Ranganath Pandit was to 8o
with Knox on the evening of 27th April. Rana Bahadur
told him that much was expccted of the Maharani's visit
bccausc ofher influcnce with on€ of thc pcrsons of most
considerable importance in Ncpal. But Balabhadra who
would look aftcr thc Rani would lcavc at an auspicious
momcnt and astrologcrs were being consultcd. Gajaraj
Misra and thc Nepal deputies wcrc to mect him at Chaubc'
pur whcre Knox wag to slay a fcw days'
In Chaubcpur the British representativc got a Post
hastc lctter from Rana Bahadur on thc 29th. Thc ex-rul€r
informcd Knox that because of the shortagc of financc
Raoganath and Balabhadra were unable to start from
Banaras. Thc two gcntlemcn had demandcd a monthly
salary ofRs,500/- and Rs. 1500/- rcspcctiv€ly, The Britisb'
howcver, w€re not willing to obligc Rana Bahadur. It was
said that 'the demand for moncy proceeds from a grow'
ing snd contracted turn of mind..... aDd thc Raja wanted
to gain what he wauts with tricks aDd artificcs'3'. Ralbcr
Knox dcalt with Ranganath and Balabhadra dircct tban
approach them by Rana Bahadur's mcans. Accordingly
Captain Rnox procecdcd to oflcr moncy to thesc men
dircctly and to Balabhadra in particular he promised to
offcr him 'such assistanc€ as will ptcvent his being emba'
rasscd indispensablc cxpcnscs'e0. Botb lhesc persons Iooted
forward to getiing a handsome amount from Knox. Knox
reportcd 'Raghunaths? should not be left behind, nor
mercly for the propricty of appearances but for the sub-
stantial advaDtages, tbat I may expect to derive from his
counter informatioo, from his conuectioBs in Nepaul aod by
85. Ibid.
86. April 29, l80l- For. Sec. Dept., 3rd Jule 1801.
87, Raghuoath is a Eistakc for RaDSa[sth.
 Extt of Rana Bohadur Shah 4t
cmploying him a channel to insist, in thc namc offhe Rsja,
on such .points as it might be desirablc to avoid urgiog
rlr YsGl f'8 e.
Both Gajaraj Misra and Rangtnath pandit joincd
Knox at Chaubcpur ahc formcr on thc cvcniog of thc 30th
of April atrd thc lattcr on the morning of thc Ist of May.
Ranganath informed Knox that tbe Rani was not .lcaving
Banaral'. Balebhadra's dcpatturc was also not litcly to
occur as the cx-Maharaja wss withholdiDg pcrmission, but
it could bc madc possiblo by othcr mcatrs8o,
Thc Maharani and Balabhadra Shah were to reach the
bordcr aftcr 8om€tim6 whilc Knox was prcparing to go to
Ncpal from Kachhroa. Rana Bahadur had changed his
iotctrtion to lct them go as they wcrc insisting to lcave for
thc bordcr.
Thc Rani's dcpsrturc came late, Tbis suitcd Knox's
arraogcmcnt. But hc would have tiked Balabhadra Sbah to
accompany him.
Ktrox rcccived from thc magazinc at Chunar all his
'camp equipagc, carriagce, cattle, ficld omccrr' tcot and a
privatc Zcmindcr'! party of Sepoys'.
Thc party arrivcd at Barragaon on thc l3th of May
and waitcd for further intimations from lbc Govcrnor-
Gencral. Hcrc thcy reccivcd a commuDication from Damo_
dar Pandc and his collcagues in reply to Gajaraj Misra,s
lcttcr scnt from Banarat. The Guru,s lcttcr bad informed
thc Ncpalcsc administration tbat thc party was moving to
the frontier. Thc Ncpalcsc leadcrs according to Misra
crpressed their Iccn dc6irc to makc their relation with
the British 'durablc, real and substantial through a frech
etrgagcmcnts'. Misra said tbat he had been named the sole
authority to ncgotiatc a tr€aty with thc Britiib, who were

88. rbid.
89. For. S:c. Dcp!, 3rd Juae, l8ol, d. 85. Ktrox to Edooaitooe,
I
May, l80l
42 Modon Nepal
now to put forth thcir vicws on the matter. Knor immedi-
atcly scnt rcply to Katbmandu without, howcver, statinB
hid tcrms of the proposed treaty.
Knox intimated the Governor-Gcn€ral that Gajaraj
Misra might now cndeavour to atone for his past bchaviour
and eim at regaining thc confidencc ard rcspcct in thc
cyes of thc British.
Ranganath Pandit was despatchcd to Ramnagar situa-
tcd on the border in ordcr to impress Gajaraj with an apprc-
hension that a combination may be forpcd in the cveDt of
furthcr dclay unfavourable to his party and also witb the
expectation of acquiring intelligence ( Knox to Lumsden
from Baragaon, May 16, l80l)00. The Raja ofRamnagar
who was a landlord under the British was relstcd to Rsna
Bahadur who had married his niecc. She was his first
Rani. Incidently RangaDath's uncle w8s the Guru of thc
Raja. The British wanted to profit by this contrection.
On the 26th of May Captain Knox forwarded to the
Govcrnor-General a draft of the proposed trcaty with l0
articlcs the last of which agreed to tlre establishment of
a Reprcsentative in Nepaul and the'blank to be intended
for thc oame of two persons to be d€puted to Calcutta on
thc part of Rajah'. These persons arc to be the ncar rclatioos
of Damodar Pande and Bam Shah and will be sent not with
a vicw to transacting any business but as pl€dges for the
faithful performance of the conditions ofthe alliancc'c1.
Knox had suggested the addition of one more article,
the 4th. According to the ninth articlc a 'Jaghir was
settled on Rana Bahadur for his maintcoance uDder the
guarantee of the Government'es. However, Do amount
was mentioned, This could not come from the 5 lakh
stroug pubiic treasury which was reportedly the annual
90. For. Sec. D€pt., l0 Juoe, 180:, n. 14.
91. For. Sec. D.pr., l0 Jdtle 1802. Koox to the Secret.ry,26 May,
t&02,
92. Ibid.
 Extt of Rana Bafudur Shah 43
incomc of the govetnmcnt. But the samc was.to accrue in
duc coursc by grants of land as in evcry othcr casc. Thc
total omount cxpcctcd from such a land was to be Rs. 60,000
or morc laads could be otrercd if thc Govcrnor-Gcreral
desircd so. Thir part of thc slipulations was yet to bc ncgo_
tiatcd. But thc company's govcrnmcnt wa8 rcgardcd to stand
guarantce for thc good behaviour of Rana Bahadur
as well
as for tho regular flow of income from Jagir lands to Rana
Bahadur. Captain Knox approvcd of all these articlcp.
Hc could also havc no objection to first 3 articles and oth?rs
as thcy werc inoflcnsive iD contcnt-cven tbcse
migha bsvc
omittcd and thc British rcprcsentativc would not hayc
grudgcd. But thc third was ofa nature too unlimitcd and
calculated to involvc the British GovcrDment in disputes,
which might originate from aggrcssion on thc part oi
Ncoaul. Thc 4th articlo as sugcested by Knox was to guard
against thc obnoxious tendcncy of tbc Nepaul Govern.
mcnt.e 8. Thc sth and 6th articlcc rclalcd
to the settlemcDt
of boundary disputes bctween Oudh and Nepaul, and
Captain Knox rccommendcd that thc question was
to be
takcn up at a timc whilc thc Government was in position
a
to dictatc tcrms. Thc 6th articlc suspended thc cont;ibution
of afcw elcpbants as tributc to thc company-and KDox
rcported that the Govcrnment sbould accett it.
Tbe cighth
articlc as to facilitate extradition of state offendets on
both sides,
The draft was opcn to alteration by Knox or the
^
Govcrnor-Gcneral, but it seems that no cbaige was cont(E-
plstcd, Yct Captain Knox suggcstcd thc incorporaticn
of a
rcparate agreement regarding the payment of Jaghir
to
Rana Bahadur under thc guarantee of the British.
The
ex-King could live anywhere in British India,
and obtain
collection of his revcnue from the allott€d Iand
to thc
ert€nt of Rs. 72,000 aouually by established kists, (part

93. tbid.
44 Modcm Nepal
payments). This amount was to be givcn to him in ordcr
to cnablc him to bc free from pccuniary difrcultics and
dcvotc himsclf likc a "truc Swomi" to tho worshiP of thc
Suprcme bcing. In the cvcnt of his personally looking aftcr
his Jaghir by being on the spot Rana Bahadur would not
cnjoy the faciliti€s of bcing scrvcd by armed "soldicr of aoy
description". Hc could, howcver, kcep attcDdsDls, malc
and fcmalc, not cxccediog 100 in number. It was also raid
that 'oo fomcntors of scdition and disturbanccs' wcrc to
bc allowed to go ncar him. Thc Ncpal administration
was to provido 200 soldicrs for bis prdtcction. This vould
bc maintaincd by the Govcrnment of Nepal. Raoa was not
to tak€ part in political activitics or creatc troubl.s cithcr
by spccch or writing. In cosc thc Swami indulgcd in such
activitics, his Jaghir was to bc confiscatcd and British pro'
tection withdrawn. It was also stipulstcd tbat thc British
Govcrnor-Gcneral 'have a right to demand rcparation from
Ncpat if thc condition laid down for thc realisation of thc
cx-Maharaja wss in any w8y int€rfered with.'e 1
Knox wrote in another lctter from Barragaon that th€
deputics from Ncpal wcrc cxpected soon and cxpresscd hopc
that the negotiation 'will comc to an cnd within a month
to thc cntire satisfaction of his Lordship'. Hc was waiting
to hcar the Govcrnor-Gcneral's view regarding thc draft
of thc treaty (Knox to Governor-Gencral, June 27, l80l).
Koox wrote also that the suspicion entcrtained by Mr. Neave
as to Rana Bahadur's cscape does not seem to him wcll
foundcd. Rana Bahadur would have no courage to entcr
Ncpal as that would mean 'beiog put in chains'0 6.
It appears that the Ncpalese deputics visiting Baoaras
had gone back home, but Knox cxpccted a new tesm to
arrive in Patqa to sign the t(eaty.

94. Ibid
95. lbid
 Extt ol Raru Daladur than at
Knox suggostcds a raparatc privato ogrccmcnt 'argsgiDg
thcm to tho protcction of thc British Govcrnmcnt and rhcir
cotrtiouiocc in thc possc6sion ofthc prescnt offcrs'. Knox
fclt that by thie dcvicc thc Governor.Gencral would havc
'a powcrful inf,uencc in Ncpaul'e0, Knox aleo pointcd out
that if hi! annuel pension not cxcccdiog Rs. 2d000 wcro to
bo scttlcd on Damodar Pandc, Bam Shab and Gajaraj Mirrr,
it will convcrt thc rulcrs of Ncpaul into British dcpctrdaDtr
purchasing their cntirc command of scrviccs'e?. Captain
Knox, of coursc, had miscalculated by doubting thch
patriotism and the futurc spokc for itsclf, No Ncllalcs!
was prclrsrcd to scll his coutrtry in licu of moncy.
In his letter of loth June, 1801, Captain KDox rcfcrs to
a lettcr scnt through Gajaraj Miera by thc Raja ofPalpa.
Hc statcd that th. suppport to Vazir Aly Khan in Butwal was
givcn by local oEccrs and not by thc Raja who was thcn in
KathEandu.
In thc circumstanccs thc Governor.Gcncral was
adviccd to 'comply with thc Raja'i position, as thc most
cfroctual mcans of guarding thc influcncc of thc Britieh in
Ncpaul against unfavourablc contingctrcics i.c, should
Damodar Pandc who was rcsponsiblc for framing a policy
of intimato contsct with thc British dic aEd thc country fall
into thc mo8t ruinous colfugion'0 3.
In Knox's view thc Raja ofButwal should bc groomcd
in casc hc was desircd for succcssio.n to thc position falling
vacaat aftcr Damodar Paude, Thc Govcrnor'Gcacral had
only to hi8 r€qucst for thc modc of remisoion of tributcs hc
paid to tho Nawab Vajir, which was I carh and I in clc-
phantr and musks, AccordiDg to Knox's information thc
Raje war fccliog that 'Ncpaul will bc roon placcd undcr
thc protcctioa of thc coEpany'! Govcrnmcnt and hcncc hc

96. rbid.
97, Ibid.
9E. rbtd.
# llodon Ncpol
conridcrs it a saf6 policy to providc for bir futurc sccurity
by an oarly rubmicsion'9n. Knox, hovcvcr, rccommcndcd
that thc Raja ehould bc just cncoursgcd 'to hopc for a
rcrtoration to fsvour and ncvcr bc allowcd. to cDjoy thc
bcncfits of an cngagcmcnt or a trcaly'roo, To schiovc
thir cod Lord lVcllcslcy would Dot rcply to hir lcttctr,
but Captain Knox would continuo to rccsivc whatcvet
comEunicatioDs from thc Raja.
In this lcttcr thc Captain rcfcrr alto to tbc rcturn
of Rangsnath Pandit and his unclc. Thc intclligcncc lhcy
had brougbt about corfirmed what hc had hcard carlicr
in regard to rcvcnuc, positioD and charactcr of thc Pande,
his powerful cncmies ctc,

Elder Queen and Balabhadra Leavc

In thc letter of2TthJune, Knox informr thc Governor-
Gcncral that Balabhadra Sbah and Rana Bahadur's quecn
wcre to lcave Banaras, thc qu€cn out of lruslration waDtcd
to cnter Nepal and thc lattcr too for thc 6amc rca6on
was trying to act as royal cscort in this homc SoiDg trip.
Hc says that his carlicr suspicion tbat Ranr Bahadur
watrtcd to scnd them to thc bordcr 'as a mcasurc prc-
peratory to putting bis dcsign of cscaping into cxccution'
was unfounded. Thc Rani bad bccn insulted in public
betore a prostitute girl. Rana Bahadur bad takcn all hcr
jcwcls, Unable to bear tbc ill-trsatmeDt lhc Rani vas
rcpcatedly arking for pcrmission to l€aYc for Ncpat as
Knox lcft Banaras. ShG was to accompany 'but want of
cash moncy prcventcd hcr'. Rana Bahadur had probably
hopcd of her 'to furnish him with faithful int€llig€rcc
of whatcver might occur'. Hc still chcrishcd that dcsirc.
But from Britiqh point of view 'hcr Prcscncc in Banarar
would not bc under thc slightcst restraint on thc dcsiSDs

99. rbid.
100. rbid.
 Exlt of Rono Bdhadur Shah 47

and that wcrc hc to ,abccond, cvcn th€ ccrtain miscrice

aud thc honour of his wholo family would not retard
hir flight for a singlc sccond'. Captain Knox 6aid tbat
fcar ofhic flight might bc alwaye thcr€ until thc treaty
was signed, 'to rcmovc tha hazsrd of ite bcing intcrruptcd
by 8n ast of thc Rajah's',
Knox reports to havc rcc€ivcd a lettcr from Rana
Bahadur not long ago. Hc also addresscd lettcrs to Gsjaraj
Pandit and Maulvi Abdul Kadir 'couched in Lhc most
abjcct terme, soliciting thcir good ofrces with the most
creeping scrvility and filled with the grossest abusc of
Ranganath Pandit'. The Pandit also had rcccivcd a
lettcr'but written in o differcnt strain, apology for not
supplying him with cash and lavish in expression of the
most pcrfect confidence and regard',
Gajaraj Misra had bccn accommodated in a bungalow
hircd at a coct of Rs. 4(X), whcrc the depulies from Nepal
w€rc expcctcd to rcsidc.

Btitbh DtLf, approveil

Meanwhilc Bam Shah and Damodar Pand€ had written
to Gajsraj Misra on behalf of thc infant king thc full .appro-
bation of thc Nepal Govelnmcnt, aDd authorise him to
conclude the trcaty without further rcferencc'. Thc Raja's
scal was stamped on blank shect and the 'Misser was
commissioncd to prcpare a fair copy of thc trcaty on it
and to makc exchangc, whenevcr the counterpart contrmcd
by thc British Governmcnt may bc ready for flelivery,.
The letters wcre a little delayed on accout0t of the
opposition by thc Rcgcnt Rani and the Chief Minister
Kirtiman Basoet. This enraged Damodar Pande and hc
abgeat€d from thc Durbar for several daye' and as a result
thc Rani 'submittcd to his advice'.
Captain Knox in his letter of llth July, l80l rccom.
m€nds that the Governor should accept the draft withoDt
furthcr dclay, Any attempt to makc changes at this stagc
at Modcn Ncpal
would makc Gajaraj Misra to rofcr ell 6uch question8 to
Kathmandu, which mcgnt more dclay. Knor fclt that
thc object of th€ British Govertrmcnt havc bccn mct in
thc draft. Thcreforc this should rcccivc inmcdiatc acccp-
tancc. Knox adviscd thc Govcrnor-Gcncral to crcrtc sa
imprcssion in thc minds of thc Ncpalesc suthoritics that
thoy werc bchaving with thcm as fricnds and not a8 ,rastcrsi
Knox at thc samc timc warncd that thc British should
not but coDsidcr s! political,
Although originally l0 articlcs werc draftcd, tbcrc
werc rDorc articlcs addcd at thc timc of signaturc. This
envolvcd in course of negotiation lasting another period
of 4 months. Th€ trcaty was signcd on thc 28th of Octobcr
in Danapur. It appears that the 3 additional articlcs wcre
fragmcnts of one or two moin articlcs,
Captain Knox was appointcd as thc first Rcsidcnt
in Ncpal and he was informcd of this by a lcltcr of
Edmonstone, Secrctary to the Governmentl0t dated 3lst
Octobcr and bearing the line Danapur. By th. timc thc
trcaty was signcd the Ncpilese deputics had also reachcd
Patna.
We havc alrcady described the trcaty in dctails. As
aforcsaid a s€parato cngagemcnt rcgulated the provieion
of pcnsion grant€d to Rana Bahadur by thc Ncpal Govcru-
mcnt, This was the 'total revenuc of thc Vijcpur district
in Morang the rcot frec lands rcligicus or charitablc
endowmenls Jajirs and such like Parganna, which totallcd
Rs. 72,000 ( Patna Sicca )'1o'?.

TREATY WITH THE RAJA OF NEPAL_I8OI

Whcrcas it is cvident as the noonday sun to cnlightcncd
undcrstanding ofcxaltcd noblcs and of powerful Chicfs and
Rulcrs, that Alpighty God has entrust€d thc protcction atrd

t0l. For. Scc. Dopt., 30JuBe, t802, n. ll'

102. lbtd.
 Exit ofRana Bahadur Shah 49

govornmcnt of the univcrse to thc authority.of Princes, who

makc justice their principle, and that by the establishment
of a friendly connection bctwcen them universal happiness
and prospcrity is sccured, and that thc morc intimate thc
rblation of amity and union the groatcr is tho gencral
tranquility , in consideration of these circumstances, Hic
Excellency the Most Noble the Govcrnor-Gcnerat, Marquls
Wellcsley, etc., and tbe Maharaja have establishtd a systeD
of friendship between the respective Governments of the
Company and thc Raja of Nepaul, and have agreed to the
following Articles :-

Artlcle I
It is necessary and incumbent upon the principals
and officers of thc two Governments constantly to excrt
thcmsclves to improve thc fricndship subsisting between
the twostates, and to be zealgusly and sincerely desi-
rous of the prosperity and success of the government and
subjects of both.

Article 2
The incendiary and turbulent representations ofthc
disaffectcd, who are the disturbers of our mutual fricndship,
shall not be attended to without investigation and proof.

Articlc 3
The pricipals and officers of both Governments will
cordially consider thc friends and enemies of either State
to bc the fricnds and encmies of the other ; and this conside-
ration must ever rcmain permanent and in forcc from
generation to generation.

Article 4
If any one of the neighbouring powers of cither Statc
should commenco any altercation or dispute, and design,
without provocation, unjustly to possess himself of thc
50 Modln Ncpal
tcrritorics of'cithcr country, and rhoutd cntcrtrin hortilc
intcntions with the vicw of tslitrg that couotry, thc vakccls
on the part of our rcspcctivc Govcrnocnts at cithcr Court
will fully rcport all particulars to thc hcad of thc Statc, who,
according to thc obligationr of fricndship subsisting betwccn
the two Statcs, aftor having heard the said particulars, will
givc whatcver answcr and advicc may be propcr,

A?ticlc 5
Whcnevcr any disputc of boundary and territory
betwcen the two couDtrics may arisc, ouch disputc shall bc
decided through our rcspcctivc vakccls or our ofrccrs,
according to thc principles of justicc and right; and a
laudmark sball be placed upon thc asid boundary, and
which shall constantly rcmaio, that thc ofrc€rs both now
and hercafter may considcr it es a guidc, and trot makc any
cncroachmcnt,

Arlicle 6
such places as arc upon the Frontiers ofthe dominions
of the Nabob Vizicr and of Nepaul, and rcspcctiDg which
any dispute may arisc, such disputc shrll bc seltlcd by the
mediation of the vakeel ou thc part ofthc Company, in thc
prescnce ofonc from th€ Ncpaul Governmcnt, aDd onc from
His Excellcncy the Vizier.

Arlicle 7
So maoy elephants, on account of Muckanacinpoor,
are annually sent to the Company by tbe Raja of Nepaul,
and tbercforc thc Governor-Gcncral with a vicw of promo-
ting the satisfaction of the Raja of Ncpau!, and in considera-
tion ofthc improvcd fricndly connection, and of tbis ncw
Treaty, rclinquishes and forcgoes the tributc abovc-
mentioned, and directs that thG officers of the CoEpany'
both now and hcrcaftcr, from gcneration to gcneration,
shall nevcr, duringrthe continuance of thc clgagcment
 Exll o! Ram Dahadat Sluh jl
cootractcd by this Tfcety ( so long as thc cotrditions of this
trctty Bhall bc in forcc ), cxact thc clcphents from tho Raja.
A lcle t
If any of thc dcpcod€nts or inhabitant! of cithar
country should fly and take rofugc in th6 othcr, end a
rcquisition should be madc for such pcrsonl on thc part of
thc Nepaul Government by its constitutcd vakc€l in
attcndanc€ on thc Governor-Ger,eral, or on thc part of
thc Company'8 Govcrnmcnt by its rcprcsentativc residing
at Nepaul, it is in this case mutually agrccd that if
such person should have 0ed after transgrcssing the laws of
his Governmenl, it is incumbent upon the principals of both
Govcrnments immediatcly to deliver him up to the vakcel
at thcir respcctivc courts, that he may be scnt in pcrfect
security of thc fronticr of thcir respectivc territoric6.

Arrtcle 9
The Maha Raja of Nepaul agrces, that a perguonab,
with all the lands attached to it, exccpting privilcgcd lands
aod those appropriated to rcligious purposc, and to jaghircs,
&c., which are specified separatcly in thc account of collcc-
tions, shall bc given up to Samee Jco for his expcnses, as a
prcscnt. The conditions with rcspcct to Samcc Jeo are, that
if hc should remain at Benarcs, or at any other place, within
thc Compauy'6 provinces, and should spontancously farm
his jaghire to thc omcers of Ncpaul, in that cveDt thc amount
of collcctions shall be punctually paid to him, agreeably
to ccrtain kists which may bc hcreafter scttl€d ; that he may
appropriatc the same to his neccssary €xpcnscs, &nd tbat hc
may continue in rcligious abstraction, according to his
agrccmcnt, which he had engraved on brass, at thc timc of
his abdication of the Roy, and of his resigning it in my
favour, Again, in the event of his establisting his residcnce
in his jaghire, and of his rcalizing thc collections through
his own oftcers, it is proper that he should not keep such I
52 Modcrn Ncpal
ono and othor disafrected persons in his ccrvice, and besides
one hundred men and maid scrvants, &c., he must not
entertain any persons as soldiers, with a view to the collec-
tion of the revenue of the pergunnah ; and to the protection
of his person he may take two hundred soldicrs of the
forcos of the Ncpaul Government, the allowances of whom
shall bc paid by the Raja of Nepaul. He must be cautious,
also of commencing alteication, either by spcech or writing ;
neither must he give protection to the rebellious and
fugitives of the Nepaul country, nor mus.t he commit plunder
and devastation upon the subjects of Nepaul. In the event
of such delinquency being proved to the satisfaction of the
two Governments, the aid and protection of the Company
shall bc withdrawn from him and in that event, also, it shall
be at the option of the Raja of Nepaul whether or not he
will confiscate his jaghire.
The Maha Raja also agrees, on his part, that if Samee
Jeo should take up his residence within the Company's
proviuces, and should farm out his land to the officers of
Nepaul, and that the kists should not be paid according to
agreement, or that he should fix his residence on his jaghire,
and any of the inhabitants of Nepaul should give him or
the ryots of his pergunnah any molestation, a requisition
shall be made by the Governor-General of tbcCompany,
on this subject, to the Raja. The Governor-General is
security for thc - Raja's performance of this condition, and
the Maha Raja will immediately acquit himself of the
requisition of the Governor-General, agreeably to what is
abovc written. If any profits should arise in thc collection
of the said pergunnah, in consequence of the activity of
officers, or any defalcation occurs from their inattention, in
either case the Raja of Nepaul will be totally unconcerned.

Article l0
With the view of carrying into effect the different
objects contained in rthis Treaty, and of promoting other
 Exlt of Rena Baludw Shah 53

verbal ncgotiation, thc Governor-General and thc Raja of

Ncpaul, the imprrlsc of their will end pleasure, depute a
confidential person to each other as vakeel, that remaining
in attendance upon their respectivc Governments, tliey may
cffcct the objects above specificd, and promote whatever
may tend to the daily improvement of the friendship
subsisting betwecn the two States.

Article ll
It is inoumbeot upon the principals and officers of the
two States that they should manifest the regard and respect
to the vakeel of each other's Government, which, is due to
their rank, and is prcscribed by the laws of nations ; and
that they should endeavour, to the utmost of their power,
to advancc any object which they may propose, and to
promote their ease, comfort, and satisfaction, by extending
protection to them, which circumstances are calculated to
improve the friendship subsisting bctween the two Govern-
ments, and to illustrate the good name of both States
throughout the univcrse.
Article 12
It is incumbent upon the vakeels of both States that
they should hold no intercourse wbatcver with any of thc
subjects or inhabitants of the country, excepting with the
officers of Government, drithout the permission of thosc
officers; neithcr should they carry on any correspondence
with any ofthem ; and ifthey should receivc any letter or
writing from any such people, they should not answer it,
without the knorvledge of the head of the State,and acquain-
ting him of the particulars, which will dispel all apprehen-
sion or doubt between us, and manifest the sinccrity of our
friendship.
Ailicle L3
It is incumbent upon thc ptincipals and officers
mutually to abide by the spirit of this.Treaty, whieh is uow
54 Modern Nepal
drawn out according to their faith and r€ligioD, atrd deemiDg
it in forcc from gcncration to gencration that thcy should
not dcviate from it I any pcrson who may transgress against
it will bc punished by Almighty God, both in this world
&nd in a future statc.

(A true translation)
C. RUSSELL,
Assistant Pcrsian Translator.

Ratified by the Governor.Gcneral and Council, 30th

October 1801, and signed by thc Nepaul Darbar otr the 2tth
Octobcr 1802.

SEPARATE ARTICLE OF A TRBATY WITH THE

RAJAH OF NEPAUL
concluded at DINAPORE, Octobcr 26rh, l80l
-
Thc Engagcment contracted by Maha Rajah, &c.,
&c., with His Excellency the Most Noble thc Governor-
General, &c., &c., respecting the scttlemetrt ofa provision
for the maintenancc of Purncahir Goonanund Swammcc
Jcc, the illustrious fathcr of the said Maha Rajab, is to
thc following effect:-
That sn annual income, amounting to Patna Sicca
Rupces eighty-two thousand, of which scvcnty-two thou-
sand shall be paid in cash atrd ten thousand, itr clephants,
half male and half female, to be valued at thc rate of
otrc hundred and tw€nty.five rupees pcr cubit, shall be
s€ttled oo the said Swammee Jee, commcncing from the
montb of Aughun 1858, as aD humblc offering to assist
in the maintinance of his household ; and for the purpo6e
ofsupplying the said itrcoEe, that the Purgunuab of Beeja-
poor, .wilh all the land.r theicunto attached ( exceptiog
 Extt of Rana Bahadur Sluh 55'
rcnt-fre€ landr, religious or charitable cndowmcnts, jaghi-
res, and such likc as spccified sepsratcly in the account
of collcctions ) be scttlcd oa thc said Swammce Jce, undcr
the following conditions : That, in tho evont of his residiDg
at Benares of othcr placc withio the tcuitories of thc
Honorablc Company, and of his voluntarily committing
the collection! of thc said jsghirc to thc scrvaDts ofrhc
Nepaul Government, in such casc ccveoty-two thousand
rupecs in cash, and elephants to thc value of ten thousand
rupees, shall be punctually rcmitted ycar after year, by
cstablished kists, to thc said Swammec Jee, without fail
or delay, so thai appropriatitrg thc same to his ncccssary
cxpenses, he may dcvote himself to thc worship of the
Supremo being in conformity to his own de.claration, cngra-
ved on copper at thc time of his abdicating thc Raje
and of his bestowing it on thc said Maha Rajah; and
furthcr, in thc eyent of hir cstablishiDg his rceidence upon
his jaghirc and of his rcalizing thc collcctionr through
his own oEccrs, it is rcquisitc that hc should aot kcep
in his scrvice fomcotcrs of scdition and disturbancc, that
he shall rctain no morc thhn onc hundred male and female
attcndants, and that he shall not retain about his pcrson
soldiers of any dcscriptiotr, Tbat for thc purposc of collcct-
ing thc rcv€nues of the aforesaid pergunnahs aDd for his
pcrsonal protection, he may have from thc Rajah of
Ncpaul as far as two hundrcd mcn of thc troops of
'that country, and thc allowance of such men sball bc
defraycd by thc Maha Rajah himsetf. He must Dot attcmpt,
cither by spcech or writiog, to cxcitc commotion nor harbour
about his pcrson rcbels and fugitivcs from thc t€rritories
of Ncpaul, ncithcr must hc commit any dcprcdations upon
thc subjccts of tbat countty. And in thc €vent of such
delinquency being established to the satisfaction .of both
parties, that the aid and protection of thc Honorable Com-
pauy 6hall be withdrawn froo the said Swaomee Jee, in
which case it shall be at the option of thcMahs Rajah
56 Moden Nepal
to confiscatc his jaghirc. It is also agrccd by thc Mahe
Rajlh that, provided Swammec Jec should fix his rceidencc
within thc Honorable Company's territories aod should
commit the collcctions of his jagbirc to th€ omccrs of
thc Ncpaul Government, in that casc, should thc kists not
bc paid according to the conditions above spccificd; or
in thc €vent of his residing upon his jaghirc, providcd
any of thc subjccts of Ncpaul give him or ryots of his
pcrgunnah any molcstation, in either casc the Governor'
General and thc Honorable Company haYc a right to
dcmand reparation from the Rajah of Nepaul. The Gover'
nor-Gcneral is guarantce that thb Rajah of Ncpaul porforms
this conditioD, atrd thc Maha Raiah, on tho rcquisitiotr
of thc Govcrnor-Gcneral, will instantly fulfil his engage'
ments as abovc specified. In any augmcntation of the
collcctions from the judicious managcmcnt ofthe officcrs
ofSwammce Jce, or in 8ny diminution from a coltrary
causc, thc Maha Rajah is to bc equally unconcerncd, the
Maha Rajah engaging that, oD dclivering ovcr the Pcr'
gunnah of Beejapoor to the offccrs of Swammee Jce, thc
amount of the annual revenue shall be Patna Sicca Rupees
72,000; that should it be tcss he will make good thc
deficiency, aod in case of excess, that Swamm.e Jec bc
cntitled thcreto.
Thc first few clauscs of the Treaty are iDnoccnt. It
is difficult to understand the Ncpalcsc psychology about
thc cxchange of reprcscntatives envisaged by articles 4 ald
5, So long, the Ncpalese alon€ maintained th.ir vakil in
Calcutta, but there was no British representatiYe in Kath-
mandu. If the British wanted at this stsge to have thcir
vakll in Kathmandu they could not bc surely blamcd.
Thus the Nepalese rcscrvation on thc subjcct does not sc€m
reasonable. Th€ most objcctionablc articles were 9 and
10, The British had meddled in the internal affairs of
Nepal by incorporstiDg thc provisiou of a guaraator in
tboir ow! persotr to rcgulatc rclatioa bctw€€n the NslraleiG
 Exit of iana Bahadur Shah 5l
authoritics in Kathm&ndu and Rana Bahadur. It secms
that this provision was accepted by Nepal for tbc reasotr
that thc British had stood rccurity for Rana Bahadur,s
movemcnts in thc company'r territorics that hc would
be debarrcd irom acting prcjudicially against tbosc in
authority in Ncpal. But thc prercnce of a British mission
was fcared as this was likcly to gct mixed up more dccply
in Nepalesc politics, whatever the cotrduct defined iD thc
Particular clause of thc treaty. Thus they felt that althouSh
snything dcsigncd to control Rana Bahadur's conduct was
to bo acccpted, the English should not be allowed aly
more to dabble and intrigue in Ncpalcso affairs tban what
was rcquircd by articles 9 ind 10. But with the lrcaty
as a wholc the Eoglish presence in Kathmandu was going
to bc a certaiuty. It witl be s tavestry of truth to say
that some persons in authority, particularly invctcratG
opponcnts of Rana Bahadur, wantcd Koox to ptay his part
in Kathmandu. ln fact none were in favour of thc cntry
or continuance of thc prcsencc of thc British represenla-
tivcs in lfuthmandu, though it was tbeir wish to use rhe
Treaty against any sdveoturc Rana Babadur might havc
chosen to undertake.
The Trcaty itselfwas a hotch potch atteEpt to in-
troduce British influencc in Ncpal, Thc British certainly
wanted to cxploit the iotcrnal fcud of the nobility in
furthcrance of their intcrcst. As Rana Babadur was oftcD
pleading for help from thc British in ordcr to anDihilate
his enemy, it was but natural that they should be inclined
to take advantage of the situation in as much as tbe
party in power in KathmaDdu were also soliciting for
British intervenlion to k€ep Rana Babadur in check in
Baoarar, It was true that Raoa Babadur's reaction to the
signing of the Treaty was ho6tile. But we do not ktrow
if he would bave displayed the same bostility to any
provisiou of thc Treety allowiag hiE to returD to Ncpsl.
It is obvious tbat evcry party cotcerned was acting to
5t Modern Nepal
push its own intercst with diferent motives. But tbc
British as the mediating party were cxpecting to dcrive
tho greatcst advantage, which, however, thcy wcre destincd
to lose.
Pcrhapr cvery thing would have gone u,ell ifthey
had not persued thc matter of sending thcir rcpres€ntativc
to Ncpal post-haste onc€ the treaty was signed, This stcp
innoycd the authorities in Kathmandu, who feared that
Rana Bahadur would make any yielding from thcir sidc in
rcspect of this problcm as a tacit srrriender to British
dcsigne. Actually spcaking the acceptance of a British
rcpresEntstive at thc court was not so simple a question as
thc Nepalcsc nobility belonging to both the camps serc
reluctant to admit the British mission into thcir coutrtry,
Thc clauscs 9 and l0 were not accepted by the Nepalcse in
earncst but it was done with mental reservation. Tbey hoped
to cvadc by adopting dilatory tactics the deoand for thc
entry of the British represcntative once thc danger of
thcir backidg Rana Bahadur had retreatcd, which they
fclt was the position as it then stood sitrce the treaty was
signcd in conformity to the suggestion made by Captain
Knox,
I think that all this explains thc reason for tbe
complication which Knox had to ercounter in trying to
make his trip to Kathoandu. This might also erplain thc
rigid attitude on the part of thc majority of the nobility on
the question of the ratification of the treaty, vbich rhoueb
complied with was delayed and ultimately led to his
withdrawal.
The British tried and tiicd to have a footbold in
Nepal. Probably to begin with they had confined their
ambition to securing trade facilities and to the establish-
ment of a polrtical mission in Kathmar:du, the ostensible
purpose of which \ra6 also to see tbe tocome oftheland
granted to Rata Babadur accruld to hicr iD Banaras. But
rtr tbe cir(umstaDtes prevaihng i0 tbose days aDy atteEpt
 Exit of Raru Eahadur Sluh 59

by the Britisb ia that directioo was bound to fail and as wc

shall see later it failcd miserably.
The Governor-General had ratificd thc trcaty on 3lst
Octobcr. But it took nearly 6 months to gct treaty ratificd
by thc Nepalese Governmcrrt. This was duc to suspicior
of British intention towards Nepalcse authoritice w€re awarc
that although thc treaty always mcntioncd a Vakil in the
draft the British in thcir letter of appoiotment ofKnor
mentioned him as thc Resident. In the todian politics of
thc day the word Residcnt did nevcr carry the mcaning of
a Vakil who was just a represcntativc rcsiding in a country
cnjoying equal status with EIC'S Govcrnmeit. The Resident
rcprcsentcd the Compatry's powcr in a state uDder subsidiary
alliance. Ioitially hc was stationed in a particular country
with a contingent of fighting forcc to guarantcc the ruler,s
sccurity against thc ncighbours, but thc system as it cvolvcd
later established paramountcy over thc stste which
surrendered all its sovereignty to the Impcrialist power.
The Ncpalcsc had to be extremely cautions so that the
country did not lose its independencc as the British Vakil
surrcptitiously called thc Residcnt functioncd in the usual
manncr mcddling and intcrfcring in the intcrnal affairs.
So cven as they displayed rcadiness to append signaturc to
the treaty, their suspicions of the British had remaincd. At
the secoDd stage Knox's passagc to Nepal was equally looked
with suspicion and hc could go to Kathmandu faciog grcat
hindrances. By sheer luck Knox had reached Kathmandu
but he was not destined to stay long there by dint of adversc
circumstanccs,

Rana Bahadur's Reaclion

For sonetioc Rana Bahadur did not know about the
eogageEcnt regarding bis pensron. He had hrs owo gaEe
tr play as the tiEe leEgtheaed for the finalisation of the
treaty. Hc wauted to Eeer Lord Wclleslcy in patna or
Brnarag as it was rcport€d. HakiE Antony was seEt to
60 Modern Nepal
wait on thc latter as Rana Bahadur's Vakil 'with verbal
communication'.103 It appears that Rana Bahadur wanted
to.see Lord Wellesley in Banaras. But as the latter did not
come, his wishes were not fulfllled. Antony rcturncd to
Banaras.
As expected Knox's estimatc of Rana Bahadur Shah
proved correct. Knowing that the ex-ruler would react
unfavourably to thc settlement the Governor-Goneral
instructed Knox to approach him either through his Munshi
or through the acting Agent General iJr Banaras. The Mir
Munshi delivered the letter which gave him to know the
facts of settlement. Rana Bahadur had written several
lctters to the Governor-General wanting to know of thc
transactions between the British and the Nepal administra-
tion. He showed signs of exhaustion and impatiencc at the
dclay. When actually he was shown the'execution' by the
Mir Munshi of Captain Knox, he felt to have been let down
by the British. After all hc coveted the powers in
Kathmandu. But the British warned him that 'a deviation
from the terms of engagement will also absolve the British
Government from the obligation of the guarantee, to which
it is now pledgcd and will hazard the loss of every conces-
sion which the Government of Nepal has been induced to
make in his favour'. 1oa
It was natural for Rana Bahadur to resent but to keep
quiet in the circumgtances.
But Rana Bahadur could on no account displease the
British.
The British were playing a double game. They hoped
that by making a settlement of Jaghir lands on Rana
Bahadur they were obliging him. The ex-ruler was not the
man to feel obliged. He was too clever to be duped by the
British. He had realised that the treaty was designed to

103. n. 19, 30 June, 1802, Foreign and Secret Dept., Recd. 30 June.
104. tbid.
 Exlt of Rana Dahadtr Shah 6l
harm his irtcrcst, Hc would ratbcr fccl tbat thc settlcEcnt
was cffccted in the intcr€st of the British th€mselvcs, which
was vcry corrcct. He also would not hesitatc to the last to
fomcnt troubles against thc Nopalcsc administration, Tbis
wo! what the British thought ofRana Bahadur's rcaction
to thc Anglo-Nepalese Trcaty. Actually thc British wcr6
th€ only party bcncfiting comparatively more by thc trcoty,
which put thrm os guarantols of promises madc by onc
party to the other. Rana Bahadur with his desire to rcturn
found himself &t a disadvantageous position but the othcr
party had also somc r€ason to be satisfied at th€ prospect of
Rana Bahadur being put under rcstrainr in British India. If
thc British would act in sincerity to thc tcrms of thc trcaty
thosc in power in Kathmandu had nothiog to gct worricd.
Thc ttcaty had certainly given thcm advantagcs ovcr Rana
Bahadur. But undoutedly the British werc the greatcst
bcnciciary through thc deal. By virtue ofthc treaty obliga-
tions thc Ncpal Governmcnt had to yield to the exercise of
the British pressurc where tha questions of thc pension
settlcd on Rana Bahadur matteredr Although Rana Bahadur
was not bound by tcrms of the trcaty, not beiog a signatory,
he had to depend on the British for sccuring his livclihood
from Nepal.
Kathmandu was always haunted with a fear ofthc
activities of Rana Bahadur in India, who, howcvcr could
act only with the active co-opcration or connivancc over
his movcments by the British in case thcy utdertook lo
abidc by the provisions of the treaty. Thc tr€aty could
not have becn signcd but fortheweak position ofRana's
oppon€nts. They sought protection for thcmselves in tbc
treaty which, howcver, was not going to be of benefit at
critical hour wheo they wcre assailcd. It appears very
clearly that thc trcaty was not a very eff€ctive instrument
to tic thc parties in a common bond of sinccre friendship.
Wc should not forget that rhe English had n,anted Nepal to
bring under their influence. If this could havc been donp
62 Mofun Ncpal
through Rana Bahadur tho trcaty would havc bccn slgncd
with him. We must ktrow that cvcry party haa its own
intcrcst in thc d6sl. Thc English saw in thc agrccmcnt the
vcry initial stagc of pcnrtration into Nepsl. Thc minirtcrs
in Nopal thought that by th6 sgr€cmcEt thcy wcro putting
Raua undor rcstraiEt, Rana Bahadur acccptcd it with rcscnt-
mctrt but this war bccauec hc did not want to dicplcarc thc
English. Tho Boglish wcrc clcvcr cnough to cxploit thc situa-
tion to thcir sdvsntagc. But it was not a treaty of eubsidiary
alliatrce thcy sought to ncgotiatc, Thc provision for an
cxchangc of rcprcieatatiycs could not makc it so. Thus in
tho schemc of various conflicting intcrests no onc psrty
got prcdominance. It was lcft to future how thiogs will
shspo. But wc shall know that thc Eoglish efforts to cstablish
4 political conndction with Nepal totally failcd,
 Chapter II
THE SECOND BRITISH MISSION TO NEPAL
Knox En rofie
Thc tr€aty of l80l unlikc thc otrG of 1793 covcrcd
mattcrs outside thc strictly commcrcial relation subsisling
betwccn two countrics. Iti most iDportant clause wasin
regard to the establishment of a Yakil in Ksthmandu'
Altbough in letter there was Dothing like a subsidiary
alliance which in all cascs gavc to the British Governmtlt
entire control over political relations with cach otber 8Dd
with foreign states ( S.C. October 28, 1817' n. 13)yettbc
Nepalese thought that the clause in rcality s,as intended to
introducc tho same in a less offensive manner and to tale
Nepal stcalthily a step furthcr towards a position of
dcpcndcncy. Thc British utrdcrstood to achicve thc samc
under a garb of the Gorkhali's own choice.
Nothing was mote rcpugnant to the Gorkhali rulcrg
than thc estsblishment of a British represc[tative in
Kathmandu. To them the very contact with thc British
was fraught with daDger. They thought not unreasonably
that the British would sprbad thcir tentacles over the cntirc
subcontinent of Indis by such underhand means. Thc
Gorkhalis w€rc aware that the British sparcd no cffort to
grab thc cntire courtry once thcy wcrc in a Position to
influence the state policies from inside and wculd usc atl
mcans fair or foul and rcsort to mcthods of bribcry and
corruption whcr it oeaot to dcstroy their advcrsary.
And who could free himself from tbese traps ? Thc Britisb,
thcrefore, were to bc shulncd rather than contacted. But the
signing of thc treaty bad placcd tbe Nepalese rulers in a
precarious position, This came unwittingly aDd as a
corollary to thc situation Rana Bahadur's PrcscDec in
64 Moden Ncptol
Banarae gencratcd. Now thc wholo problcm was to
undcrminc thc British gamc to which cau6e th€ir policy sas
thcreafter directcd.
It was probably against thcir *ishcs not so wcll cx-
pr€ssed tbat thc British ucre rcnding their rcprcscntativc
in Kathmandu. Thc mcn at the helm of affairs in Kath-
Dandu kncw that Rana Bahadur would releasc a violcnt
propaganda against thcm and accusc thcm ofsclling tbc
motherland to thc British,
So a mood of hcsitancy wss still visible in thc Nepa-
lese trobility as thcy adopted a go slow toctics,

Insttuction to Knox
Captain Knox was to prcsent to thc King of Ncpal
gifts from thc Govcrnor.Gencral from Calcutts, Thesc
consistcd of thiogs not available in Banaras and Patna.
He was also to reccivc thc countcrparts of articlcc as laid
down in the agreements.
Captain Knox was to be escortcd by'a dctachmcnt
of Native Infaotry consistiog of two companies, with thcir
usual proportion of European and Nativc o6ccrs't, Cap-
tain Charles Crawford was included in thc party as a pro-
fesgional survcyor who 'was to obtain a gcographical
knowlcdge of the country'. Mr. Blakc ofth€ Dcpartmcnt
of Mincrology and Chcmistry was to join Knox 'for thc
purpose of investigating thc natural products of thc coun-
try uoder your direct supervision',. Maulavi Abdul Kadir
who was also to accompany Knox was to function ss thc
nativc sccrctary.
Knox was adviscd to look into the i[struction given
to Col. Kirkpatrick and his correspondcncc. Hc was autho.
rised to dircctly correspond with or through thc S€crctary
to the Governmcnt in thc Sccrct and Political DcpartEcnt.

l. n. lli3,0Junc, 1802,lotterof lst NovcrDbcr, l80l by Edmotrstotc

2. tbid.
 Thc Sscond Brltlsh Mlsslon to Ncpal 65

In rcgard to thc affairs of Rana Bahadur thg Residcnt was

to bc in touch with thc Governor-Gcncral's agcat in Bana-
ras or any principal officese 'at whatcvcr station the abdi-
cated Raja may residc'4.
While in
Ncpal thc Rcsidcnt wa8 inrtructcd to con-
duct himsclf with 'thc utmost dcgrce of circumspection'6.
captain Knox was to rcmcmber that thc treaty was moti-
veted on thc psrt of thc Ncpalcsc administrator 'not because
therc was a diminution of jealousy but bccausc thc lattcr
fclt thc new relation with thc powerful British was a bul-
wark against possible intrigues of thcir opponents to oust
thcm'6. This was also a prcventive Eeasure to'discharge
thc British from employing their powcr to instatc thc abdi'
cated Raja on thc masnad'. Thc British through their
Residcnt were to impress thc peoplc of Ncpal that their
ruling interest was to promotc the prosperity by combining
mutual intercst of thc two countries. Captain Knox was
by his right conduct and affable dcportmcnt to avoid any
indication of a desire to interferc in the internal adminis'
tration of thc country'7.
Not only Captain Knox but cvery body in his tcam
including the 'domestics and scpoys' wcrc to move cau-
tiously in their dcaling with the nativcs and should bc
guidcd by the maxims of prudcncc and discrction which
rcgulatc your own'8.
Knox was unobrusively to find out information 'with
respect to the civil and military Government alliance and
connection of thc statc, the wcather and rcsources and
products of the country'o. Thcre should bc no cxpression

3. rbid. 4. Ibid.
5. rbid. 6. Ibid.
7. rbid. 8. Ibid.
9. Ibid.
6 Mod.n N.pal
ofcrriosity rbout thcse subjocts bccausc this i6 likcly to
'hazard thc loss of all advantagcs, of which tbc present
alliancc is susceptiblc' 10.
The Govcrnor-Gencral was prsparcd to grant pcndion
to DaDodar Pande and Bam Shah as recommendcd by
Knox, but this would not be associated with thc British
support to these mcn against thcir advcrsaries. Thc British
wcrc not obliged to extcnd support to them. This position
was to be strictly maintained as otherwisc the British would
bc accuscd of interfering in thc intcrnal affairs of the
Government. Thc British had the least desire to get inyol.
ycd in the internal contest for power in Kathmandu. Thc
Govcrnor-Generai made it clear that thc idea of giving
pcnsions to Damodar Pande and Bam Shah was not to
creat€ a permanent burdcn on the financc of thc Company.
Thc pension should be conferrcd in the exigencies of
the situation but thcse should be so conditioncd as to chargc
them on t;re rcvenues of Nepal or to commute them for
jagir in that territory, under the Company's guarantee.
The advisability of supporting the present rcgime could
bc considered when the British influcnce was established
on a permancnt and secure foundation. Csptain KDox
had bccn told that the Governor-General was convinced
about the bonafides ol Guru Gajaraj Misra in ,promoting
pres€nt alliance with N6pal'1r. And Gajaraj,s influencc
in Nepal must be utilised furthcr 'to sccurc the conti-
nuance of his active exertions for the complcte attaiDm€nt
of thc prcsent alliance'r ?.
Bcsides thesc general instructions Captain Knox was
to try to implement the opcration of thc treaty of commerce
with Ncpal concluded on 4th Fcbruary, 1792. But even hcre
utmost caution was to be cxercised lest thcy might Dot

I0. I bid
lt. Ibid
12. Ibid.
 The Second Birkh N.N
Mlstlon to 67

tatc it othcrwisc. If any modifisations in thc provisions

were desired hc was to convcy them to thc Govcrlot-
Gencral. Thc company was intcrcsted in tha inports to
Europ€ of'valuable drugs, dyes and othcr articlc! which
Ncprl abounds in. The Residcnt wal clpcctcd to obtain
at his earlieat most corrcct informstion of minotat
botanical and agricuttural products of Ncpaul'. Thcsc wcro
to bc exchanged for thc articlcs Nepal nc€dcd from outsidc'
so thc extcnt of dcmand for imports into NcPsl wcrc to bc
spccifically inquircd into. Through Ncpal thc Company
desired to opcn'a beneficial trade with countri€s of Bhutan
and Tib€t'. Tibct and Bhutan w€rc reported to abound in
gold and silver, Knox was dircctcd to itrcludc a provision
in the trcaty of commercc so that gold and gilvcr could
in cxchangc for Europcan goods find way into thc Com'
pany's tcrritories. Also thc Company should havc direct
link with Tibet and Bhutar and all practical considcra-
tions to this cffect should bc lak€D into accounl.
Apart from gencral political aims the British wantcd to
settle with Nepal which wss contiguous to their northcrn
frontier questions of surrender of 'rcfractdry lnrsons i.e.
fugitives, particularly otr thc Purnia froDtier', and all
bouudary disputcs.
At the time Knox was to l€ave for Nepal the iDsurgetrts
in flight from Oudh werc hiding in the jungles of Butwal.
The British wanted Nopal's cooperation to suppre8s them.
As for tradc, sal, fir and pinc tr€cs are said to grow in
abundance in Nepalesc forcsts in the Tcrai and a littlc
upwards. Thc British wcre interested to procure them for
masts and spars: uptill now thcy wcrc getting supplies of
the trees from Pegu and Eartern islands but they wcre
'expensive and prccarious', But if Nepal could supply thc
materials, they could bc obtaincd at a cheapcr cost. Furthcr
the samples of frr and pinc trces of Nepal as cramin€d at
Calcutta 'indicatc the probability of an ample supply of
pitch and tar which so far had been imported from Europe'.
6t Modera NcPnl
Captaia Knox wag to cndcavour .to cnablc thc coEpsny
and British mcrchantr to commatrd the producc of thc
hills and forcsts of Ncpal'. The British wcrc prcp&rcd.to
ccdc a portioE of the tcrritories or its cquivalent in moncy
if Ncpalcse would egrcc to givc thcm possosrion of forcjt
landr producing thc rcquircd trces. Furthcr accomEoda_
ting attitudc rnight bc displayed by agrccing to band ovcr
Cossipur and Rudrapur to Ncpal in lieu ofthe forcst land
as abovc mentioncd. Thc two villagcs werc claimed by
Ncpsl but wcrc in possession of thc Vazir. In case th;
qucstion of 'cessation of land was not likcd Captain Knox
was to obtsia the right to cuttiDg ard transporting of
timbcrr for the company,.
Thcrc wcre also qucstions of trade, Thc immcdietc
iseuc was that ofsurrender of Sobhan Ali who had takcn
rcfugc in Nepal and rerurn ol two villagcs which thc
Ncpalcco had captur€d (Edmonstonc to Knox, 14 Nov. tg0l,
n. I6; 30 Junc, 1802, Foreign and Sec. Dcpartmcnt).
Thc British wcrc also interestcd in knowing about tb€
rclationship bctwccn China and Ncpal, q,hich Csptai! Knox
was to obtain unobstrusively,

Intrigrn, of Rana Bahadur

Evcr since he lcfr Nepal Rana Bahadur Shah was
trying by all means to bc reinstiiuled in powcr. Wc havc
rccn how hc cajoled the British to help him in this pcrsuit.
Failing to gct thcir support and at thc samc time bcing
trsppcd into thcir custody hc rcsortcd to a gamc of intri.
gucs playing onc group against thc other (iu Kathmandu)
aod att€mpting to take advantagc ofthc disscntion in thc
Camp of his crstwhile opponcnts. In this gamc his main
targct was Damodar Paodc whose rcmoval hc was sccking
as thc first step towards his own rcstoration.
Bam Shah had rold Knox on the Sth of March, lE02
that Rana Bahadur lately sent to the euccn Rcgcnt .a
^had
ring and a lcttcr, atpplauding hcr for having Oisllaccd
 The Second B tish Mission to Nepal 6g
Damodar atrd advising her to causehis death and that of
Misrcr, and charging hcr not to admit of Knox,s mirsion
into Ncpal. But the Rani had not paid hecd to his advicc
(30 June, For. and Scc. Dcpt., n. 47).
As Knox lcft for thc frontier Rana Bahadur kocw
of
thc failurc of his attempto to get thc support of thc British
Govcrnmcnt for hie asccndancy in Nepai. Thc trraty
wr!
a final act of dicappoitrtmetrt to him. In thcsc circumsiaoccr
it w&s trctural that Rana Bahadur had rcturncd to intrigucs
as e gamc of powcr politics to rc-cstablish himsclf
as thc
ruling authority in Ncpal.
Damodar Pande's downfall camc in the aftcrrnath of
thc murdcr of Kirtiman Basnet, about which wc atc writing
in the next fcw passages.

llurdcr o! Mulkazl Kirtiman

. . .According to thc rcport of thc Dbami of Noakot. to

w-hich wc rhall alludc latcr again, Kirtiman cvofca
cavf
of thc ofrccrc bocause as Chicf Mioistcr he had ccatralii
powctt cven overriding thc Chautaras. He
arbitrarity
appointed and dismisscd ofrccrs of statG cxcluding
ro onJ.
Evcrybody- camc inro his tight grip right fro.
tto-.c notaiig
thc- port ofa Chautara down-to that ofa
clcanscr of roya'i
stsblc. In thc situation all combincd ro bring thc downiall
of Kirtioan. Thc Chautarac, Sri Krisna Sbah ard
Vidur
Shah, Kazis Prabal Rana and Deodetra fnrp", S"raiit
P(atioan Rana, yadunath Khatri and some -l2O
Onraos
wcrc involvcd io a conspiracy to kill KirtiEaD.
A rumour
was sct afloat that KirtiDan was the paraoour
Rcgcnt, This was a false cbarge. Kirtiman was killcd
of thc
by
two mcn Kancban Khawas and Shyamadatta Shah on
Atyha, 1858 Z,S:carly Oct. tg0l A.D, Whilc h€ $aE rcturu-
Ii
rpg hopc froE thc palace he was overpowercd
oD tbc crossittgl
of a lduc tear Hathisar (aow thc 6pace occupicd ty
Nepa'i
Bauk). The body was kept usiraced for to.o aayi
tiaica
ia a roon ia a housc aeatby. Aa it bcgan to tirow foul
7O Modern NcPal
rmell in a statc of dccomPosition, then the fact was known.
The Rcgent callcd a mecting of the councillors wbich s€t
as a court io thc large room of Nhulche in tbe Royal palace'
A writing on this €Pisode is prcscrved in a noting
on the bahikhata (account book)l8 now kept in thc recotds
room of lhc Kausl Tosakhana omce' Thc loting says that
thosc passiDg by tt.e Hathisar (the place where elephants
wcrc kcpt) smelt thc bad odour ofthc decomposed body'
which was discovercd after some days. The Maharani
ordcred the cremation of thc body' whicb was burnt with
du€ rites.
Haoilton says that Kirtiman who was a ncphew
(sister's son) of Damcdar and rosc to eminence because of
his qualities as well as his relation with the Regent com-
manded a great iofluence over ber, but he used this against
his own maternal unclc and rcmoved the Pandes from
positions of responsibility substituting his own thereafter'
According to thc Dhami's account Chautara Bam
Shah and Sher Babadur suddcnly wetrt to tbe Rani and
agsembled the army, which surrounded the palacc' Damodar
Pande was susP€cted ofthis murder, and two of his sons
werc imprisoned, though hc himsclf could not bc touched'
Hc was lct otr temporarily on oath taken with his touch of
sacred thrcad. Thc situation was tensc in the capital, aod
it seemcd for a whilc that th€ fatc of Damodar's family
was scaled for cvcr. Howevcr, bcforc Knox reacbed
Kathmandu thc Pandes and Cbautaras were rcconciled and
ard Damodar's sons relcased. But the Basnets were plough'
ing a loncly furrow in sullen mood with their positon as
unccrtain as €vcr. Damodar Pandc was also no more in
power and living obscurelY:
According to Hamilton the R€gcDt ncver Iiked
Damodar, and thc circumstaoce was made a pretence for
atteEpting his ruin, and for the elcvation of Brahma (Bao)

13. By gosrt€sy of Blb!tam Acharya'

 The Second D Nepal
tish Mi,ssion to ?f
Shahi to the principal authority in thc Covcrnmcnt
(p, 215). In similar circumstanccs Kaji pratioaD
Ra!a,
Sardar Garmu, Sardar Iodra Simba and ccvcral othcrs warc
killcd on Asvina 2j of vS t8S8 (sccond wcek of Octobor),
I do not think that the Rcgent waDted so. Butit
surcly gavc risc to a rituation when Dsmodar could bc
ousted and hc was ousted. But thc worst befcll to maBy
othcrs, Devadatta Tbapa was dcprivcd of hir eye6, Sardars
Pratiman Rana, Indra Simha Khawas and trcasurcr Garbhu
Khawas wcrc sont to thc guillotinc and 100.120 Omraos
wcrc imprisoned, However, some othcrs cscapcd. yidur
Shah was helped by his brother to go in hidiog. Kriena
Shah was allowed to go down stairs on thc plea of frcsh
cxamination oDd thcn smuggled iDto a matador he cscapcd
to._tho plains. Ranajit pande also escapcd to the plainr.
All this had happencd before thc clder qucen's arrival.
It so happcncd that actually thc tusslc for powcr was
not bctwccn the Shah and the pandcs as Hsmilton mrkcs
out.
Hamilton's st&temeDt that Sri Krisna Shah was thc
murdcrer of Kirtiman sccms appar€ntly wrong. Thie
gcntlcoan lefr Nepal on 5th Octobcr, 1799 finding thc
aftcrmath of 1877 Phalcwra cvent utrcoDgcnial for bimself
and was living in Hariharkshetra in Sonepur (Bihar) eincc
thcn. But it is also possible that he might havc comc back
on a short visit as the Dhami also implicatcc him in lhc
conspiracy. Hc is implicated clearly as the cut-throat in
one ofthc lettcrs sent by Rana Bahadur to Bakhtabsr on
VS.l85E Asadh vadi S roj l, {July, lg0l but the datc partipular
is irrcgular), thus confirming thc statcmcnt of llamilton
and thc Dhami of Noakot.
Who killcd Kirtiman ?
The murdercr of Kirtiman Basn€t remains untraccd !s
yct slthough therc werc suspects of high fanks. It was
.rigltly suspccted thirt the plot was cnginccrcd in high
12 Modcrn Ncpal
quartcrs, But who could it bc ? Damodar Paadc and his sons
wcrc absolvcd ofthc crinc, Although som! havc namcd Sri
Krisna Shah as thc conrpirator, thcrc is no actual cvidcncc
of hfu having bccn an accomplicc in thc gamc. Of courtc,
Rana Bahadur's allcgation is lhcre, But hc might havc
implioatcd his cousin out of spitc bccausc th: lattcr had
cxprcsscd his dislikc of Rana Babadur's bchaviour duriog
post-rcnunciation pcriod. Thc Dbami of Noalot givc6 two
osmcs, not of important mcD, howcvct, as lhc murdcrcrs of
tho Bssnct Kazi. It could bc surmiscd that Rana Bahadur
himscll was thc chicf conspirator in this Eurdcr for thc
obvious reason that thc Kazi had not sidcd with bim in tbc
tusslc for powcr going on bcforc hc lcft for Banaras. But
thcrc is no documcntary cvidcncc of his involvcmcnt io thc
murdcr and until ihcn hc could trot bc rtraiSht implicatcd
in it,

Dluukal Singh diet in Almora

About thc lamr timc Kirtimaa war murdcrcd in
Kathmandu, Kazi Dhaukalsimha Basnct died of an attack
on his body by some dissatisficd clcmcnts of a company of
thc Gorkha army guarding Lalmandi fort in Kumaon, who
wcrc clamouring for bettcr pay or adcqustc ratiors 8nd also
thrcatenitrg to carrying away armies and flags if thcir
rcqueit was not acccptcd. The causc of thcir dissatisfaction
was that whilc ihere wcrc troublcs in Kathoandu, lhe Paionl
was donc in Noakot and a ncw company utrdcr tbc samc
namc (Vadamani company) wa! crcatcd which oblaincd thc
land so long rcccivcd by tbosc in Kumaon. Thc Kazi had
comc to Almota h lyestha 1E57 a,ft r taking lcavc of tbc
palace in chairru. As soon as hc was thcre, lhc qucstion of
providing ration to thc soldicrs guardilg Lalmandi camc
for solutiou. Thc Subcdar, Jamsdal ind 7 turbans (juniot
ofrccrs vearing turbens) prcsscd hilr to metc allangcEclto
for the rcccipt of salary or paddy ia licu of. The Kazi
sociog thc ju6tico of tho csec rye! givilg thcE lllo*alcc
 The Second D tlth Uitston to N.pal 73

whilc at th€ samc timc hc approachcd thc authoritics on

the qucstion. Hc had plcaded that ,ailiDg tbe gift of paddy
crops thcy cbould rcccivc Paymcnt in casb. Thc soldicrs
had bccn assurcd thst thcy would continuc to rcccivs
moncy, and warncd that on no account thcy should takc
away thcir cnsigns and tutrs. Thc mattcr wis not solved
for a long timc and thc soldicrs werc disgustcd 8nd sngry
and thcy waDtcd to go to Kathmandu to rcprcscnt thcir cssc.
As thcy d.partcd thcy carricd guns and flags. Dhaukelsimha
wrs surpriscd thlt 8utrs and the flags wcrc liftcd without
propcr aulhority, and hc camc down from his qusrtcrs to
hold thc soldiers. Thc compaly had advanccd as far ar
Dharampani. But hc travellcd by doli (mattocl) to tb.
placc and askcd thc marching soldicrs to halt. As thcy
did not carc 1o listcD, hc got dowo from his doli and
suddcnly got hold of thc flag. Thcrc was a scramblc snd
somc pcoplc wcrc hurt, and among th.m thc Kazi. Who hit
him, nous could asccrtain. But hc w8s scriously bit on thc
forchcad by bayonets. Hc sccmcd also to have bccn beatcn
all over his body. Hc was trcatcd 8t thc Darbar but on thc
moraing of 4th day or 5th day his condition grcw scrious and
pcoplc took thc dying man to th! baDk at Viscswarghat of
thc rivcr Salmati. Thcrc hc died.
Was his dcath duc to any conspiracy hatcbcd uP in
Kathmandu, which also had laid hands on Kirtiman ? But
this tics yct a qucstion mark and tcmains as it is, bccausc
thc assa$sins had not bccn idcDtificd.
Dhaukal Singh was tbc youngest son of Sivaraoa
Basoct, and unclc of Kazi Bal,htabor.
Kirtiman fclI a prey to thc machination of thc intri-
guers. But his rcmoval fronr thc sccnc Bavc ri6e to lurthcr
intriguc.
Rana Bahadur fourd hir oun pcrsuit thriviog. Hc
bcgrtr to iood Kathosodu with clsndcstiEe lcttcrs iDcitiDg
tbe BasFets agaiEst his principal eneEies and their
sBPp6rtcrs.
 74 llodqn Nepa|
Thc intriguc was in full swing ae Knor startcd for
Kathnandu and wat on his way.
Rana Bahadur's main attcntion was to humour the
mcmbcrs of thc B&snet family and his own brother Sher
Bahadur Shah, who wcre in power &t the timc. In a collcc-
tion maintaincd by a dcsccndant of tho Basnet family we
gat a numbcr of corrcrpondcnce passing bctwc€tr Rsna
Bahadur aod thc Basncts and from thesc it will appcar that
his solc purposr was to win onc of thc most powerful
clcmcnts of the Bharadars to his sidc so that thc ranks of
his opponcnts gct hctplcss.
Thc corrcspondcncc shows that barrilg a few occasicls
hc had bccomc acrive from mid lE02 upto thc timc hc
succccdcd in returning to Nepal.
Rana Bahadur Shah wrote lcttcrs not only to Shcr
Bahadur rnd Bssnet minister. He also tricd to win allcgiance
of other officers in similar vein. In a lctter to Sardar
Jaswanta Bhandari written from Banaras on VS lgsg
Phalguna krlsna 15 roj 4 (-r cdnesday,23 March, 1802) hc
promised thc continuancc of thc post to him and his
desccndants as long 8s thcy were lolal to the throne of his
dynasty and did not run away from the battleficld and
conducted himsclf correctly. Rana Bahadur said because
of the misdoing of his opponcnts he camc lo live far away
from Nepa! Hc apprcciated the Bhandari,s action in defend-
ing thc throne whcn therc was an atteDpt to climinrlc it,
aDd protqcting thc pcrson of his son.ra
Patasuram Thapa and Gajaraj Misra were at tbis stagc
askcd to help Swami Maharaja in his activities agajDsr lhc
Pandc cum Shah opponents It appears from thc coonected
lincs in thc lcttcr of appointment of Mathabar SiDgh tbat
the Misra Guruji refuscd to play atry part whatsocvcr. Tbis
was probably thc reason which had madc Raas Bahadut
bittcr against Gajaraj Misia. Parasuram Thapa, bowcver,

14. Itihasa Pral.asa, I, 0.90.

 The Second Btirlsh Misslon to NePaI ?5

s€cms to havc obligcd him. He is thc rcciPicnt of a lcttcr

from Rana Bahadur. Parasuram is callcd Budha i.e. cldcrly.
Thc letter was sent from Banatas from a housc on thc bank
of thc Gangcs. Thc lcttcr is dated VS 1857 Sruwna sadi 9
ro.l I
(:Wedncsday, 30 July, 1800 A.D.).
This lctt€r was scnt to Patasuram Tbapa, immedia'
tely as he had rcachcd Banaras. The Thapa rcachcd BaDaras
latcr, and continucd to tivc with thc cx-King as onc of his
rotcnuc.
Thc lettcr asks Parasuram Tbapa not to givc c&rs to
the coutrscl of collatcrals but.to act independcntly. Hc was
also to make constant efforts for Rana Bahadut's rcturn
homc.
Parasuram Thapa was asked to look aftcr thc throne and
loyally servc the king. He was givcn a place in rank as
the 7th family of Bheradarr to maka equal in status with the
Pande, Basnet and othcrs of thc sir familics. Rana Bahadur
in thc capscity of the Kiog's fether.
addresscs this letter
Parasuram Thapa had found himsclf in wildcrncss
since the captur€ of the Ncpal Vallcy by Prithvinarayana
Shah. In a letter ofSaturday, 4 April' l77l thc Raja of
Palpa had assured him safc asylum in his tcrritory.r6 But
we do not kaow if hc took rcfuge thcrc. Probably hc did
not. Two other lettcrs show that he wss in Banaras sith
the ex-Kiog. It is possiblc that hc was in the scrvicc of thc
king ofGorkha sincc Rana Bahadur assumcd pos'cls. Therc
arc two letters rcfcrrcd to written by Harakumara Datta
son of Tanhou from Ram Nagar in British territoty to
Parasuram Thapa.
Harakumara Datta writcs that Parasuram Thapa was
once his man. This suggcsts that the Thapa had lived in
Tanhou and rfter it was snncxcd to Gorkha went ovcr lo
the other side. Onc of the Raja" letters dated Bhodrs w.li

15. lrihasa Plakasa,I, p.98ltotter, YS Chairro sukla I roi 7 ftoa

Butwal).
16 Mo&n Ncpal
2 roJ 4 (:tfi2611csday, 7.August, 1800) assurcs Rana of his
assistsncc and says'wc had scrvcd thccountry in thc past
and wc shall continuc to doso. If thc SwaE i think that
wc arc his fricnds siocc yestcrdsy wc aho plcdgc support
for future. Wc wcrc ready to scrvc iD tha past. Now atso
wc shall find him so. Sri Krisna Pandit is goiog to Banaras
with a scparatc mcssagc.'r 6
Parasuram Thapa was onc of thc old guards amoog
thc nobility of ncw Ncpal. If Rana Babadur had wishcd
to win him ovcr to his sidc, hc wao only following the
policy of his grandfatbcr,
In a lctter to Shcr Bahadur Sbah datcd VS tSSg
Magha Sukla 13 roj 2:Mooday, 15 February, 1801.!t Rana
Bahadur attributcs his cxilc in Banaras to thc machiratioDs
of his opponents, wbich had causcd rplit bctwccn himr€lf
and the Chautsra. In an attcmpt to appcare Shcr Bahadur
hc cxprcsses appreciation of the lattcr's conduct in kccping
safc thc throtrc and thc pcrson of thc occupant. This was
a task which Rana himself could noa do. Rana srid thst
although Sher Bahadur was born of stcp mothcr bc was
morc than a utcrous brothcr. Rana wstns that thc opponcDts
i.e. thc P8trdcs might try to dcstroy thc indcpcndencc of
thc kiog with thc hclp of Krisna Shah end tbe Misra.
Rcfcrring to Damodar Pandc thc ex-King suggcsted that
thc formcr would not forgct thc incidcnt whcn his sons and
brothcrs wcrc chaincd in a cagc, hc might bc sccking rc-
vcngc. So, Sher Bahadur had to be carcful about thc situation
and sfcty of his ron. With a vicw to crcatc his brothcr,e
enmity against thc Pandcs, Raoa Bahadur wrotc that thc
lattcr werc scnding information agaiost Shcr Bahadur
accusing him of misconduct and miEdccds. But Rana hin-
sclf did not givc crcdcncc to such informatioDs. Whet

16. Ihc dato cJrrest crds to ScpteEbc.6, lBC0, butthcdry of

thc rseeL L vr6!9.
17, 16 Fcbrusry, 1802, but tLc dsy ofthc $ctk is $ro!g.
 TIE Sccond Bdrlsh Mhtlon ro Ncpal 77

convioccd him was thlt Sher Bahadur was innoccnt aad hc

was thcrcforc as dcar ae his own lifc to him (Rana Bahadur).
In anothcr lcttcr writtcn on 18J8 Phalguna Sukla 3 roJ 1
:Sundey, 7 Mrrch, 1802 Rana rcpcats th€ samc statc-
mcnt.r 3

At thc cnd wc gct thc following passagc'You ask for

advicc through Brahmans visitiog Banaras. My advicc to
you is, you arc the King's uncle or brother whatcvcr it bc.
You arc the only man tberc to look aftcr th€ thronc aDd
protcct thc intercst oftbc country. You arc my brothcr.
Thcrcforc I am writing to you out of dccp lovc. But thcsc
days you do not writc to mc probably out of fear. You
must remember that I am yours',
Thc first lcttcr to Bakhtabar Basnet bc&rs thc date
VS 1858 Magha stdi 13 roj 2:Monday, 15 February, 1802.
Hc is addrcsscd as tbc Chief Kazi, It appcars tbat lctters
wcre sent both to Shcr Bahadur sDd Bakhtabar on thc slmc
day and more or lcss with thc samc contcnts but tbc ollc
addrcssrd to the latter had grcatcr dctails. RaDa tells thc
Mulkszi that hc had proved truc to the words pledgcd
in thc coppcr platc as hc hrd successfully protcctcd lhc
King and indcpcndcncc of t-hc country. DUG to thc intrigucs
of thc Pandcs, thc Basnets wcrc scparatcd from thc cx-King.
As a rcsult of this Kirtimen was killcd. Rrna Babrdur
said that hc had rcaliscd hir mistakcs snd hopcd that
Bakhtabar Dust havc donc so. Thc lattcr is adviscd to scc
thet thc cx-King rcturncd homc in any cssc. Thc lcttcr
givcs warning to Bakhtabar that notc of thorc crilcd wcrc
to bc rccallcd. Misra might try to mislcad him and 'in my
namc and fcigning support of thc cldcr quccn givc falsc
assurancc or thrcats'. But thc stcp would bc full of risks.
Bakhtabar had bccn advised to providc Rana Bahadur a
full list of namcs, who wcrc not thc prItisanr of thq Pandcr

18. The datc corrcspords to Sundry, 15 Fcbruary, 1802

7a Modcn Ncpal
lnd sonr. Rana Bahadur would srnd not-
Jcths Chautara'r
ablo rcyards to thcm. Misra, howcvcr, was not a friend ol
Rana Bahadur. Hc was not commirsioDcd for ary work'
Evcn if hc tricd to P€rsuadc him on thc plca of cncmy's
strongth, no one should bclicvc him. Bakhtabar had
succcarfully mct thc challcngc of thc crisis carlicr. Rara
Bahadur hopcd th&t hc would agaio tuccccd and survive
snd frustrstc thc foul gaEc of the Pandcs io protcctiDg
tha throtrc. Bakhtabar sag agsurcd of bis post for gcncra-
tiom 8s long 8s his dynssty rulcd' He would gct frcebolds
of lands 3 times the sizc posscsscd by thc Pandcs. Bathtab'r
ir so much flottercd in the letrers that RaDa calls him his
youngcr son. Hc bcwails thc lot of Kirtiman who was
killcd bccausc thc Party suspccted him to be a partisan of
rho Royal family and in order to destroy the independence
of thc couDtry and person of thc KiDg got bim killed.
Kirtiman was accuscd of a decd which could not bc cv€n
thought ofin drcam, Rana asks Balhtabar to aYengc tbe
dcath of hir brother by either killiog Prabal Rana, tbc
chicf hand bchind thc murdcr or 8t lcast to havc bis eyes
and ctts cut off. Ncvcr thc PaDde was to bc allowcd to
kccp his hcad high. If thc Pandc bccamc thc principal
Kezi he will trot spare thc Basncts. He should not be trusted
with thc kccping of thc Rcd seal and thc powels of 'poiani'-
Bakhtabar might bc isolatcd if the PandG gcts an uppcrband.
Hc mitht evcn bc killcd. Gajaraj Misra is anothcr suspicious
charactcr. Hc shavcd hislong beard hcaring thc nens of
Kirtiman's dcatb, In Patna he ctrjoycd daDcitrg and featt-
ing. Sri Krisna Shah and others wcre also thcrc. Most of
all Bakhtabar was not to hand ovcr tbc command of the
forces to Psodes whethcr for war or peace witb tbe British.
It timc to know fricnds and enemies. All men of
wss a
Bakhtabar's sidc wcre not to bc kept uncmploycd. Thc
Pandcs had bccn conspiting to mske a three prongtd drive'
Io Katarban Sri Krisna Shah had becn itrstigated to join
Misra and march to Kathmandu. The Raja ofTanhou was
 The Sccond D tfuh Mlalon to Ncpal 79

to cross Soncavara faagcs, Thc Palpali Raja, w8s to do his

duty from his sidc.
Rana Bahadur adviscd Bakhtabar to contiDuc to kcep
in confinemcnt all thosc accuscd of conspiracy in Kirtiman
murdcr caec till Dssahara. After that a dccision.wsr to bc
made ac t6 how Eany ofthcm wcrc to be killcd. Thorc lo
bc relcascd wcrc to be forced to sign a bond. Thc Raja of
Palpa was also not to bc allowcd to leavc the courtry, lf
he was givcn over to Misra's side, tbe Pandcs would gain
morc strcngth, Rara Bahadur admittcd tbe truth of a
statcmcnt that thc Basnets werc simplc ard loyal lo thc
throne and country whilc the Patrdcs werc cunning ard
trcacherous. At thc end of thc lcttcr Rana assurcs Balht&bar
on oath that he was sincerc about what he wrote in thc
lctter. He had full faith in him that hc would return homc
duc to Bakhtabar's efforts, For furthcr aclions he was
directed to go through thc lctt€r of thc sccond qucen. His
fate was linkcd with that of Rana Bahadur, So thcre wss
all thc rcason to act in earncst at that hour.
Tbc sccond letter to Bskhtabar dcsp8tched ot YS 1858
Phalguna Krtsna 11 roj 4:Wednesday, 3 March, 1802 rcpcats
the srmc stetcment, But thc namc ofthc second quccn is
also added amoDg those whg had bcen thrcatcncd hy tbc
Paodcs, and who needed Bakhtabar'e protection.
Thc third lcttcr f,las despatchcd on VS 1859 Asadho
yadi 5 toj t:Sunday,20 Junc, 1602. Rana Bahadur warng
Bakhtabar also against th€ sons of Dslamlrdaoa Shah.
Thc real culprits in tho Kirtiman murdcr casc who had
instigatcd Sri Krisoa Shah wcre sone others. Rana complains
that Brkhtabar hsd not writtcn to him about thcm. He
said ifat any timc Bakhtabar came to lcly on them yield-
ing to flsttering or frowo, hc would be only prcparing a
ground for his own downfall. Kritiman had sacrificcd his
lifc for his King and c'ountry. So had donc hir forcfathers.
Bakhtabar had to be congratulatcd for his acting up to thc
tradition in times of crisis. Rana was plcascd to rcad his
 t0 Modon Ncpol
lcttcr which statcd that hc would always loyally follow thc
ex-King's dircctives in rcsisting any attcmpt lo harm the
intcrcst of thc liog and tbc country. He again warned that
the country's intcrcst wrs at stakc, tha csusc will suffcr
and thc Pandce will not bc dislodgcd, In atry casc thcse
pcrsonr havc to bc scpersted from thc Pandcs. Bakhtabar
wal to bc particular about Amar Singh. Hc should bc
promotcd in rank and rcwardcd amply rith gift offree-
holding. 'If you do so, thc thronc of couDtry's indcpcndcncc
will bc safc. Othcrwisc it will bc a difficult affairs'. Yct
anothcr lcttcr Rana Bahadur wrotc "if tbcy succecdcd,
thc throoc would go to Balabhadra Shah or Krisna Shah.
Thcy will kill Bakhtabar's family, Joswant Bhandari, Amar
Singh Thapa (Bhimscn's father) Pranasahi, Himakarna
Thapa, Bhairava Sirgh, Jagat and Subuddhi. But rhis must
not happen. Thc Mahili Rani or Bakbtabar sbould on
no account yicld to threats ofBritish intcrvcnlion in bchalf
of thc othcr party."
Bakhtabar was further adviscd to be fricnd of Bam
Shah and Amar Sinha Thapa. If thcsc pcoplc continucd
to align with thc Pandcs, 'his continuancc in powcr was
ccrtain, and Bam Shah must bc split from thc Pandc at
aay cost'10, aDd the occaslion dcmendcd alcrtncss and
traditional loyaltics on thc psrt of Bakhtabar, and hopcd
as thc lattcr had assurcd thrt thc Mulkazi would not do
aoything which his forcfathcrs had not donc, mcaning hc
would rlways bc truc to th€ thronc and thc country. Uptill
thcn Brkhtabar had donc cvcrything, for which thc cx.
King was cxtrcmcly thankful, Rana Bahadur rcmiodcd
him of his rcaponsibility as Mukhtiar and assurcd that hc
would givc rccognition to his actions donc in fulfilmcnt
of it. Nothing was to bc donc which went bcyond thc
commitmcnts of thc coppcr platc.
In condlusion Bakhtabar has becn asked to scnd a

19. Itihalr Prakasa, I, pp. l8-19,

 The Secontl Dfitlsh Mhslon to NePdl 8l
man ro Banaras within ,lO deys with a mcrcago for bic
return, Mcanwhile thc Kazi waq to prcparc the ground for
his relcasc and return, If hc failed to do so, Rana Bahadur
would think that it was timc for him to die.
Rana Bshadur promiscd to withdraw thc woman who
was in Adhmara ss soon ar hc hcard from Bahhtabar in
thc manncr as aforcsaid. Tho woEan rcfclrcd to al thc
ono liviog in Adhmata was thc cldcr qurcD'
According to the lcttcr lhc rcqucst to 8ct hcr rcmovcd
was forwardcd in Bakhtabsr's lettcr to Ranganath and
orally through PadmaPani.
Thc kirg madc a fcrvcnt appcal to gct relcasc throuSh
thc two lcttcrs writtcn to Bskhtabar Singh by Bhimsen
Thapa.
Thc lcttcts writtcn to thc mcmbcrs of thc Bssnct
family from Banaras givc a glimple of thc intriguy situa-
tion prcvailing in Kathmandu and of how the cx-King was
rcacting to it with all tricky manoeuvrcs to tske advantsge
of the disscnsion at thc court to stagc a comc back for bis
own asccndancy, Onc of thc lcttcrs20 writtcn by Bhimscn
Thapa on YS 1859 Yatsakha sutli I1 roi 5et to Bakhtabar
addrossiog as young€st unclc says that thc cx-King was
almost crying to rcturn to tha capital, ald was threatcling
cvcn to kill himself if ho was not rcscucd from that posi
tion. It may bc notcd hcrc that Rana Bahadur was bcing
kcpt undcr survcillancc by thc British as a dctcnu, and as
hc came to know sbout it hc rcscntcd this tlcatmcDt so
much that he abstained from taking food for days togrthcr
with a view to cnd his lifc. Hc complaincd that hc was
going to dic far from homc as a rcsult of insult hcapcd on
him by thc cnemy.
Bhimsen Thapa says in this lcttcr that this wai thc
fir6t time hc wae writing to him. But he had doae so just

20. Itihasa Prskasa, I. P. 18.

21. Thursday, t3 MaY, 1802 A.D'
12 othm Ncpal
to iaform hl6 df thc cx-Klog'. ncntal coodition grown out
of r scnse of frustration.
Bhimson Thapa wrotc tbat along with thc cx_Kiog 40
of thcm ioro trcatcd virtualty ac prironors. Thcy diJnot
Lnow thcir porition until thcy bad askcd for pcrDisrion to
go on pilgrimagc, which was rcfuscd.
Bhimecn cmphasiscd that if no favourablc rcspoDrc
from Bakbtabar was rcccivcd in timc thc Swamiji would
commit suicidc. So all that was poreiblc bad to bc done.
Bakhtebar was told that Rana Bahadur had grcat hopco
on him and regarded him as his son. Hc always thought
that thc Kazi would do all in his powcr to makc him rcturn
to Kathmandu and his cnemics wcre also to bc compcllcd
to l€avc thc country.
It is clcar that all this was written to hcightcn thc scrsr
of urgency for his rcturn home. Rana Bahadur madc all tinds
of plcas in thc lcttcrs. Hc appcalcd to Bakhtabar,s scnsc
of patriotism, his loytlty to thc thronc and his family's
sacrificcs io thc cause of freedom. Bakhtabar was flattcrcd
ar a loyal soldicr. In order to make conmoa causc with
him Rana Bahadur suggestcd tbat thc Kazi faccd a rirk of
murdcr if he associated with tbc pandcs.
It is quitc possible that Bakhtabar. whilc in
corrcspondcnce with Rana Brhadur all thc whilc was
sccrctly harbouring a dcsire against the laner's rctutn, aDd
ncycr gavc scrious thoughts to his suggestions of inflicting
grievous punishment on the suspects of tbe Kirtimon murdci
calc and to th€ PaDdes and Shahs. Inlvardly he was perbaps
convioccd that the cbarges levied agairst thc pandes were
not substantial. Thcrcfore, he had not workcd to wrcck
his relations with bis matcrnal uncle Damodar pande and
thc two of thcm with Bam Shah were again drawn closcr
in the background of Subuddhi Khadka's asccndaDcy at
thc court.
This also cxplains his rcticence at tincs, which Rana
Bahadur complains !o gricvousl y.
 Thc Second Btlttth Mttston to Ncpal tt
Not contcnt with inciting Bakhtabar againet th"-
Pandes, thc cx-King wrotc to Chitra Dcvi'
thc Bothcr of
the Mulkazi, who was also a sister of Damodar
Pandc' Thc
lottcr was written on I 859 Asadha vadl 5 rol I ( = Suaday' 19
oha cxprcrsed
June. 1802) in apprcciation of thc scntimGnts
in hcr own corrcspondencc pteding loyalty thc cx'King
to
and assuring him of her rcvengeful inteotion
egainst all
would
thocc who had kitlcd her son' Shc had said that sho
likc to dic after seeing Rana Bahadur. Thc cx'King calls
opponents
hcr two living sons 'lions' and hopes that tho
who were jackals would be eliminatcd by thcm'
Thc lions
haddoncwonderstotideoverthecrisisinthepast.But
thc othcr party might try to makc a
jackal of thcm' Chitra
joining thc
Devi's duty war to make them desist from
She was Pandcs. a grcat lady whosc milk suckcd
by
Bakhtabar and his brothcr had madc them lions' But Rana
Bahadur wanted to return home through cfforts of
the two
lions and rule the country with thc hclp of Kirtiman's
Naral'
brother and sons. Chitra Devi would have sccn hcr in
chok. Howcvcr, in thc prcscnt circumstanccs this did not
But
sccm fcasible. Hc would havc called hcr to Banaras'
she would only find hcr ashcs' Hc does notknowifshe
could sce him therc in the ncxt life'
Ranganath Pandit who had sp€nt his chitdhood in
Banaras living in cxilo now joincd Rana Bahadur'
Hc also
bchalf of thc Swamiji to
tricd to influcncc Bakhtabar on
mcct his own selfish ends ln the name of thc tics bctwcen
the two familics he appcaled to him to pay ofr the dcbt
incurred bY the Swami.
Ranganath wrotc his first lettcr on Asadha vadi 5 roi I
(:Sunday, 19 June, lt02)82. On this vcry day Rana Bahadur
had also addressed a letter to thc mothcr of the Chief
Minister.
The letter was belated. But then hc was kceping him-

22. Itihasa Prakasa, I' P.20.

U Modcn Ncpal
rclf ia touch with thc affairs in KathDandu tbrough
Padmapani Pandit, thc cldcr brothcr. He pleadcd tbat so
long ho wao lcceping quict bccausc .thcn therc was ako
Dothin! to writc'. R€ports werc reaching Banarar that
thcro wcrc pcoplc b€nt on damaging thc iDtcrcst ofthc
country. Now it is clear who thcsc peoplc wcrc. RongaDalh
wroto'Thc Swamiji and you Dust bc of onc mind. ttc
oncmics qannot und€rrat€ your strcnSlh. If there was a
mirtakc in tbc past, this also can bc corrcctcd. But motc
than that the Swamiji has contractcd debr to tbc tune of Rs.
30,00/- in addition to wbat wc owe to Dwarikadass. Thc
moncy rhould be scnt immediatcly so thal thc cx-King is
ravcd from insults. Thc moncy_lcnders rrc pressing -for
rcfund. This is also our countrr's honour. iouknowif
Swamiji gcte mon€y, what will happeo, Tbc Mabarani
epcnds gcncrously. So if moncy is routcd to a right channel,
our work will be well pcrformed. Tbc Maharani is to lcavi
Banaras soon thcrcforc the account catr bc kcpt according
ar you wish. If wc can take her thcrc shc will managc thi
affairs of stgtc in thc interest of thc couutry, Wc arc in
a
criris and looking to you for timcly assistancc. Blcsring to
Chitra Dcvi and Sri Jahar Singh Kazi'.
This lcttcr seems to have bccn sart without thc
knowlcdgc of the cx-Raja. Its solc purposc was to cnable
Ranganath to take posscssion of Rs. 30,000/ if it so camc.
But hcrc Ranganath appears as a partisan of the clder queen.
The lcttcr was writtcn at a timc whilc she was living in
Banaras. As it will appcar from Knox:s report Rangan-ath
had accompanicd thc queen to Katarben. Bur hc had lcft
Banaras carlicr with Knox.

Ranganath's lctter shows that not all those who

werc with Rana Bahadur werc serious about his plight.
It appcars that Bhimsen Thapa was one of thosc
who had thrown himsclf wholchcartedly with the ex-
Kiog,
 The Second Brltkh Mtssion to Nepal g5

One lettcr of Bhadru sudi 12 roJ 52, rcvcals

thst about
the timc it was dcspatched Rana Bahadur had hcard I
rumour that Bakhtabar was going to bc removed from his
post and all his powcrs of pajani would be withdrawn. Rana
Bahadur 'cxhorts him to stick to his po6t. But in any
circumstancc Bakhtabar would cnjoy thc cr-King,8 coD.
fidcncc, bccauee hc had scrvcd loyally thc throne,.
From another lcttcr it sccms that thc ex.KiDg grcatly
diftrustcd Guru Gajaraj Misra, because the latt€r had not
pul his signaturc on the tamrapatra.tr For failing to sign
thc tamrapatru all sorts of insinuations wcrc madc againSt
tho Guru. Hc was cvcn accuscd of collaborating with thc
Pandcs to ovcrthrow tbc rcgime. But hc thought ho should
be woo ovcr and prevailcd upon to put hi. signaturc.
Ifhcdocrso ho will bc .roncrstcd from cll sins of patt
oEi$ions sad trcatcd as a fricnd.t 6

Knox prepares to leave for Kathmandu

Thc cquipmcnt Knox was allowcd to carry wa6 thc
same as given to Coloncl Kirkpatrick. Thc collcctor of
Bihar'wae to make necessary disbursemcnts,. Captain Knor
in his letter of I I th Novcmbcr, I80l asked for .a palanquin
ummaroe clcphant'and he cstimatcd Rs.6000 for thc wholc
€quipmcnt. Hc domanded also 20 Halkgras and 12 Baurdars
and Khasburdars as attcEdants (n.25, 30 Junc 1802, Forcign
and Sec. Cons,). As no information arived regarding thc
dcspatch of equipage hc himself madc his arrangcment
spcnding Rs. 6000, Tcnts wcrc supplicd to Knox's party
from Banaras. By Dcccmbcr 20, Cajaraj Misra had also
r€turned to Patna. Mr. Blakc also had joined him and from
him Knox learnt that he was going to bc r€ceivcd by
important officcrs of all groups at the fronticr. Knox was

23, LctErs o. 20, Iribass Pts}aba, I, p. 2l

24, Jbtd.
25. IUi..
E6 Modern Nepat
askcd to rcach Kothmandu bcforc thc bcginning of thc
fcetival of Yatanta wbich war celcbratcd by the palacc
with grcat cclat. Thc c8cort was to arrivc on thc 24th and
Dr. Buchanan by thc cnd of Deccmber. ( Knox to
EdEonstonc, Dcc,, 20, l80l ; n, 3Q June, 1802, Forcign
end Secrct Dcpt.).
Knox stsrtcd for Ncpal on th€ l2th of January with
his parry from Patoa and crossing thc Ganges he baltcd &t
Ghoria for somctime. Writiog from hcre on 16 January,
1802 Coloncl Dunkcry as rcqucstcd had paid thc arrcars of
pay as wcll as mado up thc defscts in ammunition. He had
to make his own arraDgemcnt of an elephant witb o, howda
and caparison. Thc Jhalladar palanquin b€ing costly to
thc cxtcnt of Rs. 1500, hc had his palanquin finisbcd by a
Europian makcr at Bankipur with a showy design but
costing less. He also purchascd carpets, iatrunj and d,oot
bliods for thc tcnt. All thcsc be necded cithcr to appcar in
a fitting manncr whilc joining fcstivities or welcomiDg
dignitarics as gucsts. Elephants wcrc ncccisary becaus€
cvcrybody of significancc uscd them, and thc British
Residcnt who was a pcrson of high raok could not be with-
out thom. By evcry mears the high position of tbe Britjsh
Residcnt had to bc maintained with pomp and splendour.
Thc prioccs and nobilitics werc highly impresred by ruch
EGans, The cbargcs as listed by Knox werc later acccptcd
by tbc Govcrilor-Gencral (writtcn from Karpur,20 January,
1802; n.36, 30 June, For. and Scc. Dept.).
From a lcttcr of Knox writtcn from Patna on January
3 it appcars that thc Govcrnor-(icncral wanted Knox to go
to Ksthoandu via Butwal. But Knox 6ays that tbis was
not popiblc in vie rv of all preparations made to welcoBc
him by thc Nepal Government at Kucburos, a village 12
miles from Hittecowal. Although Knox prooiscd to explore
possibilities, the ide& scems to have bcen dropped.f6 There

26. o. 33, For. aod Sc€. D!91., i0 Juse, 1802,

 The Second Brttish Misston to Nepal 8T

were approaches from the Raja of Butwal, who was thcn in

Kathmandu. His agents often visited Knox with proposals
to strikc a separate dcal with the British entering into
subsidiary alliance. In another letter from Ghorasan
Knox strcsses 'thc high value of Butwal which offered an
alternative supply of numbers a trade mart and link to
Tibett. Besidcs, if the Raja was won ovor, hc would bc of
hclp in providing a stepping ground to havc an access to
the Valley of Nepal. Hc might even provide soldicrs to
fight ifneed arose. Knox craved the indulgence ofGoverDor-
General for the Raja so that he stood by the British if thc
Ncpalcse administration thought it to abrogate the treaty,
which was very likely in the event of Rana Bahadur's flight
or dcath.
This is how Gajaraj Misra spellcd the coursc of eventc,
and Knox wrote that he was fully convinced of Misra's linc
of action.
Captain Knox had reached Ghorasan, a village 3 miler
south from the Indo-Ncpal border, about thc firqt of
February. Gajaraj Misra had receivcd a letter that Damodar
Pande had reached Hetauda,'4 days' journey from Ghorasan
to accord befitting reception to Knox'. He was followcd
by Bam Shah and Kazi Tribhuban and more people. Others
were on thc way. Knox was told that thcre was a rumour
in Kathmandu that Knox wac going at thc head of a force
to try to reinstate Rana Bahadur, which, however, was
scotched by Gajaraj Misra's letter. But no officer of import-
ance would like to leave his post for fear lest he might be
ousted in his absence. Staying bchind was also full of rist
as those who first met Knox might'sccure support of thc
British Government'.27 The Raja of Butwal was also
permitted to see Knox at Hetauda sometime Iater
In the following letter he wrote (dated Ie.ruary l7)
Knox writes that Damodar Pande and others had reached

27. a.43, 30 Juoc, 1802, Foroigu aad grerot Dopartncpt.

E8 Modern Ncpal

Garhparsa. Thir placc lay only a fly milcs trorth wcst ol

Ghorssao. Mcanwhilc Indravir Basnct and Virabbadra
wcro also coming to join them. Gajaraj Misra was aske d
by thc Ncpal dcputation to march with Knoi immediately,
But sccing thot thcrc wss a changc of vcnuc as original ly
Kuchhuroa was fixcd for thc mceting the la cr werc askcd
to movc to Kuchhuroa, which tbey did. They arrived at
Kuchhuroa on tbc 9th whcrc Bam Shah and othcr pcrsonali-
tics joined. By the ltth of February evcrybody of impor-
tSncc had arrivcd thcrc.28
Captain Knox had to wait about threc wecks in
Ghorasan, Gajaraj Misra mad€ tbrce trips to Kucbhuroa
to clesr ccrtain mattcrs, Hc brought lcttcrs of grcetings to
Knox from thc dcputics on the l2th. But Knox found that
thcrc was no mention of the trcaty io these lcttcrs but thcse
suggestcd that thc dcputics wcre sent by thc court'to rcccivc
Knor and to talk mattcrs whatever might bc dctermined
for the bcnefit of thc two partics'. Misra explained tbat
this attitudc reflectcd thc internal dissention in thc
admitristration and not a change ol attitudc. Thc Ncpale6e
dcputies had pcnncd with rcscrve their lctters 'bccause
thcrc was a spate of frcsh rumour that Rana Bahadur uas
accompanying them in disguise, and his principal Rani was,
through Knox's means, to bc placed at thc head of thc
ad m inistratiotr', But this explanation did not satisfy Knox,
Gajaraj Misra-had another mceting oD tbc l3th aDd return-
iog on the l4th told Knox that they wcrc to procccd to
Kuchhuroa soon to mcct thc dcputics and therc to wait
till frcsh instruction camo from Kathmandu about his
dcparturc to thc Capital', ? e

Obstaclgs
Knox in his reply to thc deputics cmphasiscd that th€
real problem.was that of exccuting the provisions ofthc
28. lbid,
29. rbid.
 Tlu Second Birith Mt9sion to Nepal 89

trcaty, which hc did not find Ecotioned in their letter, Thc

dcputics rcadily acccptcd wbat Knox had writtcn as the
purposc of his vieit with a promise that there wao no
intcntion to bypess the trcaty but there $ere other matters
to b€ discusscd in thcir mcoting. Gajaraj Misra dropped a
hint that the Nepalcse wanted to talk about the mode of
paymcnt, to this ex-Ruler's Rani and uncle, and their desir€
to rcmove tbem to thc Company's territory.
Thc astrologcr had givcn the l5th as the auspicious
datc for thcir mcctitrg but as that had passed off therc wes
a fresh timiag on thc l9rb, Knox was to be received on the
border.s o

Knox arrivcd on thc bordcr on the lTth February ald

hs was rcccivcd by thc Ncpalese dclegaticn. He gor a lavish
wslcome with a salutc of gun fire. Hie camp was sct up
just bclow thc bordcr ncar thc tillage of Kuchhuroa, where
hc was led ceremonially. Thc Raja of Butwal was thc first
pcrson to scc him. Thc Raja frankly .rejoiced to have
become dcpendent on the British'.3r Other deputies, how-
cver, were rescrved and thcir manncr showed tbat there &as
something wrong on thcir sidc. It wa6 sufrcicnt to indicate
lhat thcy werc cmbarassed and suflered .considerable
uneasiness of mind'. Gajaraj Misra attributed this attitudc
to itrternal differcnces in thcir ranks as to their policy in
mecting thc ncw situatiotr. Nrrt day the Guru invited all
ofthem togcther to thrash out the differences which wcrc
(l) thc disposal of the question of thc Maharani, (Z) fresh
look into thc distribution of public cfiiccs and military
comoands io Nipaul and (3) the modc ofexecuting the
Anglo-Nepalese trcaty,s 2
Ktrox rcportcdss that the Mabarani was lcading a
socluded life in a village on the border for thc Iast 7 months
10. rl.44, 30 Juoe, 1802, ]or, strd Sec. Dept.
31. lbid, D. 4-<,
32. lbid.
33. tbid
90 Modcrn Nelml
and with her was Balabhadra Sbah. Her entry into Ncpal
was forbiddcn by Kathmandu authoritics, But shc was
'cndeavouring to form hcr parly by sending mcssag€s,. But
Balabhadra Shah'e prceencc witb her was an obstaclc as bc
was not likcd by many peoplc in Kathmandu whichcver
iidc thcy belonged to. It was also rumoured thatifthe
Ratri was detcrmidcd to takc Balabhadra with hcr, she
would be granted permission to livc in Kathmandu with a
pension. Knox reports that Sri Krisna Sbah tie principal
accused in Kirtiman murder casc had also joincd tho
Maharani. Untill thcn hc was living in Patna, Tbis fact
again complicated the problem of allowing her lo go to
thc Capital. At the time Knox rcached the froDtier Damodar
was trot in office, though on Gajaraj's recomm€ndation
hc was included in thc dclcgation. To Knox's information
Damodar Pande was approached twice for onc officc or
anothcr but hc declined to accept. Damodar Pande was
aDooycd with the Regent queen, and for that reason hc felt
kccn sympathy with thc clder Maharani. He was in favour
of hcr going back home. This was also the lioe of policy
adopted by Tribhuvan Khawas. Probably they thougbt
to play a big role with hcr on their side. Bam Shab and
Gajaraj Misra backed by thc rest of tbc dcputics warned
that shc might be a centre ofintrigue, which would mcan
mccting'a danger to thc traDquility of thc tingdom and
adding fresh fucl to the firc nearly exlirguished', It was
thought that thc Regent Rani would oppose with force the
elder Maharani's entry into the capital, which might dividc
thccourt into two groups. Apart from civil commotion
thus €ngeodcred it might also give rise to tbe possibility of
thcretufnof Rana Bahadur. Perbaps the elder Maharani
'might still flatter hcrGelf with tbe hope of giving birth to a
legitimate heir to the Raj'. Therefore Gajaraj Misra and
Bam Shah recommended her to livc in a decent place in the
Coopany's terlilory. But there was ro decision on the
subject,
 Thc Eecond Britlsh Miuton to Nepal 9l
Kazi Tribhuvan war opposcd to 4 Engtishmcn going
to KathmaDdu. He wsntcd ooly Knox as Rcsidcnt to bc
thcrc. But agsinst hi8 contention ir was argued thst thc
British RcsidcEt mcaot an €stabliohmcnl, atrd ccrtairly Dot
onc mao. Obvioucly 4 mcn did not constitutc an cstablish-
m€nt'largcr th8n customary'. Tribhuvan again wanlcd to
cut Ehort thc numbcr of Gscort and hc expresscd a surpicion
thet thc Brilish might sttsck thc capital. Gajaraj Misra'
bowcvcr, disaisscd thc idca suggcsting that Nepal was
wcakcncd duc to intcrnal disscntioD and any external power
could cxploit thc situation to its advantagc' After somc
morc discussion, the doputics agrced that Ncpal should
adhcrc to every tcrm of tbc tr€aty. But whethcr lhis
promisc camc with rescrvatior, it is difficult to say.
Oo thc 2l8t of February Knox paid e rcturn csll to
thc otber side and was warmly'receivcd with prescnts of r
varicty of prcscrvcd fruits'. In thc cvcning the N€palesc
rcnt fowle, shecp, ghcc (clarified buttcr), a large quaDtity of
grainc, culinary articlcs, ctc. In Kuchhuroa accordiBg to
Knox's report Bam Shah and Damodar Pande thcugh
apparcntly fricndly socmcd to nurse secr€tly gricvances
against cach othcr and had patchcd up thcir diffcre-nces duc
to cfforts of Gajaraj Misra. Aftcr this the Ncpalcse dele.
gation visiting Knox on the 27th February announced to
Knox the final datc for his d€parture to Kathmatrdu, which
was Friday, the sth of March, But it appeared that he
would not bc ablc to kccp up this d&te, From Knox's
sccrot iDtclligencc it was r€ported that thrre was a diference
of opinion still cxistiog as to thc cxccution of tbe treaty.
Against Bam Shah and Damodar Paod. 6tood Tribhuvan
who, howcver, was not as vocifcrous as before, But others
argued that the onu8 of carryiog out the provisions of lbe
treaty rcst€d on thos€ who contrived to artange it.
The disputc was Eot resolved for sometiEe and Knox's
departurc was postpoued ; Gajaraj Misra reporting the fa(t
of iutoroel dissottio! to Koox told hiE that hc waBtcd to
92 Modern Nepal
abidc by Damodar's wishcs for thc rcleasc of his adhcrcnts
for which hc would requcst the Rcgcnt queeE. But Knox
was losing paticncr and h€ suspcctcd a foul play in spitc of
assurance and reassuranco by Bam Shah on scvcral occa:
sions. Thc secood datc fixed was the lhh, aDd this was
antrounccd togcthcr by Bam Shsh, Gajaraj Misra, Indravir
and Virabhadra. But not until thc l4th his luggages lvcre
dcspatchcd by carricrs to his dostination. Mcanwhile Knox
cxprcssed his irritation, thrcatcncd to withdraw to Ghorasan
and writ€ directly to Kathmandu. He.reprimanded Gajaraj
Misra, and askcd him to tell the rrurh of tbc delay causcd.
He warned that aoy wrotrg Btep at this bour would creatc
pormancot enmity bctwccn Nepal and thc British. Knox's
doubts wcrc raiscd on thc grouDd tbat Damodsr who u'as
mainly rcsponsiblc for the ttesty \ras no more in offcc.
Hir oppoucnts wcrc in the ascendaucy at the court. Thc
followers of Rana Bahadur wcrc out lo punish Damodar,
latcly the Regent had also developed dislike of him. But
Koox's thrcats did thcir work. At loDg last he could march
ahcad leaving Kuchhuroa in the aftcrnoon of the l5th. That
day bc rcached Bbagwanpursl, a distance oI 4 miles from
kuchhuroa,
Commensurate with his departurc the elder Rani was
told to procccd to Patna with promises of rcgulrr allowance.
The was what Bam Shah conveyed to Knox through Maulvi
Kadir.
Knox also was informed by Bam Shah on thc l4th
that 'as prcviously arraDged ( his son ) Luchmerc Shah,
Kur Bccr Pande both aged 17, Kuchur Julg Singb, 14,
a son of Indra Bccr, would bc despatched the same day
to Patna with a lctter from the Mahuraja to thc GovcrDor-
General'36. The Raja ofPalpa was also to 'procecd wilh
th€se youtrg men to pay respccts to the Govcrnor-General'0 6.

34. 15 Malch, 1802, n.47, 30 Juoe, 1802, For. and Scc. Depr.
15. tbid.
!5. rbid.
 Thc Second Drttkh Mlstlon to N.pal 93
Thc Nepalcse rcqucstcd Knor to.dircct Abdul Kadir for thc
purpose of instructing thom in all points rclativc to tbeir
bchavior'3? with Koox assenting thc Maulvi was to takc
charge of th8 N€palcse youths. Knox wrota that thc
Maulvi might alco bc uscful in talks with rhe Raja of
Butwal.
A lctter rcceivcd in Cslcu a on 16 April Ig02 (n.4g,
30 June, 1802, For, and Sec. Dept.) givcs particulars of the
composition of Ncpalese dclcgation receiving Krox as wcll
os that of thc youth delegatioD going to patna.
While at Kuchhuroa Knox made a catl on thc Raja of
Palpa, Prithvipal Singh, This was an cxclusivc intervicw
and th€ Raja prcsentcd him onc slcpbant and jcwel as a
mark ofrespect. Thc Raja algo told him tbat .he was in
detcntion for four ycarr itr Kathmandu much agaiDst his
will, and draincd of his casb by thc ncccssity of bribing
omcors of Governmcnt'88. In this intcrvicw hc whispcrcd
that hc was happy to be a dcpcndant of thc British. To
Kuox's information he was undcr obligation to return to
Kathmandu,
Wc shall havc to say oorc about thc yourg dcputics
a little l&ter.
But mcantimc Captain Knox instcad of procccding
towards Kathmandu had withdrawn to Ghorasan. It so
happened that Tribhuv&n and othcr dcputies bad left for
Kathmandu, and, thereforc Bam Sbah was to accompany
Knox. But on thc day Knox was to lcavc Bhagwanpur, thc
clder Maharani was'rcpoftcd to bave appcared before Bam
Shah and asked him to take her to Kathmandu. That he
could not leave at that stage'. Bam Shah sent word6 to
Knox and advised to procced without him or in thc
company of Gajaraj Misra. Bam Shah howcver, exprcssed
his inability to leavc rhe station for 2 or 3 days but

37. Ibid.
38. n. 48, 30 Junc, t8O2, For. atrd Scc. Dcpt,
94 Modcm NcPal

promieod to join Kncx thcrcaftcr immcdiatcly' Thcro wcrc

exchaogcs of information but Knox insistcd on Bam Shah
accompanying him, which again not complicd, hc moved
bsck to Kuchhuroa on thc l7th. Knox managcd to rcnd a
lcttor addrcsscd to thc Moharajs in Kathmaadu rccouDting
alt that happcncd in thc coursc of his journcy, end bccaurc
of the likelihood of furthcr dclay hc was compcllcd to
rctrcat to thc Britfuh camp at Ghoraaan' Whcn bG wrotc
this letter Koox thought that this would rcmovc any
suspicion rcgardiog his collusion with thc cldcr Raoi ald
would hclp to scotch thc rumour that hc was takiDg thc
latter to Kathmandu undcr his protcction' Knox reports
that cven whilc at Kuchhuroa Bam Shah pcrruaded bim to
continuc to slay whcrc he was, hoping tbat sftcr 8 day or
two hc might bc frec to accompany him (Knox).
Bam Shah was blockcd by thc cldcr Moharani wbo
had thrcatcncd to lilt hcrsclf with a daggcr (Lhukri) in hcr
possession if shc was lcft therc uncrrcd by him' Thc
Maharani was of mild tcmpersmcDt and shc was in distrcss
after hcr descrtion by thc cx-Ruler. Thctc had 'endcarcd
hcr to thc pcoplc' to whom, shc was thc rightful R€gcnt'
Ifsuch a pcrson waE to commit suicidc in Bam Shah'r
pres€ncc, hc would surely fall into troublca himsclf' So
hc was pcrsuading hcr to go back lo Batraras' Tularam'
one of Bam Shah's confidcntiel servants assurcd Kaox tbat
thc formcr wa,s so disturbcd in mind that he w8s going
without food for 48 hours. Hc wanted time to pstsuadc
thc Maharani to' go back whcn shc caEc'.re
On tbe mortring of thc ltth thcrc wat sonaultation
held by Knox with thc visiting hosts, Bam Shsh' Gajarai
Misra and Damodar Pandc from E to ll o'clock' Bam Shah
again plcadcd for time, and Damodar Placcd hiDsrlf at
his disposal. But it wa! gencrally plcadcd by thc Ncpal€sc
that Knox 8f,ould $ait otr thcir side of thc fronrier till

39. !. 50, 30 JuEc, 1802, For. &nd Scs' Drpt'

 Thc Second Bittth Mktlon to Nepal 95

Gajaraj Misra and Bam Shah camc back from Kathmandu

aftcr 8cttling urgcnt mattcrs with thc Rcgcnt.
From thcir talks Knox drcw a conclusion that Ncpal
was torn asund€r by intcrnal disscntioD aDd rt this timc
'logs of British support would ccrtainly involve tbe wholc
country in g€n.ral disturbance, thc result of phich would
in all probability bc the dismcmbcrment ofNcpaul inlo a
numbcr of petty statcs' a o.
I think that this conclusion was unwarrantcd, but
at any ratc this did not influence British policy.
Probably Knox was led to form his notion of thc
disintegration of the Ncpalcse kingdom by approachcs
made by the cx.Raja of Butwal who pl€dgcd support to
any movc which thc Btitish took to bring Nepal undcr its
paramountcy. The Raja further rcportcd that tbe Ncpalcsc
army was much exhaust€d, and was without cfficicnt leadcr-
ship. He himrelf would bc on thc British side if only to
svrngc thc oppression he expcricnccd at lhcir b8nds. Hc
had assured Knox that fivc Rajas uprootcd by thc Gorkhalis
werc living as rcfugees in hir domain, aDd 8ll wcrc
prepared to raisc a forcc and join the Britisb arny in
the operations agsinst Kathmandu, He cvcn suggcsted
that hc would go to Tulsiplr in thc district of Gorakhpur
and wait thcrc for instructions,
Knox does not seem to hav€ cncouraged th6 Raja of
Palpa to act in the manner he suggcstcd. But he did Dot
utt€r anything to make the Raja disappointcd.
Not gctting satisfactory enswer to his dcmaDd from
Gajaraj Misra and Bad Shab, Captain Knox had movcd to
Ghorasan waiting for Bam Sbah to call on him making
final arrangcments. On thc 20th of Fcbrary Gajaraj Misra
told him that the couri was surprised at thc inconvenicacc
caused to Knox, duc to dclay, and thcy wcrc also angry
that Tribhuvan and others had left him. Instructions had

40. Ibid
95 Modern Ncpl
bccn scnt to thcm to halt 8nd acoompsny Captaia Knox.
Thc Guru also informed him that thc eldcr Maharani had
not yiclded to Bam Sbah's cDtreaties' KDox rcportcd to
his boss that as far aa he could gath€r thc Maharani
had lcft Banaras out of her own accord duc to 'dcstitutc of
subsistcDce'. On thc 22nd Damodar told him (Knox) thet
as Bam Shah was unablc to accompatry him, he would
accompany bim to KathDandu, and would makc cvcry
ott€mpt to implemqxt to the full thc provisions of thc
treaty against any oppositioo' Damodar assurcd him that
all hc wrs doing was 'to sccuring protection to bis
country from thc British'. This commcot was flattcring
to thc British and it was no wondcr tbat Damodar Pandc
appearcd in British eyes as a man of charactcr Justifyirg
reliance on his assurancc'.
Whenever Damodar vcntil&ted his gricvanccs against
his opponents, he used to say that bis hands wcrc with'
hcld not for want of powcr but lhis was dcmandcd in th€
intercst of the country. Damodar Pandc cvcn otherwisc
wes gcnerally acccptcd ds a men of intcgrity' But Rana
Bshadur distrustcd him and nurecd a gricvancc ae thc man
causing his cxit to Banaras. But bc \ as Popular with thc
nobilities as a bravc and honcst man.
Damodar Pandc aspired to rcplscc Bakhtabar Singh
Basnct as Chicf Ministcr and according to Ktrox this
knowlcdge he obtained by a personal talk with thc Pandc.
Hc was willing to stcp into this high post through Bam
Shah and Gajaraj Misra in the favourablc situation after
thc arrival of Knox in Kathmandu. Damodar was to plcdgc
support to thc Regent as against thc clder quccn. Ia thc
evcnt of this scheme maturing, Bakhtabar was to bc
scnt to ilmora as the Chicf in command' But thc story
does uot aPPear to be corr€ct'
The dclay occurring to Knox's ctrtry into Ncpalesc
tcrritory was an indication thst Kathmandu was still
 The Second Bithh Mlstlol to Nepal 97

hcsitating and had not dccidcd about allowing the

captain to visit Nepal.
It is wrong to ssy that Bam Sheh had join€d with
two othcr mcmbcrs of the Basnct family and with Sher
Bahadur, illcgitimatc brother of Rana Bahadur, to oust
th€ Pandcs. Bam Shah was a highly rcspccted person
and had fcwcr vices of his family than usual, with Duch
good scnsc and modcration cven as Hamilton speaks
of him.
Hc could not bo a party to any thing ro abominablc
as trying to kill innoccnt mon, I think for thc actual
situation to know which partics wcre involvcd in disputc,
wc must have accoss to fullcr d€tailr of facts in that
connection. Knol wrotc to the Govcrnor-Gencral as he
reached Kathmandu on this subjcct. ThG full story might
bc providcd also by thc trcnd of party alignmcnt aftcr the
arrival of thc cld6r Rani who wos hclpcd to scizo powcr
not by the Pandc who was negotiating to persuadc hcr to
go back. But as it appcars Bam Shah and Damodar
Pandc could not afrord to quarrel as those qerc mcn ol
agc atrd maturity and knew thoir intcrcst well. Their
relatiou might havc bccn strained duc to circuEstances
connccted with evcnts after thc death of Kirtiman.
But they had ccrtainly oot quafrelled at the timc and
loter they had rcconciled as Hamilton furthcr wrote in his
account.
"The probable causc of this reconciliation was thc
clcvation of a lowman to the principal confldcnce of thc
Qucen Regent, while thc chargc of her conscience and
hcart was in posscssion of a young Sanyasi or religious
mendicant, onc ofthe finest formcd mcn tbat I havc ever
secn. On our arrival in April we found a young illegiti-
mate Raja, about six years of age, whose nominal
Chief Ministcr (Mukhya Chautara) was &n illcgitimate
brothcr, two ycars oldcr than himself, son of thc Regent.
Soon after our arrival wc loarned tbat thc clder eucc!,
98 Modern Nepal
tcrrified at the thought of remaining in thc unhealthy
forests during the rainy season, deprived of means to
support her in the Company's territories, and probably
cncouraged by Damodar Pande intended to comc up to
Nepal without leave".41 Hcr entry, however, had becn
banned.
'The lowman' in the account of Hamilton was'no
othcr than Sardar Subuddhi Khadka who bad bccomc
Hazuria (Secretary) to thc Queen Regent after Kirtiman's
death. He had grown most influential at thc court,
although the office of the Mulkazi was held by Bakhta-
bar Singh, Kirtiman's brother. Subuddhi Khadka's ascen-
dancy was envied by other courtiers, and thcy inspired
rumours of his promotion to Mulkaziship, which u'ent to
estrange the Basnet Kazi from the Quecn Regent.' This
rumour was much current in the capital and travelled all
thc way to Banaras to reach the keen ears of Rana
Bahadur at'd his entourage, whereupon he asked Bakhta-
bar not to falter and become lax as reported but remain
ever vigilant and active (lettcr, VS. 1859 Bhadra Sudi 12
rojJ-Thursday,9 Septembcr). The Khadka at last left his
country to take shelter in Tibet as soon as thc Ekier Qucen
reached the capital, but the charge of absconding with
public money levied by the chronicler against him has
boen denied by Hamilton who says that Subuddhi Khadka
was a man of character though little educated. But his
wife was tortured by the court for the alleged offence of
her husband.
The three young men who were to be in Patna
during the presense of Knox in Kathmandu were made over
to the charge of Captain Knox at Ghorasan on the cvening
of thc 24th of. March. Knox was entreated by Bam Shah
to treat them as his own children. Abdul Kadir accompa-
nied thcm to Patna following also a request by Bam Shrh;

41. Iqid,
 Tlu Secontl Dtltlsh Mktton to Nepal 99

In a l€ttcr to Edmonstonc (March 26, 1802) Captain Knox

informs that Abdul Kadir would remain in Patna for l0
or 15 days. If thc Govcrnor-Gcncral bad lcft Patna bcforc
thcir arrival, Abdul Kadir w&s to introducc thcm to Mr.
Douglas, Thc lcttcrr aad prclcnt! which thc Ncpalcsc
youag6c! carricd with tb€m wcrc slso to bc transmittcd
to Mr. Douglae,
Knox raid about thc Nopalccc dcputics 'although
thcy arG aot dispatchcd in thc ayowcd charactcr of thc
hostagc!, yct in rcality thcy arc, and tbey arc to rcnaia in
Patna until thc commcnccmcnt of the eosuilg cold scason,
full timo will be availabl€ to mc to arccrtein my footing
in Nipaul'. But thc Rcsidcnt rcquestcd thc lccrctary to
accord thc hostagca a trcatmcnt of guests. Bam Shah's son
was rccommcndcd a montbly allowaace of Rs. 500 and
the othcr two boys Rs, ,100 cach. Thc allowancc wag 'to
satirfy thcir famitics, that thcir comforts and convcniencc
were obiccts highly intcrcsting to the Govcrnor-Gcncral
and they wcre looked upon with evcry uark of attention
and kindncss'.
Lt. Bakcr of thc Escort was dircctcd to procecd back
to Patna as hc was likcly to give oftcncc to the natives of
thc country by his manncro.
Knox lcft Ghorasan on the 24th aad thc Pandc and
Misra wcrc to join him in thc coursc of thc ncxt day12.
But thcy sctually joined him on thc 26th at Alan, The
thr€c of thcm th€n procccdcd to Garhparsa. Hcnccforth
his journ€y was uDinterrupted. He rcached Hctauda on
thc 3lst. North of Garhparsa, thcrc was no road for
wheelcd carts. So luggagcs had to be carried on thc bscks
of bullocks. Ho was origioally schcduled to rcach Hctauda
on thc l4th but as hc had not appeared on that datc thc
carricrs had disappearcd. About thc 2nd April (the date

{2. n.51,30 Junc, t802,' ' , Scc. Dept.

t00 trlotlun Ncpl
of writing his lettcr)l8 hc wae waiting for Bam Shah to
rcach Hetauda, and thc lsttcr actually reached thc placc.
Hc had pcrsuaded thc Maharani to shift to Katarban whcre
sho was aow rcsiding, For Knox's dcparture thc rcquilitc
numbcr of 100 portcrs could not bG collcctcd. So rhe
party travcllcd light leaving 8t Hetsuda Captain Clawfold,
Lt. Edwards and Dr. Hamilton uDtil duc &rrangcmcnts
of portcrs wcrc madc available. Knox halted at Chisapani
onthcaightof 4th May. Thcncc bc movcd to Kulekhani
or Tambakhani. Thosc lcft in Hctauda wcre abte to pro-
cccd only on thc 8th, Thcy joined Knox at Chitlang on
thc l0th. Knox reports that they €rpcricnccd hcavy rains,
storm atrd winds almost everyday in Chitland.
Ar carlicr, thc court and thc Rcgcnt Maharani wcrc
rurpicious of Knox's intcntions as he approachcd thc
capital. Gajaraj Misra hastcncd to Kathmandu lcavitrg
Knox at Tamakhani. Hc could trot get audicncc of thc
qucca for somctime.

43. n.53, 30 Junc, 1802, May t2, Ksahmaldu.

 Chapter III
THE BRITISH MISSION IN
KATHMANDU
Gajaraj Misra took stc
nc ,,as rircry
phedi. "i"*
",
i,,'-li :: rffi'*I:i::HHi*:
-;;;.;:;"il:,J"9v
Suspecting some thinc
hc tent a
Ko"* ,; messagc ror
r,:;.TTr"",."..
r r rn
could.,epo,tei
;; ;;.' ;ff
:i
" Knox
climb rhc hiu of Chandagiri.
i::, i:;
in.thc evcDing of tbe l3th accompanied ,""";J;i;;k;;
Tribhrvan. Damodar dcsired by Bam Shah atd

lld .l
ro ui t.rt UtioJ"t
*T seid that erc long hc would U" i" in,;;fi";;
as othcrwise the ""pi"i
court would falt in disorders. Knox,s
party was escorted to Swayambhunarh
,i" iiii Ur-i".
Shah atrd Rudravir Shah. bajaraj Misra",also ;;-i.:;
him. in- his camp. In thc
afternoon f8,i Kr", *r,
:.":jr.d in palace. Knox was cscorred"f,n.
froE Swayambbu
to the palacc by thc Cbiefch
"rE),sh;B;;;,,",i"'il*'0",1i'"'j:,H:t;:::.::t*T:
occagion wcre thc escortinc 7
t.otn". sn", s"i;"ffiffi:Jfi:'_ii:;:ilffi
Minirtcr. The king, & littlc baby, lff Hi.;
r".
.,"";ri;'t;;;;;
a confidential setvant. Knox r
,n", .i g u., o i i i.^ ;;;.,;"T.:.,1;:
and flankcd on the othcr
;:ff # ::1 J.T:"1:
sons of thc R"r;,;. -;;;;;
side i
were scatcd on chaire wcre
;:riJ"1,ff",1;':,li:i*:
Guru Calara.l .Uiera, ;;;':;;;
ald Sher Bahadur. In curtonary fashion Knox pres€ntcd
thc Gov€rDor-Gclcral's lcttcrs and presents
King and Maharani. Knox epokc both to rhe
ot f.rg rruri.tjrg iJ.oi]
o-hip bttwecn his couDrry ara
Nepal, i"a *rJiirii"ro
Wcllcalcy csrncstly dcsircd thir
amiabf" fri.roiiip i"'gr"*
lO2 Moilun NePol
to strcngth Gajaraj Misra reciprocatcd thc scDtimcnt otr
;
bchalfofthc Govcrnmcnt in appropristc rsnncr' Knox
also cxchangcd courtesics with the Maharani tbrough Bam
Shah. The n€xt day thc Maharais scnt a bag ofgrains
and 428 Ncpali gold moharc. Knox repottcd that hc dis'
tributcd thc glains to his native followcrs, and'cash was
crcditcd in my account for the month' and on thc 2lst
of May thc Maharaja with thc Chautaras and officcrs paid
a rcturn visit to Knox.
Uptill now Captain Knox was not providcd a perma'
neEt rc;idcncc. Hc was told that one house wae bcing
€rcctcd io a gardcn bclonging to thc King' Dr' Buchaaan
was hard at wotk collcctitrg Plants'
Fot somctimc Knox bidcd time in thc hopc that
thiogs would movc automatically towards fulfilmcnt.of
thc ;bligations undertakcn by both countrics according
to thc provisions of thc trcatY'
Ii" *ur, however, bcing kGPt virtually inastatcof
confincment. No one but Bam Shah and Gajaraj
Misra
could ece him.
Thc only PoiDt hc raiscd at thc initi&l rtsg€ ofhis
rcsidencics was with fcgsrd to thc scltlencnt
of pensionr
thcy wcro tre8o'
to Rana Bahadur. He had bcen told that
iiatiog witn the bankcrs'for remittance' and for this
assiga-

mcnt-of land was bcing arrangcd without dolay' Knox

lcarnt that-thc Govcrnmcnt would insist on thc liquid'tion
of loans given to the ex-Kiog by thc British'
Knix informs in hir lcttcr of Junc 14 that thc Ncpal
Govcrhment had sent ordcrs to thc Suba of Morang
to apprchcnd Sobhan Ali and hand him ovcr to thc
wt"girir"t" in Daoapur. The person who forcibly occu-
pici Koro"u and Sukhraul was askcd to go to Ksth'
.nndu, to establish hcr proprictorsbip' If hc- war
.if" io clcarly cstablish his claio against Rajah
"oi
Mustafa Khan the villages would bc transferr€d
to the
possession of thc lattcr. By this dste a Pcrmatreot arraigs'
 The British Mission in Kathmandu I03
ment had becn made in respect payment
to Rana Bahadur Shah. It was of saii tnat
of allowance
(agent) of Dwarika Das, the Gumcstha
a banker of Banar"s, had engaged
to 'discharge the kists at stipulatea
pcri,oas and thc Maha_
raja's seal had been affixed ,o r"gutur-instrumcnts,
over to him the collection of making
Bcjapur for his ,ri.iul*]
mcnt'.
Captain Knox had not receivcd
a singlc letter from
Fort William for nearly 4 months.
Thc Secretary to the
Government, Mr. N. B. Edmonston"
lettcr in- acknowledgement of
*ror" to him a long
all letters since February I
expressing the Governor-Gcncral,s
Eatters raised in the communicatioa.r
opinion on various
It appears that the Governor-Gcneral had
appreciated Knox's conduct not only
in the entire pro"ceaiogs oi
the year right from the negotiation
oi tnc treaty up to his
arrival in Kathmandu but haa
atso acccpteA most of his
recommendations. He, howeier,
discouraged the .projects
of violcnce and revenge against Nep"t according
Raja of Palpa wished it., Knox as thc
*"'* ,tro strictly warned
not to 'adopt any hostile measures
with a view to enforce
the observance of the stipulated
tcd with the commercial intcrests of in mattcrs connec-
trca-ty

China'. But he wac advised to teef the ,n" Co.p"ry i,

Raja in good
humour.
In a letter of 27th'June, Knox informs
that the Regent
Maharani recalled Gajaraj Misra
anA intimated that she
was sending another person
as Nepal,s Vakil in Calcutta.s
In carly July Knox shifted to a hatf
,o* i:_-gl: of the spacious gardens of ti" furnished uunga.
Maharaja.
While the treaty was being delayed
in thc Darbar for
ratification Knox was suddcnly
sub;cctea to close watch
and surveillance by thc Ncpalesc,"poy,
who wcre ," *"r[

l. n. 56, For. and $ec. Dcpt., 30 June, 1g02, letter; 30 June, l€02.
2. Ibid.
iol itodun Nepai

as orderlics in his new accommodatioD. No one was allow'

ed to come near his quartcr and the two Ncpalcse wbo
werc working for Hamilton in the collcction of plants
werc so frightened that thcy had no couragc to meet him'
Knox took it as a rtrange behaviour and rcfcrred tbe
mattcr to thc Nepalesc minist€rs. But in spite of their
assurancc to remove the surYcillance it continued' Maulvi
Abdul Ali nephew of Abdul Quadir was sent to th€ Palacc
to rcgistcr another complaint but 1o Do €[ect. At last
Knox thrcatcned to lcavc thc gsrdcn at 12 o'clock on lhc
29th if this kind of trcatmcnt continued. At thc appointcd
hour Knox camo out with all his bclongings and cncampcd
at thc site wherc his c8corts wcre itaying. In takiDg tbis
stap Knor took cars that the Regcnt kncw everything
about thc iocident by writing a lettcr to the Maharaja' As
soon as the lcttcr was dclivercd Hastidal Chautaron Gaja-
raj Misra and Laksminarayana camc to solicit hin to 8o
back to thc garden' To satisfy Knox it was ordcred tbat
the iosoleDt orderlics werc rcplaccd by rew oncs' Thc
two assistants of BuchanBn Hamilton werc rcemploycd,
and the Jemadar, thc head of thc ordcrlics was to obey
him implicitly. Now with his dcmands satisficd Knox
rcturned in no time to his Rceidency'8
Knor reportcd that Gajaraj Misra had stoppcd going
to thc Royal palacc in vicw of the disgust hc fclt ovcr thc
protracted discuslion in rccpect of thc stipulatioDs ofthe
ircaty. But on assurancc hG stsrtcd attcnding thc court'
The Ncpalbsc Governmcnt st this time er'prcsscd a dcsire
to rcturn the moncy grantcd to Rana Bahadur by a British'
An ordcr was passed to pay Rs.20,000 as thc first instalmctrt
but in efrcct thcy would pay oaly Rs' 2'700 as thc trcasury
was emt)ty'
Two Subas wcrc appointcd to collcct Rala Bahadur's
pension from BijcPur.
3. tr.86. !O Deccfibcr, 1802. For' Scd' Dcat, l€tlar ScptaEbcr
30, 1802.
 The British Missio in Kathmandu 105

Knox informs in
his letter of 16th Novembcr, 1802
thst Hamilton was able to conduct his researchcs with
greater effoct, and by this time hc 'has complcted 40
descriptions of plants and sent to the Botanical Garden,
Calcutta 360 parccls of sceds and roots'.

Treaty Ratified
Knox reports that according to Gajaraj Misra the
Governing Rani and h€r supportcrs werc incliDed to vi€w
the British cotrnection as support to their continuing in
powcr.
His lettcr ol tTth Novembcra spoke ofthe Rani being
determined to ratify the treaty and a declaration to this
effect was draftcd, with sigDaturcs of mcn of conscquence :
thc ncwly posted Kazi Amar Singh Thapa, father of
Bhimsen, and 4 othcrs; everybody readily put his sigla-
ture. The ratification took place on the .28tb of October,
with a show, guns boorred, and fireworks displayed. The
draft of the treaty was excbanged between Misra and Knox
in thc prescnce of all the Bharadars assembled. The latter
werc given prescnts.
Kuox reported 6 to his hcadquartcr in Calcutta that
two days after the ratification of the treaty Amar Singh
Thapa was dismisscd and Subuddhi Khadka rvas promoted
to his post; Subuddhi Khadka was onc of the conf.idants
of the Maharani and he was also involved aloog with
others in establi6hing trcaty rclatioD with thc British.
Io thc atmospherc prevailing the Regent and her
supportcrs had staked all to get the Anglo-Nepalese treaty
ratifi€d. The signing though attended with much pomp
and splcndour had lcft her agitated. She was afraid of
insinuations by the opposite factions. Hence her anxiety
about thc future of hcrself and her children. To allay

4. 8.88, 30 Deccmber, 1802, For. sEd Sec.-Dept,

5. Ibid.
106 Modern Nepal
her fears she thought that the British should give her what-
ever support was necessary. The Rani proposed to Knox
that hc should adopt her eldest son as his own brother,
for which a ceremotry was to be undergone. By this she
thought to cnhancc her strength creating an impression
that she enjoyed thc support of the Resident in the struggle
for powers.
Knox consented .to be a brother of the g year old
Ranodyot Shah for the reason that this was an innocent thing
but which in fact meant ,the influence of thc British would
be materially strengthened'. Knox wrote to the Governor.
Gcneral 'to gain the confidencc of the Rani was in every
point of view so extrcmcly desirable and promised such
facilities in thc transaction of business with this court'.6
A ceremony of adoption was arranged on an auspicious
occasion attended by Gajaraj Misra, Bam Shab, and Subud-
dhi Khadka, and it was given out that this further cemen-
ted the friendship between Ncpal and British India.
Bakhtabar was deprived of the office of the kecping
of the seals and Superiatendcnt of houschold expenses.
It was said that this had to be done because of his opposi-
tion to the treaty with the British. But he was still a Kazi.

Elder Rani on her way to Kathmandu

At the moment when the Regent Rani thought that
she had strengthened her position, she learnt to her extreme
cmbarassment tbat the eldcr Maharani, Rajarajesvari
Devi, was on her way to Kathmandu from Katarban. The
lady was living in extrcmc distress subjectcd to petrury
and other kinds of hardship.
Thc Nepalese administration had neglected to assign
a Jagir on her, and as a result she went without any pecu-
niary assistancc. The Regent was determined to oust
6. o, 88, 30 December, 1802, For. and Soc, Dept., Ietter of Knox,
17 Nov,, 1802.
 The Bitish Mllsion in Rathmatdu 107

hcr ioto the Company's territory before anythirg for ber

support was arrangcd. So a contiogent of lhe army was
sent to turn her back to Katarban. Tbis contingcnt found
her at a point l0 milcs South-west ofHetauda. Thc officcrs
and mcn carried out th€ wishcs to thc exteDt ofarrestiog
hcr male attcndants who werc immediately dcspatched to
the capital in hcavy chains. The Maharani hersclf was
treatcd huEanely and was escorted to Katarban with hcr
femalG attcndaDts. At this stagc Knox was aslcd lo int€r-
vcne and pcrsuadc h€r to go back to Banaras or patna with
a promise of an adcquate pensiou for maintcnancc. Knox
rcports that thc sdministration and more particularly
Subuddhi Khadka wcre not prrparcd to pay Eore than
Rs. 400 per month. But on his insistence th€y agrccd
'to make an annual grsnt of Rs. 18,000, a house in patna
and Jagirs for her attendants', Ktrox seDt his Munshi
Mchdi to mcct the Maharani and found her without.tent
or sheltcr'but detcrmined to procecd to KathEandu. The
soldiers and officcrs also had gone over to hcr side and
wcre tryiDg to court fFvour, OD her insistence Mchdi
sent hcr a palanquin, and 8s they mct she told frankly that
shc was thc mastct of thc domain and th6 ofrccrs and men
of thc Kingdom were hcr servaDts and as such Do one
could prevent her from going to the capital. Mehdi told
hcr about tbe proposal of hcr pension but she flatly refuscd
to takc noticc of it. Shc complained that those in chargc
of admioistration in Kathmandu wanted hcr banisbment.
They had ncver carcd for her welt bcing, instead they
lookcd on whil€ she ryas exposed to inclemeDt weather of
Katarban and to many other kinds of suffering shc undcr-
went for months tog€ther. She was low in no mood to
listeo to thoir entreaties, Thc barassmcnt shc was exposed
to would not makc her change her iDtertion aad she u ould
rcsch Kathmandu at any cost.
Ksthma[du was much cmbarassed by its trooperr
going ovcr to tho
MahsraDi. A frcrh batch folloned, but it
108 Moden Nepal
behavcd in the samc way. This caused morealarmand
confusion in thc palace, Thc Rcgent RaDi called to ber
presence all men of importaDcc and they wcre not suffered
to quit on any pretencc. The Maharani at last reached
Thankot to thcir consternation. As sh€ was stayiDg there
'loaded cannon were drawn bcfore the gates, and guards
posted at cvery avenuc, ammunition scrvcd in a hurry,
noise and disordcrs prcvailed in every quartcr, thcre was
in short agitation and dismay'. Knox report.d that '.if
conciliatory attitudc bad been adopted, things would not
have come to such a pass'. But at every turn of eveDts
the Regcnt and her associatcs thought to dcal with tbe
situatioo with a show of strength.
Finding that harsh measures did not succecd in prc-
vcnting the clder Rani from advancing and thc troops
opposed her, the Regcnt Rani reconciled hcrsclf with
Damodar Pande with thc purposc of a settl€ment with
the clder Rani. Thc tcrms of settlcment wcrc the same
as those sent to hcr earlicr that 'she should immediately
leave thc Nepal vallcy and establish residcnce somcwhere
in thc Terai or whcrcver she likcd, for which all arrangc.
ments would be made at thc co6t of the administration
and a deccnt atrnuity would be fixed for d&y to day main-
tenance'.

Elder Ranl Triumphant

But while Damodar Pande was to ncgotiate with the
elder Raui, tbc Rcgent got panicky and ffcd to tbe sanc-
tuary of Pasupatinath with thc baby king. Thcreupon
the former shifted her residencc to Kindol close to tbe
hill of Simbhu within a mile west of the city and from
thero proclaimed her intention to assume the Regency,
which was accepted by all mcmbcrs of the nobility. The
Maharani staycd there for about l0 days. Thc baby King
was brought back to the palace from 'the charge ofthe
Regont to bc placcd in tho care of thc new Regent'.
 The Brlttch Mtsslon ln Kathmandu 109

Rajarajesvari was of mild tempcrament atrd any

rcvenge against her opponents was far from her mind.
Othcrs who werc suppos€d to sympathise with her also
adviscd lcniency. Thus the coup d'etat was cffected with-
out any bloodshed. Rajarajcsvari dcclared herself as Rcgcnt
aftcr hcr rival had signed a deed ofresignation. Thcn
she camc to the city and aftcr staying for 24 hours at the
house of Gajaraj Misra 'moved to the palace where shc
was wclcomed with all due cGramonies and loudest accla-
mations of joy'.

Hamllton't account
Hamilton (p,2561 writcs about thc quecn,s crtry:
"Pcople wcre thcrefore 6ent who brougbt up all the male
attcndants of thc princcss in irons; and it was hoped, I
believe, that she would perish in the woods. Necessity,
however, addcd boldness to her measures, and she advanced
with ten or twelve fcmale attcndaDts to Chisapani, a fortress
commanding tho cnttance into Nepal. It was evidcnt,
however, that thc commiscration of the people was daily
gaining strcngth, atrd thc timidity of tbe regcnt gavc daily
an increasc of powcr to thc princess. An additioDal com-
pany of scapoys was rent_to Chisapani, as ifsoldiers wcrc
thc proper persons to stop thc progress of few hrlpless
women. The ofrcer commanding had rcccivcd positivc
orders to rcfuse the princ€ss admittance ; but bc contented
himself by executing mercly the lettcr of his orders. He
took in all his garrison, shut thc gatcs, and allowed the
lady and hcr attendaDts to walk quietly round tbc walls.
Much anxiety was trow evident at the capital, and aDother
company of seapoys was dispatched to Cbitlang, with
positivc ordcrs to prevetrt the princess from advancing
further; and if thc arrearg ofdower had accompatied thc
officer, I do not believe tbat she would hare madc any
attempt; but the sordid dispositions of the regent and
her favouritc did ngt sufer them to part with money.
 I l0 Modcn Ncpal
Thc officcr commanding thc compatry mct tbc poor princcss
and her attendants on the road, andbeinga man oftruc
honour, with a good deal of difficulty muElcr.d courogc
to disclosc his orders; When hc had doao so, thc bighborn
lady, unmovcd by fcar pullcd out a daggcr and saying
'will you prelumc to opposo thc lawful wifc of a Gorkhali
Raja, whilc going to hcr own ertatc ?' shc rtruck hio on
thc srm; on whicb, Elthough woundcd, bc immediatcly
retired, quite ashaoed of thc service on which he had becn
cmployed and his men requircd no orders to follow his
example. The princcss tbat morning entcrcd thc valley
of Ncpal, and halted about five milcs from thc capital.
No sooncr was this knowr then she wa6 joined by Damodar
Pande, and all ranks flockcd to pay their re8pects."
But all this was uncxpectcd, Ercept those who witbin
themsclves had decided to acccpt Rajarajesvari Dcvi for
regency, nobody forethought of the evcntuality that cotr-
frontcd the court. This, bowcver, gave rise to an cntirely
new situation. Bakhtabar alone could not sustain th€
Regent in power. Hc had to follow suit of thc most powcr.
ful factions, tho Pand€s and Sbahs, trho bad goDc over to
the eldcr queen. Tbc old arraDgco.nt collapscd aulomati-
cally due to the impact of the new cvent.
In the words of Hamilton ; "Thc Rcgent was des€rted
and r€tircd with thc Raja and her son to thc sanctuary of a
templc... .....Next day the princcss entercd the Capital and
after a short ncgotiation took upon hersclf thc Rcgency."l
No onc was touched, no life taken and no propcrty confis-
catcd. With Damodar Pandc again back to thc confdcncc
of the Regent it looked as though DothiDg had happcncd
except the substitution of the Reg€nt.
f{owever, the greatcst surprise awaited the Britisb. At
a timc whcn. they hoped to stabilisc their poiition, the turn
of events much abruptly tended to upset their calculatioa.

7, op.cit., p.255'
 Thc Brltlsh Mls on ln Kathmandu 111

It so turncd out that as thc €lder Maharani marchcd to

Kathmandu in triumph to the discomfiture of her rival,
the British found thcir newly acquired position sbaky. Thc
Maharani was vcry much outspokeD a8 regsrds her scnti-
ments. She thought that Knox as he camc in thc timc of
hcr rival must act as the lattcr's ally.
Hamilton thought that tbc Maharani entortaincd a
fceling of cnmity towards thc Britisb, becausc tbey had not
takcn care ofher whilc she nas stranded in Bririsb tcrritory
being forsaken by hcr husband, This might be truc or not.
She ccrtainly harbourcd a grudgc against the British for
tbcir act of neglect, But Knox bad been personally kind to
her. Howcvcr, shc understood that thc British intcrest was
bcst scrvcd by kccping hcr out of Ncpal bordcr so that shc
was not involved ln intrigues against the British. In tbis
context it was but natural that shc rcgarded the British as
inimical. Their interest clashcd at 6very poiDt. So thc
British also detested her and openly supported thc party
opposing the clder Rani, To thc British thc best advantagc
camc by getting her isolatcd from Rana Bahadur, atrd to
this end thcy madc thcir cfforts.

Account ol the Dhami

From the information- provided by the Dhami: of
Noakot wc lcarn that tho crstwhile advisor ofthc sccond
quecn cscapcd to Banaras, According to Knox Amar Singh
Thapa No, I who latcr fought in Kangra and fathcr of
Ranjore, Amar Singh Thapa No.2, who was thc father of
Bhimscn and Ranajit Pande wcrc chaincd and imprisoncd.
Somc Subcdars and othcrs altogether 65 men who had gone
to prcvcnt thc Maharani from comiog to tbc capital were
also sent to prisoo. Thc Maharani had passed orders to
kill them. But Damodar Pandc sparcd them sayitrg that
thcy did not descrve thc dcath sentcnce, and human livcs

8. Tha wolshippcr of the mair teDple is called Dhami.

 ll2 Modem Nepal
should aot be destroyed like this. Thc ex-Rcgent was con-
fined in Sundari Chok.
A lctter written in the name of the baby king to his
father in Banaras bearing tbe date Kofiika vadi 1 roj I (:Sut-
day,22 Novembcr, 1802) meDtions the evenls following thc
arrival of the clder qucen in Kathmsndu. Tbis lelt€r lvas
in reply to Rana Babadur's request for a speedy paym.nt to
thc Brahmans who bad gone to Kathmandu carryiDg tbc
waterofthe Ganges, Assuring bim that it was tbc tradi
tional duty of his house to honour the Brahmans thc letter
narrates that because the queen moth€r was subjected to
iosulting treatmcnt while proceediog from Katarban Chau-
tara Bam Shah and otbers had bcsn kept in conflnement
but those who had becn detained $ithout trial in connec-
tion sith thc murder of Kirtiman wcrc Dow brought beforc
the Bharadari at Nasal chok, The dccision would be con'
Ycyed to Rcna Bahadur.
Koox rcports that in the new rcgimc Damoder Pande
was appointed Mul Kazi, while Narsingh \ras retained as
Kazi but others of the old order wcre dismissed. Amongst
Chautaras Sher Bahadur and Bam Shah werc replaced by
Vidor Shah and Chiptee Shah (Dilip Sbah). The ncw
Kazis were Randhar Singh, Suruljit Pande and Balu'ant
Rana. Most ofthe ncw appointces of lesser rank belonged
to thc faction of Damodsr Pandc.
Knox wis assured that the ergageEents were fully
approved by thc ncw Regent aod she had also ordered to
pay the arrears due to the Company's GovernmeDt. But
her orders for paymeot wctc not carried out. So also the
pcnsion scttled on Rana Babadur had not becn realised
from thc revcnue of Morang. Gajaraj Misra informed
Knor that he was dissatisfed with Damodar Pande.
Through Misra again Knox complaincd to the Maharani
about thesc affairs but in spite of hcr rcmoDstranccs notbiDg
was done. Knox felt that their attitude of fulfilliDg the
tcrms of the trcaty was without urgency and thc enthusiasm
 Thc Brtttth Mlsttol. h Kathmaatht I 13

also gonc. Scnsing an unfavourablc lcsponsc KDox con-

veycd through Gajaraj Misra, just to put Prcssurc on thc
Govcrnmctrt, that hc would quit Nepal oo thc 25th Fcbruary'
Knox bad thougbt that the bcst edvaatagc thc Btitirh
wcrc to dcrivc was from s siturtioa whcte thc GovcrnEcnt
io Kathmandu would depeEd on tbem for thcir coutinuancc
iu powcr, and bccausc Rana Bahadur was not in a porition
to go to Kathmandu to disturb thcE, tbc British would
achicvc thcir objcctivc without Duch cffort.
But thc situation had dcvelopcd othcrwisc, and all
that hc had planned to achieve on that basis failed.
Knox now used thc qucstion of Rana Babadur'l idgh lo
prcss for thc cxecution of the tcr6s of the treaty by th€
Nepalcsc authoritics.
If thc Ncpalesc ministcrs did Dot takc uP tbc qucstion
of repaymcnt as seriously yet thc Proccss was slow and
moncy did not rcach him. An ultimatum was sent through
Misra that if thcre was no dclivcry of money on thc
24th, Knox would leavc his abode ncxt day. Actually as a
rcsult of thc prcssurc Misra 'paid him (Knox) Rs' 30'000 on
thc 24th Fcbruary, bcing thc amount of five kists commcn-
cing sincc last Octobcr that ought to hsve bccn remittcd to
Banaras, by thc Suba of Bijcpur and Morang'e. Thc Misra
also handed over on the samc day Rs. 6000 and thc sum of
Rs. 5000 on accoutrt of thc arrears of thc first ycsr. Knox
expected to bc paid &nothcr amount of Rs. 5000' which
would complctc the first paymeDt of Rs. 20,000.
Knox rcported that for sometimc more he was led to
bavc faith'in the sincerity of the Darbar' but as the un-
healthy season was approaching he was anxious tbat Lloyd
and Proctor should be enabled to undertake the journcy to
Kathmandu as soon as possible. But although eYerything
was ready the sealing ofthe paper was being delaycd and

9. o. 28, For. atrd Soc. Dept., 7th July, 1803 lettcr and 27th
Februrry, 1803.
lla Modnn Nepal

'now thc Holi fcstivat had bcgun' during which all offices
wcre closcd.
'At this timc Knox was disatmcd of suspicion of
furthcr anti-British action on thc part of thc Ncpalesc
authoritios. Hc had amplc tcaroE to bclicvc that thcrc
would bo no difrcultics ia rcgard to the rcccipts of
tho illtalEantr of peymont on accouDt of Rana Bahadur.
It was also madc surc to hiD tbst passpotts a[d escort wcrc
being providcd to Lloyd and Proctor.
Knox reports .that evcrythirg secncd to go smootb.
Thc Rani only wantcd that the young dcputies should not
accompsny Lloyd but rathcr continuc to livc in pattra until
thcy wcre relicvcd by such persotrs as should be appoirtrd
to thc office ofthe Vakil at thc scat of thc Govcrnmcnt.
 chaptet IY
BRITISH MISSION RETURNS

Knox qultt N.pal

Knox noticcd 'thc conduct of thc Ncpal Govcrnmcnt
at variance with tho assurarccs' givcn to him, and hc felt
that 'the time had come to takc lcavc of thc court, 8Dd to
rcturn within tho Hotr. Company's tcrritories'. Hc had
accuscd Damodar's Government as faithlcss iD his lcttcr to
thc Govcrnor-Gcneral. The immcdiatc cause for this kind
of feeling in Knox's mind was thc indiffercncc shown to his
rcqucst for a passport and cscort to Mr' Lloyd and Mr.
Proctor by thc Nepal adoinistration. Mr. Lloyd had bccn
sppointcd to look into thc affairs rclating to thc financc of
Raoa Bahadur Shah. Knox approached thc authoritics
with a requcst to allow Lloyd to coEc to Ncpal to do his
work, Mr. Proctor was to rcphce Dr. Hamilton who had
applicd to bc relievcd of his dutics (lcttcr' l6th January,
180!). Thc Govcrnor'General had accePted his resignation
and according to Hanilton's wishcs hc was allowcd to
travcl beforc thc inclement wcather startcd in March. Both
Proctor and Lloyd had lcft Patna enroute on the 14th'
Thc passport and escort werc to be sent to the frontier.
But thc passports and other paPers werc'not brought to thc
R€sidcnt in onc pretcxt or anothcr'. After thc Holi festi'
val Gajaraj Misra mct him to say that the p&pers would be
scalcd thc same evcning and he would gct them without
furthcr dclay. Gajaraj Misra hesitatiogly told Knox in
coursc of further talks that 'the scaling of papcrs was being
dclaycd as Tribhuvan Singh and Ranajit Pande wcre against
it'aad the Rani's attitude had but addcd weight to thcir
argumcntl. Bccause shc dcclared her dislikc of the
t. For. Scc. Colsult,2 May, 1805r o. 352,
tl6 Modem Nepal
arrangcmcnt for'British mcdiation conccrning the .x.Raja,
which she thought ought to be Ieft entircly to hcrselfas
the means of affording an opportuoity to do the sacred
duty'2, Knox in his rcport absolves Gajaraj Misra himself
of any cvil intention towards the British in rcspect of the
transactions. Misra had done cvcrytbing possible in his
powcr. But he writcs that'hc firmly askcd Misra to tcll his
Government that if passports did not reach bim on thc l2th
of March, hc would, having regard for tbc comiDg un-
wholcsomc seasoo, give a notice to tbe administratioD to
leavc Kathmandu otr thc 18th in ordcr to rcturn to
the British tcrritories'8. Gajaraj carried thc message to
thc Rsni who called to audience joiotly all officials and
non-offi.cials of conscqueDce to decide thc question ofpass-
ports. According to Knox tbis issue wa8 dcbated for 3 dals
without any conclusion being reached.
Knox now became surc that thc requisite passports
werc not going to be issued. So he scnt Mirza Mehd i and
Abdul Ali to accompany Misser to tbc Darbar to acquaint
the Maharani 'that in this situatiotr hc would not likc to
stay any longcr in Nepal and, as he was leaving on the l8tb,
he wantcd to takc Icavc of thc Maharaja beforc that date'a.
But although a conciliatory rcply was given and he was
told that ministers would wait on him next day but tro onc
actually turoed up at the appointed day and be sent Mebdi
agaio. The Maharani conveyed to Mehdi thst it was hcr
desire that Knox should not travel during the current un-
healthy season, and she would try for a settlement. Knox
was preparing to go, He had paid in advance mooey for
200 men to carry their luggage. On the l6th he u,as
told that the men had refused to carry the baggages as
orders had not beetr issucd by the Governmcnt. In that
evening Mehdi and Abdul Ali yisited thb palace to tell tbe
Regent that the Government had not yet agreed'to the

2. Ibid :r. Ibid 4. Ibid_

 britith Mission Returns ll1
Resident's requisition for baggage carriers'! nor thcy had
arranged an audiencc for him with the Maharaja.
Knox exprcssed his determination to leav€ Kathmandu
on thc l8th and he said that he would procced ahead with
his programme x,hatever happens, but he was sorry that be
was to lcave without having audience of the Maharaja. But
thc Maharani rcplied that cverything was settled, though
belated and Knox would have no cause to resent and ministers
would wait on him next day to give bim completc satisfac-
tioo. But there was littlc prospcct of fulfilling what was
irndcrtaken and knowiog this Knox ordered to Inove thc
tcnts to Patan on the l7th. The inmates of the Rcsidency
were also prepared to move'without any carriers with such
articles, as their own scrvants could carry'3. KDor. reports
that Misra brought a new message on tbe lTth evening. He
camc to hib after an absence of 5 days with an apology
that thc Darbar had prohibitcd to coDtact the British Rcsi-
dent 'unless they had agrecd upon some settlement among
themselves'?. Misra said that now at e lat€ hour a dccision
had be€n reachcd and a dcputation would see bim next day
on bchalf of the Maharani; and would also deliver passports
'for the gertlemcn to Nepal and assurauce of aD immediat€
scttlement of Rana Bahaduq'8. Gajaraj Misra in all confl-
denco told Knox that the proposal ofabiding by the lattcr's
wishcs was accepted gencrally by Damodar Paode, Shcr
Bahadur, Bam Shah, Narsingh Kazi and others. KDox'
howevcr, €xpressed his decision to leave bis camp pcrforce
for Patan on the lSth halting there for a day and reach
Pharping on tbe l9th. He also complaincd tbat no carricrs
hsd b6etr sent to him in spite of rcpeatcd rcquest' Gajeraj'
howcver, said that sincc the Darbar hoped that tho poiots
at issuc were bcing settled Knox would not leave aDd with
that consideration they.had not seot him carriers'

5. rbid. 6. Ibid.
7. rbid. 8. rbid,
ll8 ltlodern Nepal
Ncxt day Sher Babadur, Bam Sbab, Damodar Parde,
Ranadhir Singh, Ranajit PaDdc and Tribhuvan Singh along
with Gajaraj Misra visited him, Knox sensed that thc
delegation was ineflective. The first two were no more in
office, aod the last werc out of officc, as well as 'reprcscn-
ted opporition',
But io any casc Damodar Pande who carried much
influence was prescnt. On Klox's queries about his depar-
turc Bam Shah said that the Maharani did not want Knox
to leavc as shc was acceding to his rcquest for the passports
nnd Jagir settlemcnt on Rana Bahadur and shc was so
sorry for thc delay. Bam Shah pleaded tbat tb€ Maharani
was ncw to the situation and she was so prcssed by internal
troubles that she could not dcvote attention to the problcms
conccrning the British Residency. Knox again refused to
yicld on the point of departure and said thst he must keep
up his words, as otherwisc 'it would be a breach of duty'e.
To this Shcr Bahadur and Ranadhir after plcading with bim
again not to leave bis post agreed at last to arrange for an
itrterview with the baby King the lcxt day. Knox tcld
thcm that he would go to Patan straight from tbe pslacc.
As to his future hc would be in Sugauli for soDetimc wait-
iog for instructions from Calcutta, and would act acccrdiog
to thc order, If thc Nepalese 'proceeded to the pcrformancc
ofengagements, he might be directed to return to Kath-
mandu'ro. 'It was also arraoged otr the request of tbc
Maharani that Mirza Mehdi should remain in the Rcridcocy,
Thc coolies artived on the l8th morning to carry th€
baggages aDd all packing done Knox prepared himself to go
to the Royal palace, At 5 p.m. Damodar informed that
the escorting party was duc at the Residency. But nothing
upto l0 o'clock at night was hcard. About this timc Gajaraj
Misra and N4rsiogb Kazi came and to assuage bis anger hc
(Gajaraj) said that the ministers theEselves were coDiDg to

9. Ibid. 10. Ibid,

 Bntish Mission &cturns 119

see him on busincss. But he soon fouDd that thcy werc

comiag to lrrsuadc Knox not to abandon his stetion for
the present. It was said that the baby King was alrcady in
bed and it was not the usual hour to disturb him, altbough
clephants with Houdar l were kcpt rcady at thc gatc, atrd if
Dced be there was also a ready arrangement for lighting
(masala), Late that night as Narsingh had overstayed, Knox
had occassion to talk with thc latter in detail. Thc Kazi
w8s known for his 'integrity and disintcrestedne$', H€
told Knox that the country was on thc brink of disastcr and
corruption had pcrmeated thc administration from top to
bottom. The Rani was fickle and could not coBtrol thc
corrupt oftcials. Damodar's iofluence at the court was
waning as thc Maharani had attached more isportancc to
Ranadhir Singh. Damodar himsclf was thinking of tating
asylum in the British territory, as life and property were not
safc in Nepal. Knox drcw his conclusion from this talk
and at midnight lcft thc garden to be inside th€ tcDt
fixcd outsidc, whcre ncrt morning Pandit Bainudhar mct
him to requcst hin'to dclay for a few hours his march for
Pharping'in order to reccivc the ministers, K[or rcports
that upon Bainudhar's insistence hc consent€d to dctaia
Captain Crawford and escort for 6 gbati and himsclf for
another 6 ghati (Hindusthan hours).
About 9 on the morning of the l9th Damodar Pandc
and Shcr Bahadur Sheh called on Knox, with tte usual
apology on behalf of thc Maharsni. Thcse gentlomcn
rcpeated 'the same arguments against his leaving Ncpal
at so unfavourable a scason'. The Rani wished that hc
could wait till the wintcr. But Kuox was adamant and hc
forthwitb ordered Captain Crawford to march to Pharping.
He also declined to discuss business at this stage. It then
appeared to the Ncpalese visitors tbat he would not eltcr

11. A spcc;ally niscd soat ovcr thc back of tho llcphaDt, which
ir opan.
 it0 ldodern Nepal

his mind and any rcconcilcment was out ofquestion. So

Knox wss lct to know rhat thc Maharaja would grant him
audience at one o'clock in the afternooD. CaptaiD Craw-
ford and Lt. Bdwards were recalled to accompany hiD
whilc escorts wcrc allowed to go ahcad.
Knox availcd of thc opportunity of talking to Shcr
Bahadur, Bam Shah and Damodar Pande aloie .separately.
The formpr said that all troublcs wcrc due to thc fact that
thc reins of administration wcrc in the hands of unsteady
women. But he said that thc Jagir on Rana Sahadur would
bc put on'a rcgular train of paymetrt' and hoped that tbe
British'would not withdraw friendship at this crilicsl hour
while Ncpal was suffering from intcrnal dissension'.
Both Bam Shah aod Damcdar Pande were of the view
thet thc Msharsni was of soft tempcr and she changed her
mind 'at 6vcry suggestion of a slight advisor but that therc
was no onc who enjoycd her trust" They also told him
that thc Rani sccmcd d€termined 'to reinstate hcr husband
in power' and fclt that this would Dot go in the iDtcrest of thc
country. Bam Shah and Damodar io coursc of the talk ask€d
for his advicc about thcir futurc role. Thcy plcdged that they
would do whatcver thc Governor.Gencral would likc them
to do. Knox, howcvcr, declined to cncourage then by
offcring his advice, He told them that hc still exPcctcd
thc Ratri to 'fulfil thc conditions ofthe trcaty and in that
event she would receive our fricndship but on breach of
faith thc Govcrnor-Gcncral would have indisputablc riSht
to employ thc forcc hc so amply possessed'r2. KDox got
the imprcssion that the Ncpalese gentlemcn wanted that
this situation might develop at any timc aud thcy hoped
that thcir jagirs would be prescrved aDd through the inter'
position of thc British they would bc placed on a footing
lese precarious, than tbey werc at prcscDt'. Knox at the
cnd advised them for utrity. Although thcy acceptcd thc

t2. Ibid
 British Mission Returns l2l
advice, it sccmcd that bitterness would contitrue and Bam
Shah'had thc most reason for distrust',
About 12 the following day Sher Bahadur, Bam Sbab,
Damodar and Misra came to €scort him to the Darbar
which had then asscmbled. H€ met them outside thc tent.
As th€y went to the Royal palace the party was receivcd at
the iotrer gate by Chautaras Vidur Shab and Chiptcc (?)18
Shah. These were quitc young and lacked in ability, Thc
lattcr even trembled as he was cscorting Knox. Their
officisl duty was being yet performed by Sher Bahadur.
Knox was 'reccived by thc Msharaja about tbc middlc of
thc noon'and was seated on a chair by thc right of thc
Musnad. After customary compliment Knox delivcred his
lettcr of reply to the Maharani's earlicr communication
at thc hands of Shcr Bahadur. Knox cxpresscd conccrn
about thc observance of trcaty obligations, and addrcssed
himself to the Rani who was listening from aDothcr apart-
ment, Shcr Bahadur hastencd thcre and after a long talk
camc to tell Knox that she felt'considerable utrcasiDess at
his moving to th€ lower lcvel at so bad scason'1a. But as
he was detcrmined she had to acquiesce in it. Shc assurcd
him that the Jagir of Rana Bahadur would be regularly
paid, and morc than everything clse shc boped that he
(Knox) would visit Nepal oncc again in the winter. Then
altara (sccnt\ and paz (chcwing leaf) were given and Knox
bade farewell to the Darbar 'after embracing thc youDg
prince'. All the d€tails we have givcn herc are from Knox's
letter to the Governor-General written from Govindaganj
on 8th April. With Knox, Gajaraj Misra also lcft Ncpal
to live in Banaras.
For sometime there was a stalcmate. The invitation
to Ktrox to go to Kathmandu in winter stood. Thc Misra
was commanded by the court that he should assure the

13. Perhapr Dilip Shah.

14. Ibid.
l), Modcn Nepal
British 'of a strictcr adh€tcnce in futurc lo the treaty, con-
cludcd with tie British Governmcnt'1!.
With Knox's r€turn furthcr train of evcntsin Nepal
brougbt up worst kind ofintrigues at the court. Thc eldcr
Maharani was an ambitious somaD but she bad no qualitics
to handle powcrs of statc. Shc was weak and vacillaliDg
by temperam6Dt. Persons of intelligence, intcgrity and
cxpcricncc werc kept at bay by their adversarics, who had
obtained ascendancy in thc palacc.
Knox halted at Pharping for a day on thc 20th and s
numbcr of pcople from Kathmandu came to see him. Onc
of thcm was Kazi Ranadhir Singh who spoke to him about
matters of state on bchalfof the Maharani. Hc told Knox
that thc Rani felt that she was being surrounded on all
sidcs by'greedy and unprinciplcd mcn'and th.sc had to bc
kcpt under strict watch. Therc was also a necd for a clean
sweep of such meD if they happencd to be itr power as the
Rani was suspicious of their dcsigus on herself, But ehe
could not deprive these men of powcr unlcss sbe was suppor-
tcd by the British. It was thought 'th€ manifestation of a
frictrdly disposition towards hcr by the British would also
cnablc hcr to control any rccelcitrant D.D, and this would
enablc hcr to fulfill the conditions of thc treaty'r0. Rana-
dhir then discloscd thst the Ratri had 'solid reasons to dis-
trust Damodar Pandc'and Gajaraj Misra also'now forfeited
hcr confidcncc'. Knox in reply told him that the British
werc interested in th€ pcace and tranquility of Ncpal and
if this camc as a regult of the qucen's wisc actions, they
would be highly plcased. Friendship with tbe British
would comc if she wantcd and all dcpended on hcr actions
and whethcr shc fulfilled hcr promises. Knox r€ports that
his reply assurcd Ranadhir who cxprcssed I hope that
'vigour would be restorcd to thc GoverDmcrit which was

15. tbid.
16, For. Pol. Cousfllt, 2 May, 1805, n. 352
 british Mission Returns 123

lost under the fceble administration of the deposed Rani,.r?

At parting Knox was presented an elephant; in excbange
of which Ranadhir also ,obtained something.'18
But other gentlemen including Ranadhir,s brother-in-
law cxpressed a desire to recall Rana Bahadur as the Mahg-
rani was not able to control the chaotic condition. Bam
Shah, Hastadal Shah and Shamsher Shah expressed their
concurrence. These peoplc thought that with Rana Bahadur
stability would return to the disturbed countr),. But
they were afraid of Rana Bahadur's cruel tempcrament.
Thcy, however, thought tbat if a council of administration
with Rana Bahadur at the head was formed ,with the con-
currence of the Britisb Government, and Rana given no
powcrs of appointment and dismissal he might be put under
rcstraint. If thc Governor-General decided to act firmly
and played his part in the act of rcstoration, he could
impose an cngagement under which Rana Bahadur was
rcstrained. Damodar Pande was detained in the palace
contriving 'not to allow him to visit pharping' but he sent
a mcssage repeating bis previous apprehensions.
The Raja of Palpa delivered a message from Bakhtabar
Singh that 'the state of affairs in the country was in dis-
ordcr' and he wanted Knox's instructions about the attirude
hc should adopt. The Raja on his own expressed readiness
to spootaneously respond to Knox's suggestion whenever
made. Knox got the impression that Damodar and Bam
Shah 'considered the interposition of thc British Govern_
ment as an cvent that must certainly happen'1e. To Knox
it appearod that if Nepal were to be saved from anarchy
and confusion, a submission to foreign rule was necessary.
Summing up the situation he wrote : .,The Rani at the
head of the administration is extrcmely youDg and inex-
pericnced, in capacity belorv the common level, too sensible
of her own deficiencies to act by herself, and hourly fluctua-

t7. Ibid. 18. Ibid. 19. Ibid.

124 Modern Nepal

ting betwcen thc opinions of others with that uEstcadincss,

whioh the apprehcosiou of bcing deceivcd naturally pro-
duces. The waDt of a regular allotmeDt of busincss to
persons in offico occasions a perpetual struggle amoDgst
them for those dcpartment, where pcculation was ramPant'
Hc who succceds is certainly uniting the rest against
him and in a little timc hi8 rcmoval is effected by acts
similar to those practised by himself in displeasilg his
predecessor, To this cause may bo attributed a grcat part
ofthat virulent hatrcd subsistirg amongst thc principal
mcn in Nipaul. They aro perpetually enSaged in itrtro'
duciog and supplanting cach other and the injuri€s'
mutually ioflicted have to the spirit of rivalship addcd
a personal enmity incapable of reconciliation, in the mili'
tary discootent is universal, tbeir jsgirs by wbich mode
they are paid, havc been dipped until scarccly the half
romains of what thcy formcrly reccived, and this is fur'
ther rcduced by thc necessity of an annual bribe to prevcnt
their being put on the supcrnumerary list; to tbe person of
the Maharajah thcy fcel no attachmcnt and tbough they
acknowledge bim to be a soYereigD' yet they cotrsider his
origin as dishonoring thc musnud to which hc was raiscd
by a frantic fathcr in violation ofa long cstablished rulc
of suocession. Thoy appear to be held to serviccs by no
othcr ties than extrcme poverty' and by secing no other
cmployment within their attainmcnt."
Before departing from Pharping Captain Knox scnt
double barrelted guns aDd a few dozen bottl€s of wiae to
Shcr Bahadur and Bam Shah in addition to some othBr
articles from 'wbat remained of the ttrings' scDt from Cal'
cutta in return for presents received from lhese gcntlemcn'
Thc Nepalese escort reachcd on thc eveniDg of the 20th 8Dd
next morning he set out on his journey. Hastadal and
Bamudhar (Benudhar)'o arrivcd in thc mortring before
20, He 4lso ogLrres itr tho ncgotiatio! $ith tbc British about the
trttloE€[t of bordet dirPqtes.
 Btitish Mlsston Rehrns 125

his departure with prescrts of elcphants, musk, ctc, from

the Maharaja. Knox complains tbat maDl of tbe load-
carriers had deserted, so half of the luggage nas left in
Pharping. He had promised reward for sstisfactcry serviccs
but according to Knox the carricrs werc dir€cted to ruD
away by thc Jamadar who was tempted to swallow more
money to seize a fresb batch of carriers. Captain Knor
reachcd Gharparsa on the 26th where bc was receivcd by
men of th€ Raja of Betia with adequate numbcr of bullock
carts. Hcrc he took leave of the €scort providcd by rhe
Nepalesc army 'prescnting tbe Subedar with a pair ol shawls,
Jamadar with a shawl and handkercbief and to lhe rest of
officers aod private men a donalioD of Rupees 224 collec-
tively'. Maulvi Abdul Ali distributcd the money theD and
therc as it was said that otherwise they would not get a
singlc pice. But to Knox it appcars the Subedar had also
complaints against his ofrcersand even expressed lillingness
to serve ady master'who paid him liberally'. Crossing tbe
border Knox reached Sugauli on lhe 28tb, and for waDt of
good watcr locally he moved farther wcst to a placc ncar
thc Gandak, l8 Biles south of the Nepalesc border. Hc was
waiting to hear from thc Governor-Gencral 8s to his future
course of action.
Knox wrote that he exp€cted Ga jaraj Misl a and soDc
offcers at any moment, they werc to discuss with him about
Rana Babadur's jagir. Bnt it was rcportcd by bis Munsbi
at Kathmandu tbat tbcy wero dclayed bccausc of thc obstac-
les crcated by Damodar Pande who wantcd to scnd his own
men for the job to 'secure to himselfalonc a communica-
tion with the British'. The Mabaraoi, however, sent Gaja-
raj Misra who saw him on the 4tb of May with 'Rs. 20,0C0
onaccountofthc first year's kists and assuranms of hcr
fixed rcsolution to fulfill her engagements'. The money
was sent to the Agent of the Governor.Genera I in Banaras.
Next day i.e. 5th of May, Knox rcceivcd a letter
writlen on the 28th April, wbich informed him tbat the
126 Modcrn Nepal
Maharani disrcgarding thc adYice of Damodar proposcd to
send a deputation on thc 3oth with a letter to thc Govcrnor'
Gcncral, through Hastadal Chaulara' Bir Bahadur and
two others'. They arrived at Knox's hcadquart.r oD thc
lTth evcning, and dclivercd the lcttcr thc trert morninS'
Hastadal told Knox that hc was to supcrvisc thc collcc-
tion of Rana Bahadur's Jagir in Vijepur 8nd MoraDS' Hc
also disclosed that because of Damodar's tactics, hc s'ar
dcprivcd of the posscssion of the Red scal, and hc was
awaiting furthcr indignitics to fall on him. Probably Shcr
Bahadur and Bam Shah woutd bc rcstored to their old posi'
tion and Kazi Narsingh was daily rising in the colfidcncc
of thc Rani and he might bccome Chicf Ministcr. Hastadal
ggrecd to pl€dg-
added that in thc present team cverybody
ing to observe the due performancc of cvcry stipulation of
thc trcaty. The quecn hersclf folt thst shc must acquirc
thc goodwill ofthc British 'for hcr own sccurity" Knox
addcd tnat this kind of scntimert was exprcssed in her
communication to thc Raja of Ramnagar' It was said
that shc'ovcn desircd to put hcr pcrson 8nd country undcr
thc protcction of thc British Govcrnmcnt as shc was apPrc'
hcnsivc of trcachcrous dcsigns against herself" Knox, bow'
ever, told Hastadal that the Maharani must convey hcr
dcsirc in writing' which would cnable the Governor'General
to understand that this was atr authcntic communication'
In adviling thc Govcrnor-General as to thc linc of
action to adopt Knox suggestcd that'in view of thc incrcas-
ing tcnsion in Nepal as a rcsult of mutual disscnsions thc
Govcrnor-Gcneral might move to seiz€ the opportunity of
bringing.Ncpal to British influencc" Hc assurcd thc Gover-
nor.Gcneral that there would be no impcdimcnt in his tay
on account of th€ Sino-Nepalcse treaty of 1792' Ha said that
China had never thought that thc had a right to intcrfcrc
in Nepal, othdrwise his own prescnce in Kathmandu as a
minisier of foreign Government would not havc cscaped
thcir Dotice. But even if China thought to interfere, thc
 Brlttsh Mlsslon Returns 127

impassable mountainous ranges and desolate plains beyond

will make any venture from that side futile. They had a
bitter tastc of insurmountable difficulties in their campaign-
ing of 1792. When they were on this side of the snowy
ranges, they were subjectcd to inclement wcather and terrains
and as a result thcy lost $ of the total arm y. Though they had
reached within 30 miles of thc capital'they u'ere ccmpclled
to withdraw due to the fact that they could also not procure
provisions. So if a detachment of British troops is stationed
in Nepal the Chinese would not interfere. This might,
however, affect British commercial rclation with China.
But there would be no 'troublc if the British occupy the
Terai below the hills. Knox also advised Lord Wellesley
to wrcst Almora from Nepal. Apart from natural resourcer
including timber the posscssion of the route could be utilis-
ed for trade with Tibet and China. Almora could be addcd
to the British by Rana Bahadur 'on condition of reinstating
him'. Knox felt that reinstatement needed no action and
'Rana would not cncounter any difficulty if he procecds to
the capital all alonc'. Although people know him to be
cruel, yet they would submit to him. It was his undisputcd
right to rule as divinely ordained. There was a time whcn
this kind of absolute submission was a little shaken, but
now in view of the misbchaviour of the nobility Rana Baha-
dur's entry would be regarded 'as beneficial to Nepal, how-
ever much individuals might suffer from'21.
Knox reportcd from Govindaganj writing on the 23rd
June, that another amount of Rs. 18,000 (Banarasi Sicca)
was paid to him by Nepal on the 20th June, being the kists
due on the current year up to the lst August. Hc also
informed the Governor-General that recently Damodar
Pande escaped indignities but his nephew, Rana Bam Pandc
became the Chief Minister with Kazi Ranajit Pande as
another minister. These two men desired their power in

21. For. and Soc, Dept., 2M?y,1805, n. 350.

128 Moden NePal

the palacc through women attendants of thc quecn. In

Knox's cstimation thcsc men are lowly and mean. Others,
some ofthem good people, werc in a sullen mcod 'wishing
for change but without any determination for the object of
dcsirc"'. Thc modert and fearful queen had 'showcd signs
of intcmperance and cruelty'!8. Knox lcarnt from his
Munshi that 'in violation of solcmn writtcn cDgagcDents
the fathct, the broth€rs and numcrous dcpendants of tbc
deposed Rani have been thrown iuto dungeon loadcd with
chains, and the widow and innoccrt cbildren of Subuddhi
Khadka who died at Banarae after escaping from Nepal
havc becn tortured with detestablc barbarity'24.
Information had reached Knox that Rana Bahadur
wrs planning his cscape but the attempt failcd. The Maha'
rani writing to him had sdmitted that although she was
not a party to the scheme but she knew about it and gave
conscnt. Thc whole thing emanated from Ranajit Pandc'
Raua Bahadur had been asked to elude his guard and reach
6.
the froutier2
Knox had to quit io circumstances which wcre not lo
hisliking. From the very beginning the Nepalese wcrc sus-
picious of a British representativo in Nepal, and thcy
drcaded the vcry thought of his prescnce' But as wc have
narratcd earlier Knox found himself in Katbmandu in an
odd situation bccause of mutual antagonism between two
partics, Rana Bahadur in exite and his adversaries in Nepal'
We may at this stage sum up in the following pages
the wholc event of Captain Knox's mission as we narratcd
earlier.

Summtng up the Etents

The withdrawal was abrupt' But it was inevitable'
The British treaded the soil of Nepal with caution and

rbid. 23. Ibid. 24. Ibid

25. ForeiSn and Seclet p€partocDt, 2 May, 1805' n' 352.
 Rctu,I/,s
Dtlrlth Mktlon 129
dcxtcrity. Of couroc, thcy wsnted to fish in roublcd
watcrs, and cvcatually thc cstch would havc cnablcd
thcm at casy cost to foist themselves on thc politics in
Kslhmandu in thc position of a paraDount power, This
would h8vc bccn thc logical culminarioo of thc Britirh
movo to cnforcc ths proviaioue of tho trcaty rigncd ta
Daoapur. But it was not a tark al cary ar it war
plaaucd out. Ncpaloeo politiclaD! w€rc Do mea! diptomaro.
Thcy wcro !t nuch adroit itr thc art of politicr atd
watchful about thcir cxteroal rclations and dcvclopmcnte
in forcign countrics. Thcy had not acccpted thc Brirish
mission for any lovc of thcm. Captain Knor had bccn
sufisrcd to comc to KathmaDdu only bccauec thcy wcrc
forccd by a combination of circum6tances, Intcrrally,
thcy wcrc facing a crisis on account of thc disscnsion
in thc court rnd th€ bchsviour of Rana Babadur in Nepal
or outSidc always causcd grav€ conccrn. Hc intrigucd
with thr English. So thc nccd was frlt to humour them
aod to imprcs thcm tbat thc authorit.ies in Ncpal
wcrc fricEdly to thc Company's agcnts in India. But
olcc thcy kncw that thcsc rclarcd aEd thc attcation of the
Englirh was bcitrg divcrtcd to thc attaiDmcDt ofthcir rcal
imporialirt dcsigo, thc Ncpalcsc authoritics had to bc
alcrt and wstchful,
Thc trcaty was to bc ratificd at Kaahmstrdu and
Captain Knox was scnt thcrc as thc first British Rcsidcnt to
prcvail on the Ncpal Govcrnment thc desirability ofsuch
a ratification iD ths intcrcst of an amicablc rclationship
bctwccn thc two Govcrnments2?. For his safcty while
in Ncpal thc British securcd three youngmcn of thc nobility
as hostages, 'oot in that avowed charactcr yct such thcy
wcre in rcality' (lottcr of Capt. Knox to the Sec. political

26. H.EiltoD, p. 254.

27. Raad an articlc by Dr. K, K. Dutt on .Some unpublishcd
Rccords rbout Ncpal' io JBORS, Pts. III & lV,
ttO lloilcm Ncpal
Dcprrtnont,25 Merch lt02) as a rccurity 'for thc due
performancc of its conditions on tho part of lhe Ncpal
Gdvernmcnt' (lelte\ 22 Junc to Douglas). It s€eos that
thc devicc to securc hostages was kcpt I sccret froE the
Ncpatesc nobility 8s thc thrcc yourgstcrs wcre induccd
to comc to thc CoEpary's tcrritory by a knowlcdgc that
thcy wcrc to mcct tho English Govcrnor-Gcacral. Thcy
hsd lcft Nep8l obviourly with the irtcrtioa of rceing Lcrd
Srcllcalcy on bchalf of thc statc Govcrnment to whoo
thcy lat6r on prcscDtcd certain lcttcrs of good wisbes
from thc King ofNepaleB. Till they expcrienced difficulty
latcr on to secure pcrmission to leave Patna tbcy wcre
not probably in the know of thcir status as hostages as
it appears from anothcr document, How thc British
camouflaged their real itrtcntion under covcr of diplomacy
as indicatcd by the verbal assur&ncc of friendsbip and
wclcomc which according to the same documcrt was given
to thc Ncpalcse by Lord Wellesley's CovcrnmeDt (lettcr to
Douglas by Persian Sccretary to the Govt,, 20 April, 1802) !
Thcy werc trcated with cvery mark ofBttention and fricnd-
rhip as gucstr at the cxpensc ofthc Company (Rs, 1,3!0
annually was fixed for cach of them .as expensc)'z9. All
this wss donc to removc the imprcssion, if they had
formcd any, about their real character as hostagcs. It wss
understood amongst the omcials of tbe Company that 'the
Gorkha dcputics were to bc kept in Patna till the commencc-
ment of the cold season', as Knox had said 'full time would
be afforded to mc to ascertain my footing in Ncpalro in
that coadition'. The three young men bclonged to the
thrcc families of barons influential at thc courtsl and

28. Lctter of the Srcretary to thc Covernor-Ceneral.

29. Resident's letter,26 March, 1802.
30- Letter ofKnox. March 26, 1802.
31, PaIIday, Shah, Basne, The fathers of these ,ouog men
were important mioisterl of the Goveromerlt. The EDglish hoped
that as long as they wcre in the custody of officials 4t Patn8, Caplairl
 Dtlrish Mlstlon Retutu l3l
thcir namcs according to British documcnt Etood as Karbir
Sinha, Lachhman Shah and Kishorcjung8r.
Capt. Knox was to rcach KathDandu in Marcb, but
as soon as hc rcached Narkatiagunj on thc Company's
bordcr hc ctrcountcrcd a great dificulty, as thc Ncpalcec
dcputios who come to fctch hiE dcclincd to accompany him
to Kathoandu. Ho could Dot leavG uotil thc Rcacncy in
KathDsndu intcrfercd on big bchalf and rcachrd hig
destination in mid Aprilrr.
Captain Knox rcceivcd thc oost cordial trcatment in
Ncpal, but wss trcatcd with di6trust st slmost cvcry stcp,
which causcd dclay in the rstificstion of thc proposcd
treaty. Hc tried all mcans al his disposal to socur€
ratification, Lcst it should cmbarass th€ Nepolosc dcputics
at Patna owing to dclay in thc ratification of thc trcaty,
thc British Govcrnor-Gencral cxpressed his desirc to abidc
by thcir wishcs, whatever thcy mieht bc (lcttct, 2}nd tuoc,
1802). It had so happencd thst twoof the deputics h8d
left Patna in July, (Sccretary's lcttcr to thc Govcrnor-
General, l0th July, 1802) and thc British had to let thcm
off dcspitc their unwilliogncss for rcasoas of their ownla.
Captain Kaox himself fouod his patiencc exhaustcd, but
hc continued to crert his influcncc to scrvc thc cnd for
which hc had becn sent to Ncpal. While once he dcmandcd
ratification 'in the name of truth aud plcdged words',
hc was equally forceful at another time ,on a plea of
statesmatrship' to demand th€ same itr thc iDterest of the
Nepalese, In the end he succ€cdcd. But this did not
endure. The British wantcd lo securc ratification at aDy
cost, and thercby get a footing at KathEandu. Lord
Koox would have . smoothsailing in the matter ofnesotiatioD, and
would mova ulconccrncd as to his safety.
32. rbid.
33. Oldicld writes that they werc baunted by hiredassasitrsas
well *hile ia the Terai.
34. Oldficld, I, p. 289.
lr2 Mod*n Ncpal
lVclloelcy cvGn wrotc to his Ambassador to rely on thc
goodwill of thc Ncpal Govcrnment and not to raise issues
tb causc distrust in thcir mind. But it was tbeir bad luck
thst even if thc trcaty was ratificd thcy had to ultimatcly
lcave Ncpel. It was no casy mattcr to turn out thc
Rcsidcnt thur fortificd in his ncw position guarantccd by
trcaty rights. But tho circumstatrccs wcrc auch that Knox
could not prolong hir stay. Thc British mi3sioD quit Ncpal
uadcr compulsion, though thc prcvious ccmEitmeDts
ofthc treaty rcquircd oth€rwisc. But lhc Ncpalcsc serc
also cagcr to throw out Knox, But for both objcctivc and
cubjcctive conditions Ncpal would have bcen a subsidiary
ally of thc British.
Io thc narrativc, wc wtote about ths attitudc of
Drmodar Pande, Bam Shah and othcrs. CaptaiD Knox had
rcvcalcd that thcsc pcrsons wcrc dcsiring to livc by
subsistcnce provided by thc Esst India Company's Govern-
ment. There war even a sugtcstion to thc GoverDor-
Gcncral that aftcr Ncpal acccpted'a subsidiary status, the
gctrtlcmcn should bc pcnsioncd off and this would pave
thc way for thc completc control of affairs by the Rcsident'.
Thc mattcr, howcvcr, ncvcr caEG up for thc coDsidcratiotr
of thc Governor.Gcncral who dismisscd the suggestion of
bribing. The GovcrnorlGencral scotch.d this kind of
approach at thc vcry carly stagc disrcgarding thc advicc
of his newly appointed Resident.
One can uDdcrstand the aDxiety of Damodar Pandc
and his fricnds about Rana Bahadur's rcturn homc. In fact
Rana Bahadur's overturcs to the British poscd a threat to
thosc io power in Kathmandu. As a countcr measure
thcy had ccrtainly thought of a dcvicc to frustratc Rana
Bahadur's well prepared schcmc to defcat his enemy by
rcturning homc with British support. If the British had
succeeded in imposing a Residcnt on the freedomJoving
Nepalcse at the time, they could do so becausc each party
sought the advatrtag€ of British alliance for its strcngth
 British llisrion Retwns 133
and sustcnance to Eoct thc challcoge
of the other. Thcrc
is no doubt that Rana Bahadur
was equally auious to cul-
tivate the British. But the Ecn inside
Nopal ufti."i"fy
had scored the point. Thc trcaty
of Danapur was ooti-
vatcd on Nepal,s side by a dcsire to prcveniRana
f_rom coming back to his country
B"h;;;;
with British assistance.
Whatcvcr his motive Rana Bahadur w".
rumour that hc wac eoon arriving
,.rpor;i;i;;;;;
in tnc capital witi a
rtrong dctschmcnt of the British army. fnl,
also influenccd thc then Nepal administration,s
.urt-iin"
attitudc
towards the British. In thc atmospherc prevailing
whilc
Rana Bahadur,s prcsence was apprehcnded
anyttini acsig-
ned to couotcract his movc was rcgardcd
oot i.prop.i.
BI,thcir action Rana,s opponctrts thought
", thcy had not
onty rcmovcd thc risk of Rana,s likcly rcturn
but stso
succccded to render British military
inicrvcrtioo in his
bchalf imposriblc.
True, thc trcaty w88 ratified in Kathmandu
but cvcry-
thing followed as a scquel to the fear that
this *", ,.;";;;y
to countcrtct Rana's stcpc in that
dircction, otnerwise iin'c
in keeping the Eission of Knox in Ncpal
I^T-l*:*rl:o .
ror 8ny lcngth of timc.
From documcnts availablo to us from British
sourccs
it is revcalad that thc British uscd rvcry mcans
thc Ncpal Govcrnmcnt to carry out thc provisions to pcrsuaac

trcaty, oftbe
But this was not possiblc io tn" iitr"rioi
*":: lack of uniry amons thc nobility. Thcy
*t"r"
:1:::
ncvcr act in concert.
would

- Thc result was that cven if somc individuals had

dcsisted Knox to continuc thc miEsiotr,
tUis was not alowci
by th6 circuEitanccs.
English might havc rcsortcd to bribery
tactics,
sld othcr
Bahad ur^war-playiog a dual geoc;
whilc tryiog
Ior u trcb
"^-,-L1T supporr for his rcsrorarioa he war iotriguiai iI
134 ltlodern Nepal
thwart the actions of his opponents to us€ similar supPort
against him,
But it was a hard task to purcbase the loyalty of the
Ncpalcse patriots, As Oldfield puts "Thc Gorkbas sct tco
high a vatuc on their own country's indcpendcnce to'bc
induccd to consent to this proposal". They could do cvery'
thing clsc but not scll their pauiotism for money. To
thcm compromise with the British imperialists on thc issue
of atrcaty cnvisaging subridiary alliance wes eDtirely out
of qucstion, Captain Knox, therefore, tried bis best oDly
to find at last that his cfiorts bad failed. But luckily tbe
tcnsion at Kathmandu gave indication as to the success of
thc British mission, and it appcarcd tbat vbat bribery and
cajolry had not achicvcd, the Gorkhalis' own political
troublcs would automatically throw thcm into British
arms.
Thc Nepalcse wcre in no mood to toleratc thc prcscnce
of Englishmen in the capital. The exitof Captain Knox
and party was a natural sequel to the situation that was
crcsted in the capital as a rcsult ofintcrlal and external
intrigues, to which the British bad also played no mean
role. The British were not then sufrcicntly stroDg to use
further pressurc oD ths Nepalcse, being engagcd as they
wcrc in a ferocious struggle with the Ma,atbas' Lord
rirlollcsley, thereforc, satisficd himself with a strong lctter
ofdisapproval of the conduct of thc Ncpal Government
to thc Maharaja, wbich also complaincd of maltrcatment
accordcd to the Resident, but he knew fully $ell that
these would fall on deaf ears. The question of open hos-
tility could not b€ entertained' and thc Government still
hopcd tbat 'amity and fricndsbip would be maintained'
betwoen the two countries. Thc matter rcstcd the,e.
Thc Gorkhalis feared that any amount of carelcssncss
oq their part might be taken advantage of, therefore, thcy
not oaly avoided political coDtact but also would uot
allow a religious mission to laod in tbeir couotry (see
 British llission Rauns l3S
Patna mission Lettcrs reprints in the Catholicus).s6 tt war
not a fact that they were blind to notice thc thrclt fron
thc British to Nepal,s indepcndcnce. Sincc thc battl€ of
Plassey tbc Gorkhalis werc viewing thc devclopment in
the politicat situation of the plains with gravc conccro.
They spurned all sorts of approaches on thc side of thc
British and twice abrogated thc trcaties which thcy h8d
had to enter into under prcssure of advcrsc circusmstanccs.
Whilc fighting single handed in this way thcy did not 6parc
any cfforts to prcsent a common froDt in alliancc with
other princes. At that time thc Marathas and the Sikhs wcrc
the powers that counted and had they listened to thc Gor.
khalis the course of Indiatr history might havc bcen cntircly
differcnt, But in the atmosphere of intrigue and suspicion
thc Gorkhalis could not bring them round to agrcc to thcir
views. Wc havc a sorry and tragic spectaclc ofGorkha
patriots frustratcd at tbis' attitude of thcir compatriots in
India. Yet thcy did not lessen thcir endeavour, Ifistory
rccords how they made repcated attempts at *inning ovcr
thc Indian princcs to tbeir sidc against tbc British.
Here in Baoaras Rana Bahadur was busy wcaving hir
wcb of intrigucs looking at thc situation of internal diiscn.
tion and mutual bickering at thc court in Kathmandu,
His residcncc was a oenrj for othcr pcrsonc of similar
charecter, As we have.noted earlicr hc was carrying a
clandcstinc corrcspondence with mcn of importancc in
Kathmandu and these were to side with him in thc ev€nt
of hie going back home.
Since, Knox lcft for Ncpal thc cx-King wa6 lcft in
chargo of thc collector of Bauaras, Mr, Ncavc. Sincc about
Octobcr, 1803 the AAGG ia Banaras, Mr. T. Brookq, was
to look aftcr hie comforts though hc was not foroally
deolarcd Rcsident, The AAGG was askcd to servs ao ord6;
on Rana Bahadur not to lcavc Banaras without thc prior
35. Fcbtualy, 194t.
136 llodern NePal
pcrmission of the Govcrrmcnt in Calcutta' Gusrdr rnd
p"oo, *"." postcd to kccp watch ovcr him. Irritatcd by the
Lcasure Rana Bahadur askcd Mr. Ncave whcthcr he should
considcr himself 'a prisoncr'. Ncavc replicd that thc cr'
Rulcr should address himsclf to thc Govcrnor-Gcncral on
thc subject assuring him, howcvcr, tbat whatcvct was donc
was'for his protectiotr and wclfarc'.
T. grooks in his lcttcr of 5th Novcmbcr' to thc GG
plcads for a morc lcnicnt sttitudc towards Raoa Babadur'
in particular hc wanted to trcat Ratra Bahadur in a way
thaihc might carry with him a favourablc imprcssion of
tho tr"atroot he rccciYcd in thcir hands' T' Brooks bim'
self thought that hc did not find any injunctions from
his
Exccllency 'which can bc construcd into an ordcr to dctain
thc Raja at Baoaras"
The Sccretary to thc Govcrnncnt in his lettcr oftbc
15tb April,1801 had only informed him 'to discourag'
aDy
join Kuox
indicatlon of a dcsirc oB tho part of thc Rsjs to
ou thc frooticr of Nipaul'36, According to thc nrw AAGG
this was not iDteodcd to imposc 'any rcEtraint cn Rana
Bahadur aftcr thc signing of the treaty" Evcn the scparatc
engegemcnt about his Jagir opcrating through British int'r'
'pro vided that thc Raja had thc option Githcr
mcdiary-Britirh to
livc in tcrritory or scttle oD his Jagir at Bijcpur'3?'

Rana prepares to 8o Home

The AAGG wrotc that Rana Bahadur had abdicatcd
voluntarily and hc still retained his right to govcrn thc
country as his son's guardian. Io the bcginning hc cxpcctcd
of thc British such help es would enablc him to subduc his
opponents, but with the conclusion of thc trcaty, thcsc
cx'
pi"tutiolt were gone. But now Rara Babsdlr accoldigg 10
in" a,eGG" information 'entcitains hopes of tG-cstablirhing
hrmself io his Goveroment Pith or withcut British bclP"
36. For. Sec. D.pt. Coos.,26th April 1604, !' 298'
37. lbid.
 British llisston Returns 131

In tho proscit instablc situation hc was likcly to succccd.

Thq AAGG furthcr wrotc that mcn who wcrc instrumental
io bringiag about thc trcaty of lEOl did trot exist politically.
Wirh thr Rani holding thc reigns of Govcrnmcnt thc 'Rejs
fccls tbat hc would bc joined by a sufrcient numbcr of
adhcrcnts to rcgain the inf,ucocc to which hc has a natural
titlc ss fathcr to thc Rajo'88. Aftcr giving an accouDt of
thc payEcnt of moncy paid to RsDa Bahadur lhc AAGG
ssid that if tbc cx-Rulcr coDtinucd to stay in British tcrritory
thc Govcrnmcnt would havc to bcar the rcsponsibility of
'providing him Rs.72,000 pcr ycar u/ithout any prospcct 6f
indcmnifrcstion unless by tiking posscssion of thc jagcer
of Bijcpur arsigncd by thc trcaty io eccurity for thc Raj's
allowancc and which could not be donc lvithout a military
allowanco'. Thc AAGG thln suggcstcd thst'thc voluDtary
rcmoval of Rana Bahadur from thc Company's tcrritory
whilc hc continucs to declare his non-acquisci€trcc to thc
stipulations of thc trcaty would at oncc cxonGratc thc
Govcrnmcnt from their guarantcc of his depcnd'. The
AAGG want€d clcar itrstruction ofthc Goycrnor-Gcncral,
whcthcr Rana Bahadur should bc restraincd or bc allowcd
to movc anywhcrc hc liked. Hc warncd ahat iE lhe cvcDt
of Rana Bahadur rcacbing Ncpal 'clardcstincly and in thc
prcscnt Btatc of mind cvcry bcncfit hc has rcceivcd from
our Govcrnmcnt will bc forgottco in his mood to rcscnt thc
indignity to which hc is subj€ctcd at thc momcnt'. Thc
AAGG suggcetcd that 'RaEa Bahadur should be soothcd and
conciliatcd, ..so thst wc may concludc a trcaty $,ith th€
abdicstcd Raja. I am surc hc occcdcg to ths tcrms of thc
trcaty, advsntageous to thc British Govcramcat Bnd should
tho Raja not adhclc to thc trcaty even the! thc GovcrDmcut
would not find in a worse positioo, in fact the sama uncor.
tsiEty cxistilg thc tiEc would contiou€'.
N. B, Ed6oE8toac iu his letter (19 Novcpber, 1803)

3E. rbid.
138 Modcm Nepal
rcplicd that thc 'Covcrnor-Gcncral was waiting for Captain
Knox's arrival, and aftcr consulting him hc would convcy
his dctcrmination with reepcct to thc adjustmcnt of thc
Raja's affairs', But until thcn Rana Bahadur was askcd to
rcmain pcaccably in Banaras, He also dircctcd thc AAGG
'in thc meantime the Raja may be prcvcnted from quiting
Banaras and you are authoriscd to takc nccessary measurcs
to prevent his departurc'.
It appcars from thc tcnor of argument in the lcttcrs of
T, Brooks thst'hc was favourably disposcd towards RaDa
Bahadur but he wanted to exploit tf,c cx-Ruler's plight in
thc intcrest of thc British by scdulous ondcavours to pacifi
the crtrcme impaticncc cvinccd by tbc Raja', Mcanwbilc
Rana Bahadur wrot. s lettcr to thc GG'with somc general
assurance of his favourable disposition towards lhc British
GovernEent'. From this and thc prospcct ofe visit to him
by thc Raja's confidcnt Ranganath Pandit, T. Brooks was
visualising fricndly ties with Nepal und€r tbe treaty of
160l as soon as Rsna Bahsdur returncd to Ncpal. Hc wrotc
to thc GG in his letter of l9th Novcmber lhat the prospect
ofRana Bahadur's rcturn to Nepal wcrc quitc sure. Hc
wEs invitcd by thc Reni, and thc iDformation was corro-
boratcd by C. Lloyds. Thc AAGG said all this hc was
mcntioning was bccause'thc Raja had commcnccd unusual
op€nncss of mind'. He rcportcd on thc 24th November,
1803 that Ranganath Pandit had paid him a visit to rcncw
hic asguranccs of &ttachmctrt to thc British Govcrnmcnt
and scnding for my pcrusal lcttcrs hc had rcccntly rcccived
from leading characters from Ncpal'. Hc was imprcssed
with thc &uthsnticity of thcsc lclters.
Thesc revcal a statc of agitatiotr in thc court ovcr thc
qucction of the rcturn of Rana Bahadur Shah, Four scnior
mcn of the Governmcnt-Cheutara Shcr Bahadur, Amar
Singh Thapa, Bakhtabar Singh Basnet, and RaDajit Pandc
desired Rana's return and 'reassumption, of authority by
hio'. Thoy bad exgressed ardeut !upport to Rala's causr.
 British llission Returns 139

Raja Prithvipal of Palpa had likcwise pledgcd his worde

in favour of Rana's reinststement. But Kazi Damodar
Pande, Brajananda Misra, uncle of Gajaraj and Kazi Nar-
singh opposcd any move to britrg back Ratrs to thc capital.
Damodar had yct somo influenco over thc Maharani and
Brajananda was list€ncd to as thc Guru by hcr. So she had
not been so opcn to cxtctrd support to the qucstion of RaDa's
rcturn. There was no letter from hcr on thc qucstion, so
that thc dcgrec of her support could not be assesscd.
It appearcd thst the coterie round Rana Bahadur
dreaded Damodar's influcncc at the court. It was for this
rcason that Ranganath had assured T. Brooks 'regardiDg thc
advatrtages thc Raja was willing to givc thc Britiih to
cnjoy whcnever hc was reinstatcd'but which thc l8ltcr says
'he wavcd thc question lcat hopcs might bc built otr thco'
which it might not bc His Excellcncy's itrtcntion to
realisc'l e.
Brooks reported that Rana Bahadur considered Gajaraj
Misra as his enemy. To give a favourable impressioa of thc
British intontion to Rana Bahadur it wa8 said tbat th€
AAGG was avoiding contact 'in confidcntial discusrion'
with Gajaraj Misra who would bc in touch Eith Knoxao.
It was learnt in Banaras through Gulam Kadir Khan,
who war thcn in Kathmandu, thst thc Maharani was bcing
put undcr pressure to invitc her husband by Kazis Ranajit
Pandc and Ranabir Singh, but this was bcing rcaisted by thc
powcrful Damod8r Pandc who posscsscd the chief cortrol
in thc admirstration and who from his superiot abilitics and
his influcnce with thc soldicrs was ablc to msintain his hold
on administration, Thc Maharani, howcver, wag inclined to
support this prospect of Rana Bahadur's rcturD.
Like Knox the AAGG in Banaras T. Brooks, ticlicvcd
in a British policy of bcfriending the Ncpalcec cx-Ruler st

39. For. Pol. Sec. Corsult, 26 April, 1804, o. 301.

40: Ibid.
lao Mothn Ncpal
this rtrgc. Hc had gained an impression that thc opposition
against Rana Bahadur did aot command wido support and
es .such hc cxpectcd littlc rceistancc whcn Rana Bahadur
actually cntcrcd Ncpal. Thercforc if British interests wcre
to bc promoted Rana Bahadur should find the iEmcdi&tc
iituation in India to his favour leaving him no occassion
for complaintt,
We ehall find from the followiog paragrapbs tbat
thc Govcltror-Gcncral had fiDally pcroitted Rana Bahadur
to loavc thc British tcrritorics. Hc issucd ordcrs to this
cffcct aftcr consulting Csptain Knox.'Mcanwhilc Rara
Bahadur asked for permission to go to Puri on pilgrimage
through his lcttcr of 3rd Dcccobcr, 180I. Hardly was rhc
rcqucst rcccivitrg sttcntioD, whcn thc ex.Rulcr wrote
anothcr lcttcr datcd lSth January, 1804 dcclaring bis dcsirc
to cntcr his country.
As to Anglo-Ncpalese relation notbiDg had happcned
to changc thc attitudc on both sides since Knox lcft. But
ninc months latcr thc British camc to thc vicw thst it was
timc to dcclarc ths tresty no loogcr valid, They attributed
'thc fsilure of the cxcoution of thc conditione of alliancc
on thc part of the Ncpalesc to the weakncss and instability
of thc minist€rs and thcir mutual disscntions,. Thc treaty
wae regardcd by cvery psrty in powcr as something of a
dcvicc to rctain Britieh goodwill so that Raoa Bahadur was
prevsntcd from returning homc. Mr. Lloyd who was
Sccrctary ofthe Rcsidency now functiotring froo Banaras
was informcd by a lettcr writtcn on tha 24th January that
thc British had withdrawn thc tr€aty of 1801, As thc treaty
was no loogcr valid all obligations on thc British €manatiDg
from thc samc lapscd autoEatically, which mcsDt tbnt
Raaa Bahadur was no longcr uDd6r restraint, aDd hc could
go bac& hornc, for which hc wanted thcir pcroissioo.
'Uudcr dirsolution of the treaty the British Govcramcnt
would not bc justiied by t[c prigciples ol pubfic law i!
detaiaiDg thc Raja or in cootrolling tbe cxcttio! of his
 Brltkh Ah on Rctunt t4l
ldhorcn$ for tbc rcrtoration of bir suthority, though it
war kooyn that his rcctoration would bring morc violcncc
and opprcssion to Ncpal in vicw of his unbalanccd tempcr-
amctrt. Rana Babadur bad undcrtakcn lo ,concludc lnotbcr
clgagcmcat! rimiler to thosc cortncted by rhc trcaty ol
I80l'. But thc Britilh would rcfusc to obligc bim, rad at
th€ taEG tiEc would not crcltc obstacles in bi! .ttcmpt to
rcfcrring to Ncpal. Lloyd wae told that tho prcrcnl
Ncpalcrc Govrrnocat should bc inforncd bcforcband of
Rana Bahadur's intcntion to cDtcr Ncpal aDd British ttri-
tudc in rcspact of tbc mattcr. The Acting Agcnt iD BaDsrar
had bccn dircqtrd to.sigoify thc Raja thsr aftcr thG clpira-
tion of onc month from thc datc of this dcspatch hc wi bc
at libcrty to dcpart from Banaras'. Thc Residcncy Munshi
in Kathoandu was to dcpart immcdiatcly for Banaras
aftcr intimating thc Ncpalcsc adEinistration of thc
tcrminstion of thc trcaty of 180t. In rcply to Rana Brha-
dur's lcttcr of l8 January thc Govcrnor-Gcrcral obrcrvcd
that whilc cotrcluding the trcaty with thc Ncpal Govcrn-
mcnt 'it war cqually my objcct lo providc for ]our pctEa.
ncnt confort and accommodation in thc sccludcd siluation
which you had voluntarily chooscn' but as hc ws! now
compcllcd to withdraw from all conocclioos with Ncpal
hc can no longcr cnsurc thc provision assigncd by lhorc
cngagcm€nts of thc trcaty for your support' 8dding thrt in
thc ncw circumstanccs it was not bis desirc to prcvcnt him
from lcaving Banaras'to whatcver qusrtcr, you may fhint
propcr to procccd'. As carlicr ocDtioned Rana wa! dctaiD.
ed for onc more month in Banaras to allow thc Maharaoi,r
Govcrnmcnt in Ncpal to hsvc timcly knowlcdgc of thc
situation. N. B. Edmonstone writing to T. Brooks, Acting
Agent to lhc Goveftor.Gcncrat on January, 24 said thst lhc
announccment of our withdrgwat fron thc allioocc would
rcach withiD a month and Rana Bahadur was Bt libc y lo
go anywhere aftcr this pcriod was ovcr. Thc Actiag AgcDt.
howevcr, was dirccted to provcnt bic lcaving Banarar crrlicr,
112 Modcn NcPal
Edmonstonc also instructcd thc agcnt to p8y Rona 'rDy
accumulatcd trrcars of stipend should he crPrGSr a dcsirc"
But Rana Babadur was to bc accompanied by'a confidcntial
ogcnt of the British to thc frontier who will imm€diatcly
rpproach th€ district ofrccr if thc Raja comoitr impropcr
actionr'.

Mottvc behtnd lhc Rclcasc of Raaa Eahadttr

As thG Btitish dccidcd to relcase Rana Babadur it was
cl.ar thtt thcir action in seeking a trtaty relation vith
Ncpal was motivotcd by considcrations of sccking fulfil'
mcnt of impcrialist dcsigtr itr Nepal bchind tbe facade of a
simplc treaty of friendshipi Thc British sbandoDcd hopes
of attainmcnt of any succcss whcn Captain Knox was com-
pellcd by dint of circumstances to lcavc Katbm0ndu' Thc
trcaty was not disowncd for somctime' il took at lcast 8
months to makc a declaration ia regard to thc sbrogation
of thc trcaty, But thcrc was no occassion to abrogatc the
trcaty if their aim had becn to basc British'Ncpal r€lation-
ship on a foundation o[ peacc and Iriendship and no
impcrialist intcrest was ricd to it. Evcn without Knol's
abscnce in KathDandu ths trcaty migbt have coDtinucd
to
cxist with othcl sdvantsges mutually shar€d' But thc
British thought that thc trcaty bad becn left without
any purposc oncc thc Residcnt was cxpclled' If the treaty
nad stayca, the.British had to Protcct the intercst of one
of
th€ partics witbout d€riving 8ny advantsSes in rcturn' At
the time Knox left for Bagah' Kathmandu uas scctbing in
unrcst. Thcy might havc also realised tbat Damodar Psnd€
was helplcss to control thc situation with the fickle young
quccn whimsically excrcising her absoluto authority, which
could bs cxploitcd by pro'Rana group to further ils eDds'
But the most important factor tbat Yeighed with thcm
was thc prospdct Rana cnjoyed after return' If Rana
Bahadur rcturncd and was able to snatch powcr ofstste'
tho British might play alothcr diPlomacy abandoning
 Drlrlth Mhtion R.tutns 143

ncutrality and cncouraging him to go to Kathmandu.

Thcy obtaincd rcports consistently that Rana's returtr $as
awaited with cnthusiasm by many people, lhough othcrr
lookcd with dismay. Astatcof civil war might cDsuc itr
that courlc. Thc GG wae advised by a scction of his coun-
cillorr that Rana Bahadur as a winning party sbould trot bg
purhcd to a dircction to go back home, hc must catry
with him all tho goodwill of the E, I. Company's Govcrn-
mcnt and thie could bc achicvcd if he is encouragcd by thc
British. Of coursc, thc English werc cunning enough to
imprcss thc cx.King that thcy wcre adopting guarant€c for
his penaion and thcy had actcd like a bcncf8ctor to Rana Bab a-
dur. Hc, howcvcr, was fccling gor€ ovcr testrictions on his
movcmolt and most of all on thc issuc of the Britisb rcfusal
to give military aid to him in rcspect of bis dcsign to get
back his thron€. Now with the abrogstico of the trraly a
ncw situation had cropped up. Tbe British could bavc
prevcntcd him from marching to thc bordcr cvcn at this
time and probably a sevcrs crisis would have becn avcrted
and vcry nany livce savcd, But hcre thc British actcd
with a motiv€. Th€ int€ntion was to oblig. Rana Babadur
by withdrawing rcstrictions on his movements. Thcy
sccmed to givo him blcssing to go to Katboandu and
capture power as thc aDnouocc ment of withd rawal ca m e.
Wc lcarnt from thc following paragrapbs that Rana got otre
loan from the British for all the cash rcquircments for his
homc goiug by such action. They hoped that Rana Bahadur
would abidc by thc treaty in order to pay his gratitudc to
tbc British.
It was sure that if Rana Bahadur hsd contiDued to stay
in Banaras, thc Ncpal Government would havc paid cvcry
instalmcnt ofannual revcnues accruing to hjm from thc
jdSir without losc of timc. But Rsna Bahadur's objcctivc
was to scizc powcr in Katbmandu and for this restrictioDs
on his movemcnts had to be withdrawn and tbcy did so
as tiEc wanted. Should wc take the unilateral breach of
la{ Uodon NoWl
thc trcsty by thc Britirh ar innoral ? Obviously tbc Brilish
had trot actcd on moral cotrsidcrstions. Tbcy wcrc purru-
ing a policy of sclf-itrterest and it did not mattcr tbrough
whom tbis wac achicvcd. But th.y krcw that Rana Blhsdur
wls thr lalt pcrloo to proEotc British ispetialitt intcrc.t
io Ncpal, Hcace if thc British had at lhir tiEG pinlcd hopc
on Rana Bahadur it was Dot bccausc lbcy scrc turc of thcir
porltion but becaurc tbcy had no othcr qusttct to lool lo.
Wc rball know from prregraphr bclow lblt lbc littlc KDox
had gaincd by hir diplomacy in Ncpal was lost iD duc timc
by advcrac circumstanccr.
Accordiag to tbc Govcrnor-Gcncral's iDstructioD!
Rana Bahadur wsr paid on his application a sum of Rs.
5E.965't ( Banaras Sicca )' Rana Bahadur bad to discbrrSc
hie dsbtr ae wcll as to mcct thc ctpcnscs of jourocy. This
wrr said to bc tbc lum'duc to thc Raja uPto 24lh February'
with rcrpect to thc balancc bcforc this datc Sicca Rr.29,J00'.
Lloyd rcportcd tbat Hastadsl Shah promiccd to pay lo thc
trca3ury at Purnea from Raoa Babadur's Jagir of Bijcpur.
Thc Chautara's sgcnt, Gosain Sarup Puri, i$ Grp€clcd to
dclivcr thc moncy. A rum of Rs. 10,000 wag dclivcrcd at
thc Brnaras trcarury by a Ncpalcsc dcPuty wbo carlicr cltn-
dcstincly sought to pass thc amouot to Rana Bahadur ; lhc
lattcr having rcfused to acccpt thc eum it was luftcd ovcr
to thc British sccount.
Bcforc R'ana Bahadur's dcpsrturc for Ncpal tbc Gorcr'
oor-Gcncral had rcjccted tbc advicc of KDor to ncgotislc a
trcoty with thc cx'KiDg. Thc Govcrnor.Gcncral was of lhc
opinion thst any trcaty concludcd tlith tbat princc will bc
nugatory unlcss cnforced by a dcgrec of control by thc
British. Edmonstonc wrote to T. Brooks on January 24,
ItOO tdat such a stcp on their Part would bc highly inexpc'
dicnt end impropcr. The British beld tbc vicw that 'a
lcgitimatc Govcrnment was functioning in Nepal with Cir-
vrna Juddha as Maharaja" 'As thc British h8d Gnlcrcd into
allirncc with rbat CovcrEmcDt, it would not bccoEc thcp
 8? lsh Mtstlon Rctufir t1t
to chsogc thcir attitudo at this hour. Howcvcr, if Rrna
Bohadur wss rcatorcd to powcr by his own mcars the Brilish
would ncgotistc with him. But it will bo unjurt to itrtcr-
fcrc ia his bchalf or essist hiE to that cnd'.
EdmoDstoDo cotrvcycd to thc Acting Agcnt lhG rdvicc
of His Exccllctrcy-ia-Council to sdopt prccautioDsry mc!-
surcs in otdcr to prcvcnt Raja Rana Babadut in hie Journcy
through tha Coopany'e tctritorics froa raising trooPr ot
collocting any conaidcrablc numbcr of adhcrclle of any
dcscription or purchacing arms or military rtorcs ae wcll ao
from rtopping or cstablishing himself for any conoidcrablc'
pcriod of timc on thc Indo-Ntpslcsc bordcr for thc purposc
of inciting comEotions in Ncpal or of inviting 8Dy pcoplc
to join him from thst country'. Therc wac also a ncssagc
from His Bxccllcncy-in-Council thst 'in thc cvcnt of rcstora-
tion to thc Govcrnmetrt of Nipaul, hc should rcfrain frcm
any acts of violcncc against thosc pcrsonr who havc oari-
fested a disposition to sccurc thc due cxccution of thc trcaty
of October, 1801, intimatiDg to him that thc knowlcdgc of
aly such acts of injustics will in futurc precludc all ami-
cablc intcrcoursc bctwecn thc British Government 8Dd thc
itatc of Nipaul'.{ t
T. Brooks, Actiog Agcnt to thc Govcrnor:Gcncral in
Banaras convcycd thc Governor-Gencral's wishcs to Rana
Bahadur beforc hc dcparted.
Rana Bahadur lcft Banaras after thc expiry of onc
uonth's pcriod and he left a lctter addresscd to lbe Govcr'
nor.Gcncral cxprcssing his gratitudc and plcdging ccopcra'
tion in future.
Thc confidcntial agcnt of the British was with him
bcyond thc frontier. Hc rcturncd to Baoaras on the lSlh of
March to rcport th.t whilc he was back to thc border he
had tearnt that'the Rajah had rcached his capital aBd h8d
bcen rsstorcd to the full aqd complcte posscssion of thc

41, N.297, For, and Sec, Dept.,26 April, 1804.

l$ Mo*n Ncgnl
Nipeul Govcrnmcnt without mcctiog with aDy lort oI
opposition'.
G. Lloyd in hi3 lcttcr of lgth Msrch statc! that tbc
Govcrnor-Gcneral rhould appoint .a Rcsidcnt in Nipaul if
troublcs ststtcd in Nipaul in thc cvent of the Rajah,B
misbchavior'. Lloyd adviecd in all carncat to.maiDlain a
channcl of comouDication cvco to prcls th6 British claims
for tho rcturn of thc loans advanccd to Rana Bahsdur
which yct romaincd to bo paid'.
But it secms that for thc timc bcing tbe British wcrc
avorsc to do anything so drastic in relation to Nepal. But
thoy did not crcatc obstacleg and allowed things to tske
thoir own coursc.
Apart from writing to those alrcady in coDiact Rana
trow approacbcd all thosc who had not yet pledgcd support
to him.
In that courr€ Amar Singh Thapa recciv€d I Icttcr from
Rana Bahadur exonerating him from all blamcs sincc troub-
lcs startcd betwccn him and lhe men around his sos, the
baby King. He hrd pardoned all his actions whether donc
coosciously or not. The lctter is datcd yS lg60 Sravana
Sudi 2 roj 4., and was sent from a house in Manikarnikaghst,
Banaras. Hc warncd Amar Singh .that as the latter was likc
a son to him hc bclicved in his sincerity'. .Do not betray
mc' he wrote 'and I shall not betray you at any time,.s.
Wc might rcmembcr that earlier Rana Bahedur had advised
Sher Babadur to win Amar Singh ovcr to his sidc as hc was
a man of grcat influcncc io the country and his support for
thc cx-Kiog's causc was absolutcly trecessary if bis movcmcDt
into tbe country wes to be eased. Rana Bahadur in his letter
had raid that he was not prepared to reccive moncy from
the Phiritrgis any morc and had demandcd moncy from thc
Eldcr Rani to be sent through the Firm Dwarikadass, Thc

A7 Wednesday, 2nd July, lEol.

43. Itihasa Prakasa,I, p. 143.
 D tish ltltslon ll.tumt 147

cldcr quccn accepting thc cx-King'r dcmand says in her lettcr

'Mirfortuucs had driven us to Banaras whetc you had to
incur dcbt from thc foroigncr it straitcncd circuDslanccs.
It is not good elways to bc und€r thcfu obligation. Therc.
forc wc have arrangcd to oakc available lo you fuDds
rufrccnt to pay ofr thc Phiring's dcbts at wcll as to enablc
you to livc in Banaras, For thq purpocc of s€lding you
money rcgularly in timo Hestadal has becn appointed thc
Suba of Moraug. He is to eend you tho itrcomc from Sap-
tsri and Mohattari for thc paymctrt of debt to tho Eoncy-
lendcrs whilc the incomc from Yijepur would occt your
personal expenscs in Banaras. He has bcen askcd to dcsPatch
moncy for VS 1860 sincc Kartika. Wc wantcd to pay off
thc PhiriEgi's dcbt but we learn tbat in 1859 thc land
rcvcnuc had bcen collectcd in advance also of thc ycar 1860.
But some Eoncy was borrowed from the treasury and was
r€nt towards meeting this particular expcDsc. Wc ate try-
ing to pay off the rcmaining d€bt due to thc British. Pleasc
writs to us the total amount of debt which you have to pay
off now. If you have repaid to the British at a great ri6k
to your lifc, it is our duty to scc that cvery wish of yours is
fulfilled. Wc havc dcsircd to 6cnd money to Mcssrs Dwari-
kadass, Actually thc bearcr of thc lett€r was dclained uptill
now with that cnd in view, and wc had arranged with
Ravilal. But wo hear of the dcath of Dwarikadass, and utrfor-
tunatcly no busincss transaction has bccn mado in thc name
of Bhavanidass. So Ravilal could not talk to us in tcros of
asrurancc without consulting his ncw oaEtcr. Howcvcr,
wc have askcd him to do his utmost. Dwarikadass's agent
has written to hi8 mastcr. He has also written not to press
you for paymcnt assuring that his moncy will bc paid with-
out fail, also that motrcy from the said Pcrgannas would not
be used for purposes other thar payirg off his d€bt'. Thc
lcttcr concludcs by stating that shc was maltrcat€d in Katar-
ban but she did trot takc any action as all such people beirg
hcr subjects werc likc hcr sons.
laE Modcn Nepal
AccordiDg to G. Lloyd's lettcr of Marcb, lg04 to
EdmonstoBc, Sccrctary to thc Govclnmcnt thc bslancc to be
paid by Ncpal to the British on account ofthe settlemcnt
oa Rana Bahadur wag Sicca Rs. E8,465-8.0, Lloyd infor-
m€d that'Rana Bahadur baving on the evc of hjs deparlure
applicd for his arrcar of stipcnd rcccivcd from , lbc Govcr-
nor-Gcaotal's Acting Agcnt at BaDaras Sicca Rs.5g,965-g
thc rum duc to the Raja up to thc 24th February with rcs-
pact to thc balancc cxisting beforc this datc, amounting to
Sicca Re. 29,500'. Lloyd statcd in the.samc connecrion that
hc had becn informed by Knox that Cbaurara Hastadal
Shah promiscd to dcposit Rs.29,500 at tbe treasury in pur-
nia rtrd thc Chautara's ordcr to his Gomastha ( Gossain
Swarup Puri ) had reachcd bim, and this was reDt to the
collcctor of Purnia forthe realisation of th€ amount.
According to Lloyd again Rana Bahadur had dcclincd
to acccpt Rs. 10,000 which was seDt thtough the Ag.Dt to
Govcrnor-General in Banaras by the king ofNcpal frcm
sources othcr tha,n th.. jagir of Vijepur. Thc Ncpalcse autho-
ritics had also informed Lloyd in January that a sum of
Rs, 2d(x)0 wai sent to Betia for transmission to Banaras to-
wards thc cxpcrscs of the cx-King. But Gajaraj Misra latcr
wrote that this amount was Dot actuslly sent. A sum of
sicca Rupees 18,000 .being the kists due on rhe currcnt ycat
up to thc last instant'had been also rcceived by Knox. This
is mcntioned by Knox in his lett€r he wrote to EdmoDstoDc
on June,23rd, 1803 (For. Scc. Depr.,2 May, 1805, n.352).
The British Residency in Nepal was wound up on the
lst of March. The teats and other propcrties werc transfer-
red to Banaras, Thc civil surgeon Mr. proctor was told that
he was to gct his salary up to that date. Other servants of
the Residency were dismisscd from this date.
We know alrcady that Rana Babadur was seeliing his
compatriots from the ratrks of the Bharadars using all sorts
of stratagy. He had succeeded in establishing contacts with
Bakhtabar and laterwith Sher Babadur. As Knox rcturned,
 British Mission Rctums l4g
and the prospect of his home going appeared bright ho
wanted to have an easy course by enlisting support of his
elder queen who was now thc Regent. From a lettcr sho
wrote to Rana Bahadur it seems that thc cx-King had sent 3
letters bcfore a reply was scnt to him. But there is nothing
of intrigues and his attempts to leave British territory in
this corrcspondence. But thc quecn bad assured him in a
linc that she was engaged in the task of his .housc making,
meaning'getting bim back homc'. The Regent's letter tal-
ked only of reimbursement of funds by thc Ncpal Govern-
ment in lieu of debt incurred by the ex.King from the
money-lender Dwarika dass.
Rana Bahadur informs Bakhtabar that hc hed asked
the British to let him go back home and was waiting for
their answer. He wanted Bakhtabar to collcct signatorics of
his trusted courtiers for his (the ex-King) recall. probably
this was meant to impress the British that the peoplc of
consequencc wanted him to go to Nepal to correct thc
deteriorating situation. The cx-King warncd that this was
the timc to know real friends and cnemies.
It appears that before hc reached Kathmandu Rana
Bahadur Shah had tried to ascertain his position vis-a-vis
his opponents' strategy. He seemed also cautious to gct
hold of the boy king's person. This he stresses more than
once in his letter to Shcr Bahadur.
In this lctter ( yS 1860 Marga sudi 15 roJ 2).t to
Bakhtabar who is addressed as Kazi ( this man was now re-
movcd from tbe posr of Chief Kazi ) Rana thanks him for
his boldness in continuing the correspondence but says that
his prcsent plight was due to his inadvertently falling into
thc trap laid by Misra. Rana assures him that hc stilt
appreciatcd the brave deed of the Basnct family, and would
ever honour the promises made in the past calling him thc
ex-King's son.

44. Monday, 19 Decernber, 1803

150 Modern Nepal
Onc lctter cach to Sher Bhadur and Vidur Shah was
despatchcd from his rcsidcncc at Gy'aldatka Talao. This
lcttcr to Shcr Bahsdur was scnt in reply to the lattcr'i,
which had informcd him that hc (Shcr Bahadur) had
rcached Noakot aftcr making proper arraDgements for tbe
ex-King's homcconing. Rana Bahadur warns that his
oppon€nts might try to take thc king to Noakot or
Gorkha and this should on no account be allowed to
happen. It was not to Shcr Babadur's honour to watch a
Khasa ruling. Hc must fulfil thc dutics of a Kshatriya.
Vidur Shah should be approached to for assistancc. RaDa
advises Sher Bahadur to bring round to his views aB rDany
as Bheradars as possible. Hc assurcd that as scon as he
camc, thc aflairs of statc would be cooductcd in mutual
consultation. The lcttcr bcars the dale 1860 toj 2+b,
Vidur Shoh was newly appointcd in officc. Hc is
addressed as Chautara, So Rana Bahadur's ton€ in tho
lctter was much conciliatory. Thc l€ttcr was writtcn on
Samvat 1860 Pausa wdi 5 roj 746, The contcnt shows that
he was approachcd by the ex-King for the first time. As in
his correspondcncc with others, thc Swami attributes their
diffcrencc to the play of the cnemics. He was writitrg to
him with open hcart and had pardoned him for any
offcnce of omission and commission. Hc invoked the
curse of gods if he had cvcr insincerely writtcn to him 8t
that hour. &ana wrote his lest lettcr to Sher Babadur
Shah thus 'after taking leave of thc British on Mogha 20
we have shifted lo Rangildaska Talao. Wc have still to
settle matters with money-leodcrs. So \.ve shall take some-
time before wc procecd, Wc shall bc reachilg Tcrai on
Phalguna 20, We have done all that is to be done hcrc'
We ar€ depcndidg on you for thilgs to be done at the oth€r
cnd. Do not allow the kiog to be taken alay to Gorkha or

45. Detai.ls are Dissidg due to the neSliSence 'f the cop]ist
46, Drte irregular.
 Bitish Mhsion R.turns 1Sl
Noakot. The wickcd might try to do so.
Some might
escapc in case they fail to achicvc their end, But bc carc-
ful lhat none of them run away. Scrd tru3tcd men to
rcccivc us after cnsuring propcr rrrsngemcnt in the capital,j
Thc lettcr dated. 1860 phalguna sudt 9 roJ .{:Sunday, 19
Fcbruary, 1804 was sont from Rangildaska Talao,
It docs not look that Rana Bahadur Shah left Banaras
unnoticcd, for in this lcttcr to Sher Bahadur Shab, Rana
Bahedur had said that hc 'was at that destitration aftcr
gctting lcave of thc British' (lcttcr above cited). In thc
Lalmohar given to Mathabar Singh, howevcr. thc depar-
ture ofRana Bahadur has bcen mcntioncd to hevc takeo
places without the knowledge of the British,l?. But rhis
story is wrong.
Four days earlior to thc dcspatch of this lettcr Rana
Bahadur had executed a bond acknowledging tbe dcbt of
Dwarikadass to thc tunc of 60,000/- at 2% intercst monthly,
also promising to return thc amount with intercst by
Yaisakha sudi 15 oI 1861. The acknowlcdgcrDcnt was madc
by Rana Bahadur Shah in his signatur€ on t86G ?halguna
tudi 5 roj 4 (:Wedncsday, 15 Fcbruary, 1804).
Rana Bahadur seems to have incurrcd this dcbt to
enablc him to meet hir elpoutes for his journey back home.
Ho thought hc was undcrtaking this journey at a grcat
personel risk, So hc nceded an amouDt mor€ than what
w&s treccssary for normal cxpcnses of a home.goiog in
ordinary circumstaoces. By this amount he thought that he
would even cnlist a fighting forcc if there was a rcsistancc.
Thc amount borrowcd from Dwarikadass was to
supplement the loan hc obtaincd from thc British.
According to thc letter to Lloyd dat€d thc lst March,
1805 (For. Sec. Dept., 18 July, 1805, n.45) the Nepalcsc
deputies who werc shifted from Patna to Betia carlicr
accompanied Rana Bahadur to Kathmandu. Lloyd says

47. Itihasa Plakasa,I, pp. 41-46,

 lS2 Modera NePnl

that thcy v.crc 'dismisscd with cvery mark of honour and

attention'i Rana Bahadur himself was escorted by men of
thc policc departmcnt.
As we have suggcatcd carlier, he came back to Nepal
aot only with the knowlcdgc of the British but wirh thcir
pcrmission, and that hc was scen off by a confidential ag€nt
bcyond thc bordcr. Hc arrived in Thankot ot 2l Phalguna
Chaitravadt 9 roj 248. In the name of Girvana Juddba
Bikram thcre is a lett€r scnt to Ranabhima Sbah of
Salyanaae, which informs that Rana Bahadur reachcd
Kathmaudu on 2l Phclgund fron Banaras and intended to
cntcr thc palacc on th€ 27th as advised by the astrologer.
Thc lGttcr is datcd .Sanrvat 1860 Clnitra wdi 9 roj 2 (:lvlsa-
day, 14 March, 1804), On the same day Rana Bahadur bim-
6clf wrot€ to Ranabhima confirming the fsct of his arrival
in Kathmandu. The letter warns the Raja of Salyana
against rumours connected with his return and directs him
to gusrd wcll all thoroughfarcs and rivcr crossings. In thc
notiog ofe diary of Chandraman Joshi the date given is
Chaitra vadi 5 ro7 J:Tlursday, 29 Fcbruary, 1804. It is
mentioned that he wcnt straight to the tcmple premiscs of
Lumadi wherc he stayed for 5 days. He crtered thc palac€
at night ou Chaitra vadi l0 roj 4 (-Wednesday, 5 Marcb,
rEu A.D.).
Damodar Pande Killed
We know how before his arrival Damodar and his
fricnds tried their level be6t to prevent his home coring;
The palace sent a contiogcnt of armed escort under Kazi
Narasingh to fetch Rana Bahadur as far as Hetauda. Nara-

48. MoDday, 4 Merch, 1804.

49. Itihasaplak.ra Sardhipatra etc., p.408.
It Eight be that th. dateofthelctter publishad iq ltihas.
Prakasa, might havc becq a misptint ; itr this case thc datc itr Chatrdta-
Eao's Diary must b! deemed to be aortect.
 Brittsh Mlssion Returns 153

singh was to appcar as a conmandcr to.intimidate Rana

Bahadur so that he was unconsciously brought to Thankot
under strict surveillance. But as Rana Bahadur descended
to Thankot from Chandra Giri, tbe Gurung Kazi had joined
him against the regime. Along with him also came Sher
Bahadur Shah who had been dismissed earlier from thc
post of Chautara. Other disgruntled Bharadara also bad
followed. Damodar Pande had as a precautionary measure
resorted to detaining scver*l of the Bharadars who were
suspected of loyalty to Rana Bahadur. Amar Singh Tbapa,
father of Bhimsen Thapa, was already in detention. Now a
few others were arrested such as Bakhtabar Singh and
Ranajit Pande. As the ex-King was descending to Thankot
Damodar was waiting at thc foothill with a stroDg force of
the Nepalese army. The Mulkazi had madc all prepara-
tions to welcome with honour the ex.King and for his trans-
port an elcphant had been kept ready. It was said that
Damodar and his compatriots wanted to keepRanaBahadur
under thcir custody without, however, giving him any ink-
ling of his real position. Queen Rajesvari was living in the
palace with the baby king anxiously waiting to hear of thc
arrival of her husband. Shc had allowed herself to be
persuaded by the Chicf Minister to believe that if Rana
Bahadur was left frce the events of 1799-1800 might bc
repeated. But Rana Bahadur's arrival in Thankot upset the
whole plan. Rana Bahadur, at first grew nervous but prop.
ped up by Bhimsen, madc a direct appeal to the soldiers who
so responded that the commander was himself isolated with
many influential men gone over to the ex-King. Damodar
Pande was arrcsted on the spot, and as Sher Bahadur, Bam
Shah and others of his vicws readily accepted thc ex.King's
coup d'etat, he found himself ncxt day in chairs to
die after some days a very crucl dcath. The ex-King
took rest that night at the inn attached to the temple of
Bhadra Kali where Damodar Paude also was confined in a
room.
154 Modcn Nepal
Rana Bahadur and othcr! also wcrc occupyiog a room.
Thc queca had fallcn to his wilcs in a mood of frustratioD.
It is said that quoen Rajarajcsvari had invitcd him to
return ; she had hcrsclf actcd just as an advancc guard for
him, In a lctter of sppointment of Mathabar Siogh as
Goneral (abovc cited) thc story is rclatcd thus: But thc
Maharani could not opcnly scDd for thc Swaoi; hc got
moncy from hcr no doubt as originally proposcd but as hc
thought that Damodar's influence ovcr hcr was uobrcakablc
hc grcw restless I then Bhimsen Thapa gathcrcd couragc atrd
rcassured his master; the Swami had reached Garhi in due
coursc after six days of his dcparture from Kasi ; although
he was not interfered with, the sight of a force at tbc foot
of thc Chadra Giri Pass made him dcspondent and nervous ;
thc Swami told his associates that hc had bccn brought there
for bcing killed ; but evcrlthing went well duc to the
advicc of Bhimsen, thc troopcrs that had assembled to
approhcnd him ultimately sidcd with him ; Damodar Pande
and othcrs wcrc massacred then and thcre 60.
This story might not be truc. Some facts are also
eroneously reported, Damodar had no inteotion of
imprieoning tbe king or rcaching harm of any kind to his
pcrson. It was truc that becausc of his capricious conduct
Rana Bahadur was dreaded. But Damodar was not the
only man to try to avoid him. Evcn Bhimscn Thapa did
not fcel otherwise about his mastcr. Rana Bahadur could
not bg trustcd with powers bccause he would misuse his
authority there to toy with many valuable livcs.
Onc does not know how Rana Bahadur murtcred
couregc to face Damodar Pande. The description in the
last paragraphs is that of a chroniclcr who wrotc at thc
bchcst of Bhimsen Thapa's ncphcw. So strythiDg said to
givc him credit should be taken with a grain of salt.
The time he spent on the tcmple prcmiscs of Bhadra-

50. Itihasa Prakasq I, P. 4l

 Btttish Mlssion Returus 155

kali cnablcd him to manoeuvrc for thc killing of his

immcdiate opponents such as Damodar Pandc aDd othcrs.
Hc also found time to deal liith tbe Reg€nt Rajarajcswari'e
fatc, which was mo6t pitiable. Shc was suspected to havc
bccn a partisan of Damodar and opposcd to Rana Bahadur'e
return. Shc was taken prisoner, confincd to a room in thc
palacc until later banishcd to Hclcmbu, a hill about 32
miles to the north of KathmanduEr,
Rana Bahadur cntered thc royel palace ot27 Phal-
guna (Chaitra vadi 10 roj l:6 March, 1804 but the day is
Tucsday)6e. Then he ordcrcd thc massactc ofDamodar
Pande, his son Ronakesar Pande, Kazi Bhim Khawas, his
cldest son. Subcdar Sankhadhar, Dwarc Sanan Singb,
Subedar Mandhar and Sardar Indraman Khatri who wcrc
soon after bcheaded.
Prabal Raoa saved himself by escaping from dclcntion.
It was said that he begged of thc guards to allow him to
go loanswer to naturc's call on the bank of thc rivulct
Tukucha nearby. The guards could not refuse. But next
moment hc disappearcd. A Jamadar and a sepoy were
killed for the oflence ofrcleasing Prabal Rana. Damodar
too could hav€ cscaped, and Prabal Rana had actually
sounded him. But hc refused to moye rayirg tbat hr
wanted justice and prove his innocence which, however,
was denied to him.
Rana Bahadur had discarded the role ofthemonk,
But in ordinary behaviour hc was still a monk in display.
As a mcndicant Rana Bahadur could not assumc royal
command. He was not even to act as Regent. Hc bad to
face it oncc having said thst he had rcnounccd the
world. He could not opeoly involve bimself in conducting
ths administration. So a ministry was appointed which
included Bhimscn Thapa, Dalablanjan Pande, Bakbtabar

51. Trirutda SaundettaggJra, publisbed bJ SaosLrita Parishad,

52. NotiDg in ChaEdlaroatr Joshi's diary.
155 Moden Ncpal
Singh, Ranadhoj Thapa and Narasingha Gurung; Shcr
Bahadur and Prara ShEh wcre appointcd thc second and
third Chautaras. Rana Bahadur's eldcst son Ranadyot
continued as first Chautara wbilc Bam Sheh 'bccamc the
fourth Chautara. But in actual prscticc this miristry
was a puppct. Thc real power lay in thc hands of
Rana Bahadur who, of coursc, consulted Bhimsen Thapa;
This man hsd just becn promotcd to the post of a
Kazi along with his father. A letter of appointmeot was
issucd on 186I Vaisakha audi 7 roj 5 to thir effect. His
fathcr Amar Singh Thapa who was already a sardar was
also promotcd to Kaziship. So was his brother. They
wcre cntitled to salaries in cash and incomc from land
specificd in the royal order. Thc post was so far occupicd
by Jaspao Thapa as a Kazi. Thc lattcr was dismissed. Two
gencrations previous, Birbhadra is mcntioncd in thc order
of appointment as the father of Amar Singb, Yikram
Thapa as his grandfather 63.
It appcars that Bhimsen Thapa was appointed as a
Dinister not at thc time of Rana Bahadur's rcturn vhilc a
ncw ect of ministcrs werc appointcd to thc posts. He camc
to occupy the post ofa ministcr nearly a month later. We
comc to this conclusion bccausc his name is missirg in thc
first sct of aames. It is also possible that the surviviog Kazis
of the Regency were allowed to function till thc acw
arrangement was made, in which Bhimscn Thapa, his father
and brother as well as othcrs were appointcd. Guru Ranga-
nath rhough not a Kazi himsclf was rcgardcd as cxpcrt
on Indo-Ncpal affairs, and his services wcrc utiliscd for
the purpose of conducting rclations with thc Britisb.
After Bhimsen Thapa, Rangaoath was thc principal
advisor.
Rana Bahadur used to distribute titles of ofrcc to any

53. Chittaraojao Nepali: Bhilcaro Thapa aod hir tiErs; Alt

th. Archives of th! torc.iSo OEr.,
rbese prgors are depositld at
 Brltlsh Mtsslon Rcturns 157

favouriter in Banaras. In that coursc Bhimsen Thapa bad

becn made a Sardar next in rank to a Kazi (dcc. n.8)64.
Since Rana Bahadur returned to Kathmandu, Bhim-
sen Thapa with his close approach to thc palace command-
ed .extraordinary influonce in thc administration.
The Governor-Genera.l was informed of Rana Bahadur's
ascendcncy and of his Qontrol of Govcrnment in the
country. He was also informed of a ncw council of minis-
ters consisting of thc pcrsons we have iust notcd in the last
two paragraphs.
In 186l VS hc married two girls. He had also taken
a girl with him from Banaras. She was the daughter of a
Thakur of a village near Patnr. But shc was not taken to
the palace. She was given a separate house to livc in. This
woman whosc name was Laksmidevi set up an inscrip-
tion in Kathmandu on the benk of the river Bagmati.
Lalitatripurasundari's antecedents are not known so
far. She livcd nearly 24 liears after the death of her hus-
band.
It is said that Rana Bahadur wielded powcrs and real
powers. He was not contcnt to be a man behind the
throne pulling wires. So he could not even formally remain
outside the ofrcial set up. -He was trying to declarc himself
a Regent. But ultimatcly he saw his way to declare himself
a Chief Minister calling Mukhtiar. ln 1862 VS he got a
Sanad of appointment issued in the name of his son, which
declarcd that'Rana Bahadur, our father, was empowered to
take possession of the administration and he could declare
war and arrange peace by himself, from Z,S 1862 Phalguna
sudi 8 roi 4 (: Wednesday, 26 Fcbruary, 1806 ) until 1
come of age. My father will govern the pountry as Mukhtiar
and everyone including men in service, of all castes, is
asked to obey my father'. Those who attached signature

54. Chittaranjan Nepali, op.cit. The original lies in the Archives

of Foreign Office, of which a copy I have also obtaincd.
lr8 Modcn Ncpal
at thc tail cnd wcre Bhimscn Thapa, Pran Shah, Shcr
Bahadur Shah, Ranajit Pande, Ranganath sod Ranadhoj
Thapa.
Raaa Babadur bccamc thus the first Mukbtisr of the
kingdom. Bcfotc him onc oftLe 4 Kazis was callcd Mul-
kazi i.c, thc principal Kazi, and bc had thc 6rst position ia
their rank8. The latter did not cDjoy such powcrs as did
the Mukhtiar, which litcrally meant rcprcsentativc, aod
Raor Bshadur was thc hcsd of thc administration in that
capacity.
Therc is no rccord of British debt bcing paid off but
we havc a paper bearing a list of those pcrsone who had
contributcd to s fund meaDt for thc rcmittaDce of Brirish
dcbt incurred by Rana Bahadur' Thcrc are about 83 indili'
dualt and amongst thcm CbautaraE, Kazis contributcd Rs'
500 each, Bakshis Rs.400 each, Sardars and Kapardars Rs.
272 crcb, Thc Khazanchi's donation stood at Rs' l2E/'. Thc
contributions of othcrs less in rank wcre reduced to two
figures from Rc. 75l- paid by tbe royal priest to Rs ?2.52
in thc cosc of a Ditha add lowcr down Rs. 5/- falling 1o the
sharc of contributions by mcn of the still lower stafi. The
totrl amouotcd to about Rs. 8044.
Thc donation was callcd Salami66 and was paid in
cquivalent amount in lieu of contributioDs to b. madc
during the marriage cclemony of onc of the daugbt€rs of
Rsna Behsdur in lE03 which bad been rcscind€d. Tb€ list
of.contributions was incorporated in a royal ordcr dated
1861 Jyesthe wdi 13 : MeY-Junc, 186{.
Thc collection sccms to havc been madc ncarly three
Eonth. aftcr thc arrival of Rana Babadur in Kathmandu.
The rum is inadcquatc to pay off the total dcbt. We do not
also kitow if the debt was paid at all.

55. Salutc dooation to thc KiD8.

 Clapt€t Y
RANA BAHADUR RETURNS TO NEPAL
As coon as hc found that thc Elder Quecn bad rcacbcd
Kathmandu unopposed, Rana's app.tite for thc resumption
of power was whettcd all thc morc 8nd hc dreaDt to rcgain
it, But thc rcdoubtable Mukhtar Damodar and other oppo-
ncnts yicldcd influcnce though tbey wcre out of ofrcc ard,
thcrcforc, he thought thricc bcfore embarking on his return
journcy. But he would not bc wilhheld from the venture.
Now that thc treaty with the British lapscd be was lcgally
frcc to trcad on thc soil of Nepal, and he procecdcd.l In
this ect hc was adviscd strongly by Bhimsen Thapa, and it
is said that had it not bccn for this young courticr Rana
Bahadur y,ould not haye taken tho risk. Along with bim
thc Ncpalcsc youngmcn brought to Patna as hostages, but
now living in Banaras, also left. The AAGG bad provided
thcm a small escort upto thc frontier.
Asthc British dcsired to termiDate the treaty it was
clcar to Rana Bahadur that thcy would bc under no obliga-
tion to detain him in Banaras any looger. He senscd thst
his going to Kathmandu would be at lcast tsken as good
riddance to a bad riddle. Roports of disscnsion in the
camps of his adversaries wcre rcaching him, and thcre was
reason to fccl that thc water in Kathmandu was troubled
enough to cnable him to fish in. Hc had alrcady woD ovcr
somc important membcrs of the Royal family alongwith
thc Baanct Kazis. And thcre werc vcry fcw men of conse-
quencc left whom he bad not approached. As Knox reachcd
Govindaganj in Champaran Sarkar the foroer King Rana
started to mobilise resources steadily and sccrctly to stage

1. The Govetaoi.Getrcral mad€ a dcclaratioo to this ef€ct o[

24tI Janurry, 1804,
160 tlodera Ncpol
his homo going. Thc British authoritics did know that all
kinds of visitors werc flocking tp Raoa's homc.

Flnal Conquest of Gorfiwal

It appcars that &r Ranr Babadur left Ncpal thc Raja ot
Garhwal wantcd in thc ncw situation roassuran(a of guaratr-
tcc against attack grantcd io him carlicr and had sent bis
Vakil Dharanidbara Khadauri again. In rcEpoDsc to Raja
Pradyumna Shah'a request a frcsh asgutance nas given
through inscription in a coppcr plate that as long as Oarh-
wal's rulcr and bis dcsccndants remained faithful to Ncpal
in mind, word or deed, they 'will bc free from any fear of
absorption of Gsrhwal itto Ncpal and of their throne climi-
nated'. The copper platc was given on 1858 Yatsakha sudi
3 roj S:Thursday, l6 April, 1601.
Garhwal continued to be a subsidisry state for somc
time more. But it was finally annexed to Nepal in 1804,
A lettor with datc missiDg writtcn by Rana Bahadur to
Joganarayana Malla gives a resume of the fight with Garh-
wal in the second phase as we dcalt with in tbc prccediDB
paragraph, Thc letter was in rcply to,{hc Suba's corr.sfon-
dcnce on the subject, in which hc bad said'Jagajjit Pandc
and Golaiya Khawas werc in Srinagar xith half of cur for-
c€s and the rcmaining balf were Darcbing towards Bodhan
Dhaulin-Bika. The latter wing was lcd by Amar Singh.
Across thc river on that sidc the enemy force of rE00 was
stationed commandcd by 3 Sardars. Since Bbadra 13 tbey
had blocked the route Degotiating Kuoaon from Langur-
garh'. The Suba also had informcd thc ccntre tbat they
had called for aid, and with their help some 12 members of
the enemy camp wcre killed. The Sallyana companies dis-
charged thcmsclves crcditably. But the cn(my bad come in
a considcrable number and to meet them inore irregulars
froo Kumaon were being sent for.
Thc King replicd to say that all the vassal states west
of thc Kali Gandak 'havc bcen instructed to collect their
 Raaa Bahadtu Retunu lo Ncltal 16l
forccs and rcach Garhwal'. Thorc in Ggrhwal worc bcing
askcd to writc to tbcm dircct and ask to ruch to thc
front.
Thc King docr not bclicvc thc story that tho Briti3h
wcrc supporting thc cnlmy, Ho tbougbt it was corrcct to
sond s vakil to Barcilly. Siuilarly if any GorLhali oficcr
micbchavcd in tb€ arca hc should bo puniehcd. yoga Malla
had writtcn thst Visnu Sahi was haraeeing thc local inhabi-
tatrts. But thc ccntrc had askcd no ofrcct to go againrt thc
rulcs.
Thc King statcd that froD Kathm.Ddu a velil had
bccn dcspatched to Panipst to wait oo Raia Naio Siogh.
Yoga Malla was to recrivc thc vakil of Baghal Siagh. If
Raja Umarrao Giri was in Kumaoo, hc should rcccive a
fricndly and gencrous treatmcnt. Thc Raja or hir son who-
cver was to go to KathEandu would rcccivc fitting rcward
by the King. A lctter in Persian in rcply had bccn scnt to
Uday Giri.
Yoga Malla had earlicr writtcn tbat Harkha Dcva
Joshi was tryiog to disturb Langurgarh with thc Garhwalis.
This was co[taincd in thc sccond lett€r rcschiDg KathoaDdu
whilc a rcply to the first lcttcr was bcing draftcd. Thc fact
was confirmcd by rcports rcccivcd from Jaidcv Giri and
Ram Gulcr Das of Janakpur. As thc Dcws was corrcct, Jo6bi
and Kanwar Ncgi werc srrcstcd and onc Fattyavairagi was
killed. This scnt a tcrror in thc minds of thc Kumaonis,
and Jays Dcva Josbi was caught while tryirg to €scapc. ID
Chandgarh thc encmy attacked Gangaram Tbspa, but in
thc fight 345 men on thc opposirc sidc wcrc tilled against
onc on Gorkha sidc. Ultimatcly, however, thr Ncpalcsc wcrc
forccd to abandon thc fort, But reinforcemcnt cams from
Kumaon for the dcfcnce ofother forts and etatioDs, Thc
cr-Rulcr of Kumaon Lal Singh who was living in cxilc was
tryiag to creatc troublcs.
Thc King warned that if Harlha Deva Joshi and
others who had betrayed their Eastcr had bccp scnt to
162 llodcn Nepal

Kathmandu es suggestcd carlier, thc offccra in Garhwal

and Kumaon would have bccn frcc from worrics at thc
timc.
From I lcttcr of Girvana Juddba Yikrama to Guru
Pinditaraja Visnu Pandit datcd yS 1861 Pausa wdl 5 roJ 6
(:4 Dcccmber, 1804, thc day's is Saturday) it war said that
thc Bharadors in chargc of the wcstern command had
occupied Srinagar, and after somctimc on Kartika 12, occu'
picd Dchradun. The Raja of Garhwal Parakraoa Sahi had
cscaped to a placc called'Kheda in thc plains beyond Bilva
hills'8. It sppears thst Garhwal wbich was a tributary statc
of Ncpal uptill this time wac ann€xed finally to Gorkha's
cxpanditrg domai!.
It is said that Rana Bahedur desired thc campaign
bcing puehcd in thc west' The Gorkha arny th€rcforc
advanced from Dehradun to Nahan, They crossed the
rivcr Jamuna.

Assassination of Rana Bahadur

Rana did not live long. He was killcd by his half
brothcr Shcr Bahadur who himself was killed in turn by
Balanarasingh Kuar on Yatsakh Yadi 7 Satu a! of Y,S.
/S63 (-1805. March), onc ofthe courticrs, whose son in 1846
Minister. Shcr Bahadur who
ros€ to becomc absolutc Prime
was the Chautara was attcnding a trial court' as it was
suspccted that he was a party to conspiracy afoot against the
Mukhtiar, Sher Bahadur sensing danger to his life wantcd
to escape. There werc many othcrs involved. But who was
it thet had conspircd to ovcrthrow his opponents ?
It was said that in I fit of temper Rana ordcrcd Sher's
execution for the latter's defiance. But thc latter killed
Rana Bahadur beforc one could lay hand on bim. Aftcr
a momeBt Sher found himself attacked by the sword of

2. Itihssa Prakrss,IlP. 83.

 Rana Bahadur R.tums lo Nep 163

Balanarasingh, to which hc succumbcd. Rana Bahadur

was alone with a single attendant whilc Sher attackcd him.
Hamilton says that Bhimsen Thapa killcd Sher Bahadur to
avcngc Rana's dcath. But thi! i! right to say that thcrc was
exchange of hot words betwecn the Mukhtiar and his
brother and thc lattcr was provoked to hit Rans with his
sword.
Thc incident of Rana Babadur's murdcr has becn
differently portraycd in thc Lslmohar to Mathabar. It i3
said in this document 'that whilc Kazi TribhBvan was
speaking ill of thc Swami, and therc was a complaint, lhc
Swami then wcnt to Tribhuvan's house to hcar what
different partics had to say ; Bhimsen was rvith him and he
did not likc the Swami to bc prescnt in thc midst ofthooe
who stood to coudemnation; but Ratra said that this did
not mattcr to him and thercaftcr Bhimsen Thapa went to
takc his lunch at thc adjaccnt housc of Ranodyot Shah ; but
while thc Swami was alonc, Shcr Bahadur hit bim with his
sword, and hc cxpircd' succumbing to iajury.
In a corrcspondcncc datcd 1863 Yatsakha Srtdi l0 roi
2:Monday,28 April, 1805 Girvana Juddha, thc boy kitrg
wrote to Ranabhima of Sallyana that his fathcr was
killcd by Shcr Bahadur on Vaisakha Brihasparivaru 9 ghari
night whilc he was holding I trial. Shcr Bahadur, his
brother vidur shab, co-conspirator Tribhuvana of Dhalachhe
(Patan), Narasingb Gufung, tbc Raja and Kazi of Palpa, and
several others were bcheaded alongwith thcir cbildr.n, The
Guru, Chautaras Bam Shah and Praua Shah, Kazi Bhimscn
Thapa, Kazi Ranajit Pandc, Kazi Dalabhanjan Pandc, Kazi
Rauadhoj Thapa, Kazi Balanarasingh Kuar, Kazi Bahadur
Bhandari, Sardar Bhakhel Singh Basnet, all thcsc ofrcers as
well as those noblemen out of om.cc and companies of
soldiers like Srinath and Kalibax werc looking after the
intercsts of the Govcrsmcntr.

3, Itihasa PraLasa, ctc,, p.406.

164 Modun Ncpal
Balanara ngh't Account of ltsatsinarlon
Kazi Balanara3iDgh Kuar who hit Shcr Bahadur with
his sword and killcd hio submittcd a ncnorandum to
King Rajcndra (no dato is givcn) whilc hc was out of ofrcc
porhsp8 to rsck rchabilitation on thc plca that hc avcngcd
thc dcath of Rana Bahadur by killing tho murdcrcr, Shcr
Bahadur, dcscrvcd rank and rcward ia cash. Thc Kuar
says that Kazi Tribhuvan was bcing cartied to bc hangcd
oa thc bank of thc rivcr Yisnumati for thc offcncc of aggrcc-
ing to givc thc British quartcr, sign strcaty with thcm ar
well as misusc of funds. But on iDterccssion by TribhuvsD
thrt he was not thc pcr6on committing thc otrcncc and thc
rcal culprits wcrc 6om€ othcrs, hc was callcd to attcnd thc
sitting of a court of thc Kazis and Chautaras called in bis
own housc, over which thc Swami prcsidcd. Thosc attcnd-
ing wcrc Chautaras Rauodyot Shah' Bam Shab' Prana
Shab, Guru Rangsnath, Kazis Bhimsen Thapa' Gururaj
Rangansth Pandit, Kazi Narasingh' Kazi Ranadhoj Thapa;
Ranajit Pandit, Kazi Dalabhanjan Pande, Balanaraeingh
Kuar, Bahadur Bhandari, Bakhatbar Basnet, Sardar
Balabhadra Kuar, the Bull physician, Subjudgc Tewari
and Subcdar Rathavir Thapa. Tbc Junior court (Kumbhe'
dao) who had Tribhuvan undcr his custody and a
Jamsdar and 4 or 5 Scpahics were standing.
As thc court sat Balanarasingh weDt downstairs to
take his dinner. Thc Swamiji then asked Shcr Bahadur to
cay if hc was also guilty of the chargcs levcllcd at Tribhu-
vatr, to which the Chautara rcplicd that thc Swamiji had
absolved him of any action bccause Shcr Bahadur had ad-
mitted to have bcen rcsponsiblc for the commitments. Tri-
bhuvana had confesscd everytbing. So Sher Babadur lcok
shelter bcbind the cxcuse that a pardon had alrcady bcen
givcn to him by Rana Bahadur in Thankot. Sher Bahadur
was very much perturbed bccause hc thought his fatc w8s
6caled. Hc drank watcr twice. Then he said hc would go
to lakg tea. The Swa'miji allowcd him but hc madc it clcar
 Rana Bahadur Return, to N.pal 165
asfar his itrtercst was corlccrncd in thc tri8l, Sher Bahadur
was pardoncd but if hc had donc anything
agaitr6t thc
intcrcst of thc state, it was thc men in
attcnd-anc-c to pro_
nounse a judgcmcot. Hc elso told Shcr
Bahadur thai hc
bclonged to thc royal family and was
Swamiji,s brothcr,
thcrclore hc could not 6crvc a forcign nation,
whilc othcrs
could bccausc th€y had no stakc and his ca6e was
thereforc
differcnt. Meanwhilc Shcr Bahadur had hardly
5or 6 paces, hc rcturned. Again hc lcft and
placc wherc tca was prcparcd but
*.o,"Jn"o""a
,o ,n,
camc back without takiDg
it.
Addrcasing thc old Guru Rana Bahadur eaid
at this
time 'My brothcr's mouth is dry,. Jackalc
outsidc in the darkncss of thc Dight and Swamiji
;;;;;;
""r;was turil
ing- his facc to hcar the cry. Just
at that momcnt Sher
uahadur struck thc Swami with bis sword
ott the che6t. Th€
Swami wantcd to unsh€ath his own sword
but Shcr Bahadur
again struct his shoulder. Thc Swami
could catch hold of
his sword but by that timc Balanararingt f""i n"a g"*
his sid, Shcr Bahadur oncc again raiscd -and t.
bis sword as
rt lcll rt cut the Swami's arm and the Kuar,s
shirt was aleo
sut. Thc lattcr rushcd against Shcr Bahadur and wantcd
to overpowcr him, but he himsclf wss hit.
The Kuar thei
iLr?.d .uroo him and calght his throar. Hc ecnt hir
r.nurrl dowtr pierced
and into tho vcirs of the throat. By
that timc Sher Bahadur had let of his cword. So rhc
Kuar
uscd thc samc to strikc. It so appearcd
that Shcr Bahadur
had dicd by that time. All was dark as rhe candle
aDd rhe
hcatcr wcrc offin tho mclce. After sonetime
tlo scrvani
of the_old Guru brought a lamp and .n"ryttiog UI
sccD, The Kuar asked Kumbhcdan Rana Singh
uia"oria
fuyuoiu
to takc out the body and cover it witb thc
car-pct ,.r"io
keepiug thcir legs over the back. In the mca.-ntine "raBhi;;.;
Thapa came from dowastairs after taking mcal.
He had
just washed his hand. Bhimsen
asked rhe kuu, uUort ti"
incident and all was told to him and the Kuar
also told th€
166 Modern Nepal

Thapa to go to His Majcsty. It was thcn noticcd that Sher

Babadur had not died, and he wanted to cscapc, he had
already put a piecc of ctoth unto thc wound to stop tbc
blood flowing. But thc Kuar struck him again, as a rcsult
of which hc died subsequcntly. Bhimsen Thapa summoned
all thc courticrs and declared that any one acting against
His Majesty would mect the same e nd. Hc said 'you would
bc hangcd on a ropc from Aryaghat to Tekudovan" No'
body opcned hit mouth. Bhimsen Thapa ordered the dead-
body to be removcd to the ground floor. As it was taken
to thc courtyard, they found that Sber Bahadur's brothcr'
in-law (wifc's brother) was standing with his knife and
chicld, and the hall was fulli of mcn who had disguiscd
themsclvcs by smcaring cyes with ashes I Balanarsingh
killcd Sher Bahadur's brother and others rau away. Bhim-
scn Thapa alone wcnt to inform His Msjesty ald tbe qucen
mothcr. Latcr as hc was summoned Balanarsingh followcd'
At first saying that he was a murdcrcr of Sher Bahadur tbc
sipahis of Kalibax company wcrc kceping him in custody
an<t he could not go insidc thc palacc. Kazis Bakhtabar and
Bhotu Pandc took chargc of Balanarsingh and h.e was takcn
to thcir Majcsties. Chautara Bam Sbah had bccn hit on
hig forehcad and he said that as he wanted to pull out the
lcg of Shcr Bahadur, he could not do so as he was thcn
suffcring from gout. But Balanarsingh had gone into
action in r€'sponsc to thc Swami's call for assistance. Bam
Shah also told that he bad scen thc Kuar Kazi struggling
from bcneath Sher Bahadur and rising and killing the
murdercr. Everybody said tbat thc Kuar had killed Sber
Bahadur. During audiencc they wanted His Majesty's
order regarding Shcr Bahadur's issucs and relalions. lt u as
suggestcd by the Chautaras and Bharadars tbat Yidur Shah,
Narsingh and Tribbuvana should be killed. The rcport of
Balanarasingh's services werc circulatcd as fBr as tbe for\lard
area controlled by Amarsingh Thapa, Nayana Siogh Tbapa
and Ranajit Kuar. Hcwos promiscd on reccxomendation
 Rana Baludur Rctwns to N.pal 16l
of Bhimsen a suitablc rcward, which trcver camc. The
quccns who went .Sar, had alro inctructcd Bhimscn at thc
timo of ridiag otr the pyre to give due rccognition of thc
Kuar'c services. But uptill thc timc of Rajcndra thie was
not fulfllcd.

Bhtmsen Thapa as the Defacto Rulet

The pctition dors not carry thc datc, but was writtcn
during Rajendra's tcign probably whilc he had come ofagc,
Balanarsingh says that many pcrsons of the day who had
witnesscd thc events wcre alivc including Bhimscn. It
appears that Balanarsingh's purposc sas to emphasisc his
part in thc incidcnt because hc rcpcats tbis at cvery liDe
citing witncsses including an illcgitimate wifo of Rana
Bahadur. According to Balanarsingh,s report ia sccms that
avenging Rana Bahadur,s dcath was only onc man,s work
except that Baa Shah a rheuEatic paticnt had madc cflorts
to pull Sher Bahadur's legs unsucccssfully. But why did
not othcrs asscmblcd join hands with Balanarsingh ? It
also appcar that BhimscD Thapa was not awarc of aDything
goiDg at thc uppcr f,oor while hc was taking his night meal
downstairs in the samo house, Ho does not sccm to have
bccn much perturbed by thr incidcnt and without going to
thc palace to tcll the wocful talc hc begins to shoui at his
supposcd enemics and warls them against laying hand on
the child king. This should not bc tbc attitude oi p"rroo
aflictcd with sorrow at the dcath of his mastcr and " friend.
Although Balanarsingh does not 6ay so in definite words, it
is implied in his statcment, And wc must also remcmber
that BhimEen was not the Chief Ministcr at the time to ha,ve
bchavcd as if he was the sole custodiao of thc royal family.
Asafriendof thcKing who was constatrtly with bim in
his he had the background of the support of the royal
.cxile
family and now be tactfully handled thc situation. Accord-
ing to Hamilton (p, 260) .,Whea rhe Raja expired, Bhimse n
immcdiatcly retircd to thc Dext room. Commanding a
158 Modcn Nepal

viow of thc court, in which thc guard was asscriblcd.and

having addrcstsd thc soldicrs, and rcccivcd promisc of
support, hc immcdiatlly surroundcd thc ball, in which thc
courticrs asscmbled, atrd put to dcath all thc most sctivc
pcrsons, undcr pretence 8t least of the conspiracy and lhere
is rcaion to suspect, that what hc sllcgcd was not d€stilutc of
foundation. On lhis occassion, Bidursrhia, an illcgitimatc
son ofthc royal family, Narsinha Gurung and Tribhuvan
Pradhan, hcrocg of rcvcral military exploits and about 50
othcr! wcrc killcd".
Killing
Bhlmscn Resortt to Indiscriminatc
In Rajcndra'a tim€ thc Dbami of Noakot had also
rubmitted a rcport about thc incidcnt' Ha docs not givc
thc account of eye witncss. But hc narrstcs the story 0s hc
hcard it et thc timc of occurrencc to strcngtbcn bis case
againrt Bhimrcn Thapa whom hc accussed of bribcry ard
rrbitery rulc. Thc rcport bcars tho datc Asadha Sudl 13
roJ I corrcsponding to Wcdncsday, ll July, 1833 according
to Baburam Acharya.
Aftcr narrating thc incidcnts lcading to the Swami's
cxit to Banaras and his rcturn, the Dhami says that bccause
Shsr Bahadur had taken the sids of Swami, the opposition
wcatcncd and Dsmodar Pandc 8nd Prabal Raoa vcrc
arrcsted and thc later cscapcd to Gorakhpur prctcnding
whilc on way to go to aDswcr thc call of naturs. Rajarajce-
vari was bsnished to Hclsmbu whcrc chc livcd guarded by
a company of sepahics (soldicrs). For hcr pcrsonal carc
4 mcn of putuvar cattc were aPPointcd. Rana Bahadur
rclcased all thosc detaitrcd by theMaharani, After 20125
drys Damodar Pande, his sons Ranakcsar, Gajatcsar,
Kazi Bhim Khawas, Sardar Indraman Khrlri, Subcdar
Saokhadhar, Subedar Ramavara, Dvarc Sarva Singh wcrc
beheaded. Ason of Bhim Kawas was killed by hanging

4. vid'[ Shah, brgther ofSher Bahadur, bor! of thc samc mothcr.

 Rata Bahadur Returnc to Nepal f6g
with thc hcad down, anothcr sotr had onc of his cycs tslcn
out of thc soctct. Altogcthcr 36 childreD, both matc and
fcmalc of all those who werc rcsiding in Kathmatrdu wcre
criled to thc hills, Thc Swami startcd a falsc rumour
th&t thc cbild king was likcly to get infcction of small pox.
The Swbmi wrs ruling as a dictator. Thcn hc wantcd to
kill Kazi Tribhuvana aad tflkc out Shcr Bahadur's cyct.
Hc chargcd thcm to have becn rcspoosiblc for his exit to
Banaras and misusc of Goveromcnt fuDds lo tb8t cnd. A
scntcocc of dcath on Kazi Tribhuvana was passed, and hc
war on hic way to gct thc hangmsn,s noosc whcn on inter-
c€ssion thrt hc likcd to confcss bcforc thc courticrs wa!
callcd to audieocc. Thc Swami had shiftcd to Tribbuvana,s
housc. A discussion took placc at thc soulhern balcony.
Tribhuvana said thtt taking out moncy of the trcasury wag
donc with thc common consrnt, Shcr Bahadur acccptcd thc
vcrrion. Othcr Bharadars involvcd had bccn alrcady tillcd.
Thc discuscion wcnt uprill lO gbati at night. Thc Swami
had askcd Bhimscn to hevc his dinncr and thc lartcr lcft.
Shcr Bahadur draok watcr twice, and it appcarcd that bc
wantcd to kill Rana Bahadur, Sher Bahadur again drank
watcr .nd rcturtrcd to stand bcforc th€ Swami saying
'Do you think I am guilty ?' Thcn Swami gavc a
rcply in afrrmativc, and with thfu thc sccnc changcd.
Shcr Bahadur struck thc Swami on his abdomcn by
hie sword, but hc himsclf wat hit by Balanarasiogh,e
rword. Bam Shah was slightly hit on arm by Shcr
Bahadur's sword. Thc light was put out ar a rcsult
of thc scufrc. In thc balcony there wss a fight betwccn
the two groups. Some ooe informcd Bhimscn Thapa
and he came with a, chbag ( a flamo;, two scrvants
of Sher Bahadur wcrc killed and all the threc corpscs in-
cluding that of Sher Bahadur werc thrown out of
thc
wiodow. Thc Swami was brought down to thc courtyard,
whcre he cxpircd. On Bhimscn,s order, the bugtc
soundcj
to call an assembly of thc courticrs aad nobiiity. Kazis
170 Moden Ncpal
Tribhuvan and Narsingh Gurung worc carricd away to thc
palac. uodcr guard by ordcrs of Bhimscn. Thcy wcre
rccompained by Bhimsen himsclf, RangaDsth Panditr
Balanarsingh Kuar, Magar Kazi and Ranajit Pande. Thc
Swami's body was tent to Aryaghat. From thc palscc
Bhimscn scnt for Chautara Vidur Shah and thc Raja and
Kazi of Palpa and their cbildren who were ushcrcd into
the court with hands and foot bound. Bbimscn caused
the dcath of thc Raja of Palpa, Vidur Shah' Tribhuvan'
Narsingh, all of thcm werc killed in Bhandarkbal. No
onc obcyed his orders to kill the Raja of Palpa but one
Virajavir came forward and cut off thc hcads of tbe Raja
and Kazi. Yirajavir got thc Post of Lieutcnant as a reward
from Bhimsen Thapa' Children of Vidur, Tribbuvan' Nar-
singh and Sher Bahadur wcre also arrested and those in 2'15
age group were massacrcd. Thcn properlics wcre also con'
fiscatcd, Scvcntecn children of thc Raja of Palpa were
killcd in the garden itsidc the city. Thirt.cn childlcn of
Vidur Shah, Sher Bahadur and Tribbuvan wcrc massacrcd
on thc othcr sidc of thc bridgc ovcr Visnumati' As thc
Swami was burDt therc was no woman becoming tari. But
aftcr 8 days the Maharani was brought from Helambu and
along with 4 femalc servaDts ofthe late king was Dadc to
ride thc funeral pyre on Samral 1863 Yaisakhasukla 6 Guru-
vdrai (: Thursday, 24 April, 1806 ). A kcpt of his came
from Baoaras aft€r 15 days and shc was also burnt on thc
pyrc as Jcrr. Altogcther 93 pcrsons lost their lives. Even
those who wer€ absolutcly innocent wcre killed' The peti-
tioo complains of a condition of gravc fcar in Nepal, and
laments that the old officcrs had bcen all killcd' who could
have rcsistcd Bhimsen, but the new men appointed by him
were not wise ond werc also divided.

5. oftha staluo of RaDa Bahadur. The statue

Otr tho pedestal
was sct up by Kapardrt Bhotu PaDde o! 1863 A ia Sudi 13 roJ 2 :
Motrday, 21 October, 1E06.
 Rana Bahadur Retuns to Nepal l?f
In trying to project his imagc of a loyal scrvant of thc
king who had avcnged the dearh of his grandfather Balanar-
singh Kuar forgot to trote down the points of historical
interest. He shows also partiality tpwards Bhimsen as he is
reticent about tbe latter's cruel actions pcrpclratcd follow.
ing thc murder of Rana Bahadur. Bhimsen probably was
in powcr while Balaoarsingh was plcading his case. Hc did
not want to displcase by writing about his conduct. But the
Dhami is forthright in condemning Bhimscn Thapa.
Orc point which intercsts tbe reader is the inside story
of the cpisode occurring with thc dcath of RaDa Bahadur.
It is ovious that Bhimsen had seized the opportunity
of thc dcath of Rana Bahadur to cause physical elimination
of his opponcnts. But werc thcy guilty ? Of coursc, thcy
wcrc guilty of one thing and that was they had dissuadcd
Rana Bahadur from committing abnormal and cruel
decds from his attsmpt to regain power to indulge in
acts of cruclty. According lo th€ Dhami's rtory Rana
Bahadur displaycd cxtremc cruelty by subjecting high
omcers of stat€ to torture whilc hc lvas on a visit to Noal.ot
and living with his son aftcr abdicationr H€ secmed to
sct as if hc was of his head. Somc offcers were kepl
hanging over s tree while thcir hatrds werc bound. Amar
Singh Thapa and Ranabam pande werc kept in this position
with rheir lcgs tied. parasuram Thapa was to pass through
the strcet of lhc market in a woman'e cloth. Scated over a
picce of skin of an animal Prabal Rsna was dragged through
the street. In consequencc the Regent, ministcrs and offcers
wcre forced to discuss the situation. They thought lhat in
his mood the Swami was exhibiting tendcncies ofa mad-
man, and he might kill them the morrow if hc u,as now
harassing them. A movc was afoot to get him arrested and
put in prison for treatmcnt. But Balabbadra Shah turned
hostile and approver of a false case and comitg back to
Kathmaldu informed the Swami of the inteltioD of the
Bharadars. Rana Bahadur got angry to hear this 8nd coll€c.
172 Modern Nepal
tcd forces stationed in Kathmandu and prcpared to fight
from a base in the lawn of Thabahil. But hc fled to Banaras
as Damodar advanced from Noakot with the contiogeDts of
wcrt€rn command. The Dbami's information dces not in-
volve any singlc person to have bc€n hostile sgaiDst RaDa
Bahadur. If thcre was anything it was a collective decision.
So it surpasses one's imagination to find the Swami picking
up particular persons for his charges, Obviously thc dcsign
w&s to eliminate all the officers of the old ordcr so that
Rana Bahadur could rulc without opposition. Although
thosc who wcre killed aftcr his d€ath 'did not appcar in
thc sccDe in thc beginning. Rana Bahadur scemcd to have
dcsigned to implicatc Sher Bahadur, his family and relations,
He started his game with Tribhuvan whom he ordercd lo
bc killed without even hearing his defence of the casc.
Scveral letters sent by the Swami to Sher Bahadur rcveal
that the latter held influcntial position in thc country, But
thc Swami felt no scruples to conspire to kill Sher Bahadur.
flow Yidur Sahi was implicated in this case passes our
comprchension, Earlier from Banaras Rana Bahadur had
written to him 'exteoding full pardon for anythiDg done
in thc past' and assuring him that'whcn he ( Vidur ) shall
lucceed in getting Ratra Bahadur back it will be his duty to
grant Chautariaship to all his desccDdants ( lettcr Chitta-
rar January No. 2 ).
- Raja Prithvipal Sen was tben confin€d in lhc old
Royal palace of Patan since carly 1804. Hc had been sum-
Eoned to Kathmandu to mect the Baoaras rcturned Swami,
But the lattcr dcceptivcly put bim under house arrest as
soon as Prithvipal reached his destination. Against tbe
Palpa Raja, Rana Bahadur had a deep seated grouse. He
was regorded as a friend of Damodar Paode and at onc
tiEe had rcjected Rane Bahadur's requcst to make a com-
mon issuc with him aEd rise sgainst Damodar.
Guru Gajaraj Misra fortunately esgaped thc fate of
thosc kill€d, He had not accompanied Rana Bahadur while
 Rana Bahadur Rclu',,t to Nepal 173

thc lattcr loft from Banaras. According to Lloyd this was

for rcasonl of 'sccurity of his lifc'. Gajaraj continucd to
livc in Banaras for the timc of his life. The Misra had not
likcd thc dccisiotr of thc Govcrnor-General in frccing Rana
Bahadur fron thc rcstraint. Whcn Rana Bahadur war
lcaving for Ncpal, hc had sccn dangers oot only for himoctf
but for othcrc as wcll. According to Lloyd in his lcttcr
of M8rcb, 1805 Gajaraj Misra had rendcrcd signal scrvicc
to thc British by cspousing thcir cause ard w8s 'still
stcadfast in his attachment'.6 Lloyd plcadcd thot Gajarsj
Misra had lcnt consid€rablo sum of money to thc cx-Kitrg.
Hc was also compellcd to rclinquish his Jagir as thc
Guru and ministcr of Ncpal. Hc had tro mcans to rccovcr
his loan and Jagir,

Charactcr ll Petsonolity of Damodar Pande & Rana Bahatlur

Notwithstrnding what his encmies bave said of Damo-
dar Pandc hc occupics a vcry importaot placc in thc history
ofNcpal of thc timc as a warrior aDd a statcsman and
posscssing maturc wisdom and cool tcmpcrament. He ha8
a splendid record ofselfless aDd patriotic serviccs rendcred
in thc causc of thc mothcrlaDd. As a warrior his acbicvc.
mcntshavc bccn unparallelcd and his exploits in scvcral
thcatres of wrr have drawn praisc cven from hie critics and
advcrsarics, As e statcsman Damodar Pandc could rave
his coutrtry from thc cvil influcncc of British colonial pcnc-
tration, Whilc hc kcpt thcm at bay, he had not offcndcd th€
English but thcy knew that it w!s rot in hir naturc to yield
to temptations and betray bis country.
Hc bclonged to thc galaxy of patriols amongst whom
stood Amar Singh, Bbimsen and Bam Shah. tf he wanted
to curb Rana Bahadur Shab, it was not bccause hc fclt any
privatc grudge against him. Damodar sinccrely bclieved
th&t King Rana Bahadur's activitics wcre prejudicial to thc

6. For. Scc. D€pt.,'18 July, 1805, o. 42

174 Modem Nopal
rccurity, tranquility and indepeDdcDce of Ncpal. DaEcdar
Pande had oppoeed his rcturn to Ksthmandu, becruse he
had fclt that this wduld introducc a good many complica-
tions into thc situation which was sufficiently troublcd
on account of mutually jealous factional influenccs,
Damodar and Rana Bahadur appcar in the Nepalese
politicr ae two formidable antagonistic individuals. But we
fail to understand thc causes of Rana Bahadur's aoimosity
towards this minist€r. Nothing bcforc hc attained majority
showcd that thc King was ill disposed towards thc Pande6.
But in almost all lcttcrs h€ wrotc from Banaras that
Rana Bahadur had singlcd out Damodar Pandc as his arch-
encmy. Thc latter is painted in thcsc letters as a traitor
who harboured treachcrous desiens agaiDlt the thron€ now
occupicd by his baby son. But thc allegation of trcasonable
activity is not provcd by any cvidcncc of actions done by
Damodar Pande. He had alwrys stood lo) al to the baby
king. Even against Ran& Bahadur Damodar ncvcr intcnd€d
to do bodily harm or cvcn to sce bim straDded in any scnse.
But h€ was opposcd to iniensible bchaviour of Rana Baha-
dur Shah.
Anything said in favour of Damodar sbould not mcan
that Rana Bahadur dld not bavc intrinsic worlh of his own.
In spite of impctuous tempcr and a certain dcgrce oforro-
gance, Rana Bahadur did posscss certain laudable qualities
of head and heart, Sometimes hc appearcd unscrupulous'
over indulgent and immoral but at timcs he displaycd also
wisdom, talent aDd patriotic zcal. Hc was essentially a
man of kind disposition, though fickle aDd addicted to a
habit of luxurious livirg. All his vices and rrrong actions
wcrc promptcd because of his temperamcntal imbalance.
This ltrd to his untimely death, aDd in history he does not
lcave a fair name.
Having disposed of his advcrsarics Bhimsen now cculd
in thc aftermath of Rana Bahadur's death do snything he
likcd in thc kingdom. The yopng Thapa could lay claio
 Rana Bahadur Rctumt to N.pal 175
to irvirciblc Eight, Hi6 position inside was atready un.
challengcd, but aow it camc to bo cnvicd evcn by out
sidcrs. But this crackrd during the war with the Britirhr
that follow€d come cight ycars aftcr.his &dvcnt to powcr.
We havc sccD that Bhimscn stsrt€d his mission wirh
killing of eomc of his important advcrsarics, Othcrs whoo
hc could not involve in the socallcd plot he sent to distsnt
parts of tho kingdom. Hc retained only such persons in
KsthEandu as wcrc amcnablc to his wishcr.
Bam Shah ( Brahma Sahi ) was offcrcd Governorship
of Almora and Bathatbirsinha Basnet was scnt to ths cx-
trcme cast so that thcrc waE ow no ooc left in thc vicinity
fron whom Bhimscn Thapa had any fcar.
Palpa which wss r subridiary of Nepal was formally
anncxcd to thc kiDgdom of thc Gorkhas iE lE04 subscquently
aftcr thc dcath of its lsst Raj.. Bhimscn's fathcr Amar
Singh bccaoe thc firit military administrator of thc rcgion
and contioued in that position till thc cvo oI tho Anglo.
Nopalese war.

Bhimsen Thapa Appointed Mukhtiar

Girvana Juddha, thc ncw king, was only nioc yerre
old, Rani Tripurasuudari, -thc youngest widow of Rana
Bahadur, was dcclarcd RcgB[!. She was also immaturc in
agc. So Bhimsen controllcd thc entire adminietratioa
having bccn empowcred by a Sanad of thc iufsnt king. Hc
was the hcad of both civil and military, thc Mukhtiar, thc
chicf Kazi and suprcmc commander combined. He assumcd
thc powcrs ofthe Mukhtiar as soon as Ran& Bahadur dicd.
But hc was formally dcclarcd so some timc latcl,. A Sanad
of 1869 Marga sudi 13 roj 4:(Nolcmbcr, l8l2 A.D.), says
that the appointment was rencwcd, which mcan6 that thc
Thapa was alrcady scrving as Mukhtiar. Tho following
wcrc tho regulatione, uodcr which hc worked.

7.. The d&tc is trot rcgular.

176 Modtn Ncpal

(l) Ho was cnpowcrcd to maaagc afiairt in pcaco ald

war and in thc itrtctcst ofhis country whilc protccting it8
indcpcndcnce rnd iB furthcrsncc of itr wclfare.
(2) Evcry body. Guru (rpiritual tutorr), Purobit
(pricrt), Chautara (sollatctala), Kazi, Coloach' Captaias,
llardsr, Subrdarr, all high aad low, wcro to work undcr
hio.
(3) Rcgimcnte aad companico of soldicrr wcrc to bc
undcr his control atrd gcrvc undcr hit advicc. Any body
not obcying him would bG pr$ccutcd, 8nd thc obcdicnt
oncs rcwardcd.
(4) Tresty makiag, war making and worlr in forts
and district hcadquartcrsr wcrc all to bc rcgulatcd by hio
and appointmcnts made according as ho wishcs. Ifcvcr
hc fclt that tho king had to bc con8ultcd' hc wat to work
aftcr consultation.
(5)
Bhimscn Thapa was to subjcct 8ny body topunish-
mcnt whosocvcr disobcYcd him.
The documcnt was irsucd through Udsya Giri' Faujvir
Rana, Yadunath Purohit, Rstrganath PaDdiltaja, Prana
Shah, Ranadhoj Shah, Dalabbanjan Pandc, Bakbat Siogh
Bactrct, Parasuram Thapa, Bhotu Pstrdc, Jay Singh Kbatri'
Ranabhadra Singb, Virabhadra and Balanar Singh Kuar'
Bahsdur Bhandari, Ranadhoj ThaPa, Balhat Vir Singh
Basoct, Jaspao Thapa, Chandrasclhar Upadhya and Bhairavri
Singh.
Whcn actually hc bccamc Mukhtiar is difrcult to
guess. Hc did not surely assumc thii so soon aftcr Rana
Bahadur's dcath, Had he donc so he rvould havc attractcd
widc suspicion for thc murdcr of Rana Bahadur'
Bhimscn ruled with the baby king in his arEs' Thc
Rcgcnt Rani Tripurasuodari sas )Gt iD hcr tccns' Shc was
not in a position to assert hcr inhcrent powcrs' So Bhim'
s:n lorded it ovcr all thc Bharadlrs wiclding dictatorial
powers in the affairs of the statc.
King Girvana Juddha Vikrama wQrc sacrcd tbrcad io
 Rana Baludur Returns to Ncpal 177

a cercmony held on VS 1865 Yalsakha sudl 10 roJ 5 (=15uts'

day, 5 May, 1808) at thc age of ll?. He was aleo to marry
a littlc latcr but died in YS 1873 (:1817 A.D.) some ycars
hence.
Bhimsen obtaincd Rl. 1Q000/ as hir aonual calary from
scveral hcads. By rcforming tbo matc.up of thc army on
Britich model, and raisiug thc ctandard of its disciplioc and
codc of conduct, Bhimsen with his command could now
claim thc most powcrful position in thc country.
Bhimsen caused a letter to be sent to the British Govcr-
Dor-General in the namc of Girvana Vikram informing about
the death of Rana Bahadur. This lettcr was received on
lSth June, 1806 and referring to Rana Bahadur's death it
added 'a drcadful calamity has occurred, undcr the dispcn'
sation of providence, to occasion great afriction in this
quarter. The faithless Sher Bahadur ascisted by 4 or 5
Sardars and scveral other individuals, trcacherously drcw
thcir swords on my father when labouring under the distress
of sickness and put him to dcath, to my infinite grief and
sorrow and that of numcrous circle of friends. Howevcr,
there is no human remedy for the decrees of Almighty.
'The affairs of state of this Covernmcnt are now satis'
factority conducted by Guru Raj Ranganath PaDdit, Kazi
Bhimsen Thapa, Kazi Ranajit Pande, Kazi Ranadhoj Thapa
and other Bharadars who with other several old scrvants
and soldiers of the state were steadfast in their duty. lVith
respect of those, whose conduct was marked by treachcry
and perfidy, I have dispatched them and their families to
the infernal regions'.
It appears that the men mentioned as Kazis were
ministers. Bhimsen's is not the first name mentioncd, nor
he is referred to by himself as Mulkazi or Mukhtiar.
Girvana Juddha in his lettor mcntiors that Guru Raj
Pandit Ranganath and Guru Krisna Pandit were charged

8. Itihasa Prakasa, l, P.149

l?t I'lotlcrn Ncpal
with rospoosibility of cotrductiDg rclations with thc British,
apart from this no divisioD of power can be asccrtaincd.
Pcrhaps it took some ycars bcforc Bhimscn Thapa bccamc
Mukhtiar.
Although Bhimacn Thapa enjoycd thc most domiDant
it appoare that hc had to sharo autho.
posialoa in thc rcalm,
rity with Kazi Ranadhoj Tbapa, thc cldcst son of Budha
Kazi Amar Singh Thapa, Almost all corrcspondence with
Ksthnandu carrlcd by Sardars and Subac from districts
wcrc addrcsscd jointly to Bhimscn Tbapa and Ranadhoj
Thapa immcdiatcly after Rana Bahadur,s dcsth. According
to tbc information reaching the English Ranadhoj vas
as powcrful as Bhimscn.
Thc position gained by Ranadhd might bavc bcen
possible duc to the fact that thc Bud$a Kazi was tbe most
popular figurc in Nepal ofthe day. Bhimscn Thapa found
obligation to treat onc of the sons of Amar SiDgh in thc
capacity of his co-sharcr of power just to make his regime
acceptable to all sections of the pcople, in particular, the
soldicry.
But it appesrs that the joint sbaring of authority weDt
as far as the war years of 1814-I816 A.D. Alrhough dejcct-
Gd in war Bhimscn Thapa cmerged all the more powcrful at
thc otrd as most of thc old guards had been killed or rctired
from servicc out of disgust. Amar Singh himself dicd
while on a pilgrimagc to the snow bound Gosainthan on thc
lap of thc 25 thousand feet high peak of that name.
At this stage the reader should be told that he should
turn his attention to the subject of An glo-Nepalese Relations.

N epal Bir i s h Re lations (1 803 - 1 808)

Srikrisna Pandit was deputed by the Nepalese Govern-
ment to Calcutta even before Rana's return home and he
arrivcd in September, 1805. He had lcft Kathmandu on
22nd June. He carried a personal letter of the king to the
British Governor-Geteral, Srikrisna Pandit u'as sent wirh I
 Ram Bahadur R.tutw to Ncpal l?9
vicw to'imprcss thc British Govcrnmcnt with I just scnsc
of gratitudc of Raja Rana Bahedur for the hospitality'
shown to him by thc British whilc hc was staying in Bana-
ras as wcll as 'to rcmovc any misundcrstardiDg causcd by
intcr€stcd parties rcspccting thc Rsja'8 vicws and intcn-
tioDs". Hc wag also to oblaitr a sstisfEctory adjustmcnt of
the dcpcndcncy questions 'rcepccting Bootwal and thc
Talook of Shcoraj Bundcr' (16 January, 1806)r o.
In a lcttcr to Krisna Pandit a Britirh ofrccr J. Mon-
cktotr, Dcputy Pcrsian Sccrctary, whilc rcciprocatiDg scnti
mcnts cxprcssed in thc royrl lcttcr, rcfutcd thc cl6im of
Ncpal to the lowland arcas ofButwal on atry grouDd wbat-
soevcr. But he notificd bis Govcrnment's desire to givc up
their claim to Shcoraj Bundcr in casc their troops wcrc
withdrawn from thc Zamindari of Butwal in thc lowlands.
Thc Sccrctary cotrvcyed his Govcrnmcntt thrcat to changc
vicws in rcgard to Sheoraj Bundcr if a spccdy scttlcment of
thc wholc qucstion was dclayed and troops rctaitred in thc
area.
According to a l€ttcrof Kisben Pandit reccived in
Calcutta on 22 Dccembcr, 1806, thc Ncpal authorilics had
no dcsirc to rclinquish thcir right over Butwsl lowlands
and thcy wantcd to know thc grounds in dctail, oa which
thc British wantcd to rejcct their clairn, It was at thc
same timc madc clcar that Nepal was not at all inclined to
commit cncroachmcnt on thc Company's tcrritorics.
Upto lE04 thc British administered thc arca tcDding
farms to thc Zamindars ofGorakhpur in bcbalfofthc Raja
of Palpa. Thc rcvcnuc wcnt to the Palpa ruler's brotber as
hc himsclf was undcr housc arrcst in Kathmandu.
According to a lettcr of thc Judgc Magistratc of
Gorakhpur dated 3rd Scptember, 1804 thc British planned
to dividc ths district of Butwal into two psrts, tbc rivcr

9. For, Scc. Dcpt., l7 July, 1806, o. 89,

t0. rbid.
Ito Modcra Nepal
Tcnavc forming thc boundary. For ono part thc
H€od
Policc Daroga was stationed in Nitchlout, whilc
his assistsnt
(Naib) rcsidcd in pali. For anorhcr, Sowton
village in
Tuppa Kctwa was thc hcadquarter of thc principal orhcc4
and his ascistant an purganna Mutka. For revcnue
adoini_
ltrstion thc Sczawal was to bc scDt. As thc sealoD for ihc
rcaliration of land revcnuo was ocaring the Govertrmcnt
had ackcd the collectoru of Gorakhpur tL procccd anO
noiJ
thc ZEmindari of Butwal includiog pcrgunna Mutka.
Thc brothcr and rclativcs of thc Raja of patps wcrc to
draw thcir pcnsions out of this rcvcnu€. But tba amount
was not settled yet.
Thc British were trying to encouragc oew scttlcmctrt
and meaowhilc thc collcctor was ordcrcd to pay to Nsdir
Shah, brothcr of thc Raja of palpa tbe sunoiRs.333.5.3
pcr month from thc first of Septcnrbcr, Ig041r.
R.ngatrath Pandel, son of Brajanath, was lookcd upor
by rhe British as a man of,worthless cbaracter,. Hcwas
passing his cxile in Botia when fortunc favoured
him to
bccome an advisor in the company olRanaBabadurin
Banaras. Now aftcr Rana's dcath he became forcign
ministcr.
Beforc wc dcal with the subject of Nepalcsc advancc
to
Kangra and their clash with tbe British let us describc thc
tcnor of Anglo-Nepalese rclations which were ultimatcly
to dev€lop into a full-fledged dispute causing war bctween
thc two countrics.
It xill bc of interest to know tbat the dispute mainly
concerned thc arca on th€ present day Shcoraj Kbajabani
border. The British had informed Nepal cven wbile Knox
was there to come to a settlcment with the British. Thcy
had made it clear that thcy wcre prepared .to relinquisl
their claim on the r€vcnue of Shcoraj provided Nepalese

ll, Allahabad Records - Corakhpur collcctorate, Bssta n. 12.

Lcttcr, 27 Decembcr, 180r, For. Sec. Dept., 16 Jtnuary, 1806, ,lO,
'I.
 Ram Bahadur Relurns to Ne7al l8l
troops are withdrawn from that part of the Zamirdari of
Butwal, which is subject to thc British'. The British were
complaining that therc wcre rcpeatcd incursions into thc
territorios by Nepalcse soldiers. Obviously Nepal claimed
thesc territorios falling within the Zamindari of palpa by
virtue of thcir conquest of that ctato. We havo already
touchcd on the problem in the last chaptcr.
Thc British were pursuiog the case wirhout any dimi-
nution of intcrest. In a communication of 6th January,
1806 the Governor-General wrote a lattcr addressed to King
Girvana Juddha saying that 'if any claim by Nepal ir prc-
ferrod in the spirit of harmony and conciliation this would
bc investigatcd and justly decidcd'. Thc letter said that
the British Government sincercly desircd .to maintain
utmost harmony and good understanding with the state of
NiPaul'ta.
In a lettcr to the King of Ncpal written on the lgth of
January, 1808 (n. 110) theBritish Governor-General informcd
that Colebrook was going to explore the source of the
Ganges, and thc British dcsired that utmost attention bc
given to his comforts during the journcy.

12. For. Sec. Dept., 17 July, 1806, n. EE.

 ' aluPer lI
ADVANCB TO SATLAJ AND BEYOND

Wc havc secn thst whilc Rasr Bahadur had rcturncd

to Kathm8odu tho Ncpalcsc arDy x,&s again on thc war path
and trying to cxpand to thc wcst gr far as it could.
At first thoy had to strcngthcn their position in Kumaon
and Garhwal. Tbc lsttcr was yot a principality rulcd by
itr own king, though subsidiary to Ncpal. ID lhe 8tmo8'
phcrc of distrust this poeition was anomalous. Thc Gorkbas
thercforc strovc to end thie aaomaly as thc first stcp.
For at least a decqdc thc Gorthalis could not sdvancc
bcyond thc bordcr of Kumaon. Thc rivcr Ganges was thc
fronticr Iinc. The Raja cnjoycd thc status of a fGudatory
and no Gorkba troops wctc stationcd. Garhwal had
to bo rclinquished in 1888 on account of war with Tibet'
But physical occupation of Garhwal wos contcmplatcd itr
1803. Garhwal was in a much sorrowful plight in this
ycar. There was visitation of faminc duc lo dtaught aDd
earthquakcs rockcd the couotry intenscly morc than oncc,
aod all thesc causcd much loss of life and ProPcrty. Thc Raja
Pradyumna Shahi was by tcmpcrament le85t fittcd for the
task of mcctiog tbc challcngc of natural calamity and which
came from within aad invasion from without. Hc was
effsminate and supcrstitious. The circuDstances rcally had
favoured advancing Gorkha troops and thcy took advantsSc
of the situation to grab Garhwal in its most distressful
h our.
tn Garhwal the Gorkhalis I'accd the cDcmics on the
blak of thc river Mandakini and defcatcd thcD. As was
natural, tbc Garhwalis put up a wcak resistancc. Soon
after Srioagar fell to the invadersl. In hot pursuit to gaia
1 Thc Nepalosc chloniclc spcaks of a fight with PratiEatr
58hi.
 Advance to Satlaj and Beyonil 1E3

the occupation of Srinagar thc Garhwal ruler's Kazi onc

Sitaram was killed in an cngagement at Chillabhetr, Suba
Hastidal and Kazi Randhir w€re put in charge of thc city
and the r€ct advanccd towrrds the rivcr Alakananda. Somc
of the victors rcturtred through Dev prayag to llardwar.
Ia thc hilly rcgion those who had takcn the route of Timal-
kot werc cncamping at Gurudvar. Meanwhile, thc Raja of
Garhwal, his brothcr Pratiman Sahi and his collatcrals and
ministors took rcfuge in the plaiDs ncar Hardwar in thc
Dun Vallcy (October, 1803).
In Dun one Gajur Raja of Landhaura actively iclpcd
thcm to collcct mcn and moncy in a bid to recovcr thcir
lost tcrritory. Now the Garhwalis with llp00 mcn from
Gujar madc a despcratc attcmpt to cncircle the thrcc
companies uoder Jaya Rokaya in Khudaghat that werc to
wstch the movcments of thc enemics, But in thc meaotimc
reinforccment had reached thc Gorkha contingeits. Thc
chronicle says Amar Singh and RaDjit Kunwar arrivcd on
the scene and put thc €Demics to rout. But earlicr thc
Gorkhas were dcfeatcd by Dalvir Rana who was io thc
cmploy of Garhwal. In the second battlc thc Garhwalis
wcre heavily routed. According to thc lettcr quotcd abovc
thc battlegroutrd was in a placc called Kanday, Thc Raja
of Garhwal was killed, and Dalbir Rana sho was scrving
the encmy was boheaded and the two princes scnt to Nepal
ss hostagcs. The wholc of Garhwal thus came under the
Nepalis. Rivcr Jamuna was now thcir fronticr linc. Kalu
Pande and Bhagu Khawas wcrc s€nt st tbe head of an
additiotral force and these togcthcr witb Jogamalla and
Bhakti Thapa werc to take charge of the administration of
thc newly acquircd territories with five companiee of
soldiers. Bhakti Thapa wa6 promoted to sardarrhip with
an annual salary of Rs. 5000r.

2. Thc kiog's lettcr ro Bbakti TbsDa, d8tcd yS lE6t Xar,ik

7.-l Octobr., 1804. Bur thir day is Surday,
tcdl I toj
101 llodem llepal
Io a lclter writtctr to Gururaj Visnu Pandit' dated
vS lStit Pausa wtti5 /oj 6 (:wcdncsday' 14 Deccmber, 1804)'
thc king wanted hio to inform the Sahcbs (British authori-
tics) that Sriuagar was just capturcd and on Kartika 12'
Dehradun had also been surrendcrcd to thcm ond a boun'
dary was ffxed, on the Jamuna. He furthcr 6taled that
whilc about 200 men of the Ncpalese atmy wcr€ lillcd in
rction, thc Raja Parakramshsbi unablc to bcar thc loss toot
shclter in Kheda in thc Terai,
Garhwal becamc a separato utrit of administration. In
thc beginning Amar Singh himself supcrviscd thc utril' but a
ycar &ltcr Chandravir Thapa arsictcd by Vijananda Upadbya
and Gajesimha was lcft to administer thc area. In 1805
thcrc wcre fourofrccrsof the army who ruled over Garh'
wal-Hastidal Thapa, Rudravir Shah, Kazi Ramadhin and
Parasuram Thapa, Bctween 1807 and l8I0 the adminig'
trators w.re Bhairab Thapa, Bahadur Bhandari and Dassrsth
Khatri. For the duration ofthe years till 1814 sincc l81l
Faujdar Paramaram's name is listed. Kazi Bakhtabar
Barnct looked aftcr Garhwal in timcs of the Anglo-Ncpalese
war.
While thc Gorkhas msde thcir first entry into Garhwal
in l79l A.D. th€y allowcd it to exist as a vassal state of
Ncpal uotil it wasfinally anncxed in 1806 A.D' Thc final
consolidation of Gorkha powcr in the rcgion took place in
1806 while thcy pushed their fronticr line to tho rivcr
Jamuna.
Numismatically Garhwal is important in the sense
that it was the only placc outside Kathmandu to have
minted coins by thc Ncpalcsc. But the AR coins nintcd
in Srinagar had special featurcs. Thcy contained Hizri
Era and name ofthc Moghul Emperor along with th€ namc
of thc ruler of Nepal and dates of Vikrama Bra all iascribed
in Pcrsiau script. Somo coins, however, bcar no datcs yet
a fcw oore bear Nagari script both for the lcgend and datcs
rnd tbcse for the latcr issucs.
 ldvance to Satlaj and Beyond 185

Thc coins known as Timasha:3 .mashas wcighing

approximately AR 2 gm. but fall below standard. All
these are deposited in thc Lucknow Museum (India).
It appears that the Himalayan region west of the
present day Nepal came under the rule of the Moghuls
sincc tho timo of Akbar. The AR coins minted in Srinagar,
Garhwal, appear for the first timc in tbe year A.H. 1183:
1769 A.D. in the namc of Shah Allam II (1759-1806). This
particular coins bears thc name of the Nepalese ruler indi-
cating that the piece mintcd by the ruler of Garhwal before
the Gorkha conquest had cbviously acknowledged Moghul
suzerainty.
We find somo undatcd coins with Girvana Juddha on
onc side and Shah Alam II. This is definitely of the
period betwcen the death of Shah Alam (1806) and 1800,
the year of Girvana's accession to the throne. But the piece
was minted by the ruler of Garhwal. It is to show dual
allegiancc. But at this time the Moghul Impcrial rule was
completely shattercd, and no physical presence of their
powcr is cstablished by this coin. But probably thc Garhwal
rulcr intended to convey to the Ncpalese that hc still was
a vassal of the Moghul Emperor. He might have desired
thc Nepalese to understand that they were not alone the
arbiter of their destiny in this rcgion. However, evcn as
though feasible the Moghul Bmperor exercised a little sway
as he could excrt some influence in the himalayan region
as yeta.
Shah Alam II died in 1806 A.D. and ho was succeedcd
by his son Mahammad Akbar (II). Thc Srinagar coins
minted in his time bears the lcgend Akbar Shah or thah
Akbar Shahan Shah Bhah Jalaluddin Akbor on one side and
Girvana Juddha Vikram on the other. Thc coins are of
different datcs. But thc Hizri Era is missing and is replaccd

3, By oourtosy of Mr. Valedittoro.

4. Ibid.
Ig6 llodcrn Nepal
by Yikrama Era 1810. Thcrc is a thickcr coin with thc
lcgend ofSri Shah Girvana Juddha. This bcars no date
and it appears thst thc Gorkhalis had now totally forgotten
thc Moghul Emperor in Dclhi. By lSll cvon the myth of
Moghul suzerainty had €ndcd.
Poct paint€r Molsram (1740.1833 A.D.) who wrotc his
cpic in pootry c led'Garh Rajayamsa Ka ltihasa' 6 complains
sgairst what hc calls unjust and cruel rulc ofGorkhalis.
His picturo presents extremely devastatcd and cxploitcd
Garhwal, whose peasantry bad been tefiibly suffering. Thc
Garhwalitr according to thic poet, livcd in a condition of
cnslavemcnt and somc of thcse were litcrally sold as slaves
in thc markct, Jamcs Baillic Frascr has drawn an equally
lurid account of Garhwal as ruled by thc Ncpalesc. He
also complained ofcrucl ttcatmcnt of thc local populacc
at thc hauds of the ofrcials. They were obligcd to pay
hcavy taxcs and render unpaid labour to thc victors. Thc
Garhwalis werc also subjected to slavery. Frascr sals that
in his journey through Garhwal conductcd immediately
boforc thc Anglo-Nepalcsc war hc actually saw Garhwali
childrctr being sold itr the market at Doon snd othcr placer
in thc plainso.
It appears that conditions in Garhwal werc not in any
way dissimilar to thosc obtaining in Kumaon in those days.
Tho charges of maladmitristration and maltrcatmcnt are
surely sxaggcratcd. In abnormal time6 such as the ycsrs
the Nepalcse passcd in Garhwal, somc kind of rcprcssion
was bound to occur, But this was insignificant compared
to what was happcning in scvcral statcs in India of thc
period. If thc Ncpalcsc omcers were at all guilty of cxccss

5. RahulrsdlrityayaD, HiEal Parichay!, Grrhwal, pp. 213.14,

6- James Baillic Ftasat: loartsl of toat ,htoagh pattt of Saowy
tunge of thc Eimalaya moantaiLt and to the spacet ol the riyer larnno
and Gangos, Londot, 1820, Pt. I, p. t-48 (Histolical Stctchcs of N€Dal),
chaptars I to 4.
 )dvance to Satloj and Beyond iS?

it has to bc sdmittcd at thc same time that the guilt laid at

their door was comparativcly lccs in magnitudc.

Attack on Slmour
After their victory ovcr Garhwal, the Gorkha rcgi-
ments continucd their march to Sirmour,
Thcy had already conqucred Dchradun, and wcre on
thc way to Nahar, the capital.
From Garhwal thc Gorkha troops procecdcd lowards
west of Jamuna falling in Sirmour but this principality camc
undcr tho ioflucncc of Nepal without rcsistancc. Howcvcr,
it took somctioc bcfore thc occupation took placc.
Sirmour was ruled by a family of thc Rathor clan ;
thoy had a proud record of wsr with thc Mohammadan
rulers of thc plains. A youthful king of this family fought
with thc Raja of Bilaspur and succeeded in acquiring thc
ovcrlordship of the Bahra (twclvc) Thakurais. He €vcn
attcmpted but in vain to capture the Dun whero itr a battle
at Kalsi with thc Raja of Garhwal he breathcd his last.
His cldest Bon Jagat Prakash who was bardly 16 wasmarricd
to the daughtcr of Sansarchand of Kangrs dcspitc thc
refusal of thc Bilaspur rul€r to give him passagc to Kangra
and through his hclp fulolled th6 wish of his farhcr to lay
a siegc on the Dun which hc forcibly occupicd, but hcre
again his untimcly dcath put aD ctrd to further consotida-
tiotr (p.304 Hamilton). Hc died at the agc of 28.
Jagat's brothcr Dharma Prakash camc to ascend the
thronc on his dcath. His rcigo was disturbed by continuous
acts of dcprcdation and warfare bctween ncighbouring
countrics, in one of which having persusadcd himsclf to
offcr a stiff fight to Sansarchand ho was heavily defeatcd
sod tillcd. Hc had joincd thc 6old to rhc csll of thc Rajas
of Mandi end Bilaspur and Dharma Prakash was otrered in
licu of military aid a sum of Rs. 2,00,000.
Karoa Prakash placcd himself undcr Gcncral Amar
Singh to ward ofr furthcr dangers o! that account, as
l8g ltodqn Nepal
Sansarchandin asrociation ivith thc Raja of Hanur sccmcd
to plan out his dcstruction. Sansarchand promised thc
Raja of Hanurtomakchim master ovcr the Thakurajs if
hc won thc battle. Hanur waswith Bilaspur becauoe ofa
dcsire to reap rich harvcst in timcs of war. But the wcathlr
proved bleak. Hanur was defeated by Bhaktidal Thapa as
thc Raja camc into clash with thc Nrpalcse army. Hamilton
says that Kazi Amar Singh did not pursuc him to Palasi in
thc interposition of Gcncral Ochtcrlony. At onc timc thc
Ncpalese commandcr Deonidhi Pant cntered into an agrce-
mcnt with thc Raja of Sirmour, by wbich the Jumuna was
fixed as thc boundary bctwccn Ncpal and Sirmour. But
Sirmour had accept€d Ncpal's sovereignty. Thc lattcr had
also to go to thc sidc of thc Gorkhalis if the ruler of Garh-
wal did not lurrcndcr to him the promiscd amount of
mon€y, The income of Sirmour wss about Rs. 2,70,000, of
which the Dun alone contribut€d Rs, 20,000.
Karma Prakash was under th€ tutelage of bis minister
for a long timc but in VS 1857-1800 A.D. he became de
facto ruler having attained majoriry. Earlier Naban was
plundcrcd by thc Raja ofHindor. Karma prakash shifted
his hcadquartcr to thc fort of Narayanagarb. r.Now the
Gorkhalie also desccndcd to Dchradun aDd controllcd arcss
in thc doab of thc Jamuna and Gangce, Karma prakash
complained that this movc w8s against tbe provisions of
thc trcaty. But thcy rcfrained from capturiDg Nahan and
all places to thc north of it. Thc Sikhs also wcrc active in
this part and thcy had capturcd Pinjorc. South of thc Dun
across thc river lay Patiala's terfitory, but on th€ north
thcrc was a fort of Sirmour well guarded ; Raja Karma
Prak8sh w8ntcd to give a fight from this fort. But his
brothcr Ratan Singh joined a rcbel Sarder Kusal Singh by
namc, who was cncouragcd by thc Sikh Sardar Jodha Singh.
As a result of thc rcvolt the fort ss wcll as NahaD fcll to
worst disorders, Thc Raja's own s€rvants carried tho loot
without mcrcy. Karma Prakash was compcllcd to abandoD
 Advancc ,o Satlal and Beyond 189

Nahan ia Karadun as his fighting mcn rcbcllcd against him

at thc instigation ofRatan Singh who wantcd to push bis
conquest as far as Kangral. It is said by ond of tho Raja's
Bucccssors writiDg in 1908 that Ratan Singh wae jutt a
Donilal ruler dominatcd by onc Kisan Singh who hcld ths
roi!! of powcr. But all the tiEc Karma Prakarh wao not
slttlngidle. Ho approached Amar Singh Thapa for hclp
ptomising to pay a tributo to Ncp8l. Although Naban
wss itr R8tstr Singh's handr, somc othcr partr of Sirmour
wcro still undcr Karma Prakash. Tho Gorthali coEDandcr
had allowcd him tho cDjoymcnt of his rcmaining posscs-
sions. Thoy had, howcvcr, thcir cyco on Nah.n and wcrc
looking forward to wrcsting it from Kisan Singh who had
provcd to bc a worthless ministcr givcn to tbc babits of
plundcriog common pcoplc.
From a lettcr of YS 1865 Aotna Yadt I0 RoJ S(-Thuje,-
day, l5 Octobcr, 1808) addrcsscd from Nahan it appcars that
Karma Prakash had acccpted to becomc Ncpal's varsal and
had plcdged to pay an annual tributc. He bad alro signcd
a dcclarstioD to thc cffect that tbe Gokba rcgimcntr could
bc rtationcd in Nahan. By virtuc of this dcclaration Aoar
Singh Thapa war tryiDg to capturc Nehar, whcrc he actually
did later,
Thc Raja of Sirmour yiclding to thc Gorkha atracl iD
thc bcginning sccmcd to have his own designs. He u,ant€d
to get himself restorcd with their belp, but was not willing
to part with an inch of t€rritory to his hclpers. Tbe quarrel
betwecn thc Raja of Sirmour and thc Gorkha commandcrs
afole on that accoutrt.
A letier (addressec not mcntioncd) from Nahan writtcn
by Chumu Bhandari, Tikaballabh Pandc and JogaDarayan
Malla on KarllkavadiSrojSSamya, 1866 (:6g1s6.r 1ggr.
Thc datc is irrcgual) gives thc following fscts about
Gorkha advance in that scctor upto that datc; it is
now known that Kszi Ranjorc Thapa, Sardsr Balabhadra
1- Ta$)arukhi Stnorf by th€ Rrja (in Urdu), 1912.
l9O Modcra Ncpal

Kuar, Serdar Ram Sundcr Thapa arc statioDad in an

outpost about 2 milcs €ast of thc Morani fort ; as it was vcry
nccessary to mect thc Raja of Sirmour thc Malla Sardar has
beca dircctcd to procced to Jaituk; what transpircd in thc
talk bctwcen our Oftscrr and th€ Raja, they havc not infor-
mcd us, But wo learn that thc Raja, though promisiDg to
rurrcndcr thc promiscd amouat of Eoncy, is ptcparing to
trroot our forco with strcngth ; ho has alrcady startcd collcct-
ing his dispcrscd troops in thc fort whcr€ thcrc are alrcady
1,000-2,000 mcn ; as s precautionary mcagurc hc has also
sent 6way his wifc and ladics; wc hevc writtcn to thc
Budhakazi atrd Ranjorc. 'If you want to coDqucr Sirmour,
you mu8t immcdistcly,go to Ajmergarh, and lrom thcrc
summon Raja Karma Prakash and othcr membert of thc
nobility. If thc Raja docs not turn up, the noblcmen will
ccrtainly do, and this will ccrtainly creatc s split in their
ranks and prevcot thc posribility of their coming togcthcr
against us.' Subedar Saktiballabh carrics the lcttcr; se
hovc also scnt thc samc suggestions by Bhimraj Thapa who
had comc here to takc moncy ; Bhimraj tclls us tbat thc
Budhakazi intendcd to capturc Sirmout. But it seems tbat
our suggcstion for immcdiatc capturo of Sirmour wst Dot
cBrricd out a! thc scpoys werc a bit tircd, and it was oot
possiblc to start thc caopaign without somc delay. Now
four days aftcr thcir arrival in Morani site, wc rcccivcd a
lctt€r from Kazi Amar Singh informing us that Kazi Ran-
jore, and Sardars Chandravir Kuar, Birbhadra Kuar and
RSmsuudcr Thapa havc bccn dirocted to deal with Sirmour ;
Kazi Amar Singh is encampcd in Subathorc Killa (fort) on
thc bordcr of Baghat. Thc writer of tho carlicr lcttcr
complains of thc shortagc of mcn, and as thc soldicrs
wcro not gcttiog thcir rations in timc thit was crcating
a situation. Thc lcttcr added 'Kahlur and othcr Barha
Thakuraits arc afraid of thc dirturbcd condition in
Jallandhur. Somc irrcgulars from Kumaon and Garhwal
wcrc cxpccted in Nahan to rciaforcc thc contingcDts i4 thst
 Ailvanc. lo Sollal and Ecyond 191

arca. Tho writcr also strcsscs thc accd of strong dcfcncc of

Sirmour as Fattcban was trying to creatc troubles from thc
bordcr haviog escaped from Tchra. He was collectiog
soldicrs from the msrccnarics livirg in thc Plsirs. He $as
aleo trying to forgc a united front with thc othcr Rajas of
thc hills and norrby plains. Thit war th€ rcport of Sardar
Kirti Ratra End Subo Ghamand Thapa. If tho Rajar
combincd, thoy wcrc ruro to distutb Pcaco of thc arca nor€
particutarly in Sirmour and Handur. The Ncpalesc arms
and moncy were safely dopositcd in Jcuragartin' ID addition
onc ffeld gun was put thcrc.
In thc routh thc Sikh rulcr of Patisla bad actcd to
plcase Lord Minto ia pcrsuancc of the earlier trcaty by
prcscntiDg I horsc, I nccklacc of pcBrls, and I plume
through a vakil and Kharitapatra. It was said that Patiala
was gcttiog fcarful news of thc march of Ranajit Singh to
Bhsratpur in aid of the Jat Raja. The Englirh sent to
Patiala 5 Europcan ofrcers, 1000 nativc soldicrs aad 300
gunr. Thcy stayed 3 days in Patiala, aDd started to mect
Ranajit Singh. The lctter addcd that thc Raja of Patiala
was opcnly hclping Ranajit Singh.
At thc timc the lettcr was written tb€ Gorkha troops
hod not crosscd tha Satlsj.- But they wcre dctermined to
do eo. Thc British action might bc intcrprctcd as an
indirect hint. But it might not havc bcen so. On the
othcr hand thc statc of Kangra becausc of its weak condi-
tiotr attractcd tbc notice of the Gorkhas for an attack.
Kangra's rulcr was dislikcd by all rulers of the rcgion.
Thc Rajas up to thc river Ravi wcre hostile to Sansarchand
who had timc and again haraescd thcm. Thc Raja bimself
was not strong enough to meet thc Gorkha sttack. Thu6
thc Gorkhsr not only werc tempt€d to cross the Satlaj but
also to establish their protcctorate over tbe principalitics
betv/een thc Satlaj atrd tho Ravi. They had approached
the Raja of Jammu who had sworn loyalty to them agaitrst
Sansarchand,
192 Modern Nepal
Tho Gorkha aiE to cstablish a Himalayan Kingdom
from the statc of Jammu to Bhutan was, bowcvcr, bound
to bc shsttcred on account of thc hostility displaycd by
two rising country powcrs, Ranajir Singh ard tho EDSlish
from acrou tho occan.
Arta Thapa who wae latcly disEisscd from rctvicc
aod wus biding time in tho Gorkha caop in Srinagar
wrotc to Ranadhoj Thapa and Srcstha Thapa undcr datc
ch na vadi 7 ruJ 3 YS 1866! to tcll thcE that thr old
Kaji Amar Singh was in Sugathorc havitrg coEplctcd his
work on this sidc of the rivcr Satlaj, Kazir Amrit Siogh
and Pande ( Jagajjit Pandc ) wcrc in Srinagar from Phaguna
13 to 27, but hod thcn rcachcd Dehradun.
Thc wholc ofSirmour had becn coptured aftcr Karma
Prakash had lcft his statc to takc shclt€r in thc territory of
tho Bast India Company.
But until thc Gorkha forccs actcd ia carncsa he was
intriguing against thcm, and cvcn tryiDg to allign with the
Sikhs.
Karma Prakash had provcd insincerc with brokcn plcd-
gcs. He figures ia gcncral correspondcnce of thc timc wbich
thc Ncpalcse commandcrs had cxcharged *ith the centre.
Thc Raja of Sirmour wss trying his lcvcl best to oust the
Gorkhac from Nahan. His wifc mct Col, Ochtcrlooy in
'Ludhcana seeking rcltoration of her husband in Nahan'.
Yogr Malla, on€ of thc Gorkha commandcrs in tbat arca,
writcs to ray that when Karma Prakash rcacbed Morvi from
Trilokpur he dismisscd all his old servants. But latcr hc
seems to havc rcaliscd thc worth of pursuing his objectivc of
beiog rcstorcd as thc Raja in his formcr principality. To
Yoga Malla's irformation Karma Prakash was calling to
audiencc all his old scrvants includiDg Yajir Maujiram who
was with thc Gorkhalis within their camp. Hc was cvcn
thinking of attackiog ttatcs r cst of thc Satlaj.

8. Tqorday, 28 March, 1810,

 Advancc to Satld and Bcyond 193

With Sirmour vanquished, Gorkhalir had now imme-

diatc control ovcr the twelvc rulers of the Thaluraits,
who wcre thc Raja's feudatories. The principalitics 'Fete
each small in area and population and their incomc cven in
total wes ncgligible. But they certainly added strcDgth to
tho invaderr in those abaormal days. Hamilton lirtcd tbo
following ia thc group of Bara Thaluraib: Dharaopur
(Dhami), Arki, Kothar, Mahalok, Bhajji, Kconthal, Kumar.
son ( Kaniyan ) and Borbhakan9. Another authority adds
to thcse Baghat, Koti, Kiyari and Kotigurut0.
Strategically Sirmour and thc Tbakuraits gavc tbc
conqucrors a foothold on thc territories west of the river
Jamuna. This foothold later on cnabled lhem to cxtend
their fronticrs up to the river Satlaj and thcncc to Chenab.
Hamilton says that Amar Singh had proposed to thc Sikh
king to organise a joint march against Kashmir.
Hill states beyond the rlver Satlai
From Sirmour to Barha Thakuri and then to Bilaspur
( or Kahlur ) this was the march forward of thc Gorkha
army under Amar Singh Thapa. Bilaspur occupied the
arcas all south of tho Thakuraits but balf of this across thc
Satlaj or Satarudra as the Nepalesc callcd it. Wc shall
know a little latcr that the Raja of Bilaspur who was oftcn
harassed by Sansarchand, the Raja of Kangra, was first rulcr
of these states to contact Amar Singh Thapa. IIc inf,uenced
all those affectcd by Sansarcband's aggreesion to join hands
with him in sccking the aid of tbe Gorkha aroy.
Kangra or Trigarta was the most important and an-
cient principality of the arca having territories on both sides
of the Satlaj.
The cxtent of influcnce wielded by Nepal in thic arca
w€nt as far as to cover all areas west of Jammu.
9. Hamilton, pp. 306-07.
10. J. Hutchinson and \ogel, History of thc Punjab Hlll Statcs in
2 vols.
194 Modert Ncpol

Thc housc of Sonsarchaod cl&imcd to bavc desccnded

from the Chandclla dynasty, Hamilton, however, says tbat
they wrre called. Katoch Raja Yamsa, Thc dynasty of San-
sarch&nd was, howcvcr, old ; Dot vcry much is koown about
its origin.
Trigarta was an atrciert Fingdom. It caEc into pro-
minence cinco tho vcry early Christian Era. Inscripticns in
thc Brijaoatha, sonctuary not far from the fort of Kangra,
bring out rcigns of thc timc of the Kushanas. Later thc
Kashmiri rulers also extcndcd tbeir influeDce ovcr thc area.
The Muslim influence was not felt in tbc bcginning of thc
period. But Moghul Bmperors rulcd over Kangra.
Trigarta was so callcd bccsuse th€ country w8s situalcd
in a land comprising thc basins of the threc rivcrs.
It appcars that Kazi Amar Singh and others had some-
how or other formed an impression lhat tbe British ncre
indirectly supportirg the Sikhs. But we must takc thc fact
of British friendship rvith the rising Sikh power in the ligbt
of the latt€r's strcngth. The Britisb support to Ranajit
Singh during his conflict wiih thc advancing Gorkhalis was
not all forthcoming. For their own sake Ranajit was dis-
trustcd a! much as tbe Gorkhi tis and thc Sikhs had fought
on at their own. So thc Gorkha suspicion of British support
to Ranajit was unfoundcd. There is no doubt that thc
Nepalcsc were defeated in the conflict becausc oftheir own
inher€nt weakncss,
According to J, Hutchinson and vogel thc followiog
states werc satellites of Kargra, known as Trigarta :
( Yol. l,/p. 50 ).
) Guler, Separatc sincc 1405 A.D.
3. Kotla
4. Jaswan separated oiccc 11?0 A.D.
( Siba
since 1557 A.D.
6. Datarpur
7, Nurpur ruled by a Rsjput siacc 1000 A.D.
E. Sukct
 ldyance to Satl4J aad Bcyond 195

9. Chamba
10. Mandi
ll. Kulu rulcd by a dcscendaat of Sukct
12. Kutbhcr
13. Bangohal
Upto thc llth ccntury Trigarta occupicd ell thc
countrics b.tw(cn thc Ravi and Satlaj crccpt Xulu rnd
also Jalandhar plaiDs. Aftcr thc Mahammadsa invarion
th6 plaios wcrc lost, Nagarkot or Kangra bccaEc thc
capital of the stete. The first Moghul invarion of thc
fort took placc in 1572, Thc Sikhs wcrc thc ncrt invadclr.
But Chamba, Mandi and othcr statcs bccamc fr€c vhcn
thc Mabammadan power bccamc weak asd did not cooc
under thc Sikhs, This was not so in thc casc of othcrs,
Most of thcsc statcs fcll to thc Silhs. Chamba was undcr
Kashmir till thc l2th ccntu.ry. The rulcrs cxcept tbose
of Chamba belong to Chandra Vamei or lunsr dyDasty.
The principality of Nurpur was oftcn rcvolting against
tho Moghul Emperor. in 1758 Raja Ghamand Singh of
Kaogra was appointcd Governor of Jalandhar Doab by
Ahmad Shah Durrani, But thc latter exerciscd nominal
suzcrainty. Thc last invasion of Durrani was in 1767. But
about 1770 Ghamand Singh was e tributary to Jaesa Singh
of Ramagarh misl. Yet the fort was still occupi€d by a
Moghul offi.cer, and Ghamand Singh himsclf was undct
thc Muslim Govcrnor of Lahore. Sansarchannd who ruccce-
ded his fathcr at thc agc of ll fouud thc fort in thc hands
of thc Muslim Govchnor of Durrani. When hc attaincd
Eaturity, Sansarchand attacked Kaogra with thc help ol
Jassa Singh but the fort fell to Jaisingh of Kanhaiya misl.11 -

But thc' fort along with other areas came to bc occupied

in 1786 by Sansarchand who now became the mastcr of
the whole of Kangra. Sansarchand's invasion crtcndcd to
Jullandhor in th. plains but ho was defcated at thc hands

ll. Atr sdministrativc utrit io thc Punjab uodcr I Sikh landlord,

196 llodcn Ncpa!
ofRaaaJit Singh, Thcn hc attactcd Bilarpur and gcizcd
thc tcrritory on thc wcstcrn bank of Satlaj lying from Bilirs-
pur to Nurpur. Hc thcn marched on Jammu in l7g3 after
clocsio8 tho Satlaj. Thc Bilaspur army st tbc timc Forstcr
viritcd wsr 300 horrer and g0O0 footmcD. Tbcy rcpulred
SrElrchaod but could aot gct back tcrritory io th. *.rt
oltho Srtlaj, Ho arkcd from Cbaoba tbc placc Riblu, on
fofu.rl tho couotry war attackcd uut thc n o.la was rillco
whilo thc RaJa of Maodi was madc prisoocr. Both
-
Mandi and Chamba wcrc rcquircd to ccdc 6omc tcrritory.
Seararchand gavc a villagc cach ro Kuiu and Sulct earlilr
acquircd from Mandi,
According to Mootcraft,s Travclr ( I, p. (6 ) hc coutd
aot capturc Kaaalagarh, Sansarchand tricd to anncx slt
thc rtatcr of thc hilh, Hc also tricd to scizc plains in thc
dircction of Hoehiarpur and Bagwara, a big Katocb king-
dom but wa! dcfcrtcd by th€ Sikh ruler in t803-04. Iic
thcn Earchcd agaiDlt Kablur. But tbis provokcd tbc
chicf to unitc and invite thc Gorkhatis to cioss Sarlaj and
invadc Kangra-assuring tbcn of thcir participation. Ssn_
sarchsndrr rrEy coDsisted of Rajputc, AfghaDs and Robil-
ler, but undcr advicc of thc dcposcd Nawab of Ranpur,
Ghulam Mahammrd, ho had rcduced thc numbcr ofthc
formcr two. This wcnt to cmbittcr thc Rajputs and Af-
ghans! I, It iE said tbat this wac one of thc reasons which
lcd thc Rajput stetcs and thc pcople to go agsinst him
whitc thc Gotkhali army marchcd on to his tcrritory,
Mandi is situatcd in thc middlc of Bias vallcy rbis
;
rivcr dividcs thc ltatc into two portions. The formcr Mandi
State wa8 bounded on thc north by Kulu and Kangra, on
thc south by Sukct and on thc west agaiD by Kangra, The
Tibctans called it Zohor. Guru padma Sambhavs visited
Zohor a! thc r€qucst of king Srong dc btzan, Thc holy lstc
of Rawal wag visitcd by Tibetans evcry ycar aud ir known
12. P. 183 (type scripr), S. L. Suri ; rranslated by V. S. Sori.
 Adwnce to Satlaj and Bcyond 19?

as Padamacan, The capital stands on thc lclt

batrk of
the rivcr Bias near its junction with the SuketiDala. Tbc
total arca is 1200 sq. miles with a populatioa of 207,465
( Ccnsus, 1931 ). Sukct and Mandi bclongcd tothcsamc
dynasty. The sepnration took placeinthc llth ccntury
4..D.
Kulurt milcs occupying thc subdivisiotr
10,000 eq.
of the samc name in Kaogra in thc uppcr Bias vallcy,
Ratang pass to Bajanra with Lahaul and a portion of thc
Satlaj valley was an old kingdom in Brahma or Kharoth
country. Hiuen Tsang callcd it Kiuluto, ll8 milcsnorth
of Jullandhar. Bilaspur was in thc lowcr Satlaj vallcy oa
both sides. Kotekahlur in Naiqadcvidhar wat thc capitsl.
Thcrc is a famous tcmplc. Thc Raja had undcr him thc
pctty chiofs of Baghal Kumihiar, Bcja, Dhami, Kcoathrl,
Kothar, Jubhal, Baghat, Bajji, Mailog, Mangal sDd EalnD.
The ycarly tribute was Rs. 7,800 paid by cach ofthc6.
But Hamilton said that thcae faudatorics owcd loyalty to
tho Rajs of.Sirmour.
Raja Dcvichand of Bilaspur, 174l-1778, was an iEpor-
tsnt figurc. His soo rnd succcsEor Mohanchand born in
1772 who had succccdcd at thc agc of 8, His nothcr, r
Kotoch princcss, wa8 thc Rcgctrt during his childhood.
Whilc young ho helpcd thc Mahammrdan Govcraor of
Kangra in 1786. A lettcr ia Tankan from thc RrDi ol
Bilaspur to Raj Singh of Sirmour asking his hclp aad
protcction to hcr infant son Mohan Raja ie availablc. Wo
kEow that Sansarchand ettackcd Chanki Bclwal. Thc
Raja of Sirmour camc to hclp hcr but hc was killcd. Tho
12 Ranas rcnounccd thcir allcgisnce to Bilaspur in 1793.
Raja Ramchand of Nalagarh (Ilindur) allo clsshcd pith
Sansarcband. IIc capturcd 3 forts of Sangarchand. Hc
appcalcd to two Sikh Sarders but again dcfcat followsd.
Thcn Mohrnch8ad turncd to thcm for hclp. The Gorlhag

13. P.413 typescrip!. Translatad by V. S. Suri.

 198 Modcn Ncpal
crostcd thc SstlEj at thc cnd of l8(X, whilc all this intcrnc-
cinc warfare was being waged.
Down Kangra but on thc high hille was situatcd Gulcr
paying tributo to Lshorc. It wac fairly a largc statc caro-
itrg.by tsxatiotr about Rs. 250 thousand in a year. Farthcr
west was Nurpur 'posscssing part of thc hill!, thc Dun
snd part of thc plains', Pathankot wa8 uDder thc Rajs of
Nurpur. North ofNurpur along sidc thc rivcr Ravi lay
thc Chamba state, which comprised a large tcffitory but
a .rmall population,
Bccausc of Sansarchand's ambition to form a hill
empiro hc had earncd thc hostility of the many princi.
psliti€8 both to th€ cest and wcet of thc Satlaj. Most angry
of thcm wcrc thc Rajas of Bilaspur and Mandi. The
lattcr was bcitrg dctaincd in thc fort of Kangra and it fcll
to thc Gorkhali commdndcr to frce him.
Karma Prakaeh in his days of exilc wac playing a
similar role in rcgard to the hill statcs. Taking rcfugc
in the plain hc was tcrrorising thc hill principalitics and
this he continued until hc was ruthlessly cuppresscd by thc
Gorkhalis. Thc l2 Thakuritcs w.rc also quitc itrtimidatcd
but they wcre under thc protection of thc Gorkhg kiogdom.
Thc Raja, howcver, was to create troubles in the regioD
during thc Nepal-British war,
Lct us now dcscribe tho cvcnts rvhich led to rhc invol-
v€mcnt of'Nepal ioto the disputc betwccn Sirmour and
tho twclve Thakuritcs. Jhuppal, one of thc l2 Thekuritcs,
wos attacked by one of his (Raja of Sirmour) young Sardarr
with 2000 men. Thc Gorlchalis hsd bcen hcaring com-
plaints against Karma Prakash. Thc Raja of Jhuppal and
his minister Pritamdas Banagiri ( a monk expresscd a
dcsirc to join thc Nepalcse sidc to cscape from Karma
Prakash's mischievous activitics). Wc gct this information
from Yoganarayana Malla's lcttcr dated l,,S Asadha sudi
/.I ro7 1 ( - Sund ay, 23 l y, 1809), which was rvri6cn fron
Nshau.
 Advance to Satlal and Beyond t99
In SaEvat 1866 (:1809 A D,) on Kartika t6 (:carly
Novcmber, 1809) Mian Bhuri Siogh, thc ruler of Mandi,
had addrcssed a lctter to Kazi Amar Singh.Thapa, Kazi
Ranajit Kuar and Ramadac Thapa acknowlcdging tbc
gratitudc of Ncpal, and plcdgiog that Nepal and Mandi
w€rc one against thc third party whocvcr he happetrcd ro
bc. Thc lctter further said that the Raja always dcpcndcd
or Gorkha for his wclfare and protcction,
A similar l€ttcr was addresscd to Amar Singh Thapa
by the Raja ofKahlur or Bilaspur in which he aasurcd him
of his rcadincss to hclp the Gorkha forces agatnst tbc
aggression of Ranajit Singh in areas acroos thc Satlaj.
It might be notcd here that Kahlur and Mandi werc
thc two ltates, which had stood by Ncpal in tho war with
thc Si.khs, The rulcr of Kahlur did Dot descrt Ncpal also
during thc war of l8l#18t5. But his support was lukc-
warm,

Slege of Kangm
Io thc advanco of the Gorkha army Kangra war thc
Dcrt tcrgct after crossing th6 Satlaj. This tiBo Ncpal hsd s
trcaty of alliancc with Sirmour, From KathDandu they
r€ccivcd morc regiEctrts of 1500 men and a host ofcaptblc
oftccrs to lcad, which includcb Kazi Nain Siogh Thapa aad
Serdar Udatta Sahi with thrcc compatrics and Subba Ranga-
nath Gurung rnd Prahlad Gurung with 4 companics. Thc
Gorthalig commsndcd also forces of thc Thakuritcs who
joincd hands with tbcm. Hindur (Nalagarh) was caprurcd
at thc first stroke. Kccping Sardar Indra Singh Thapa in
chargc of thc arca thc army crosscd tbc Satlsj towards tho
cnd of 1805 gnd bcsicgcd Kangra aftcr capturiug thc hcight
ofJwalamukhi and Sumcruput as wcll as Gatrccha ka ghati.
But in thc rcar Kangra,s ruler Sansarchand attcnptcd
invasions of the Jullandhar Doab and was roputsed.
A lcttcr datiag YS 1863 Ko ka vdi /J roJ 7 (-gg1ur-
dry, 20 Octobcr 1805) addrcssed in the name of King
,@ ltodcn Nepal

Girvara Juddha to Ssrdsr Bhakti Thapa acknowlcdgcs the

rcccipt of an information sett oa Asyina vadi 3 and, reccived
in Kartlka wdi 7 thst many ofrcers and men had lcft to fight
at Ksngr& lcaving Bhakti Thapa to sicze Tehra. Thc lattcr
ws8 thcn cagagcd in fightiDg from tbc sidc of thc besicgcd
fort of Tehra. The enemy had madc an attack on thc
Gortha position but hc was vanquishcd aod for this succcas
thc king had sent hic congratulations. Kazi Amar Singh
Thapa and Nain Singh Thapa were cntrustcd with the main
responsibility (Mukhtiari) of conducting war and peacc,
Bhatti Thapa war askcd to work in consultation with thc
two Kazic. Tho information givcn furthcr statcs that
Bhakti Thapa had incrcaecd the strcngth of the armcd forccs
fron 9 to 12 companics.
A royal lcttcr to Jayakrishna Joshi_ of Samta, 1E65
Clullra vadi 9 roJ 6 cxprcsscd hopc thet affairs in Kargra
would turn right ar was dircctcd in his astrological forccast.
Jayakrishna was appointcd to thc post ofKharidarlr draw-
ing a calary of Rs.475l- ycarly. He was an astrologer who
war consultcd by thc commander about suspicious momcDls
ia thoir pcrsuits. Jayakrishna Joshi obtained frce holding
for giving a corrcct tiEe to attack thc cnemy. His grant
of laod lay within thc prcscnt Dhading district (No I wcst)
and was an inhabitetrt of that area,
It appears that Kangra was bcricgcd about March-
April of 1809. Amar Singh Thapa had not only command-
cd ao uncheckcd psssagc, but he also obtained assistoncc
froo thc rrspcctive forces of the statcs, such as Kahlur,
Bhomar, Kattahar, Datarpur, Siva Guler and Nurpur. He
passed through these states as he marched crossiDg thc
Srttaj- Thcsc historisDs write (Vol. l, p. la3) rhst Amsr
Singh commanded a force of 40,000 whilc the lattcr had a
united force of 10,000t!. Yigne states (Travels, Vol. I, pp.

t4. Pututott..Wtn sahgruha,lll, Dp. 15 fr.

15. But boib these fig!tcs arc inffatcd.
 Advance to Satlaj and beyond 201

117.33), "All of tbese Rajas took oaths of fidelity to thc

Gorkha Chicf on the understanding that he was to rctsin
Kangra and they were to be left unmolested". Cbamba scnt
a force to assist thc Gorkhalis and this was commandcd by
Yajir Natha of thst statc.
Sansarchand's firct encounter failcd at Mabal Morian,
upon which thc Gorkhalis marched towards the wcst libcrat-
iog Mandi whosc Raja Isvariscn, was frced aftcr l2 years of
ioprisonmcnt. Thc Gorkhalis accostcd Sansarchaod for
the s€cond timc in Tira-SujaDpur, but once again thc laltcr
sustaincd defeat. Sansarchsnd at the last momcnt dcfcnded
himsclf from inside the fort of Kangra. J. Vogel statcs that
in this hour of trial hc was dcsertcd cvcn by the Guler
chicfwho was hil ncar collatcralr6. Thc sicgc of Kangra
lastcd for four ycars, J. Yogel describcd thc plight ofthe
refugee in these words: "For a timc supplics werc obtaincd
from Palam but thc Gorkhalis cut ofr thesc by blocking thc
rivcr gatc ofentrancc..... , snd tbe garrisoos wcre witbout
food, and subsistcd for 4 months upon littlc elsc than the
lcavcs of vegetablcs". Sansarchand had meanwhile sent
emissaries to Lahorc but Raoajit Singh was not inclined to
hclp him in thc initial stagc. So thi! w8s thc crucial hour
for the ruler of Kangra.
Accordiog to J. Hutchinson and J, ph. yogel, ,Hkrory
ofthc Punjab Hill States', Sansarchand, thc Raja of Xangra
had riscn to bc a powerful rulcr from a nominal potcntate
and had seizcd all lands from thc rivcr Ravi to the rivcr
Satlaj exactiDg tributes from thc Rajas ofChamba (N.E. of
Kangra), Mandi (east) and Suket (furthcr cast and north of
Bilaspur). The Raja of Bilaspur who had his territorics cut
in two by the river Satlaj found that thc portion lying on
its west had gonc out of his hands. But tbis was thc timc
whcn thc Gorkha army war in advaucc in that arca. He,
therefore, organised a confcderacy of all thc aggrieved

16. Ilistory of the punjab Hilt States,l, p, lA4.

202 Modetn Ncpal

Rajas and rnvited Amar Singh to gotothBiraidr? who

immediately rcsponded. In the Umdat-ut-Tawarikh Dafterr 3
which is a diary kept by Ranajit Singh's courtier Sohanlal
Suri, it is said that Mian Fatahchand brothcr ofSansar'
chand ncgotiatcd military asristance in Lahore. Hc rcpor-
ted that Amar Singh Thapa was in thc vicinity of tho
K&ngra fort with a view to attack it. Kazi Nain Singh
occupied thc surrounding areac, and assaulted the outcr'
wall of thc fort with 500 soldiers. Thc defeDders fought
with swords and muskcts killing maoy' Gorkbas atrd the
commandcr Nain Singh was hit with a bullct and dicd
somctimes later. Then it was Amar Singh's turn to assault
the fort. He killed many soldiers of Kangra but thc fort
had not b€cn surrendercd. Thc Gorkha army contemplatcd
a long sicge but Sansarchand was not able to tcsist aDy
longer. So Fatahchand had becn sent to seek thc assistancc
of Ranajit Singh. He promised tbat Kalgr8 would pay
an annual tributc to Khalsa Darbar in the evcDt ol tbe
repulsion of the Gorkha forccs from the 8rea.
Howcver, a little later thc Sikh King had wanted to
come as far as Jwalamukhi, but hc had an eyc on Kangra
which, howcver, Sansarchand would not hand over will-
ingly ( Prinsep ). According to Said Abdul Ali ( Histo-
rical Records Commission, Lahore, 1925. Notes on thc life
of Ranajit Siagh ) he was promised only 5 lakhs of rupecs
( also see Dewan Amarnath, Calcutta Review' Dccembcr
1858 ) by Sansarchand. Amar Singh Thapa bad also off-
cred Rs. l0 lakhs but Ranajit refused to accept saying that
he had alrcady promised help to Sansarcband'
Later he came to Sansarchand's help on promise ol'
surrendering Kangra and 66 villages that otrce formed
17. Tho Rajas wero: Bhupasimha (Culcr), Vikramsimha (Kullu),
virasimha (Nurpur), Mabcodrasiflba (visauli)' Jitsirnha (Chamba)
atrd Vrkrama6imha (Sukot).
18. Translated from the Persian inro English by V' S Su!i,
Part I.
 Advance to Satlaj and Beyond 203
the Moghul Empcror's demesnc. He was, however, dclay.
ing to advance until the position was assured. This kept
the activity of the Gorkha troops very much alive. Thc
Nepal army with 12,000 troops attacked Hindur with a
view to cut off tbe main flank engaged at Kangra as the
Raja had revolted. As Sansarcband would not surrcndcr
inspitcof alongsiege, this went to lower the reputation
of thc Gorkhalis in the cyes of thc local princes as to their
invincibility. In the battle Kazi Nain Singh was severely
injurcd ( later, Saka 1728 he died ) but the Gorkhalis had
hiumphcd in th€ battlc.
Kangra was under sicge for 4 years. Kangra was
blocked on thrcc sides: to the south at Gaoesh Ghati
waited 3 companics under Sardar Gandharba Singb, ro the
west at Sumerupur waitcd 20122 companies led by Kazi
Amar Singh and Ranajit Kuar and to thc cast the force
was offcered by Sardar Bhakti Tbapa. The first e[couDter
was made by Bhakti Thapa as Kangra s€nt a wing ofits
army to meet the siege, but was repulsed. The Nepalese
attached great importance 10 the invasion of Kangraand
uDder orders of Kathmandu, further reinforcement of g
companies from Kumaon and Doti rea.ched tbe battlcfield.
But at last the Raja of KaDgra showed earnesttress to sue
for peace and promiscd to pay a tribute of Rs. 9 lakhs
annually and also give his daughter in marriage to the
King of Nepal. On getiing the information BhimseD
Thapa readily acceptcd thc terms and rccalled Dalabban-
jan Pande for consultation. But it proved a device laid
by Kangra's ruler to gain tim€. Thc sicgc, contitruing
however, Sansarcha d was hard pressed to ask for liftin!
the blockade for 22 days otr thc terms of thc Gorkhalis so
that he could takc away his wife and other valuables
before surrendcring the fortr€ss, Thc Nepalese comman-
ders out of sheer chivalry agreed to his suggestion ald
Sausarchand left disguised as a peasant but the Iortress
was not surreudered. He took his position atTira SujaDpur,
204 I odern Nepal

J. Yogel ststcs that Sansarchand negotiated tbrough his

minister Naurang and persuaded the Gorkhalis to opcn
thc route on the side of the river. He could thus obtain
supplies stealthily at night ( see also, prinsep, I, pp. 301-02 ).
Sansarchand was a master intriguer. But tbis time
his intrigucs proved ofno avail. He had no doubt appea-
lcd to the Sikh ruler, Ranajit Singh to come to his sid
in his fight against tbe Gorkhas. The lattcr was a formi-
dable warrior commanding immense resources. But Rana-
jit with 8n cye on Kangra would dot rest coDlent just
mcrely becoming a simplc benefactor. He also kDew that
Sansarchand was a trickster. Ranajit's entire resources
wcre now dirccted to wrest KaDgra from Sansarcband.
 Chapter YII

NEPAL AND TIIE SIKHS

Nepalcse Defeat at Kangra
Thc Sikh rulcr with his deeign oo thc fort of Kangra
was procccding in the mattcr with coDruDDatc tricls and
adroitncos. Therc was a rumour that bc wsr now on bir
way to Kangra. \Yriting on yg lg66 Awlna sudl 2 roJl
(:Wednesday, 21 Scptember, tg09), Sardar Rcvant Kuar
said that if Ranajit Singh had expressed his willin2lcse to
go to Ranitsl for talks with hill princes, he would surcly
not go to Patharkot but thcre wcrc chanccs that hc would
likc to takc thc advantagc of thc protracted ncgotiation
bctween thc Ncpalcse and Sansarcband ovlt tbc issuc of
the fort and Esrch to thc arc8.
Actually Ranajit was not thc nran h gct involvcd in
stray talks. Thereforc he contacted Raja Sansarchand wbo
had expresscd a dcsire to come to terDs with biD for aesis-
tance to enablc KaDgra to cxist as sn autonomous statc; in
lieu of this hc would acccpt Ranajit's 0uzeraitrty short of
partiag with territory.
Meanwhile the Gorkialis werc advancing alotrg tbo
tcffitories ofKangra and had almost surroundcd rhc fort.
They were negotiating with Sansarchand with dcnands for
thc surr€nder of the fort of Kangra.
While promising to handovcr the fort to thc Gortha
commander Amar Singh, the rulcr also expresscd o dcsirc to
part with the fort in favour of the Sikh rulcr. This hc did
in utmost secrccy. But he secmed to try to gain timc with
that and none could guess, becausc be was outmatched by
both oppotrents. He wsntod to manocuvre so that both
Sikhs and Gorkhas w€re dcfeated, If it was hir i[tcntion
to exploit the mutual entagonism between the Gorkhas and
Sikhs, hc was in illusion. The rivalry was ov€r tho possor,
206 Mothm Nepal
sions ofthc land w€stof thc Satlaj. In thc cvent of aDy
party gaining victory, Sansarchand's causc was lost for cver.
But he continued to manoeuvre betwcen two rivals with
tho hope of a success,
Itwas at this timc that Sanrarchand's son Aniruddba
Singh became a captivc of Ranajit Singh who stsrtcd bar'
gaining with the Katrgra rulcr ovcr the princc's lilc.
According to a lcttcr of YS 1866 Pausa 8 which was
sent in reply to that of thc ccntrc dated Pausa sudi 4 rcceivcd
on Pausa sudi 7 Rbzkti Thapa had informcd that Surajgarh
was captured on 16 Marga and carlicr to this the fort of
Bagarwala. Ranjorc Thapa wrotc that MoraDSsrh came to
bc occupicd on 27 Marga. Kathmandu had informed thst
Budha Kazi Amar Singb, Kazis Amrit Singh and Dala'
bhanjan Pande wcre instructcd to protcct thc Bahra Ths-
kursit against Sansarchand initially and agaitrst thc Sikhs
later ; it was rcportcd that Sirmour had to be eaved and
also Kahlur from any sttacking party. The datc linc of
this letl.cr is missing'
Another letter, this was also written to Kathmandu in
acknowledgcsent of the latter's corrcspondence ofiDter-
cal*y Aeadha ladl ll (rccci\ed ot Asadha rrdi.l,l ) declatcd
that the fort of Kargra was soon to surrcDdcr, its rulcr
Sansarchand having bcen subjected to bloctade and conse'
quent harasrment. Tbis lctt€r announced also thc sDneratioD
of Nalkanda and thc tosn ofNagarkot into thc kingdom
of Nepal. Th€ victory was celcbratcd all over the forvald
aroa. Sangarchand wantcd 8 days to cYacuatc the fort as he
thought he rcquired suffcicnt time to take out bis movable
property. Thc Ncpalcse wcrc gcncrous cnough to allow
psssage to and from the fort through Ganeshghati. But
this stcp was resentcd by thc feudatorics, who sccm to
havc joined the Sikhs out of disgult.
This vcry tcttcr givcs additional informstion 8nd this
is about Ranajit Singh who wae clepoping at Jwala with
l4-15000 trooPs,
 Nepal and the Stkhs 207

Other details given by thc lett€r in this conncction

are thc srmc as givenby the follosiDg letter written by
one Ramachandra Khstri. It rcpeats thc samc dcscription
ofthc chango ofattitudo shown by vassal $tatcs of Ranajit
Singh's hand beiog 6trcngthcned becausc of that factor.
Although Amar Singh had threatencd to use force to
capture thc fort he was unable to do so, and Kangra was
surrendercd to the Sikhs as soon as the Sikh ruler appcarcd
bcfore its gate even before he d cfeated thc Nepalese,
Thcre was a lull beforc thc Gorkha regiment camc into
clash with the Sikhs. Sansarchand was out of station, and
aftcr hc was gonc without knowledge of the invadcrs the
bridge ovcr thc ditch was dcstroyed, but thcr€ was no firing
from insidc thc fort, which cluded tbe Nepalesc as to the
whercabout of Sansarchand,
The dismisscd Jamadat Ramachandra Khatri is pre-
ssntcd hcrc as thc man wbo had visitcd thc forward arca to
collect his ncws to dcspatch ibc samc to 88m Shah aDd the
thc central govcrnment.
According to this lctter and thc following writtcn by
Bam Shah Nepal had maintaincd informcrs in Hardwar,
Bareilly, Dclhi, Kangra and other places.
Thc Mahila Guru who was thcn on a visit to thc
forward area writing from Nalkanda to Kazis Bhinscn
Thapa, Randhwaj Thapa, Balanarasingh Kuar and Ranajit
KuariD the intercalary moath of lsadha in 1866 on wdt 9
toj 5 \:8 October, Thursday, 1809) statcd that knowing of
thc movemcnt ofRanajit Singh the Budha Kazi dcspstchcd
a vakil with a spccial message to him. He further wrotc tbat
Sansarchand was not surrendering thc fort but the Rajas of
Guler and Chamba pcrsuad€d him to bcfriend thc Sikhs
cvcn to the extent ofmaking a gift of Kangra to Ranajit
Singh who tlad tben arrived at Pathatrkot with t0,000
troops. Sansarchand's son Aniruddhachand contactcd
thcre thc Sikh ruler. It was said that Aniruddha promiscd
to surrsnder thc fort to thc Siths if thc lattcr crmc to thc
20t Modcm Nepal
aid of thc rulcr of Kangra, All varsal ltatcs bad gone over
to Sansarchand but Kablur and Mandi werc still with Nc pal
Patch Singh's vakil had just arrived and hc brought a
mc$sgc that thc rulcs wa! dctcrminld to uphold lbc caule
of thcir fricndlhip at atl co!t. Otrq of thc valils who had
bc€n scnt to weit oa Ranajit Singb, Abhayi Strgh Karki,
wai still in Patharkot whilc Dclhiwala Vaidya had comc
back. Ranajit wantcd to dividc thc rphcro of influcnce
betwccn Lahorc and Kathmandu.
Amar Singh h8d suggcstcd that hc would likc to
rctain Krogra and adjaccnt placcs so that all wcst of it
wcnt to thc Sikhr, Thc Budha Kazi fclt stroDgly about
it bccauso hc kncw that Gorkhalis had lost hcrc thc v8lu-
ablc serviccs of Nain Singh snd thousand othcrs and
considerable amount of money,
Writing to Amar Singh Thapa ( Bhimrca's father )
in Palpa about thc drvclopncrls on thc wcstcrE frotrt
Chautara Bam Shab, Govcrnor of Almorg infolErd thst
on a report from Dclhi ncwspapcrs it appeared lhat San-
sarchand had surrcndercd thc fort of Katr8ra to Ranajit
Singh aftcr l0 days ofthc Ncpalcsc attack. Chamu Bban-
dari had appr8iscd Bam Shah that thc Sikh rulcr bad
alrcady rcachcd Jwalamukhi. His mothcr-inJaw was also
with him thcrc passing lhrough Guler. Thc vassal ststes
had flockcd round Sansarcband and werc helpirg the Sikhs.
From Bareilly thc Nopatcse informcr Mukundaram wrotc
to Bam Shah that thc Gorkha forccs werc srouDd tbe fort
of Kaogra without bcing able to ford it. Bur Ranajit
Singh was still in Jwala. Itr thc meantime Amar Singb
prcssed hard Sansarchand to vacatc thc fort of KaDgra
within 8 days, to which thc lattcr bad agrced but the pro-
misc. was not fulfilled. Thcreaftcr Anar Singh thrcatcncd
to use force to cxpel Sansarchand from his possession of
thc fort. At this ststc Vajir Nauraog and Nawab Gulam
Ali Khan iotcrvened to say that thcrc \}crc still some arti'
Qlcg lcft and thcy would comPlctc the cYacuatigD withiD
 Nepal and the Slkhs 2W
3-4 daysi Bam Shah furthcr wrotc that thc latcst news
of that quarter was brought by a Havildar of Srinath
Company, who told that thc bridge connccting tbe fort
was removed, which mcant that trobody could now
ncgotiatc it, The Havildar aleo hcard tbc rumour thst
the fort '*,ill bc capturcd by Ranajit Singh in accordancc
with thc tcrms of surrendcr agreed to by Sauoarchand on
lE66 Asvina sudi 2 roj 4-Wcdoesday, 3l Seprembcr, 1809'.
Mcanwhile Ranajir Singh though hesitating to act
had now to h€lp him and merched on to Kangra in
May, 1809. This time he was promiscd total occupation
of thc Kangra fort. Earlier aftcr a month,s discussion
an a.grccmcnt was reachcd at Jwala to thc cffcct that
Kangra would be surrcndcr€d to the Sikhs after the
Gorkhas had bcen driven away. But Sansarchand was to
dcclinc doubly bccause hc was also negotiatiDg with the
Ncpalcsc. Amar Singh warned Ranajit against Sansar-
chand's duplicity. Hc even promised to ofer considera-
ble amoutrt of moDcy.l But Ranajit Singh sent word lo
Amar Singh to retreat. Ranajit Singh was after his own
gamc. He wantcd to capture Kangra for himself. But
Sansarcband was in no mood to implemcnt the treaty in
rcgard to thc surrclder of any part of his teritory. In
thc mcantime Ranajit Singh caught the pcrson ofAnirud-
dha, son of Sansarchand, kept him dctained wbilc thrcalen-
ing to continue to kcep him as a hostage uDtil tbe post was
surrendercd. Ranajit Siogh acted cuoningly. He deptoy-
cd his forces away so as to impress thc Gorkhalis that
hc was confrontiDg thcm. Sansarchand could not resist
thc demand, and the fort surrendered to the Sikh ruler.
With timc gained there appeared a conti[gent of
Sikhs to hclp thc defenders and besieged Kangra which
obtained also rations of food to stand the blockade. On
the l2th of Bhadra of 1880 (Saka), 1809, 10-12 thousand
l. Suri, p. 10 (Typcscript).
2ro Modcrn Nepar
Sikh soldicrs commandcd by Ranajit Singh himselfreachcd
Kangra and etrcamped at Daulatpur. The Sikh ruler was
now no longer afraid of the British, because he bad con_
cluded a ueaty ( of Amrirsar, in April, lg09 ) of friendsbip
with them. He had engaged whatever forcc was available
tofightout thc GorLhalis in that region. According to
the Chroniclir Suri lhe Sikh ruler had with bim 12,000
sawars ( cavalry ) and infantry. Tle Gorkbalis wcre brave
enough not to lose courage. Ranajit Singh had posted his
mcn at a height opposite to Ganesbgb.ati where the Gor-
khalis wcrc statiooing ; finding that Ganesh Kot was not
well guarded, they setrt more men to lhis area ard there
was actually a fight and though the attack of the Sikhs
was repulsed, yet it took a toll of some valuable lives
including tbat of Gandharba SiDgh.
Thc war with the Sikh is the subjcct of a letter written
to Bhimscn Thapa and Ranadhoj Thapa by Revanta Kuar.
Rcvanta had beard that Ranajit Singh, the Sikh ruler, was
encamping at Patbankot where Amar Singh,s vakil had
waited on him- All this information and Ranajit,s reply
werc conveycd in a mcssagc to the addressre. Thc Sikh
rulcr's mothcr-in.law had advanced to Champagarb. .Thcrc
was a scrious attempt to iavade tbe suburb of Kangra by
the enemies.'The writer suggests that his facts ar€ supported
by Virabhadra Kuar and Jaya Krisna Lokala writing from
Taragarh and by Sardars Ghamand Thapa, Kazi Chamu
Bhandari, Tika Ballabba Pande, Suba Kirti Rana and Sardar
Joganarayaoa Malla and Subedar Thakur Kazi Amar Singh.
Thapa's letter with similar corrrent had reached Re\anta
Kuar on Kartika Sudi 8. He thought that Ranajit Singh was
iostigatcd by the vassal principalitics in the Jallandhar
Doab. Ranajit Sinph's 3 Sardars and 3 regiments resched
Sumeruon or Bhadra 3. They were waiting on the bank of
tbe river Badh Ganga. The Nepalcse had tried lo altack
them but a heavy rainfall at nigbt swelled the river pre-
venting the Gorkhas from pushing forward. For tbe intcn_
 Ncpal and the Siklra 2ll
dcd sttack evcn troops posted at Jalladhi bad becn with-
drawn and lalladhi itself now was attacked by Ransjit
Singb who had passed through the lake. Ganesh Gbsti
was dcfcnded by Sardar Gandharba with 15 comparics,
Kazis Jaspao Thapa and Sardar Chandravir Gurung with
3 companics were also scnt to defeod Jalladbi. But on the
day Ranajit arrived at Jalladbi thc gatc of thc fort of
Kangra was opcned to lct him in dcccptivcly ald lhus tbe
fort ofKslgra surrcndered to the Sikh rulcr. With him
was also Sansarchand though csutious and fccling sorc.
From thc next day i.c. Bhsdra ll field guns wcrcputiato
action atrd all rouod thc fort therc was firing and thc Sikh
corps also marchcd ahead. In the town tbe Nepalesc had
maiotaincd in a housc a st8tion of thcir company R&Dadal
by namc and hcrc thcrc was an exchaoge offiro bctwcen
the two sombatant groups. The Nepalese scnt 4 platoons
of Gorakhdal and 4 platoons of Barkhavaradal. This ras
to forcstall thc Sikh rulrr in ao area just occupicd. Rana-
jit Singh and Fatehchand also arriled. The Gorkba platoons
wcrc deployed around the Kot (i.e. court) and the Sundari
hill. The Sikh cncmies had advanced furtber to lhc Batc
of Ghodoghati. Thc Purano Gorakb company wss dcs-
patchcd for hclping the already warring company ofsoldicrs
who had, howover, found it too difficult to continue fight
rt thc sitc. Thc encmy came under fire and attack of swords
aud as a result thcy flcd and ware drivcn back to the luburb
nearly half thc distance. The hot pursuit, howevcr, could
not be cffcctive and the enemy halted as Ranajit collccled
his forces. At this point they fought from mid-day to 3
o'olock in thc aftcrnooo. It was said that 500 mcn were
killcd on the cn€my side and l4-15C0 of them wounded, Ou
Ncpalcse sidc Thakur Subedar of Gulmi, 4 Jamadars of
Naya Gorakh company werc killed in actioD, and altogcthcr
2l mcn lost thcir lives, whilc 8l werc woundcd, On tbat
day again firing was started also inside the town. One
Kazi, 2 Ssrdars and 18 companies of soldiers were in the
212 Modem Nepal
front. Bhakti Thapa was being sent therc wirh 2 companies
but figbting had started before he reachcd. At first the
cncmy attack was repulsed, But tbey thrcnged around
thc Kot (i,e. court) and planted tbeir flag at the top of tbe
building. Sardar Ghamand Singh with his men rusbcd
forward to meet the enemy force and be cut l}itb swords
two of the enemies but was himself killed. Howerer,
bccause of dash shown by the Nepalcse, the eneII)y took to
heels. Later there was a flarc up also in Ghori-ka-tila.
The encmies had cntered the outpost wher€ they bad a hand
to hand fight with Bhakti Thapa, but reinforcemcnt came
from Gaoesha-ka-ghati and thc situation was saved. Thc
Ncpalcse claimed to bave killed 400 en€mics and the loss on
their side was said to be the minimum. The enemy was
now encamping in a lawn having lost courage. The
Nepalese wantcd to bcsi€ge the lawn atrd encircle lhc cnemy
by bringing in soldiers from Ganesh Ghati aDd Sumerupur.
Thc Gorkhali companies came as far as Sukot but they
did not cross thc BanagaDga. The enenry though surroutr-
ded, did not move. But as thc news of Taragarh being
surroundcd by thc Sikhs reacheri Malakanda, rhe Gorkba-
lis left to defend the position in that s€dor. Tben it was
rcported that two forts in Hitdur were subjected lo sevcre
altack, Any slow action at this hour would have led to
the loss of forts as well as tbis would have resulted in
cutting off the area from the base camp. So the Gorlhalis
rushed to retrieye the position. Gbamand Thapa had
already deputed 6 companies in Nala Jaema Garbi. Some
mcn of Kahlur were also there. The fight again broke
out and the enemies ran away not being able to stand
against it. In Hindur the enemies had capiured Champa_
garh. The Nepalese had also rushed ft.rces to attack lhesc
forts for reoccupatioD. Karma Prakash had proDised to
send help, but he did not do anything ; instead he srarted
to contact the rebcl Rama Singh of Il indur.
It appears that Karma Prakash had to be put under
 Nepal and the Sikhs 213
strict coutrol but as the situation stood r€occupalion \ras
beyond the capacity of the Ncpalese commanders. Of
course, they had not abandoned without further efforts.
For this purpose l8 companies of soldiers undcr
Kazi Ranjore Thapa had been sent on the day of Vijaya
Dasamit. Ranjore had asked to persuado the Raja to be-
havc correcrly and if hc accept€d the advice he was to be
assigned a jagir in his fornrer domail, which would be
sufficient for his upkeep and liviDg. But be refused to
abid€ by the advice and io conscqucncc the whole of Sir-
mour was captured and atrnexed to the Nepalcsc tcrritory.
Aftcr dealing with Sirmour the companieswere to proceed
to tackle the problem of Bosahr in Matga. Garhwal had
also to be taken care of, as its strategic position needcd
and the Suba was to be guided as to deploymcnt of
soldicrs,

DeJeal of the Nepalcse

Parasuram Thapa writing from Sudhathor Garhi to
Chautara Bam Shah on VS 1866 Marga tadi /I ruj / (:Sun-
day, 14 November, 1809) giv€s details of the transaction
betwccn the Nepalese and Sikhs over thc issue of Kangra
and subsequent military co!flict betwcen them. Th(se
confirm what we wrotc in thc last two paragraphs based
on Revant Kuar's communication. Parasuram Thapa had
bc€n dcputed to mect Ranajit SiDgh to settle matters after
the fall of Kangra. He writes ..on Bhadra 1I (:1"r, *."*
of August) Ganesh Ghati was attacked and in the (ownlct
thcre was a fight and tbe Nepalese officers who participa-
ted were Kazi Jaspao Thapa, Sardar Bhakti Thapa, Cbardra
Vir Kuar and Gandharbha Singh. Two of them shiftcd
to Dhungya Garhi. So far thc Ncpalcse were victoriouc.
From Dhungya Garhi tho enemy force came to tbe tippa
of Bairaghodi, The Delhiwala Vaidya (probably he \r'as
2. The 10th day of th. briSht fortoiaht of Klttika.
214 Modern Nepai

at one time in Dclhi learning medicine) was earlier scnt

there for talks and he rvas joined by Nadir Khan. The
Nepalese in Malkanda were advised by Ranajit Singh to
give up fighting as he said hc enjoyed the support of the
Rajas in the area. He suggested talks over the dispute
between Sardars of thc two parties. The Budha Kazi did
not reject the proposal and scnt 2 Sardars including Para-
suram Thapa to meet him. His initial proposal was that
the Nepalcse should abandon all lands west of the Jamuna'
and he would let them go with all their money' ammuni'
tion and arms. Thc Nepalese Sardars pleaded that although
the Sikh ruler was in possession of the fort it was actually
tho Nepalese who were entitlcd to have it. They put
forth the view that the Gorkhalis had fought there for 4
years and blocked the fort to the dismay and almost total
collapse of Sansarchand, who was so harassed that hc had
no option but to submit to thc demand for surrcnder to
the invaders. This was a matter for Ranajit Singh to
consider. Why Sansarchand had not delivcred the fort
to Ranajit Singh up till now ? This was a big question
mark, to which an answer was needed. Therefore if Ranajit
Singh claimcd the fort of Kangra thc Gorkhalis must get
Tihcra.
"But the proposal was not acceptable to thc Sikh
ruler. He had become extremely vainglorious becausc
of the capture of Kangra". Parasuram wrote further on
Magha l0 "he celebrated his son's marriage with grcat pomp
and show. He gave the English a splcndid rcception.
Twenty-five loads of sweets and bread were scnt to Col.
Octerlony and his 4 subordinate offcers. All. these gentle-
men had como to attcnd the ceremony. Ranajit Singh
went half the distance te rcceive them at the he ad of a
large retinue with 3 field guns' 500 matchlocks and Rupees
3,00),000/. Kazi Amar Singh Thapa also received an invi-
lation card. The Kazi Stlbedar Prabar Sinlh Thapa with
100 jawansstationed at Jwala were to join the wedding
 Nepal and the Sikhs 215

cerGmony. Ranajit Singh spent about 7 lakh oI rupees on

the ceremony just to distribute money to his forces accom-
panying bim to Kangra".
It appcars that within 6 months or a year of this event
tbe military conflict with RaDajit Singh 1,!as iDcvilable.
The flght in the town is describcd also by parasutam
Thapa, But at long last the only place they could gaitr
was Malkanda.
As Earraied in the carlier letter reinlorccmcnts camc
from Taragarh and Bhakti Thapa also arrived from Supa-
mahal. The enemies bad, however, pcnctratcd into tho
surrounding hills and thoy werc seen hcre and thcrc from
the lowlaud. Tbe Gorkha Paltaos werc all tbc same firmly
lodged in thcir position but against heavy odds they wer€
to fight.
Writing from Srinagar to Amar Singh Thapa of
Palpa Kazi Srestba Thapa on YS )866 Asvtna wdi 7 roj 6
(-carly October 1809 but thc datc is irregular) statcd tbat
all that happened in the forward area in regard to thc entry
of Ranajit Singh into thc fort with the hclp ofthc vassal
statcs ofKaDgra was conveyed to him in thc carlicr lettcr.
Hc stated furth€r that on Bhadrd ,10 th€ Sikh forccs
spread hcre and there try_iog to surround the Gorkhali
positions and came to Dhungya Garhi inthchcartofthc
Jullandhar doab. On the llth therc was a fight in Gancsa-
ghati, in which the writer's side came out victorious,
the figures of casualties were ths same as givcn by Revanta
Kuar or Parasuram Tbapa. Hit hard by Gorkba'E couDter
attack, the Sikhs went back to Dhungya Garhi from rvherc
they launched an attack at Sumerupur where 4 companies of
Gorkha soldiers wcrc stationcd. The Rajas o, the locatily
had gone over to the Sikhs becaure they had a coasidcrabts
force. After all tbe wcak always look to thc victors and
side with them. Now Malkanda was under cordition of
siege. Therc was a shortage of food not oEty i! this sectot
as well as in Taragarh, Kahlur and Hindur. To add to
216 Modern Ncpal

this Rama Saran was creating troublc in Hindur. Nahan

also secmed uncasy. This might be clear from the lettcr of
Chabu Bhandari, \r'ho says that Kisan Singh and the Josbi's
son wore cotLecting 5000 to 6000 men contcDplating thc
capturc of Dchraduo and block the routc to Jamuna. How-
evcr, the place was adequately defended. The u'ritcr closcd
his correspondence by saying tbat condilicns in Kumaon
and Sirmour wcrc also unsatisfactory and comPlicattd.
Thcr6 arc many moro sources for thc account of Ncpal-Sikh
confiict in Kangra. These sources as w€ undtrstand are thc
letlers of omcers who wrote eithet from lhc battleficlds or
from thc zonal headquart_cr time to time.
Their defcat at the hatrds of thc Sikbs is the subjcct
ofan cnquiry by Bam Shah in a lettcr, which was replicd
on YS 1866 Pausa vadi 9 roj I (: Suoday, I I Dccembcr' 1809)
from Nahah by the local commanders Chamu Bbandari,
Durga Singh Bhandari and Tika Ballabha Pandc. They
wrote "thc enemy wcre pouring in grcat numbers and press'
ing Gorkha positions. Wc were surrounded from all sidcs
and therc was a bcavy shortage ofrations. It vassuch a
hcavy odd which was beyond cur capacity to cope with.
All thesc must have bcen submitted to you by Parasuram
Thapa. Ao agreement was signed with thc Sikhs and our
inability to defend our positions dctermin€d our attitudc.
Thc Sikh ruler conscnted to accept th€ Satlaj as comlnon
boundary. Thc Sikhs arc watchiDg whether Amar Singh
Thapa's commitmsnts are also followed by Kathmandu
authorities. The agrcement must be observcd both in lcttcr
and spirit, otherwise they would thiDk tbat the bigh
omcers in Nepal are not united"'
It miSht be that somc ofrcers wcrc in favour of duping
the Sikhs by opcning a ncw war to thcir surPrise' But
seoior men s6em to have discouraged thc idea and the
move was dropped, Tbis is evident froro rhe above letter.
Perhaps it struck them that the Sikhs were too por crful to
be dcfeated at tbat hour.
 Nepal and the Sikhs 217

From yet onc morc officcr we get an account oI thc

Ncpal-Sikh war of Kangra in 1809 and his lettcr givcs more
dctails about the last phasc of the fipht since the Sikbs
shiftcd to Daulatpur.
Thc letter writtcn to Kazi BhimseD Thapr and Rana-
dhoj Thapa by Chandravir Kuar bears thc datc line Sudbs'
thor Garb i YS 1866 Marga wdi 1l roJ I (:Sunday, 14
Novcmber, 1809).3 The writer bad been rsked to go lo
Garhwal earlier but had not left his post otr accouDt of war
with the Sikhs. Hc writes that the lines werc writteD at
the time whetr he was rcturning from Taragarh aftcr bidding
goodbye to Amar Singh Thapa but as thc flame of war
had engutfed the whole of thc rcgion Malkanda was under
sicge, and hc found himself unable to abandon his post even
though undcr ordcrs of transfer.
Chaodravir Kuar claios that hc had gone to thc assis-
tancc of thosc dcfending Ramtee against thc Sikbs, Ar thc
l€tter had come to Daulatpur thc commanding officcr Jaspao
Kazi with Srinath Company was thcre. Chandravir Kuar
had been asked by the Kazi to go to Gancsaghati to strcDg-
thcn the dcfcnder's position, and he wcnt thcre on thc loth
of Bhadra with 20-25 meD recertly rendered uncmploycd in
thc aew paj6ni. On thc llth there was a fight with thc Sikhs
both in Ganesghati and the town. Thcre wcre 4 attacks
conductcd by thc 25,000 stroug combined forcc of the Sikhs
and subordinate Rajas. Ficld guns freely op€rated on
Gorkha's sidc, aod as a rcsult 4.500 cnemy soldiers werc
kiUcd. Chandravir Kuar further told that thc encmy
shclled the Gorkha outpost situated at a lower altitudc a,nd
had begun climbing the hill ncarly by-passing the Gorkha
outpostr.
The 6ain liac of defsnce lay in Gorakh'ka-tila. As
the oneuy dcsccnded into thc decliviry thorc was a flght on

3. 8ut lhis da),, rha rilhi 10, is ol shott dulatioa rad ibc tilbi had
atlrtcd by qoo!.
2r8 rrodern Nepal
a hill whcn Gandharbha Sardar, Subedar Ripumardala
Thapa, Jaspao Kazi along with Srinath company gav€ a
good account of themselves. Many on the enemy,sside
fell to their swords and several were shot dead. Each
oftcer took a toll of enemy life in quite a largc number.
The fight resultcd in favour of thc Gorkhalis.
But the enemy who was approaching Gorakh-ta-tila
succeedcd in capturing 2 thanas. In the meantime Jaspao
Thapa rushcd to the place and was able to drive awsy the
enemy. As he advanccd close to Goiakh-ka-tila the sun
was about to set and thc enemy also lookcd fatigued. From
Malkanda rcached Bbakti Tbapa with reinforcement at tbis
time, which would have turoed the table if thc samc was
allowed to go into action. Thc strength ofthc defenders
had matched with that of rhe sikhs..
The writcr adds that thc facts must have been knowu
through Jaspao Thapa's commuoication. Tbc fight went
on till 3 parts of the tright. Thc siege of Malkanda had
continued but it was thougbt by the Kazi, Sardars and
Panch (the gcncral body) that if thc dcfcndcrs did Dot march
in the early hours and cross thc rivet BanagaDgs at that
timc thc encmy would pursue them and block thcir way
with all the conceivable results. So the main portion or
the defending force of Malkanda left the placo lcsving
behind Bajudal company with Subcdar HaDsafian. As thc
march bcgan ther6 wcrc rumours about onemy activitics
spread around and thc mon halt€d. Thcy had not crosscd
the river, But all around on thc hills the cnemy units were
sighted. It was ncxt to impossible to march shcad in that
6itu&tion.
It wss suggcsted that the Gorthe forces as stationcd io
Taragarh, Ashapur and SupaEshal were still considerable
and they should bc call€d to defend Maltanda; But the
uoits from Supamahal reached latc, and thcrefore eneDy
pressure on Malkanda incrcac€d, All stteDpts to uogotiate
the rivcr Benaganga provcd unBucccssful. The Gorkhalis
 Nrpal and the Sikhs 219

werc almost trappcd. They could not even re treat without

h indrance.
Writing on Pausa vadi 14 roj 5 of 1866 (- 16 December,
1809, but the day is Friday) from Gurudwara Parasuram
Thapa continued the thread of account of the negotiation
with the Sikhs, which he had earlier given adding 'the
proposal that if the fort of Kangra should be with the Sikhs
and Tihira must go to Gorkha was rejected by Ranajit
Singh'. The Sikh ruler further said that'except Kahlur all
the Rajas in the region were with him'. He was just telling
me 'you are disowned by the Rajas. So get out from here'.
But I persisted in my argumcnt. Later I came to Amar
Singh for consultation and went back with the proposal
slightly amcnded. Now they agreed to fix the Satlaj as
the boundary. The Sikhs relinquisbed the idea of
pushiug the Gorkhalis beyond the Jamuna. The Budha
Kazi sent a message promising to evacuate Malkanda
next day and thc cntire Gorkha force marched back to the
Satlaj on Bhadra 29 (:middle of August) and they crossed
the river finally with tears in their eyes.
Meanwhile Ranajit Singh left for Lahore in triumph
over the discomfiture Nepal suffered at his hands.
Now evcrything was over. The Sikhs seized all
Gorkha positions. They however, did not press thc Gorkha-
lis to return any longcr, and allowed them to take their
own time to cross the Satlaj. All their soldiers were grant-
ed safe passage, whatever property they had with them was
carried across the river without hindrance. The Budha
Kazi and his followers came to Bilaspur, and thereaftcr
Kazis Ranjore Thapa and Virabhadra Kuar wcre dcaling
with Sirmour. They commanded l8 companies. The
affairs of Besahar would bc looked into in the next month
i.e. in Margasirsa (November-December). Troops were
being collected. Padmanidhi Pandit, Major Bhavani
Shanker, Padne Deva Dottel, Bhima Nidhi Vaidya, Deoni-
dht Kangryal and Jayakrishna Joshi, .all Kumaonis, had
 220 Modern Nepal
dcserted the Gorkha side ro join hands witlr Ranajit Singh.
Across ,he Satlaj to the East
After evacuating Kargra tbe old Kazi deployed the
units in thc following way :
Rev&nta Kuar came to Bilaspur in command, Jaspao
Kazi took charge of Rajgarb, Sardar Bhakti Tbapa was
allotted Surjgarh, Kazi Ranajore Thapa, virabhadra Kuar,
Sardar RamsunCer, all three of them were stationed in
Morani. Thc Budha Kazi livcd in Sudhathore.
The aftermath of thc crossing over to th€ east bank of
the Satlaj was no less distressiDg, Chamu Bha.rdari and
others wrote from Nahan in a lctter datcd, YS 1866 Paasa
Yadi 9 roj 1(:Sunday, Decembcr 1809),
"Ranajit Singh is tryitrg to push his influence in
Kahlur. He baj sent a Sardar to negotiate with the rulcr.
The Phirirgis have also strong ties with the Sikbs. Colonel
Octorlooy is residing in Ludbiana with 2 regiments ol
soldiers. He is shortly to collect 20,0C0 troops, Ranajit
Singh of Charauuei is also in contact with thc Lahore ruler.
Jodha Singh might disturb peace in the region ro the east of
the Satlaj. Ramasaran of fIindur and Karma Prakash of
Sirmour are trying hard to put their troops at different
places. We are getting such information almost daily.
Karma Prakash is useless and bis Vazirs are making cflorts
to persuade him to abdicate in favour of his son. He is a
spendthrift, His ministers want him to bc frugal. Th€y
are expected to join in a talk with us soor. But today tbcy
sent a message that the Raja and Kisan Singh are collccting
troops despite their advice. Therefore you are requ€sted
to setrd us further reinforcemeats.
"Thoso who have r.turncd from tho forward area of
Kangra are all sick, somc are woundeC, soEle are unhappy
mentally. The compaties are just in name as their number
is thinning fast. Thus we n€ed fresh rcgitlcnts from the
east if we are to survive.
 NePal ancl the Sikhs 221

"sansarchand's daughter was married to

the tbird
son of thc ruler of Garhwal, all this might h€lp thcm to
be together. Our ally the ruler of Kahlur is dissatisfied
as the old Kazi has not given him charge of Barha Thakurai
and he also seems to bc sceking this oPportuDity to be
against us.
"Amar Singh has furtber made the position worse
Tbe Vajir of Kimdol, Rama Singh, 3 otbe rs and 8 morc
had come to the Suba at the headquartcrs ald they waDted
to tho Budha Kazi but the latter arrcsted them and put
see
thcm to dcath. Tbe l2 Thakurs are very much displeased
and are consulting to fiPht out our soldiers' P'cpsrations
are going oo both tbe hills and in the plains to this cnd"'
This much description from the Nepalese sources'
From the Sikh sourccs howevcr dctails cf the figbl are not
available. But Sobanlal Suri, Ranajit Singh's court his'
torian, has noted down all that he saw rcgarding tbe events
ofKangra and be admits that the Gorkbas gare a stiff
fight to the Sikhs and at times they displayed formidablc
couragc to thc coDsternation of the Sikhs. If tbe fqrt of
Kangra had fallen to Ranajit Singh it was b€causG Santar-
chand had acted to that end. He surrender€d tbe prize
of Gorkha conquest to thc Sikbs while hc was coDpletely
exhausted and was almost submitting to Kazi Amar Singh
Thapa. The initial advantage Ranajit Singh gaincd had
cncouraged him to press the Gorkhas to accept th€ Jamuna
as tbe intcrnational frontier linc. Later being himsclf
hard pressed and having expcrience of thc enemy's valour
he was content to scc thc Gorkhas crossing thc Satlaj' But
anyway, Nepal was defeated by thc Sikh rulcr'
According to Sikh history Amar Singh delsy€d hi!
departure evcn at tho time ofhis defeat and on one pretcxt
or anothcr he want€d to continuc to maintain Malkandar
But Ranajit Singh knew the dangers of such a movc' Hc
was not preparcd to allow tbe Gorkhalis to live on thc
we$tcrn side of th€ Satlaj evcn temporafily. Hc had
222 Modern Nepal
realised his own weakncss. tf the Gorkha forces had only
resistcd the prcssure for sometimes more, lhe result would
havc been otherwise. But they had becn outnumbercd and
also lacked provisions.
But Amar Singh was not surc ofhisstrengtb. His
organisation bad becn in disarray. At this psychologically
yr'eak moment it was impossible to stand and stay.
Now to pursuc thc thresd of account of the Sikh-Ncpal
war from British aod allicd sourccs.
Tbe war with thc Sikhs did not continue for long, as
thcir rulcr expressed a desire for pecae cn rhc ground that
their common enemy was the East India Company. But
this was a pretcnsion to'avoid further conflict in rrhich
both sidcs werc cxhaustcd. Probably thc Gorkba corrlman-
der act€d in faith, But he could Dot do anything clsc.
Ranajit's forces cntercd thc fort on the evening of I I Bajab.
Ranajit Singh was also being helpcd by some hill Rajas
but matry had not left their ally Amar Siogh. Two lettcrs
kept in thc Chamba muscuml show thatAmarSingh was
asking for money. He war pleading that Cbamba, Kablu(
and Nepal wcre one. The ruler of Chamba was adviscd
to k€ep a part of his troops in Rinlu ard send the rcst to
Kangra. Amar Singh had informed thst Sansar(hand bad
attacked Palam but wss defeated. Tbe Raja was furthcr
asked to contact Jammu and other princes to rcinforce hjs
rank. It took somc timc bcfore tbe Sikhs could occupy
thc town of Kangra. The Gorkhas had Dot yielded wilh-
out a stiff fight. Ranajit attscked Cancsaghsti but wbilc
both sides suffered casualties no gain went to lbe Sil.bs. It
appears that as the Sikbs pressed the Gorkhalis felt tbat
contiruance ofwar wilh them was not possible. No belp
came from Chamba. To add to tbeir difficultics some hill
princes wanted to harass them just to humour thc Silbs.
It is reportcd that some of thcm attackcd thc Gorkba settle-
4, E\hibit n. 57 and 58
 Nepal ond the Sikhs 223

ments in the area. Amar Singh's forces r€acted to lhis Isith

fury killing a host of their enemies and with lightning
speed mct thc Sikhs and their hclpers in the bsttlefield.
But ultimately they had to evacuate tbc to\f,n. But Ganesh-
ghati held on. Amar Singh ignored the Sikh ruler's call
to cyacuatc, Although cut off from his allies and bard
pressed for want of food Amar Singh waitcd for sometime
more in the hope of Betting reinforcement from acrcss
thc Satlaj. Ranajit Singh showed determination to wipc
out the enemy fixing 4 canuon and shovels agajDst th€ fort.
The Gorkhalis were facing hard time. Rarajit Singh
warn€d that if he did not cross the Satlaj right now he
would forfeit thc facilities of a free passage. But his cara-
van was lootcd and the hill Rajas did so. Amar Singh
went to Mandi and the Raja advised him to dclay his depar-
turc, He wrotc to the Khalsa that he was stsying at
Pathias. According to V. S, Suri, "The Sarkar on account
of thc change of climate did not watrt to wagc war. There-
fore he reprimanded th6 hill Rajas and asked them to
compcDsato the Gorkba troops. The goods wcre returned.
Amar Singh then left Pathias and went to Mandi. The
confidcntial agcnt of Amar Singh visited tbe Sarkar and
it was agrced tbat cis-Satlaj hill areas would remain witb
thc Gorkhas and rans-Satfaj hills would go to Ranajit
Singh, Kceping the fort of Kangra the Sikhs left all Breas
to Sansarchand".
Amar Singh Tbapa, thc Budba Kazi as he was called,
had becn askcd to increase the salary of Bhakti Tbapa to
Rs. 5,000 annually. With the Budha Kazi's direction he
was to command under him 5 companies of sepoys guard-
ing also Kumaon and Sirmour, Three men, Iudravir Bas-
net, Chandravir Kuar and Shamsher Rana uere promoled
to thc post of Captain, and these flled as usual the thrce
posts of Captain in Garhwal. The Budha Kazi was to
inform the King of Bhakti's willingness to accept the arran'
gement so that a regular.lawal (regulation) could be issued.
 224 Modcrn Ncpal
Thc Kathmandu authoritics said tbat Bhakti Thapa had
becn well treated because of his graccful coDdu(t. But if
ha wanted to retire from the forward areas, hc could do
so and bc back in Kathmandu,
It appears that Bhakti Thapa bao prefcrrcd to stay
on. So a Sawalpatta was issued to him addressed as Pra-
tap Thapa's grandson and Ambar Singh Thapa's son and
of Punwar castc and an inhabitant of Lamjung. According
to this Sowalpat a (i.e. servicc order) Bhakti Thapa was to
occupy a position of importancc just below the Budhs
Kaji.!
By 18ll things werc Bettlcd in thehillrof thc doab
ofthc Jamuna snd thc Sbtlaj. Aoar Singh Thapa was in
chargc of forces beyond thc Jamuna. He bad to look
aftcr a strctch of territory east of Satlaj whilc Bhakti
Thapa latcr hcaded thc military command ofGarhwal and
otharr had lsken €ommand ofthc forccs guardiDg KuDao!.
In a lettcr to the King of Nepal writtcn on Bhadra 27 and
recciycd in Kathmandu on Asvina sudi Il Bhakti Thapa
wrote that hc was bercavcd of his son Sarvvajit Thapa wbo
died ot Asadha 27, Hc had arrivcd in Garhwal on the lOth
of thc month, His wifc had also expircd on the 8th ol
Bh4dto. This bcr.avcmeDt was tragic and Bh0kti Tbape
was fceling vcry sad. Hc was also beiog pressed by thosc
who had bccn dismissed from scrvice itr the annual pdlni.
Thc Governmetrt in Katbmandu replied in tbc name of thc
King to Bhakti Thapa's letter to acknowledgc the reccipt
of the Ead ncws. It also informed that Dehradun was sepa-
rated from Garhwal. Kazi Bahadur Bbandari and Suba
Dasarath Khatri h8d takcn lcave of thc king and they w.r€
going to Garhwal. Each of thcm was to ctrjoy a salary of
Rs. 500i- with thc rank of Captain of Kaliprasad paltan,
this post was upto this timc being occupied by Chandra
Yir Kuar, The income uscd as salary camc from land
5. Hirhavqt Sa/4.,kriti, l. 3, pp. 16-17
 Ncpal and thc Sikhs 225

termcd khet khuwa to bo dcmarcatcd by rcvcauc authoti-

tiesofthcurea, who would also apportion land to yicld
iocome cnough to pay the salarics of thc 25 comp8nics
ofscpoy in Garhwal (Samvat 1868 Bhodru wdi 6 roj 7:
25 August, 1811, This day, howcvcr, is Sunday).
By l8l0 tho situstion had dcvclopcd thue: Thc ambi-
tion of thc Ncpalcsc to purh for*ard to wcat bad bcca
frustratcd with limits fixcd at thc Satlaj. On thc wcstorD
frontisr while thcy had bccn chccknstcd by tha Silhr,
thc southern bordcr was complctoly scalcd sgaiast thcm
by thc British throughout froE thc wcet to thc cost. As
Nepal had comc to fecl stabilising it8 occupstioa with
boundary at Tista in the crst, thcre was no queation of
expanding thc line on this ridc,6 Nepal thus was confincd
to a defined strctch of t€rritories about thir time with no
opportunity to cxpand oD cithcr sidc.
Thc Ncpalesc dcfoat io Kangre doos not come a6 a
surpriso to a historian. This was bound to bappen in vicw
of thc fact that they werc fighting against heavy odds.
They wcre fighting far away from home with resources
meagre, with haphazardly asscmbled guerilla troops, poor
rations and odd ammunitione. So far thcy l!4d to dcal
with focs who were very much smallcr thsn Ncpal in sizc,
populalion and resources. Those who werc dcfeatcd by
the Gorkhalis werc comparatively less warlike and poor
in stamina and commandcd little rcsources as onc English
report suggcstcd. In the Chinese the Ncpalese had caught
& Tartar in the rcal sensc. In Ranajit SiDgh and the
Sikhs thcy found again a tough cncmy who outmatched
them in numb€f and organisation and pushed thcm to
defeat, The same kind of defeat was awaiting thcm in
their war with thc British in l8l4-15. But no matter they
were defeated, the Gorkbalis had establishcd their

6. Royal letter, 1369 Sravana sudi J ,oi 2 ( for Tista bouDdary) :9

August, Monday, lB l2 A,D.
226 Modern Nepal
bravcry, valour and cndurance in the battles, and their
advcrsaries ad mitted this fact.
All the local feudatories had joined rhesiths. But
Kahlur had stood by thc Gorkhas. By a lettcr written to
Amar Singh Thapa in VS. 1866 = 1809 A.D, rhe Raja Maha-
chanda pledged all out support to the Gorkbalis in their
conflict with the Sikhs, Mahachanda said in th-e letter
that he had sent a mission with his brother parma Singh
who was to carry his messagc to the Gorkhe commandcr
aDd join the partics in nrutual consultation. Mabacbanda
cxprcssed his obligation to Amar Singh for protcctiDg
Kahlur, and hoped that in future Kahlur will coDtinuc to
be protected by him. The Kablur Raja added, .,A Raja
came to me and gave false statemEnts. But I rcfused to
listen to him to rise in revolt. The Sikhs brag that aftcr
the capture of 128 talukas thc frontier betwecn thc Gorkhas
and Sikhs would be thc Jamuna. But they forgct that
therc is Kahlur on both sidcs of the Satlaj and Kahlur
belonged to Gorkha as a friend".r,
Mahachanda concluded his letrer by asking the add-
ressees to despatch the mission back without delay.
This letter was probably written aftcr the defeat in
Kangra but before Amar Singh crossed ovcr to the other
side of the Satlaj. It appears that in spite of Kahlur's
support Amar Singh was compelled to cross the Satlaj.

Actit,ities in the west of J amuna ofter crossing the gatlaj

Compelled to retreat beyond the Satlaj the Nepalrsc
were now cngaged in
consolidating their posjtion lo the
immediatc east ol the river where their defencc was vulner-
able,
Some of the ex-rulers of this area c,cre hostile against
the new occupants.
They were surely being guided by rlie British. But all

7. Foreign Omce Archivcs (Kathnr6ndui

 Nepal and the Sikhs ZZ7

out hclp to them from thc British was yct to coDc. How-
ever, thcy were crcating troublcs even with thcir negligible
forces.
It was complaiaed that Ranajit Singh was also cncour-
agirg the feudatories of thc region to move agaiDst the
Gorkhalis in occupation.
Therefore throughout I809-ll thc Gorkhalis expctienc-
ed a disturbed condition in this scctor.
Raja Ramsarsn of Hindur bad now takG! his quarter
in the protcction of the British. Hc was advised to cotrfinc
his posscssions to the plsins aDd not to look for rcstoration
of gains on thc hills where hc had earlier lost to thc
Gorkhas.
Angad Sardar writing on YS 1867 Yaisakha wdi 30 roJ
5 (: 14 August, 1810. This is, however, Friday) gives addi-
tional information in this conuection. "At the fort of
Pslasi wherc thc 3 English ofrcers wirh 3 field gutrs,200
cavalry and 300 soldiers camc, Ramsaran waitcd on thcm
presenting gold coins." The English tcok oDly onc coin
and return€d 10. Ihe Rajas of Jallandhar doab, all impious,
arc with Ranajit Singh who is now iD Multan besieging thc
fort, Their Yakils are with him, Ramsaran is also secretly
assisted by Ranajit Singb. Dcva Singh ol Ropad, Fateh
Singh Aluhwala and Jot Singh of Rangarh arc eDtrench-
ed in Bangai, 1000 men at Bangai arc stationed with Dewatr
Chumhadamal as leadcr. But Champagarh is still besieged
by the Gorkhalis. Thc force is reported to be marchiDg
towards us.
Angad Khawas wrote that Ramsaran's title s'as exa-
mined by the English and they rej€ctcd it but his associa-
tion with Ranajit Singh pos€d a threat to Gorkbas,
Champagarh was situated on the border of the bills
and plains. The enemy attached much importance to the
dcfence of this fort and thosc guarding it were mcn of
calibre and good fighters. They had enough of ammuni-
tion. The defender were fighling with mlskets and match-
2Zg odnt Ncpal
lochs. Thcy had shown least rcgard for
the prcseure
Gorlhali soldiers applicd to assault tbe fort. 'Th.; thc
trying to negotiatc with thc fo ";;;
adoprcd e diff"."ot ,""o, i'ot ::r,1i";:lt;:tT":ffii
placcd pickcrs in all directions of fort
and tf""t.i ii--ii
was found that thc hill above was rocky and
full of stonc6.
The Gorkhalis attomptcd to use cxplosives
fro, tn. iroo.i
which rhey had dug aod this thcy got lo u tu.g. quuJty
from Amar SiDgh snd Kahlur.
Thc abovo information is givcn in I lettcr wri en
by
Kazi Ranajit Kuar and othcrs on VS lg67 Jyestha
2 (:Monday, l8 June, l8l0) from Champagarh. "oai
i ,ii
Thcy addcd .,our casualties bavi been listcd.
Thc
expcnses for mortuary rites and fo, th"
t.aut."nt of tha
woutdcd werc givcn to somc but maoy have not reccived
any. We havc not bcen able to pay adequatcly all thcse
who wcre either doing spy work or digging thc tunnel,
We
havc also to pay to Halkaras (carriers). Our sepoys
are
going without food. Wc havc added 2 platoons
to Sarak-
hadal company, Although you advisc us to add 4 platooDs
nothing has be€n donc to maintain the two even for
thc
ycor YS 1867. Thcse want to lay down arms and
resign.
"As for the news from thc south Ranajit failed to
capture Multan and be bas returned to Lsgor", The English
are rot cncouraging the Raja of Hindur, They bave bcen
telling all the Madhesia feudatorics that rhe hills belong to
Gorkha, and therefore they should maintain friendsbip riith
them. The English will see that Gorkhas do not encroach
on the plains. This advice was tendered by Octorlony also,
who hadjust left for Ludhiana. Ramsaran of Hindur is
apply i ng pressure on Cbampagarh.',
Ranajit Kuar and his friends wrote anolher letter on
YS 1867 lyestha vadi roj 3 :May, lgt0 from Champa giving
i.nformation about Ram Singb, Fateh Siogh, ard Jodhi
Siogh (of Ramagarh) who wcre dilturbing peacc rvith the
assislance of Ranajit Singh, They further inform€d that
 Nepal and the Sikhs 229

the siegc ofChampagarh was completc atrd the tunnel was

also nearing completion.
Champagarh was crpturod on Asadha 17. The infor-
matioa is given in a letter of Kazi Rcvanta Kuar, Sardar
Ranamardan and others datcd I/B 1867 Dhadra yadi:!810.
August-Scptember.
About this timc the Ncpalcsc suspicion ofa British
supporled movemcnt of Sikhs in Mandlah Bhadauli vas
conccrned, as thcy had clashcd with thc Sikhs in that srca.
It was found that the Sikh Raja was to harass thc Ncpalccc
forccs and actually thc Sikhs]camc into conflict with Ncpal
forces who pushcd them out oftheir statioD, But Mandlah
Bhadauli was dcmandcd as British protcctorate by Col.
Octorlony. Kazi Amar Singh mct thc coloncl in Taksar in
that conncctioD,
Sardar Angad Khawas mcntioned all this in his letter
of Pausa vadi 10 toj 6 from Nalapani in Dehradun. Thc
date corresponds to Friday, 2t Dcccmber, t 812,
But the British werc sccrctly cncouragiag thc Sikhs
to fight thc Gortha power. patiala with its territory in
thc cis-Satlaj arca wac one of such statcE, which proyolcd
thc Gorkhas quitc oftcn. Tbis statc latcr pourcd cnormous
amount ofgold and silvcr into British coffcr8 to bc utiliscd
to wagc war to dislodgc thc Ncpalcs€ from this rcgion,
Wc do not hnow much from other sourccs about the
fight at Mandlah Bhadauli, But thcrc arc two NcpalcsG
lettcrs on the subject.

Nepali version ol the frght in Mandtah Bhadauli

For thc Nepali versiotr of ths sccount of thc fight in
Mandlah onc should look into thc corte8t of I lcttcr of date
YS 1870 Pausa yadl 11zoJ 3:Thursday,3l Dcccobcr, t8l3s
sent from Nahan by Chaodra Vir Kuar.
Chandra Yir Kuar claims in the lctter that CaptaiD

8. The d&ta rs irlctular rs ir ir publishcd

230 Modern Nepal
Bhakti Thapa was misleadirg Kathmaodu by his own ver-
sion of the story. If even truth was cstabliehed Bhakti
Thapa would say that his brother did it and himself escapcd
from shame.
Chandra Yir claims thst his account is based ott thc
version of those who had actually participated in tho fight,
thc Subedars and Jamadars of Ranagur Sardar's company
atrd othcrs.
According to Chandra Vir Kuar 'Thc fact of the mattet
was that as the enemy was advanciog to seize Mandlab,
Bhakti Thapa was in Tipati after stockading the place. It
was Sardar Ranasur Thapa who had advanced to Mandlah
and compelled the enemies to retrcat, But they camc
in a whirl to th€ place bclow thc hill of Tipati, where
Bhakti Thapa lay. Sardar Ranasur Thapa, Balabhadra
Kuar and others had to def€nd thc position from 3 sidcs.
But Bhakti Thapa did not movo out of his stockades and
satisfied himself by firing sray bullets now and thcn.
The encmy retired bccausc hc was ovcrpowered by those
who had attackcd the ihvaders. If it was left to Bhakti
Thapa the cnemy attack would have bcen successful.
'Bhakti Thapa's performance was not worthy ofapprc'
ciation also whilc hc had fought in Jumla and Gancsh
Ghati in Kangra. He exaggerated his actions but did very
littlo by way of proving couragc and bravcry. But he had
been able to propagat€ that his wss thc most aPPrecialcd
and glorious part in these battlcs.
'As for the fight in Mandlah tho enemies had eYcn
suspected that the Captain was killed for the reason that hc
was not ablD to come in the open and Sive s fight' But
Bhskti Thapa conducted hiEself to givc an impression that
ho had disappcared'.
Another letter written by Subedar Cbamu Basnet and
other omcers ofjuaior ranks to Bhimsco ThaPa aDd Rana-
dhoj Thapa oo YS !870 Paus'a sudi 2 roj 6-4 Janvry,l8l4
from Naban about Bhaktl ThaPa's Patt in thc battle of
 Nepal and the Sikhs 23L

Mandlah corroborates the statement of Chandra Vir Kuar

above given.
The report they provide is as follows: "On Asvina 11
past lj ghati at night 50.60 men of the enemy came to
Mandlah and we were ready to fight. Early morning the
enemy came to launch a surprise attack with 7000 mcn,
3 field guns and 25 flags. It appeared that they would .a

forcibly capture Mandlah Garhi, which along with our out-

post was nearly besieged. There was a noise. But we met
the enemy bravely keeping our flags high and drums beat-
ing. Thc attack was repulsed. For 32-33 times tbe enemy
rushed to attack our position. From the west of Mandlah
the Gorkha soldiers of two companies of Captain Kuar
were firing at the enemy, but we were bearingthe main
brunt of the fight. Bhakti Thapa had written to Bandeo
Thapa that he was instrumental in winning the battle and
his fame had reached even the foreigners. It was understood
that Bandeo Thapa had submitted similar report to His
Majesty. Now, Kaz.i General Amar Singh also wanted to
know the truth, and Bakshi Virabhadra Kuar had writtcn
to his son to this effect. Therefore Kazi Ranajore Thapa,
Captain Bhakti Thapa, Chamu Bhandari and Sardar Rana-
sur Thapa sat together and with good intentioos towards all
drafted a petition, which was scnt to Katbmandu in their
name. As the petition reached Kathmandu we have rcceiv-
ed fresh enquiries about the incident and as tbose who were
in the fight wc give the correct version".
Thc Kazis and Captains werc asking us the same tbing
again and again. Actually it was not Bhakti Thapa who
had sent soldiers in Mandlah as the fort was attacked by
Mian Maldeo Narayana. But the men who did somcthing
were led by Dhanavara Jamadar. It was initially proposcd
that Gauridatta Sahi, Kuar Captain of Durgabox company,
Subedar Bahadur Gurung, and others werc to meet the
attack launched by Mian Narayau Das, Mauohar Ajab
Siugh of Patiala and Raoajit Singh. They bad with them
82 l4od*n Nepal
400 soldicrs, For 4 hours thcre was a fight and thc encmy
w8s routcd. Many of their soldiers and horses fell desd,
The letter gives details of the fight, with which we
are not so much conccrncd, The purposc s€ems to countcr-
act thc claim of Bhakti Tbapa who had tricd to artogate to
himself all cr€dits of tbe fight.
But Mandlah Bhadauli could not be retained in the
hands of the Gorkhalis for a long timc. From anothcr
lctter writt6D only a fcw months lster it appcars that thc
placc had to bc cv&cuatcd duc to prcssure from tho Britisb.
 Chapter VIII

ANGLO.NEPALESE CONFLICTS' I8I2.I4

Thcre werc so many bordcr areas causing clsins and

counter claims by the two parties.
Wcst of Jamuna a fcw hill arcas and low lyiag tracts
just bolow them wrested from Ram Saran led to a disputc
betwc€n thc Nepalesc and thc British in vicw of the lattcr's
involvcmcnt on bchalf of the Raja of Hindur' As wc
shall know later thc Ncpalese also had to often quarrel with
thc British over thc plot of land on thc northertr bordcr of
thc district of Shahjchanpur adjoining thc tcrritory of the
formcr rulcr of Kumaon now under Gorkba occupation.
From here right up to Shcoraj Khajahani no lands came
under dispute. But many Parts of Sheoraj Khajahani werc
undcr dispute. So wcrc Butwal and Palhi-Majhkhand.
Across the Gandak some villagcs in the border of the
Rautahat district werc bcing pcrsistently claimcd by tbc
British. This was thc most complicatcd dispute, and be-
caIne the immcdiat. causc of the war of l814'16'
Some morc villagcs on thc border ofthe districts of
Darbhanga and Purnia gavc rise to disputes as to claims by
both thc parties on account of thc chaudharies playing
double rolc. Thc samc lands wcrc bcing passed on cvidencc
some timcs as British and at other timcs as N€palcse.
At this time the EDglish wcro not thc same Power as
they uscd to be two dccsdes carlier. They wcre now the
unchallenged m.sters of thc Deccan. They had not only
eliminated thc kingdoms of th€ region but also had brought
under subsidiary alliance the Nizam of Hydorabad and a
number of Mahratta States, aithough tbe latter were
frettiog ard fumiqg at their defest' The Diwani of Bengal
had become a permanent political Etat€ of thG British with
 234 Modem Nepal
the present day Bihar and eastern U.P. as one unit. Tha
Banaras state had been reduced to a small size within thc
framework of tho subsidiary alliance. The Nawab yajir
was a puppet in their hands. The Mogbul Emperor lived in
Delbi in luxurious apartments retaining just nominal
suzerainty, now that Allahabad and oth€r districts having
been annexed to the vajir's domain under the ovcr-all
supervision of the British. The Sikh ruler Ranajit Singh
who rose to bccomc the ruler of a largc kingdom of tbe
Panjab thr€atened to meoace their ascendancy, But lhe
British had limited his movcmcnts to thc west of the Satlaj
by the treaty of Amritsar ncgotiated by Mctcalfc, which
envisaged British protection over ths cis-Satlaj 6tate8,
Earlier Ranajit's advance was checked by the Scindia, with
whom he hed made peace by promising to withdraw to thc
west of Satlaj. The British having defcated the Scindia
werc now becomc the master of that region. But Ranajit
Singh had attcmpted resumption of his control in the
interregnum, He actually sent in 1807 a contingent of troops
to help a section of cis-Satloj Sikh states against othcrs
in thcir internal fcuds. Ho had almost succcedcd in annex-
ing the territory to his kingdom but for British diplomatic
pressuro, to which he yiclded, Ranajit was at that time
fighting battles on his western fronticrs, As appears from
onc of thc letters written by Nepalcsc oncers to Kath@andu
Ranajit's march was halted at the Indus and he was defeatcd
both in Multan and Attock by the Afghanel. In this condi-
tion he could not think of opcning asecond front in tbc €ast
agaitrst the English. Eventually he accepted the British
demand to withdraw from thc occupation of the cis-
Satlaj states. Thus the British could ext€nd their control
from the Jamuna to the Satlaj, The Ganga-Jamuoa doab
was already under their occupatiou. Thc prescnce of the
British in the area had coincided with Nepal's victorious
l. Both those places he c.aquel€d later, ald hc occupied Pe6ha-
rvar and adjornrog regror.
 Anglo-Nepalcsc Confri.ts, 1812'14 235

march along thc Himalayas in thc uppcr belt of the vallcys

of the Ganga and to Jamuna. The Nepalese, however, werc
confined to thc hillt, and thcir movement in the PlaiDs
was madc imposeiblc bccauso of the contiSuity of the British
border line near the mountainous range iD thc Terai' Therc
was not much left to Nopalclc to grab in th€ south lrom
thcir mountain fastness.
There were yct strags' Ranajit Singh was a powcrful
kingof North India' The Rajput princes wcre y€t active
and enjoyed freedom to determine their course. So was
Hotkar. The third Maratha war was yet to come and the
rcbcllious Pindaris and Pathans had not ccased to harass
thc British in Rohilkhand and Malwa. Io the East€rn
India the Burmesc were creating tloublcs by invading
Assam and ther€ wcre statcs still challenging the might of
thc British in Ea6t India where tbey had just penetrat€d.
Tbere was, however, nothing to cause the British to
get frightened for thcy knew that tbe rulers who till th€n
enjoyed indcpcndcncc had not becn wiscr erough to forge
unity amongst themsclvc! to meet the threat from lhe
Eoglish. They had not bctrefited by expcriencc' Tbc British
had to dcat with thcm individually, and there was ro doubt
that thcy could beat any onc of thc remaining country
powcrs in diplomacy or warfare.
The British were not disposcd to think of the Gorlba
advancc on that scale as salutory to their intclest as a
country powcr. Thcy kncw as evcnts developed that they
were one day to come to war with Ncpal, which had so far
defied their attempt to thrust their imperialist begeEoDy
over the strategic Himalayas. The British were waiting for
time, so that they could strikc a blorY with coDfidence
of victory. Perhaps thcy wcr€ not wholly prepared for
th6 war at this time. But cxcept Raoajit Singh in the
Panjab no otr6 was left to cause diversion ofatteDtion in
the eveot of a war agaia;t Nepal by opeuiog a new frout.
Ranajit Slngh, however, \ras uot evctr mentally equipped
236 l1o&rn Nepal
to fight thc British in collaUoration with the Gorkbalis aud
the British knew his position very well. If there was a war,
Ncpal would havc to fight alone and it was bcyond this
kingdom's capacity to withstand thc military prcssurc of
thc British. Thc kind of thinking led the British to stsrt
provocative actions on the Indo-Ncpal border as the ycar
l8l4 began. Wc have to vic\v thc cntirc gamut of.Ncpal-
British r€lations in this cortoxt.

Far West
Although tcnsion was mounting i'n the middle sector
of Butwal end Champaran thc far wrst retaitrcd a coElpara-
tivc tranquillity aftcr thc British had ccased to openly
encoursge the Raja of Hiodur.
Whatever might be thqir intcrnal manocuyrcs, thc
British wcre trying to bcfricnd the Nepalese at this quarter,
although this posc was abandoned soon aftcr.
It had so happened that hardly the troubles with
Ranajit Singh were ovcr Ncpal camc into conflict with the
British, aod the Ncpalcse did not secm dcstined to enjoy peace.
We have alrcady said how thc Rajas of Hindur and
other fcudatorics owning their estates in the plains under
the protcction of the British adoptcd diffcrcnt tactics to
harass the Nepalese. Thc petty Sikh Rajas of thc rcgion
also tried to annoy tho Gorkhalis as was thc case in
Mandlah Bhadauli,
It was in conncction with thc affafus of Mandlah and
for a close understandirg bctwcen Nepal and thc Britirh
that Kazi Amar Singh and Colonel Octorlony had met,

Amat Singh meets Octorlony

According to a letter of e ldcr Amar Singh and Ra'ma-
das to Gen€ral Amar Singh in Palpa, dated ZS 1870 Marga
sudi I roj 3r written from Baghcl the Budha Kazi Arar
2. The datc cbrrcspoad! to 5 D€cedbor, lSl3butas Dublishcd
thc date is itrcgul&!. Thi6 ii Thulsday, aod lot Tucsday a! giysD,
 Anglo-Nepalete Confllcts, 1612-14 237

Singh and Ramadas mct Octorlony at a placo bctwccn

Panjore and Taksar, the lattcr lay within thc jurisdiction
of Baghel, Thc meeting took plac6 on 27 Kartika, Wcdnes-
day. Coloncl Octorlotry was rcsiding in Parjorc with
Europe&n companics, He sent in advance Munshi Barkat
Ali Khan. From the Nepalcsc side Sardar Nirbhaya Singh
Thapa, and Krishns Munshi weDt to rcccive tbe party,
Octorlony had to travcl four miles to reach his dcstinatiotr
whcreas thc Nepalcse rcached thc placc ralting just I mile.
Octorlony was accompaoied by bis son and Captain Bhore
with 6 clcphants, l0 horses, and peons aDd scrvarts, Thcre
wcrc no soldicrr, This was thc rcason thc Nepalese side
also did not proceed with 100-120 soldiers but only with
4 oftcers, Ram.das Thapa, Arjun Thapa, Lachhvir Sahi
and Revanta Kuar. There was no cxchaDgc of prcsents.
Octorlony emphasised thc nccd for continuing the existing
friendship. On Gorkha sidc it was complaincd thst the
British had helpcd thc Sikhs to disrcgard the Gorkbalis
claim to Mandlah Bhadauli. But it was said tbat thc
Gorkhali claim to 4 villagcs out of l2 could bc supportcd
but not to others. Octorlony promiscd Amar Singh to be
always friendly and by no actions injurc the intcrest of
Nepal, Hc said that thc 4€ctiog b€t$ecn the two com-
manders was proof of their fricndship and it would promote
smisable scttlement, The Ncpalesc also gave assurances of
fidclity to thc eristing friendship. They said that lhcy had
hclpod
-thc British by driving Nawab
Mahammad Gulan,
Ali Khan of Rampur and Ujir Ali of Lucknow from thc
Nepalcse Tcrai whcre they had taken rcfuge, The British
owcd e debt of gratitude to them.
It was thought that a metc meetiDg with the Colonel
would trot add to their prcstige as thc formcr was going
about from placc to placc mecting rulcrs of different
principalitics. Rccently he had bcen to Lahot€ and Kangra
and he was also seen by Rama Saran of Hindur. The
Ggrkha officers felt that thcy must make the mcrting
 238 Modun Ncpal
cvcrtful unlikc Octorlouy's mccting with thcae rulcrs, Thus
a proposal was put forward that Octorlony's son would
cxchange turban with Ramadass. By this act thcy bccam.
friends corcmonially. Both parties took it as a symbol of
fricndship betwecn th€ two countri€s, Both sides th€re-
aftcr exchangcd presents with Oclorlony's son. To Rama-
dass was givcn I turbao, 2 shawls, I picce ofKinkbab, I
Cochin, I malmal, I gold coin and I Tajik horsc. Ramadass
salutcd Octorlony, But Octorlony's son was advised not to
s&lute Amar Singh on consultation by Barkat Ali Khan.
But on the Coloncl's ordrr the Captain salutcd thc Budha
KazL At this stago 3 spottcd dccr,9 musk packcts and 2l
partridgcs wcrc prcs€ntcd to Octorlotry.
At Panjorc again on 28 Kartika tbc oftccrs and 1200
soldicrs of thc Gorkha rcgimcnt waited on Octorlony who
wantcd to prcsent gifB, Amar Singh and Ramadass did
not acccpt any gifts.
Nor any indication was madc as to thc prescnts sbarcd
by the ofrcers, Bhakti Thapa, however, got I turban, I
shawl, I Kinkhab and I malmal as he had carried a good
quantity of his own prcscnts. For the EDglish cfficers 4
horscr wcrc scnt trext day from Aoar Singh's aidc.
It was rcportcd .by Amar Singh that Sikhs and the
rulcr ofPatiala were under the protection of the British
whose troops were stationed in Ludhiana. The Sikhs had
dcmandcd British hclp as against Ratrajit Sitrgb. Mandlah
bclonged to Bhaga Singh wbo had rcccivcd Rs,3lakbs in
the first year and was beiog paid Rr. 300 cvcry ycar by thc
British. As thc Gorkhalis had defeatcd the Sikhs in
Mandlab, snd the spot was restorcd to them by thcinfluence
of the Britlsh, the latter carried much ioflucnce in the
region including Patiala.
Kazi Amar Singh furtber rcportcd that the British had
assured the Gorkhalis of their neutrslity if Ncpal tricd to
expand in the western region of the Satlaj. It was said that
,hc British cvcn talked ofjoint action in Kashmir.
 Anflo-Nepalesc Conntus' 1812-14 239

Of course, Octorlony did not mcan what he said, and

Amar Siogh would have committed a mistake if hc had
crosscd the Satlaj. But thc British had also in mind balalc-
ing the Gorkbas and Sikhs. They would bavc silenced thc
Sikhs if the Gorkhas w6re attacked. The matter would
have rcstcd therc. It wag also truc thc British did nevcr
xish thc Sikhs and Gorkhas to joia bands. I think it was
for this rcason that Octorlony dissuadcd Amar Singh from
trying to wrcst KaDgra, He warncd that Rsnajit Singh aad
Sansarchand wcrc fricnds at thc time.
Octodony also said that unity betw€en the Sikhs and
thc British did not posc any thrcat to Nepal, and the Got-
khali commauders should pay no hccd if tho feudatorics
across thc Satlaj and thc cxilcs had actcd to causc suspicion
to that effect, Octorlony rcmarkcd that thc fcudatorics
who wcre cvcn boasting of capturing Kumaon were fools
living in an clusivc paradisc.
As for thc British rclation with Ranajit thcir rcadirg
was that thc Sikh ruler was not so happy with thc prcscncc
of British troops in Ludhiana. Thc English had deprived
him of thc annual rcvenue of th6 lands bctwccn thc Jamuna
and tho Satlaj.
Tho British appcarcd to thc Gorkhali commandcrs to
havc humourcd tbcm by dcnigrating Ranajit Siogh. Accor-
ding to Amar Singh'e imprcssion thc mecliDg went to
promotc the goodwill b€tween thc English and thc Nepalcsc
and thc formcr were jubilant.
Wc do not know bow Amar Singh got this imprcssion.
Buthchimselfwas living in illusion, Colorcl Octorlony
was not surely playing hidc and scck bctwecn the Gorkhas
and Sikhs but hc ocant to promote thc Eait India Com-
pany's interest. Hc had no intention to let the Gorkhalis
live in peacc in tbe quartcr, He likc any othcr EDBlishman
wanted Nepa[ to bc cut to its own size.
With all thc pledges of fricndship the British and
Ncpalese worc supposed to pull on togethcr. At least it
24O Modern Ncpal
was hopcd that thc British would not disturb Ncpal on thc
hills. But thcy had thought otherwisc. Thc followirg
paragraphs will show that Oclorlony hjmrelf was plaoning
to dislodge thc Nepalesc from thc arcss they occupi€d io
that regioD.
On the lsth of May the British Govcrnor-Gcncral
addrcssed a letter to the King of Nepal drswing his att€n-
tion to the fact that lowlands st thc foot of the hills bctwcco
the Satlaj and Jamuna belongcd to thc Sikh6 and thst latrly
Amar Singh Thapa's soldicrs had occupicd a hillofthc
adjoining lowlatrd consisting of 4 villagcc under Sikh Sar-
dars. It was said that the arcas involvdd bclonged to Raja
Ram Singh of Nalag.arh, strd AEar Singh claiucd it on thc
groutrd that it was formerly a part of thc taluk of Balow.
beg but situated in the plain bolow thc hills, (For.. Pol.
Dept., n. 39, l5 May, 1813).
By this note the British wantcd to kecp the disputc
alive in that quartcr and add to thc gcnersl state of hostility
cnlarging its dimensioD.
That Octorlony was not sincerc would appear from
this notc. H6 was iD chargc of ovcrall coomaud of lbis
srea, Not only that but he was entrusted fully with thc
framing of policy in regard- to thc formcr R&jas of the hill
statcs. It was duc to Octorlony that lhcsc Rajas dispossess-
cd on. thc hills were finding themsclv€s in occupation of
tho lowland tracts Dear the Nspalesc boundary. Thcy
carricd depredations inside the hilly areas and provokcd
thc guarding Nepalesc soldicrs. Octorlony cncouragcd thsm
oft6n pleading with the Ncpalcse on their behalf.
Octorlony was playing thc samc game itr this scctor as
Bradshaw was doing in thc middlc $cctor on Gorrkhpur-
Champaran borders.
At about thc same time it must bc said thst thc Budha
Kazi and Amar Singh tried again and again to cooc to
terms with the British in rcspect of their claims. This was
gntircly different from the attitud€ of thc Britisb.
 Anglo.Nc?mle* Confltcts, 1612'14 241

Thc Kiog of Ncpal wroto to Govornor.'Gcncral (recciv-

ed in Cslcutta on 5 August, lEl3) about thc troublcs crcatcd
by Hindurs who was dislodged from thc occupation of3
villages now a subjcct of disputc bctween Ncpal and thc
Britiih. In 8 noto it w88 tsid that in 1862 thc Gorkha army
roachcd thc bank of tha rivct Satlaj' Thc hill Rajas who wcrc
not wcll dispoccd tow8rdE 'NGPaI such as tho rulcr ofHindur
w6re cxpcllod fron thc hillg whcrcae frioudly Rajao abiding
by thcir cngagcmcnts such ar Kahlur wctc allowcd ao livc in
security atrd confirmed in thcir posscssions"' Raja Ram
Singh having takcn illegal posscssion of thc said villages
from onc Sivadatta Raja war scnding raidcts to disturb thc
pcac€ up atovc the hills. Latcr he wae expellcd and Amat
Singh occupicd the lands. The Ncpalesc notc dcfended the
sction of thc commander Amar Singh on the principle of
conqucst on which thc British sovercignty over the plains
of Hindusthan was based. Thc Governor'Gcncral had con-
tetrded that partics in disputc ehould accept tho principle of
limitation on a gcographical basis so that thc hills were in
poslession of Nepsl and thc British govcrned the plains'
Thc notc rcjccted this contcntion' and said that for any
priaciplc to bc binding on both sides it must havc prior
conscnt also of thc othcr party conccrncd. Th€ unilateral
cDutrciation of 8ny principle in international affairs was not
valid,
Thc notc challcngcd the vcry basis of limitation and
maintaincd that proPrictorship was the right basis of suc'
cession whethcr thc successor was Nepal or British' Ram
Singh was a hill Raja and so is Raja Babsi of Jullandar and
both werc utrder Ncpal. So by right of conquest the villagc
was justly occupied by Kazi Amar Singh.
But in spite of all this Nepal agrecd to hand over thc

3, 22 Octobsr, 1813, Pol, Sac. Cons., n. 39

4: Ibid.
242, Moden Ncpal
villrgcs to thc British if it wrs prov€d that the British had
hcld thcn prior to Gorkha occupation,

Ga *yal ta 187 I
Captain Chaodravir Kuar dicd eoon after. A lcttcr
writt€n by thc King to Kazi Ranjorc Thapa acknowlcdgcs
tho rccoipt of tho nows writtcn on Vaisakha sudi Z atd
rcachcd Kathmand! on Jlertha sudt 2 that thc Captain had
dicd and onc of his two sons h8d takcn charge of thc
dcfcncc of Nahpani and arothcr ia thc forward srca. The
King crtoDding his condolencc of Chandravir's dcath and
cxprcsscd his plcasurc that his son Balabhadra was now
cngagcd in th. importatrt work of constructing the fort of
Nalapani, which was lhc hcsrt of thc old principality of
Garhwal. Thc lcttcr suggcstcd that Balabhadra was new to
thc ta3k, snd though thc ordcr for fortification stood for
somctimc past, it was not carricd out and thcrcforc Rana-
jorc himsclf rhould oftcn visit thc spot in ordcr to ensurc
its quick complction. The letter writtcn by thc High
Comm8nd in thc name of the king addcd, "you know thc
sttitude of thc Sikhs and Phiringis. We havc informed
your fathcr of thc devclopments regarding our boundary
disputcs with thc British and you will kuow the dctails from
him. Ifthc tcnsion grows, we do not y6t know how to
envisage the consequences. If the dispute is not settled,
cvco tbcn wc arc assurcd of our position in that quarter
bccausc Sardar Amar Singh is in Baghel and you arc in
Nahan. It is possible that thcrc will bc a fight in Dun if
disturbances took placc in Nahan. Thcreforc we bave
suggcsted that you should kcep in readincss a contingent
of troops io that arca. If the forccs are deployed at
differcnt points, thcy should b. coltcct€d togcthcr in Dun.
You should also sec that there is a regular flow of news_.
to Katbmandu from therc.'' The lctter is dated VS 1871
Jyestha sudi 4 roj l,
In a letter to Bam Shah thc wcst had asl(ed him to
 Anglo-Nepalesc Confllcts, I8t2'14 243

write if Sudarsan Sahi had tendcred chargc to kcep alert

the officers in Garhwal as wcll as to kcep correspondence
with the Budha Kazi of thc forward area. In his reply
addressed on ZS 1871 Asahda sudi 3 roj 2B from Almora the
Chautara assured Bhimsen Thapa and Ranadhoj Thapa said
thot ho had always donc his duty in alcrting thc ofrccrs
kecping watch ovcr thc Garhwal and kcpt himsclf in touch
with the Budha Kazi. Hc had also lct theo know thc oxact
financial position of his charge and hopcd that thcy might
make adequatc provision to mect his necds and if there
was delay, they should now comply with his requcst with-
out further loss of time.
Bam Shah also wrote that he was trying to build forti-
fications in Garhwal, but for want of money this has not
bcen complctcd. Thc company i.c. the soldiers undcr him
had not given him the moncy realiscd out of thc ffncs
imposed as punitive measuros against the offcndcrs. He had
seen the copy of the order under Red seal sent by Ranjore
Thapa which empowcrcd the company to deal with thc
judicial aspcct of five crimcs. Ranjore Thapa had added in
his lettcr that the Chautara should perform important
actions of state subject to the consultation with the Sovcln'
ment and the forward. command ( mabuda ) of Amar
Singh.
Thus far the company had not arrangcd to send men
in its arca to realise fincs on five crimes. Once or twicc
some were deputed for the purpose. But no realisation ofl
fines was madc. Now that thc Kumadu command could
not do anything without the permission of the wcstern
command this had deprivcd him of a source of income,
which was necessary to finance projects in the building of
forts in Kumaon.
Bam Shah appcaled to the addressees to issue warrants

5. Shahkalin Eitihasik Patra Sangraha' I, pp.53ff.

241 Modcm Ncpat
to thc Amalis to rctrder hclp by way of forccd labour in his
task of building forts aI over thc arca.
It appcars from this lcttcr that Garhwal aud Kumaon
wcrc not givctr thc rcsourccs adcquate cnough to stringrhen
thcir dcfcncc linc, yct thir was thc arca which nccdcd
utnott vigilaacc oa thc part of thc dcfcndcro. Thc lettcr
shows that thc authoriticr in Kathmandu had aot rcaliscd
thc strotcgic importancc of thc arca.

British claims Kumao sector

From Vikrsm Sahi's lettcr to Bhimgcq Thapa and
Ranadhoj Thaps it is undcrstood that soEc tcrritory was in
disputc on thc border of Shabjchanpur district. Thc
collcctor had dcmandcd evidcncc from thc Nepalcec Faujdar
of thc contiguous arcs on thc Ncpalcsc side about disputed
villagc. It was found that about 6 coss south ofthc disput_
cd villago thcre \[,as anothcr village callcd Majhubo, which
was grantcd to'a Brahmin as I gift by thc rulcr Hari Sahi.
Th€ fact of a gift is inscribcd on a coppcr platc, and a copy
ofitwassentto thc collector for his scrutiny through a
Chaprassi. It was rcported that the communicatiotr had a
good rcccption but the collector was not inclined to abaD_
don thc village. Hc was also putting forward unrcasonablc
argumcnts. The Collcctor was also erecting a building at a
sitc just l0 coss south of the disputcd village.
Yikram Sahi reported that all weapons of Samarjit
company as wcll as of those companies earlicr had bcen
kept in Silgarhi. He wrote .,they wcrc prcparcd to hand
over to us wea.pons of Samarjit company, but we could not
accept this, as weapons of other companies arc lying in
disarray, and thcy are not willing to surrcnder the cntir€
stock of weapons. Subedar Java Gharti said that Hastalal
Shah had ordercd thcm not to hand over weapons of com_
panies othrr thaD that of Samarjit, I bear that Hastalal
olaims that thc Doti company helped to arms with
 Anglo-Nepalesc Coaflicts, 181714 245

Rs. 52,0fi) from thc arca is to rcmain utrd€r bim, and hc had
rcqucstcd thc Govcrnment to this and.".

afitith Attempt to Estsblish Trade Conlact

\trc shall find later that the British had a stretcgic
dcsiga on Kumaon to cut ofr thc far wcst from thc crpital;
Sincc sometime earlier they were trying to dircctly
establish tradc contacts with thc Bhotiyas of notthcrB
rogiou of Kumaon.
On thc cvc of the war the British with th3ir cycB otr
Kumaon wanted to cstablish tradc contaets with thc Bho-
tiya6 of the Himalayan bordcr. In a lcttrx datcd YS 1870
Phalguno wdi j roj 2 (:Monday, 8 February, lEl4) which
Bam Shah wroto to the Palacc thcre is a rcfcrcncc to
his carlicr statemcnt thst if th€ Eoglish succccded in dir€st-
ly cstablishing contacts with thc Bhotiyas thc ryots both
in thc hills and thc lowlands living in thc dominioa of
Gorkha would suffer. In reply thc court had also approvcd
of his answcr to Mr. Hoarscy's lettcr, and of bis corr6-
pondcncc with the Bhotiyas who had also rcccivcd Eoncy
from him. The court suggcstcd that thc smugglcrs who
had carricd thc cntrcpot trrdc clsndcsti!€ly should bc donc
away with physically. The arca of tradc lay bctwecn thc
hills and thc lowlands, and it was impcrativc that thc par-
tics ootrccrncd, thc Bhotiya and those of thc tradcrs living
in thc territorics undcr Ncpal should havc fixcd sharc of
tho profit, Thc ratc had to bc dctcrmincd by govcrnmcnt
agcncics, and for this a dcpot had to bo Bct up. Bsm Shah
wantcd scparato ordcr as this $as not includcd in thc usual
rukka. Ba,m Shah now adviscd to call a mccting ofthc
Ncpalesc tr.dcrs and cvolvc an arranscncnt with thcir
consrtrt. Hs was askGd to scnd his draft for tho approval

6. Tho lott{ datsd yS lE7 1 atadlq Sadl J ,o, 2- Monday, 20 Ju.!.,

1814.
246 l$odern Nepal

of thc Govcrnmcnt in Kathmandu. Thc arrangcmcnt

should fix up thc sitc of sale or purchase in thc Bhot hills
and lowlands and as well as profit in the dcal from a long
rangc point of view so lhat the Ncpalesc fiaders did Dot
sustain a loss to cnsurc th€ir livelihood from their profcs-
sion. Thc court had also inquired whcthcr Moorcraft and
Hcarscy had comc to travcl in that rcgion after the movc-
ment towards Tibct was intcrccpted and thcy were com-
pcllcd to rctrcst. Bam Shah in his rcply said that thc
tradc arrangcmcnt bctwcen English and Bhotiyas had bcen
madc while Moorcraft had visitcd thc bordcr. As to price
of articlcs it dcpcnded oD thc comparativc volumc of
dcmand and supply, cvcn whcD things werc greater in
numbcr, and if thc demand was lcss, thc pricc went down
and thc pricc wcnt up if comparativcly therc wcrc things
lcse in rclation to dcmand. Hc was to call a mecting of
tradcrs, marchants and landlords on the d8y of the first
of Magha. Thc Bhotiyas wcrc also expcctcd to attend,
and hc hopcd that some conclusion would be rcacbed
rcgarding this mattcr and this would bc forward€d to thc
Govcrnmcnt.
Bam Shah Baid that in Srmvat 185t (:1811 A.D.)
hc had a schemc to found a marketing ccntrc whcrc thc
Ncpalcsc tradcre would gct adequate profit as articlcs pass
acro8s the bordcr into British tcrritory. Uptill now the
tradors wcrc paying to thc wholcsalcr Rs. 2/- per each
itcm of articlc, and sold at the mauy points sct up by the
British on the border. Thcsc fetchcd no ccottomic bcnefit
to the rctailers, In 1868 thc attcmpt to set up a mandi or
markct ocotre did not succeed bccausc this could not bc
done without thc consetrt of thc Bhotiyas. Later a mcss-
cDgcr was scDt to gct tbcir conscnt. Bam Sbab srnt also
some moDcy. In Dhikuli on thc valley of Kota the work
actually startcd and the forcst was ncarly cleared. The
Gorkhalis otrered 4 annas extra ovcr rud above what those
of Kota had received in 1867. But the landlords of Kali
 Anglo-Nepalese Conflbts, l|l2-14 2{l
Kumaon? sold Bclhari to thc markct ofthe phiringis, Bam
Shah adoonishcd thc lendlords and askcd thcm to scttlc
the markct within the tcrritory undcr Nepal. Thc rcvcnuc
collcctors on Gorkha sidc were furthcr instructad to set up
a markct ccntre in Kilroad. Bam Sbah reportcd that hc
was trot surc if any profit would accrue from thc tradc this
year, but hc would try to achicve thc cstablishmcnt ofa
tradc mart by borrowing moncy from the moncy-lcndcrs.
This would cstrangc the Bhotiyas from the Madhcsias
who livcd in the plains down below the bills as thcy would
not bc physically linkcd. Perhaps money in plcnty would
come into thc hands of thc native tradcrs, If this happcncd
they would buy Snlrcgs from thc mcrchatrts in Bhot and sclt
to local traders asking them to rcrell at the depot at a fxcd
price. The dcpot must bc in a placc whcrc a ncw forcst arcr
bad becn clcarcd and a new settlcmcnt of inhabitants had
come up. In such a situatiotr Bam Shah pleadcd that thc
tradc would yield adequatc profit. But thc scttlcment must
be encouragcd by giving thc scttlcrs somc assistance. Yijaya
Singh was callcd to Almora on thc prctext of collcctiDg
Suhag, aod, he had arrivcd therc at thc timc of writing thc
prescnt lctter. He was thc man who war hclpirg thc
Bhotiyas of Juhar to establish direct contact with thc
British. It was rcported that hc rcc€ivcd moncy from thc
Bhotiyas who had got it out of diroct cotrtact with thc
British. Vijaya Singb, howcvcr, dcnicd his responeibility
and pleaded ignorancc of thc arrengcmcnt. Hc said thst
thc Budha Kazi had summoned him to thc forward arca.
Bam Shah, howcver, dctaincd him io Almora and at tbc
samc timc hc scnt a messagc cnquiring ofthc Kazi if what
Vijaya Singh said was truc. The concerncd Bhotiya tfadar.
wcrc also callcd to hic audicneo.
Thcrc is auothcr lcttcr which givos tLo io{orartlrr

7. Thc patt of KuEtoD adjoiBist th. rivc! Kali.

8. Botax.
245 trlodem Nepal

thst Moorcraft wa3 arrcstcd while on his way to thc Bhot

parsing through Kumaon. It was reportcd that hc was otr
a epy mission. Ho had contacted the Bhotiya tradcrs of thc
Kumaon border and pcrsuadcd them to directly dcal with
thc mcrcbents on British !ide. Thc subjcct of his arrcst was
rofcrrcd to thc cctrtrc, but aD order was issued from Kath'
mandu for bis rclcasc. Hc was scnt back beyond thc bordcr
ia eafc coadition.

Easrern Seclor
By the castern scctor wc mcan thc contiguous arcas of
thc pr$cnt day Darbhanga, Saharsa and Purnca bordcr of
Bihar in India, The British had practically no disputc
farther cast.
Thc bordcr disputc bctwccn Ncpal and East Iodia
Compauy in thc eastcrn sector rclatcd to thc land tound
Bhimnagar on the fronticr of thc Zills Purnca. It n'as
allcgcd by thc British in 1807 that the Zsmitdar of
Bhimnagar was deprived of 600 bighas of land and 3 villagcs
by thc Ncpalesc ofrccrs, and thcy complained'two ycars havc
clapscd lvithout any redrcss' on thc contrary thc Nepalese
again grabbcd 100 bighas' and dcmandcd 'restitution of
lands and moncy.'o
The Govcrnor-Gcncr&l intimated thc king ofNcpal by
his lcttcr of 5th June, 1809 that th€ 'British .occupicd thc
lands of thc Zamindar of Bhimnagar by force as Nepal
showcd disregard to thc rcPrcscntation of thc M&gistrato
ofPurnca'.lo Butthcyhad no intention 'to commit any
hostility and thcrefore they werc prcpared to discuss lhc
prccisc boundary of Bhimnagar' by accrcditcd rcpresetrta'
tivc8 on both sidcs.
Moanwhile it was allegod thst dacoits from thc NcPalcsc
sidcs wcre roceiving eDcouragcm€ot from a Gorkhali

9. lsr Malch, 1807, Fo!. Pol. Cons.,5 Marcb, u' 105.

10, For. Pol. Co[s., 13 Juoc' !.72'
 Anglo-Nepalcse Conflbts, I8l2'14 249

Gomastha, Bachhan Chaudhary, aod wcrc infcsting thc

Parganna of Baikunthapur within the district of RaDgpurlt.
Thc Ncpal Govcrnmetrt was rcqucstcd to iostruct its Suba itr
thc arca not to give any quarter to thc robbcrs.l z
From a lcttcr of thc Kiog of Ncpal reccivcd ia C.lcutta
on thc 5th of Dccembor which camc ia rcPly to thc lcttcr of
Govcrnor-Gcneral dated 5 Junc, 18091! it aPpc&rs that thc
land allcged to havc becn occupicd by thc Ncpalcsc lay iu
thc Ssptari parSanna of Morang. It informcd tho British
Govcrnor-Gcneral that I suitablc pcrson would bc dcputcd
to dcmarcatc thc bordcr of Bhimnagar aftcr thc rainy
SGtSOn.
Sardar Gaj Singh from thc Ncpal€sc sidc and Mr.
Braddcn from the Britisb sidc wcre to mect oo thc bordcr
for dcoarcating thc boundary in Bhimnagar. AccordiDg to
the British thc lauds allcged to havc bcen occupicd by thc
Suba of Morang which bclongcd to thc Zemindar had bccn
clearly shown ss south of thc bordcr by mutual consent.
But the Nepalese had again forcibly takcn posscssion of thc
land. So the British wanted that thc king'issucd a Pcrcmp'
tory ordcr to his ofrccrs to withdr&w from thc occupicd
arca', But Ncpal disowncd any kind of cotrscnt' Thcy put
forward thcir claim on the disputcd tcrritorics aaying that
thc boundary finding showcd thcd to tho north of thc
border. Thc king exprcsscd unawaren€ss ofthc adjustnent
made between Gaj Singh and Bradden and a$ured that once
thc cleim of thc British was cstablishcd 'th€ Ncpalcsc royts
will bc displaced' (letter receivcd 25 April, 1810)la.
By anothcr lcttcr datcd tl May, l8l0 thc vicc-Prcsidcnt
of thc council furthcr complaincd of fresh aggrcssions, aod
informed thst the British euthoritios in Purnea would

lt. Fot. Pol. Drpt, 14 Novoobor, 18Q9, Co!., D.26.

12. rbid.
13. Fo.. Pol., Dept.,5 Dcc., l80t
14. For. Pol. DcDt., 15 May, 1810, r.35.
25O Modcrn Nepal
procced in the reitrstatcment of the Zemindar of Bhimnagar
in the land 'he was unjustly cxpelled from'16
In 1810 a new Governor-Gcueral was apPointed and
thc Nepal Government sent a message of grecting through
their Vakil Raj Guru Krisna Pandit who was also to wait
on him (rcceived on l2th June, 1810)16.
In anoth€r lotter (23 July, 1810) NoPal informed that
thcy had scnt a verbal communication to Guru Krisna
Pandit rcspecting Sardar Ranajit Singh of Lahorc (probably
Maharaja) which arc calculated to Promotc the intcresls
ot both countricsl ?. On behalf of thc king the following
prescnts to the Govcrnor-Gencral were sent along with the
mcssengor:
2 Elsphants
2 horses
8 Chowrics
2 picccs of Numboo cloths
I picce of Malda cloth
String of maskleads
I Chhata (parasol) with silver ball at the top
I piece of toos cloth
I Khunda (daggcr)
Prcsents which are to follow :
8 piec€s of cochin cloth
4 cups made of agate
1 Khukri (dsggar mountcd with gold)
2 clephants
2 Wholc skins of thc Ahoo antelope with musk bags.
Thc Ncpalesc addressed a separate letter about Bbim-
nagar (reccived on ll July, 1810).r" They said that General
Kewctt had bccn 'apprised of particulars of this affair'. The
lettcr suggcstcd that 'rcport and discussion was of the wit"
15. For. P6l. Dept., Con., l5 May, rEl0, n 38.
16. For. Pol. Dept., 12rb October, 1810, D. 151.
17. For. Pol. Dcpt., l2th Octobc!, 1810, n. 15:.
18. For. Pol. Con., ll July, l8!3, tr. I5tl'
 Anglo-Nepalese Conflicts, 1812-14 251

nesses transmitted to his Government by Gaj Singh that a

great differcnce exists between the boundary formerly scttl'
ed by Mr. Ducarrel and that which has bcen marked by the
offi.cers lately employed on this day, although on sevcral
placcs the old land marks set up by Mr. Ducarrel are still
standing and the lands are held according to those marks
by thc subjects of the Government'. The action of thc
Company's Govcrnment thcreforc in proceeding to occupy
Jaswantpur i.e. the land said to bc forcibly occupied by the
Gorkhalis was unjustified and arbitrary. The British
Government should have waited for a full invcstigation.
Nepal requested the British authorities to instruct their mcn
in Purnea to consult the Ncpalesc Amin in this matter. The
Mauza Jaswantpur lay in tb:e Zilla Saptari and Mouza
Bhimnagar in the Pargana of Dupper of Morang, and both
were in dispute. Gajraj Singh had intimatcd his Govern-
ment that the British wanted to scize thcse lands by sending
troops and restore thc Zcinindar. The Nepal Govcrnment
immediately protested against occupation, and warned
that any usc of forcc would spoil the existing peaceful and
friendly relation. Thc Nepalese thought Datters of this
kind should have been properly settlcd bctwecn the two
parties bcfore an actioa was taken. They plcadid for status
quo and asked the British to agrcc to it.
In his mcmorandum Gajraj Singh had submittcd that
the examination of thc boundary was conductcd only with
reference to Mauza Jaswantpur otherwise known as Mauza
Chomikha. Mr. Ducarrcl had set up bamboos in the
Bhimnagar area, and also in a part of Jaswantpur. So
bamboos had to be set up with respect to the remaining
part of Jaswantpur. Gajraj and Braddon had procceded
to demarcate the boundary with common understanding.
Their main purpose was to sct up bamboos at the site where
Mr. Ducarrel had done. So witnesses had to be examined
on both sides. Kutha Chaudhary, fotmer Zouindar of
Perganna Dhapper, Kann Mandal, Bhola Mandal, Kuktu
252 Moden Nepal
Mandal, and others wcre examincd after bcing 'Sworn on
(tama) coppct Lr.d tulasi in the prcscnce of the agent of
Dhola Chaudhari, Zemirdar of Bhimnagar, and Madham
Ram Chaudhary. There wcre depositions from witnesses
from the other sidas. Thc former dcposed that'Mr. Ducar-
rcl had set up bamboos in Bhimnagar, Parganna Dhupcs
and Zill& of Saptari in Morang, and thc British offcer
succccding had scttl.d boundary after Mr. Ducarrel's bam-
boo linc'. LaEd was measured and 500 bighas were found
north of thc bamboo set up by Mr. Ducarrel. But th€re
wcrc discrcpancies in thc dcposition of thc party opposing
the Nepalcsc. Gajraj Singh insisted that Mr, Ducarrel's
boundary be followed, but Mr. Braddon declared his inabi-
lity to d€oid€ the issue on the spot.le
The British had moved their troops to tho bordcr, to
which Ncpal cxprcssed epprchcnsion of the brcach of friend-
ship bctwccn the two partics. Ncpal euggested as beforc
that a boundary line be fixed along thc bamboos sct up by
Mr. Ducarrel. In a lctter the King requested thc Calcutta
authoritics to talk to his Vakil who was empowered to
deal with the subject (Received on 6th December, l8l0).,0
He informcd the Govcrnor-G€neral through another lctter
( rcccived 19 April, l8ll, Con., n. 48 ) that his Vakil in
Calcutta had instructed the Suba of Morang to dcsist from
molcsting the subjects of East India Company.

Dulwal
A letter written on thc l6th January ( For. Pol. Con.,
n.77 ) of 1809 said that the British werc drawing Nepal's
attentioB to thc correspondence of 1805 about the occupa-
tior of thc Tersi of Butwal by the Nepalese forces. Thcy
repeated the rcquest that Nepal should vacatc thc arcs

t9. For Pol. D€pt,, Co!.,8th November, l8l l, o- 69.

20. Pol. For. Dept,, Coo.,?th DoceEbcr, 1810, o. 74.
 Anglo-Ncpalcse Confllcts, 1812-11 253
bcfore anything unplessant occurrcd to disturb thc good
relation bctwcen thc two Govcrnmcnts.
Vishtrupandit aod Mir Munshi Rajakhan werc arked
to go to Kathmandu for consultation with the GovcraDcnt
about Ncpal-British rclatio[s in regard to thc bordcr qucr-
tions, Vishnupandit had bcetr in Calcutta to fulfill ccrtliD
formalitics,
Thc Palpa coEmand wsntcd to add to tho luEcrical
strcngth ofthc Sabuj company; But thc ccntrc had incir-
tcd on the formation of a ncw company undcr Amar Siogh
Thapa from Srinagar. Palpa recciving thc suggcstio!
wrotc that a ncw compaDy would iDvolvc thc cxchcqucr
in an addltional cxp€nditure ofRupccs 9,000. But 8ddi-
tional I00 guDs to thc Sabuj company would bc achicvcd
with Rupccs 5,000.
Amar Singh was writing to Kazis Bhimren Thapa and
Randhoj Thapa on YS 1868 Sravana sudl g toj 2 (:Monday,
29 July, l8l l).
Hc also informcd his son and thc othcr ministcr at
thc court that Mr. Scott had ordcrcd a policc outpost in
Palhi district to bc shiftcd to Sunarct, Tbe place wasjust
on thc bordcr, aEd it was so oear to the place whcrc a
Nepalcsc thana was cstablished, Amar Singh Tbapa bad
instruct€d his licutcnant Mahadcopadhya lo opposc this
movc of Mr, Scott. Amar Singh also had askcd Mahadco
to assurc Ncpalcsc subjects of thc arca that nothing would
happen to thcm. The Faujdar and thc local Thanadar
had been ordcred to take steps if any attcmpt was madc
to cncroach on thc land bclonling to Ncpal.
Amar Singh also instructcd his men to be careful not
to encroach on thc land of the East Iodia Company.
But the lotter stated that the prince of palpa had gonc
to Banaras to contact the British officcrs.
In his lcttcr to th€ Govornor.Gencral, Amar Singh
Thapa, the Governor of Palpa, had complaincd against
British stationiDg of poliDc outpost within Nepalcso torri
254 Modern Nclml

tory in Butwol and Shcoraj. He said that Shcoraj in perti-

cular which belongcd to Piuthan was undcr Gorkha for
28 ycars. Although Palpa was govcrned directly by
thc Gcncr&I, it rotain.d thc depcndcncy stalus even
Garlior. Lstcr scvcral ritcs in thc Tcrsi, includiDg Butwal'
Prrganna Kanchatty withiE Argha' Bhutdarch witbin
Khenchi aad Daolig Tuppa itr Gulmi wsrc occupicd' But
clght Doatbs lstct thc Pargannas of Paly Nitrowl and
Tuppa Bhaawar wae takon porccsoion of by thc British
oficcr against cstlblishcd tulc. Sidc by sido a claim was
advanccd for Shcorajpur, Parganna Bhito' Dholia TupPa,
Nikots tnd Nitrowl formally bclonging to thc Raja of
Piuthan. Thc British also cstablishcd Thanas (police out-
polt ) in Shcorsjp ar on tho 2gth ol Yatsakha as well as in
Boorcc in Butwal district on thc 16th, This information
Kazi Amar Siogh gavo also to Octorlony, who politely
prooiscd to trsnsEit his arii ( pctition ) to thc Covernor'
Gcncral though it camc within the Provincc of Major Brad-
shaw. To thc Govcttror'Gcncral ald Octorlony an aPpcsl
was madc to withdraw thc Thancdats. If it was oot donc
'thc flomc ol discord will not carily bc cxtinguirhed" hc
w&rncd.
It appcals that what thc British had failcd to achicve
round thc ocgotiation tebtc thcy now wantcd to gain by
othcr Ecans.
ID short thcir intcntion was to capture by forcc all
that th€y wcre claiming so far,

Parsa Rautahot
The other disputc involvcd lands on what are now
callcd in thc contiguous bordcr district of Parsa and Rau-
tahat,
For the long timc two Tuppas of Rautahat and Pach-
routtcc of thc Simraongarh Pargaana wcrc hcld by onc
Abdulla Beg undcr thc Sanad gmntcd undcr a coppcr plate
 Anglo-Nepalese Confltcts, lBI2.l4 255
charter of Samvat 1743 of the Mackwanpur Raj. Accor-
ding to T. Princep ( i, p. 65 ) the Raja of Betia in the bogin-
ning contestcd the right of Mackwanpur to grant such a
Zemindari tenure, as he himself claimed owuership of thore
tracts, but after somctime yielded with himrclf iosuing
a diffcrcat sanad to tho Muslim holdcr. Thue was,Mack-
wanpur's suzeraiuty established though in an indircct wayr
because Bir Kishorc could not producc any cvidcncc of his
title and Prithvinarayana Sbah found it easy to grab thcsc
areas in 1765, but it was allcged tbat in addition hc also
occupied 22 adjoining villages on the side of Nunnore. T.
Princep writes that in 1781 when an investigation wag madc
it was recognised by the British that Rautahat and pach-
routtee bclongcd to the Mackwanpur, and Betia had no
claim over the areas. At the same time the Nepalese did
not make any attempt to continue to occupy thc22 villagcs,
which were since thcn till I8l1 treatcd as partq of thc
British territory under Betia and in that year thecQ wcre
attacked by the Gorkha officers. The controversy was
rcvived in 1811. But thc Maharaja,s nolc contradicts this
infoimation.
Wc shall scc thst the evcnt that followed was to com-
plicatc the situation all the more.
Thc Suba of Bara-Parsa, Laksman Giri, had a skirmish
over tho disputcd villages of Nunnore with thc Raja of
Betia at the border, and on a night attack by thc latter
( 19June, lSll-Princcp ), this ofrcer was killed straight-
away. Then two or three Nepalese battalions ( Fli ) frcm
the adjoining command invadcd Bctia and plundered thc
town, and the Raja was forccd to go to Calcutta to seek
tho aid of the British, at whose intcrcession thc Nepalese
Vakit Mahila Guru representcd the case to the Government
in Kathmandu.
Meanwhile Ncpal complained through a letter ( re-
ccived in Calcutta,26 August l81l ).that the Zamindar of
Champaran, Bir Kishore Singh had sent a force of 1600
256 Modcrn NePal

armod mcn to Parlanna Rahtul in thc Nepalesc Terai, who

killcd thc Suba of thc arca' Laksman Giri, Chaudbari
Bakhta Raj, Bcchoo Singh Jamadar atrd 9 scpoys' Thcy
also woundcd gricvously 8 pcrsons and looted tbe property
of thc Subs and thc trcasury of thc Govctnmctrt' Thc
ZEnindor's mirconduct would havc invitcd punisbmcnt
and thc Gorkhatir woro capablc of punitivc sction' But
thcy had actcd modcratcly and rcfcrrcd tbc Datter to thc
ccntrc. Thc Ncpalcse Govcrnmcnt urgcd oa thc Gov€rnor-
Gcncral to takc up thc casc himsclf and award due punish-
acnt to the Zamindar.
In dcmanding punishmcnt to Bir Kishorc thc Nepalese
authoritics said that this wa8 a precondition for any talk
thcy would hold with thc Britisb about thc disPutcd tcrri-
torics on thc border.
Thc British werc bacling Bir Kishorc's claims' So
thcy wcrc unwilling to rcccpt Ncpalcsc deDalds'
But Bir Kishorc claimed that 'hc was dcprivcd of Rs'
15,000 annually which wa8 the net incomc of thc 22 villagcs
said to havc bccn occuplcd by thc Ncpalcsc officcrs' Hc
also allcgcd that his ryots werc plundcrcd' aDd thc Gorkhas
had killcd 9 pcrsons and woundcd l0 or 15 morc"el In a
frash lcttcr addresscd ( rcceivcd on 13 January, l8l2)in
rcply thc Maharaja of N€pel cxprcrscd his detcrmilation
to hold thc tcrritory against all odds chould rhc British try
to protcct Bir Kishore Singh thc aggrcssor'
On thc British sidc one Mr. Young ascertaincd thc
faot of Laksman Giri's death, but not being satisficd' thc
Govcrnor-Gcncral deputcd Col. Bradshaw' Thc lattcr
was allowed to occupy the twenty'two villagcs on condi'
tion that they wcre to bc subjcctcd to exaEination bcforc
bcing anncxed to ary sidc ( Moira's letter, 2nd August,
1815 ). Immcdiatcly &fterwatds Guru Ranganath and Kazi

21. For. Pol. Dcpt, 15 January, 1813, Co[s. D 62'

 Anglo-Ncpalete Conflcrt, 1812-U 257
Dalabhanjan Patrdo toured thc border arcas froE Gast to
wclt up to Pslpa to scttle thc boundary lincs.
From thc King of Nepal a notc was rcceivcd in Cal-
cutta o! l0 October, lSll by thc Govcrnor-Gencral rcgar-
ding the disputcd boundary ofthc Tapps of Rsurabat ald
Porganna Nuccnarc' both claimcd by rhc Britioh as thcir
owtr. ln thc [otc it was caid that .tho disputc is an old
oao bctwocn Ncpal and Raja Bir Kishorc of Bctia., But
s sottlcmcnt was almost rcaohcd as pcr thc Raj8,8 wishcs
on thc brsis of documcnts 'in the prcsencc of Chowdrics
and Kanungocs of both partics' if Bir Kighorc had not
adopted dilatory srtitudc failing ,to estsblish his right
on the land'. Suba Laksman Giri, who .hcld thc samc
situation undcr this Government' was murdered with seve.
ral of hb pcoplc by Bir Kishore Singh who also set frc to
thc villages and carried away plunders,. The note furthcr
said that on lcarning thc news of the murder Ncpal dcmsn-
ded rcparation and punishment consequent to the cvil dccd
pcrpctratcd by the Zamindar, but thc British put lorward
s condition bcforc doing anythitrg tbat Nepal should with-
draw its troops from thc disputed villagcs. Bir Kishorc was
so cmboldcncd by thc British attitude that he carried anothcr
raid into the area 'on his own accoun!'.22 The Ncpalcse
authoritics in tho locality wcre ordercd to push out Bir
Kishorc whencvcr hc attempted his pcssage. Nepal claimed
that the said disputed land bclonged to the Tuppa of
Rautahat, which bcfore the Gorkhali invasion was a part
of thc old Mackwanpur territory. It was argued that
aftcr thc conquest of the principality, Rautahat with other
arcas in Bara-Parsa were lookcd aftcr by Shivananda
( Shconand ) Upadhya and ( Hurrybar
)Harihar Upadhya.
Purjaput ( Prajapati ) Upadhya collected revenue in lhc
capacity of thc Faujdar. Sardar Narabir SiDth acred as
thc Suba of thc whole territory, and collectioDs of rcvcnue
wcre made by othcr agencies also under him.
22. For. aod S.c. Dept.,l3 March. t812. D. 38.
258 Modcm NcPal
To scttlc thc disputc about lands in rc88rd to ShGoraj
and Butwal it was dccidcd to dcpute commissioncrs from
both sidcs. Major Bradsbaw rcpresentcd rbe British sidc,
whilc tbe Ncpal GovernmcDt had scnt Dalabhanjan Pande.
Ncpal plcdgcd to honour thc vcrdict of thc invcstiSaticns
if thc samc wa8 acccptcd by thc Govcrnor'Gcncral.l r
In another lcttcr of 3 January, l8l2 tbe GovGrnEcnt
ofNepal agrccd to thc Propossl of an crquiry iDto thr
dirputc by a joint party and assurcd the vice'Prcgidcnt in
council in Calcutta tbat Ranavirjang Pande and Parasu'
ram Thapa werc proceeding to Rautahat for that purposc.
Later th€y wcrc to bc joined by Ranganath and Kri6htra
Pandit.
Wc havc already made our observation sbout thc
investigatioD. It scrms that thc Nepalcse sidc was tot
satisfied with thc British sttitude.
The Ncpal note furthcr statcs thst cvcn in rcgard to
NuDnorc thc Raja of Betia was unable to Produce proof of
the fact of having collectcd rcvonues 'in lbe mouias of
Becjyc Burwa and othcr disputed lande' in thc Parganna
of Nunnorc. In rcgard to Rautabat 'tbe right ofNcPal
was acccpted by thc Kanungoes and Chaudbarics of both
sid€s and the commissioners in thc disputE had not repu-
diatcd thair statcmcnt'.e1
The plea of thc Nepalesc Governmcnt was that as tbc
question of Rautahat was already settlcd, the Britisb
Govcrnmcnt must not bc influcnccd by Bir Kishorc and
'if thcy disregard tbe agrcemcnt this would cventually
spoil thc good relation subsistitrg bct$een tbc two countrics'.
As regards the disputcd land around Bijapurwa the
qucstion should bc lcft open. Nepal will withdraw its
outposts, etc. if its right could not bc establisbed. Bir
Kishore should not be allowed lo establish himsclf in lbe

23 For. Pol. Dcpt, l7 May, 1811.. Cans n.70

rbid
 Anglo-Ncpalesc Co4fllcts, l8l2-14 259

possession until thcn. Tbc Nepalcse notc suggeeted a fresh

investigation by commissions of both sides.
Thc Maharaja in another lctter begged of the Gover-
nor-Gcneral to release Guru Krishna Pandit from Calcutta
pcnding the invcstigation. Hc was to bc represent€d by a
trusted man of the Ncpalcsc Government. But meanwhilc
if the Guru's prcscnce was needed in Calcutta thc certre
would dircct him thcre ( For. and Scc. Dept', 13 March,
1812, n. 39 ).
Guru Vishnu Pandit in his letter of Pausa wdi I tccei'
ved on Magha vadi 4 ( :Sunday, 4 Jauuary, l8l2 ) at Kath'
mandu had reported that the collector of Gorakhpur had
come to Banaras accompanied by thc cxiles cf Palpa and it
secmed that the latter were conspiring to make the British
hostile against Ncpal. The Guru baU talks with the authc-
rities in Banaras. Ho had written to Calculta about the
need to achieve closer Anglo-Nepalese unde rstanding. The
royal letter of I/.S 1868 Magha 28 vadi J ( -Monday,l4
January, 18t2 A.D. ) in reply to the Guru's submission
informed that in regard to the areas in dispute on thc bor'
dcr of Bara-Parra and Rautahat one Amin had arrived and
Guru Krishna Pandit was sent to meet him. AU this shows
the anxicty of the Nepalcse to avoid a conflict with the
British.
Ranganath wrote from his quarter in Kachroa on
Phalguna vaili 12 roj2 of 1868 ( :Monday, l0 March, 1812
A.D.) to his Govcrnment.
"Thc British do not sccm to intend to return us the 22
maujas. They may rcturn thc 7 maujcts previously looked
after by Bir Kishore, and tle locality whcre Laksman Giri
was killed. We have met the Amin. He is not empowered
to dccidc himsclf. We have pleadcd our case. The Amin
is proceeding to Chhapra to meet the judgc IMagistrate".
Writing to Bhimsen Thapa and Ranadhoj Thapa in
Kathmandu Amar Singh sent a letter from Butwal on l/S
1868 Maghavadi i roj 4 (:Wedncsday, l8 December, 18il )
2@ llodcm NcPal

in rcply to thcir lcttcr of ]lragha vadi 5 rcccivcd by him on

vaili 9, He wrotc that the disputc rcgarding the bordcr in
Sheoraj had not becn scttlcd. The Captain ( English officer)
had called MuDiraj to his presence and demanded of him
papcre signed by TaraPati Faujdar and Judarvan Cbau-
dhary. From Gorkha'e eidc no papcrr worth thc nanc
could bo produccd. Thcy, howcvcr, claimcd tbat tho fron-
ticr scttlcd along thc Kurra rivcr was not acccptablc to
thcm. Muniraj informed Amar Singh tbst he was askir g
thc Mahtos to search for truc documcnts, but hc was Dot
hopeful of thc find. Amar Siogh fiad asked Muniraj to
approach the Chaudbary and Mahto of Sbeorai for thc
true papcrs.
Amar Singh Thapa bad irformcd thc centrc that Suba
Muniraj had approved of the shifting ofbamboo pillars
to the south to makc tbem agree with the old linc.
In another lcttcr datcd YS 1868 Magha sudi 5 roJ 7
( :18 January, saturday, l8l2 )written from Butwal Amar
Singh acknowledgcs the receipt ofa royal lctter writt.D on
Magha vadi .I4 and rcccived by him on sudi 4. 'fhe ceolre
had ordered him not to provoke tbc Englisb otherwisc
exccpt to persuade them by reasons. The argumcnt froD
Ncpal's side must be based on documents. Amar Singh
had said that Muniraj and Mahadco bad been instructed
to that effect. Gurus Krishna Pandit and Ranganath Pandit
had mct the Amin or were likcly to meet him. In regard to
Sheoraj border, thc ncwly appointed British officer shifted
thc pillars to the north. Thc Captain ( the concerned Eng-
lish ofrccr ) asked the Gorkhalis not to eDcroach oD tbe
boundary. They argued tbat tbe Nepalesc did not possess
any documents in this regard. The Nepalcse Faujdar
Tarapati atrd others did possess a documenl. about thcir
title on the border land in Bansi. But the document was
cxecuted l6 years ago and belonged to a pcriod before the
arrival of the East India Company itr that a,ea. Aftrr a
tour of the border land the British were told that the docu-
 Angio-Nepalese Conflicts, l|tz-|4 26L
mcnt was in possession of Tarapati Faujdar. But tbc
English rejccted thc plea and warncd that any attcmpt
to
shift thc pillars would not bs tolcrated. According
to thc
English officcr thc pi[ars wcrc crcctcd by mutual consent
on the linc agrecd to after cxamining tho
documcDts of
both sider.
Amar Singh furthcr wrote tbat Muniraj and policc
Daroga Tahir Ali worc approached to do the o.idful. - Th"y
werc told that tha old linc of thc pillars was standing with
their acccptance, The rsiyats of thc arca barvested thc
crop in thc land on that basis. But thc EDglish oftcer had
shiftcd the pillars without consulting thcm. Thc omcer
had ignorcd thcm. So the disputc stsrtcd oncc again.
Amar Singh furthcr su8gestcd to them rbat Munirsj
and Zahar Ali should undo whst thc n6w Sahcb had done
in rcgard to the pillars.
_ Thc police Daroga bad acted in thc way Amar Singh
had suggcstcd. The pillars wetc rcmovcd .and somcwbere 400
cubits, somewhcrc 300 cubits and elsewherc 100 cubirs and
ell south, The pillarr wcle set up at the lilc jurt to show
that this was the rcal boundary, and to this the Chaudha-
rics ofboth sidcs had agrced. Judaona Chaudbary from
the British ridc and Faujdar Muniraj from the Ncpalesc
sidc appendcd thcir signalure to the agrcement. Tbc
boundary pillars wcrc shiftcd cven to thc 6outh of tbe linc
and acceptcd by Tarapati, Rangavir Khawas was sent to
Kathmandu with thc lottcr8 of approval by thc Captain,
thc police Daroga and othcrs. But tbc dispute stili was
Eot rcsolved.
In thc armc lcttcr Amar Singh writcs tbst hc had
scoldcd Mahadeo Padhya for not informiog him of thc
Palpali princo accompanying thc EDglish ofrccis to Calcutta
and of his rGturn sftor a stsy of a month therc.
In Butwal thc bordcr dispute stood as ususl, Th€
Phiringis had given land to tho prince of palpa, who had
6o[t his Faujdsr to tako poeccrsio! oI tho Mahtos of tho
262 Modern NePal

thres concerned villages across thc river Tinau' Those

who resisted were being takcn away to their headquartcr'
But thc raiyats appealed to Amar Sirgh for redrcss'
Amaisingh had writtcn to thc policc Daroga on this
subjcct. He claimed that Palbi and Nacharbal (Nawalpur )
belonged to Ncpal. These had been forcibly taken
poss€ss-

ioo of by ths Eoglish since 1804 A.D' Before that time

thc Nepalcss collected revcnuc from this arca' Amar Singh
threatcncd to take similar action and srtest lhe Mahlos on
Corkha side but thosc detaincd by the British wele Dot
rclcascd in time. As a result of this thrcat thc Mahtos
wcrc frccd,
In Sheoraj thc Gorkhali Faujdar Muniraj was cxpcctcd-
soon about this time and arraogcmcDt for a settlemcnt
of
bordcr dispute would bc made whcn hc camc'
Mcanwhile Amar Singh himsclf wanted to bc in
Kathmandu fot 2O-25 dayswith the Sabuj ComPany' But
he was not able to leavc his station as thc shootiog war
had begun along tho bordar.
T-hc question of the Terai part of thc Butwal district
was raiscd by the British in thc communication of Major
Bradshaw, commissioncr of the Gorakhpur division dcs-
patched on 2l MaY 1813.26
Thc fact of the iDvcstigation of Butwal bordcr is alco
mentioned in a letter to J. Adam by P' Braddon (23 May'
l8l3).!6 Thc lctter says that thc party from Nepal consietcd
of Kazi Dalabhanjan Pande, Ranganath Pandit 'Dd Krisn&
Pandit, the Yakil. The talks n'crc onalised in Butwal' Thcy
had lcft on the l8th ot May. Braddon who reprcsctrtcd thc
British was held up due to hcavy rains for two days, wbich
had causcd heavy flood in the Tinau rivcr' Braddoa bcgs
apology for the culsory Doturc of thc report and says that
this was due to the attitude of the Gorkhali commiesioncrs
'who came prcpared rather to evade thc dcmand of tbc
25. I bid.

25. Foreign Arcbives, N.Pal'

 Anglo-Nepalese Conficts, t8l2-11 263
British Govcrnment of tbe surrendcr of its right lhsn to
invcstigatc the claims ofthc respcctive statcs'. But Braddon
addcd that'ifthe Gove rnor-Gcneral accepted thc proposal
of the Nepalcse, thc East India Company would noi losc
morc than li3 of the t€rritorics under disputc'.2? Accordirg
to him "from Sheoraj irclusivc Butwal along the hills
eastwardly, there arc 7 tuppas ( 3 koes may in gencral bc
takcn for half a tuppa in mcasurcment ), thercfore tbc plan
of relinquishmcnt would give thc Raja 3 Tuppas atrd half
of land in a quarter thc most valuablc to bim." Measure-
ment of thc locality for the entranccs to the hills by othc,
means was deemed to be not a mattcr of difrculty.
Thc Govcrnor-Gcncral howevcr, was trot in a mood to
listcn to Braddotr, and part with the tcrritory as commendcd.
Thc British did not bclievc in compromisc solution.
Thcy wcnt to the negotiation table $ith str intcnt ro iDpress
thc Ncpalcse with their cvidence, and have thcir claims
acccpt€d by. them.
Mcanwhilc another complaint was scnt to Ncpal
about the allcgcd Gorkha invasion ofBctia by a party of
2fi) foot aod horscmen who had plundcred and dcstroyed
thc villegc of Niooya in thc Hotrourablc Compaoy's
posscssions in Bctia and carried off 7 ofthc iohabitaots'.
Tho British claimcd rcdrcsr and throatened to .havc rc-
cogaised rights and propcrty of itc subjccte without any
referencc to the Ncpal Govcrtrment'.rs
From two lettcrs of VS 1870 Vakakha vadi g roJ 6
(:Friday, 23 April, l8l3 A.D.) and yaisakha vadt t2 roJ 3
(:Tuesday,27 April, t8l3) writt€n by Gencral Amar Singh
from Palpa to thc King and bir sons rcspcctivcly it appcars
that Ncpal was prepared to part with claims on certoin
stretch of tcrritorics, and come to pcacc with thc British
but at the cad trying to bribc thc Amins and Kaaungoco
ia thc Butwal scctor.
27. Fot. Pol. Dcpt., 18 JuDc, 1813, Co!r. a. 18.
28, Lctto! wriltcE oo 4 Juao, 1813. Fot. pol. fropt., Co[5. !.46.
264 uodern Nepal

It also appcarr that the ccntral authoritics in Kath-

maodu had directed thcir mcn in diffcrcnt scctors to con€
to tcrms with the British Gvcn if it mcant to acccpt Einor
adjustmcnts.
Suravir Son tho claimant to thc throac of Palpa
rcccivcd noncy from the Govcrnor in Srinagar' Although
thc British had assurcd him of rcstoration, hc had loet
intcrcst in thcir support and secmcd wholly to sidc with
Kathmandu. Thc KanunSoc descrvcd to bc takcn in tbc
servico of Nepal. This as thc contcntio! of Amar Singh
cxprsssed in his letters.
Amar Singh rcportcd that thc disputc in lbc Vioayala'
pur areas was settlcd through thc KaounS,oc of Bansi, who
had statcd that thc pay6cnt was madc to thc British for
lands in Shcoraj from 43 to 55 Sal (ycare) of thc Vilrama
Ceotury 18. According to Jagdco Bhandari's lctter
tht
persons of Sheoraj bad coofirmcd that this
knowledgeable
was no annual revenue but Prcsents ( sr rtmg ) 'at mccting
being given' But cven this was outsidc thc knowlcdgc of
thr 6oi"ro."ot in Kathmaodu and Amar Singh doubtcd
if thc governmcnt was bound by this kind of tra!6adiotr
(lettcr iS 1870 Yat$kha sudl 5 roi 1\,1e Hc had accordingly
informecl Jagdco Bhandari about thc mattcr'
The lctters rcvealcd that both sidcs had b€cn trying to
manipulatc cvidcncc with a vicw to avoid compromisc on
equitable tcrms. But the British casc sccmcd wcak and
tiorc was a gr€atcr tcndetrcy to rely on insd'quarc cvidcrcc
on their part. As a result a clash had bccomc itrcvitsblc
and it actualtY camc a montb lat€r'
It has to be said in favour of tbc Ncpalcsc authoritics
that thcy had shown a morc tohrant altitudo thsr tho
British in the negotistion although thcy wcrc also ran'
oeuvering into a particular position'
Major Bradshaw was instructcd to approach thc
Resident commandcrs of Ncpal in arcas adjoiniog thc
29. APril'MaY' 1813.
 Angio-Nepoicsc Confiicts, 1812'14 265

district of Saran and in thc far wcst ncar lhe Satlaj rivcr
(J. Adam, Junc 14, l8l3).
In rcgard to the dispute for Shcoraj-Butwal area the
British Govcrnor-General was in no mood to reconcilc witb
thc fect of Gorkha possession.eo Thc Governor-General in
Council informcd Bradshaw that the Nepal Govcrnment
bad no title to thcsc tcrritories and thc British would not
bc a party to thc surrender of Butwal and Sheoroj to Nepal.
All lands South of thc hills wsre to go to the British as
thcsc wcre held by thc Rajas who excrciscd their right as
Zcminda of thc Nawab Yajir bcforc occupation ofthe
Gorkhas. Thc British claimcd their posscesions as successor
to thc Nswab Vsjir. They also could producc a documcnt
of agrccmcnt excsutcd by Raja Prithvipal Scn in 1802.
Tho British wcrc also schcming to scizc thc territory by
forcc ifthc Ncprl Govcrumcnt refused to comc to terDs
with thcm. Lt. Pickergill had just finishcd survey ofthe
orea. Major Bradshaw had ruggcsted tbc formation ofan
euxiliary forco of the local inhabitants of the place, the
Tharus, who wcrc acclimatised to live all the 12 months in
tho rogion, Hc suggcstcd a forcc of 1000-1500 men with
matchlocks, 'titrd oflight corps who might also bc utilised'
in thc fronticr dispute across the Gandak. Bradsbaw argued
that a loc&l guard of this type, was maintained by tbe Raja
of Palpa in his days,8! who had in 1801.02'engaged bimsclf
to thc collector of Gorakhpur to pay Rs. 32,000 as an annual
ossessment'. The Kathmandu authorities dcclincd to
cvacuatc Butwal (Priosep, Vol. I, pp. ?0-71 ; Mill and Wilson,
p. l0), Major Bradshaw's efforts failed to achicv€ thc
objcctive.
According to Bradshaw's lcttcr ol 12 Septcmbcr, l8l3
'Raj Guru Krisna Pandit had come to Chhapra otr 30th
July, I813, to carry on ncgotiation for the disputcd area.
Hc agaiu caEe to this place to see Bradshaw on the 22nd
30. Lottor to B!.dshaw, l8 Juie, 1813, Cons, 23.
31. For. Pot. Dcat., Co!, 16.
266 todem Nepal

Scptcmber. There wasa standing complaint at the tirrre lodg-

ed by thc British that thc Gorkhalis had raidcd a village call-
ed Nemoya in the district. Krisns Pandit pleadcd that he bad
uct the Eoglish commissioncr after iavestigation of lhc
matter and told Bradshaw that. to his vicw the alleged
incidcnt was 'a fabrication ofthe Darogba at the instigation
of the Raja of Bir Keshore Singh'. But the British demanded
nothing short of 'thc surrender of every part of thc tcrritory
in reference.'8 2
Bradshaw made Krisna Pandit to dcccpt his suggestion
to go to Nepal for direct consultation. He also wrotc to
Amar Singh Thapa, father of Bhimsel, at Tanscn, and yet
two letters more both to Ranganath Pand it aod Bhimsen.
Thc Govcrnor-Gcner&l's letter was mcant for thc Raja
'lctter of Bradshaw to J. Adams,24 Oct,, l8l3'. The last 4
lcttcrs were to go by the hands of the Vakil.
As Krisna Pandit had left Kathmandu, Bradshaw
learnt that Amar Singh Thapa had descended to the Tcrai
with 3000 regulars and irregulars combined. A part of
troops was armcd with guns 'aftcr the manrcr of our troops'.
Othcrs used knives, bows and poisoncd errows. It was
reported that the movcmcnt of thcrc troops was occassioncd
by 'the apprehended approach of battalions of Britieh
ecpoys'and the Gorkhas seemed 'agitatcd with €xpeclation
and uocertainty' (Bradshaw to Adams, Irt December,
I8l3),3I
Bradshaw furthcr informed the Governor-General
that Krisna Pandit would arrive as sooD as he would reach
the border of the disputed land.sa
Bradshaw received replies to his letters *bich be had
scnt to Ncpal. Hc was informed that two Ncpalesc oficcrs
were deputcd to talk with him. Thcir namcs wcre Kazi
Dalabhanjan Pande and Sardar Parasuram Thapa. They
32. For. Pol. Dept.,8 Oct. 1613, CoD.;6.20.
33. For. Pol. Dept,, 10th Dcccmber, 1813, Coas. !.92.
34. Ibid.
 Anglo-Nepaiese Conflicts, I8I2-14 261

were to be followed by Chuataria Prana Shah and Guru

Ranganath. The meeting was toltake place at 'Rutihat' on
thc Nepalese side of the border. Prana Shah and Ranganath
were to arrive on the 3rd of Pausa (10 December, 1813).
But the language of tbe letter did not exhibit seriousness
on their part as to punctuality. Krisna Pandit, however,
desircd to come along with Parasuram Thapa and
Birbhanjan Pande.
The British in anticipating conflicts with Ncpal had
even from now tried to kecp themselves in a statc of pre-
paredness. A survey of all thc roads and avenues leading
to thc hills from thc 'Coosy to Gandak was ordered to be
carried out by Lt. Pickersgill. The ostensible purpose was
to bc acquainted with the topography of the area so that
in case of a plan of attack this would help them'.
The British complaint regarding banditry on the
border of Purnea was long standing. In a letter of 5 Novem-
ber, l8l3 they had repeated it and urged on Nepal to help
to suppress it, to which thc Ncpalese authorities agreed.
In the Far west fresh trouble arose. It was alleged by
thc British that 4 villagcs in the possession of thc cxiled
Raja of Hindur were seizcd by Kazi Amar Singh's troopers.
The British asked Ncpal to evacuate these villages.
According to Nepalese these villages had been assigned
to Sivadatta Raja as Jagir but in the turmoil that followed
the invasion by Nepal the Raja of Hindur had seized them.
He had his base hcre to disturb Amar Singh Thapa's
entourage, who 'ejected the Raja from the possession of
these villages'.
After sometimc the four villages of Batawly or Butwal
were surrendercd to the British (to the Raja of Nepal by
Governor-General, l9 Novembcr, l8l3). The Nepalese
treated this transfer of right as a conc€ssion made to the
British in the interest of peace aud amity. But the British
took it as a matter of right. The Governor-General wrote
that as Nepal had not furnishcd the date of 'Ramsaran's
268 Llodern Nepal
rcsumption of right as wcll as thst of his subscqucnt
cjectment' other sccounts rclated to thc cvent werc not
corrcct. The Governor-General further said that thc
principle of limitation was agrccd upon mutually by Col,
Octorlony and Amar Singh Thapa in l8l0 as they wcrc
dcaling with thc question of thc valley of Pinjorc. Thc
Governo r-General assured Ncpal that 'thcrc will be no
deviation from the policy of non-interfcrencc.. &nd tbcy
would prevent its dependents from committing 8Dy aggres-
sion against the tcrritory of Ncpal.'
In Bctia scctor Bradsbaw had bccn dcputcd to solvc
thc dispute. Even otherwise he was undertaking I trip to
the border areas. From Betia he had reachcd a village by
namc Bhouna on the 24th of Dcccmber, 1813'aftcr two days'
march'. Thc route along the bordcr was a diffcult'onc
intersected by rivulcts and watercourscs, rll running in
southerly direction', He coDtinued hirjourncy to th! cast
arriving in Simraogarh on rhe 30th. On thc third of January,
l8l4 he had reached the bank of thc rivcr Tcer 'which fcrme
the boundary of the spatr in which the 22 village8 ururped,
by thc Ncpal GovernmeDt are situatcd'(lctter to J. Adaos,
4 January, l814).8 6
Bradshaw rcported that he was rcccivcd at Adapur
by a junior officcr of the Ncpalcse army dcputed by Prana
Shah and Ranganath Pandit. Adapur was a disputed arca
but under control of Nepal. It was at a di6tancc of 7 coss
(14 miles) from Kuchhuroa. Here he was givcn a wclcomc
by Krisna Pandit and thc Tbanedar, Baldcva Upadhya,
He was given accommodation close to thc rcsidcnce o, thc
Ncpalese commissioners. Bradshaw who had been dcnied
hospitablc trcatment in Butwal sccms to havc bccn imprcsr-
€d by'the attentioD shown on this occasioa'.66
Bradshaw pleadcd that thc canrl in Bhaura village
which formed the wat€r coursc rgprcseltiog the intcr-
35. For. Pol. Dspt., 14 Jaa., 1814, Co!3. tr. 36.
36. rbid.
 Anglo-Nepalcsc Confllcrt, 1812-ll 269
national linc would not havs bcen built 'conoidcring thc
jealous and unaccommodating spirit of tbc oficers unlcss
the ground whcre it joins th€ Aorec Nuddy was understood
by the partics to be rightful property of thosc who incurrcd
thc cxpoosc and labour of diggiog it',
Whil6 ncgotiation was going on the British 3trcngth-
cncd thcir ailitary position stattiDg from cs6ts8rd. Tbc
Govcrnor-Gcncrel obrcrvcd 'as thc Govcrnmcnt and
tcrritories of Ncpal arc at prcscDt, aDd thc Commander-in-
chicf conccivcd must coDtitruc to bc, grcster objccts of
vigilancc and prccaution tban petty Raja of Bbutan, Hir
Excellcncy has dcemcd it advisablc to kccp tbat circum.
stancc in vicw, in coniidcring of the crntonments to bc
permanently assigned to thc local corps on this fronticr'
(Adjutant Gencral, 2 January,lSl4). Tbe Rangapur battalion
was to stay in Fatalya. The Beria battalion commandcd
by Captain Hay looked after the districts of Sardn s,nd
Tirhut, Captain Hay and Major Bradsbaw wcre to sclcct
the hcadqusrter of this battalion by mutual consultation.
Fatslya as thc hcadquarter of Rangapur battalioD was
approvcd tJ. Adams to the Adjutant Gencral, 28th January,
Itl4. Also For. Pol. Dept.,4 Feb., Cons. n.,t4-45).
In thc rcorganisation of military situation it was also
decided that Lt. Pickersgill would ooly do survcy work,
and his placc in the command would be takcn by Lt.
Bileau of the2nd Battalion of the ltth Nativc RegiD€nt,
Bradshaw had also suggestcd that thc trijunction (Triveni)
on thc aouthward march of the river Gandak falling wirh-
in Bctia and part of Somesvar hills controlled by Tejpratap
ofTanhou should be occupied whencver British intcrest
demandcd it. He spoke of its utility as an opcning of tradc
routc or 'if cver the nccessity of war should compel an
attack on the hill an opening is bere prcscnted for scizing
on the road beforc the fall bctween Palpa and Kathmandu,,
(Lcttcr to J. Adams,20 January, l814),s?
37. For. Pol. Dept.,4 M8rch, 1814, qon!. n.5e.
270 ttoden Nepal
Thc British wcrs not only prcparing for thc distatrt
potsibility of a war but it apFears tbat Bradshaw had
suggestcd the scizurc of Butwal by force, and thc Governor-
Gcncral had askcd the Adjutant Gcncral to provide a
dctachmcnt of troops to that cnd so tbat thc Nepalcsc bc
provokcd to prccipitatc thc var (For. Pol. Dcpt.,4 Februsry,
l8td Conc. n. 50). Bradshaw had rcrchcd on tbc 3 roj of
January in villagc of Bijburncc onc of the 22 villagcs
atlcg€d to havc bcen seizcd by thc Gorkhalis. This villagc
was situatcd 'on thc right bank of the rivcr Bukra 2 siilcs
south of Simraongarh'. In tha Kuchhrso camp Bradshaw
met ihe Nepalcse commissioners on thc loth, l2th and l3th
of January, They had a heated discussion ovcr thc issuc3.
Bradshaw complained of rudcness on thc part of the NePal-
lcsc, and even thrcatened to occupy the whole of Nepal if
that kind of bchaviour was repeated and 27 villages werc
not vacated. Ranganath and othcrr yicldcd but said that
thc transfcr would bc temporary' and this would ba
followed by strothcr enquiry. AciordiDg lo Biadshaw"
report, a joint team would tour all22 villagce and announcc
the dccision by a beat ofdrum. Bradshaw reportcd thst
cxccpt thc fact of the dcath of Lachhman Giri's murdcr
therc was no basis for Ncpal's claim on thc said villsScs'.
When Bradshaw talked to thc Ncpalesc hc gavc his fioding
tbat the Rajbandha i.e. tbe royal canal formed tbc boundary
between the two countries and thc fact tbat for 30 ycars
all the 22 villages wcre undcr thc protcction of thc
Company's GovernmeDt was admitted by the Nepalese.
More informations were based on Mr. Young's rcport.
According to YouDg the villages of Nunnorc, Nurhottra 8nd
Bhunna lay on the southern side of thc canal. Hc citcd a
document. It was argued that the 22 villagcs were out-
side the Zamindari of Abdulla Beg of Rautahat which werc
handed over to Nepal in 1783 by Warreu Hastings.
Guru Rangaoath wrote Brsdshaw a lstler dcclaring
his Goverbmcnt's intention to part eilh the 22 villapes ir
 Anglo-Ncpal.tc Confllctt, 1812-U 211

disputc. But it was yct to be dccidcd whcther thcsc villagcr

lay in Routahat or Nunnorc. Somc villages ncar &bout
Adapur were also disputed, So an enquiry was to be s€t up
before the transfer was made. Rarganath suggested tbat
thcrc should be onc man from each side. Rangs[sth
omphssiscd thst tho abandonmcnt of thc villagor by
Napal wss to promotc fricndship with tho British. Thc
lcttcr w.! detcd 19 Magha Samvat 1870 l:25 January,
r 814).
Mcanwhile Bradehaw wrote tbat hc had tourcd thc
22 villages on the border to put courage into thc hearts of
tho British subjects liviog thcre wh ich h8d thc desired cffcct,
Ranganath Pandit also visitcd Adapur and Bhouna, and
by thie hc sccmod to put off thc date of surrcndcr, BrodEhaw
said that he was waiting for tho arrival of a documcnt for
firieliiing thc discussiorr. He rcported tbat hc was mct by
BslbbhBdra Upadhya and others on behalf of Ranganrth
with thc dstcnsibl€ purposc of inspecting tbe place whcrc
Lachhmau Oiri was murdcred, A trec was marked to
havo becn th€ targct of attack undcr which the Suba wae
shot. This lay otr thc admission of thc Upadbya and
Ncpalcse inspcclors in villagc Amowa about 5 coss ( l0
miles ) from thc frontier,
Thc sa e kind of preparation was made in order to
seizc Shcoraj and Butwal by forcc, We bave alrcady
observed how Major General Wood expressed bis inability
to providc I dctachmcDt from tbe contingent, But trow
thc Govcrnor-Gencral was serious and hc wrote to thc
Commander-in-Chicf that 'thc Gcneral should surely sparc
a dctaohmcnt for Goiakhpur, which would march to
occupy tbc disputed arca as wcll as to maintain the traD-
quility ofthe district of Gorakbpur during the cvcntuel
abscncc of greater part of our troops'. As tbe coming
season was unhealthy the Goverror.General waDtcd to seize
thc t€rritory before tbe spring ras over if the Nepalcse
Govcrnmcnt cxhibited a tetrdcncy to .procrastiDatc tbc
212 Modcrn Nclnl

quict ccssion of lalds' ( Adj. Gcrtl. to I. Adams' 10 Marcb'

1814 ).38
Mcanwhils the King of Nepal w.3 informed through
s l€ttcr hand€al over to Srikrishna PaDdit by Bradrhaw all
about thc tituation. Thc lottcr pleadcd tbat tbc leods in
dirputc beloDgcd to the Britisb, aad thc Bririrh wcrc aD'
xious to get back thcse morc lo bccausc tbc coooissioncrs
ofboth sidcs had dcclded in favour oI thc Briti6h' But
wc knorv that thc Ncpalosc commissioners'had not sdBit-
tcd thcmselves to support ,bc Dritish ilaim' (Adams
to Bradshaw, ll March, l8l4 ).8c So tho British ssnlcd
to forcc the issuo on their own intcrprctation of thc cxis-
ting cvidcnce.
But in rcgatd to thc rcport of Gorkhali's raids into
the villagc of Dalip, onc of whosc inhabitaots was allcgedly
kidnapped and killcd as made out by the Darogs of Thona
Acterbunder (as pcr lctter of Saran magistratc, 2l October,
l8l3)ao the wholc affair sccmcd concocted. Thc Govcrnor-
Gcncral-in-Council was unablo to put credance to the rcport
for the reason that it wrs just oncc mcntioncd by thc
Magistrate, So they iostructed Bradshaw to pcrsuc thc
matter with thc NEpalcse officers if hc had a vcry tangiblc
evidence in support of the cootcntion. Similarly asthc
allcgcd outrage on Ncmoza was found bascless aftcr cnquiry
Bradshaw was to convcy Governor'General's satisfaction
to Ncpal.
I think that thc disputo about thc 22 villagcs wat a
prestigc issue for the British. But as thcy rcaliscd that
much of what thoy complaincd was rcsult of misrcporting by
the magistrates who based their statcmcnt on thc cxaggcrat'
cd aod tcndentious news provided by thc local policc
officcrs, the Go vernor-General had warned that 'nothing
38. For. Pol. Dept., ,1 March, 1814, Cons' n 3l'
39. Ibid.
40. J. Adams to Bradshan, 4 March, 1814. For. Pol. Dcpt.,4
March, I814.
 Aaglo'Nepalese Confltcts, 1812'14 27'
should be rcported to thc Government which would lcad
to unpleasant and cmbarassing situation of founding a
proceeding on grounds which afterwarde proved to bc
insuEcient, and to such cxtsnt compromising its dignity
and woakcning its causc'. But thcy stusk to thoir clsins'
The Govortror-Gcocral discouragcd any idca of rc'
cxamination of the issuc. Bradshaw was to declerc this in
th: ncxt dcetitrg. [Ic was alsc instructed to toll theE that
thc British might use atry means at their dispo$al feilitg to
obtain pcaceful surrender of the villagcs. Hc should also
maintain'a rcspcctable appcaronce of fort on thc 'fronticr
and a resolute rcsistanc€ against any rcncwed pretcnce to
the lsnd and promptly and vigorously push out any
invadcr','1
As for the death of Lachhnan Giri, the magistratr of
Saran Mr. Leycester in his letter of 25th of July' 1813 had
laid thc btame on the men of Betia, and so did the tepcrt
of Mr. Shakcspeare wbo added that thc culprits might'bc
tricd for nturder'. But the Governor-General-in'Council
fclt that opinions were divided, and any punishmcnt or
trial of those involved in the affair was far from tbeir mind'
It was argucd that thc t€rritory lay a furlong withiD thc
British territory' Bradshaw says that the inspection was
done on 12 January last. But he adds that nothing more of
evidcnce was available. Otr the other hand hc complains
that Ranganath had not permitted thc Patwaris of the said
villages to come forward with their statements (9 March'
l8l4 Camp Kuchhuroa). Bradshaw had rcportcd that a
lcttcr of Lachhman Giri was with the collcctor of Saran,
and this might provide a clue that he was an aggreslor'
But that lctt€r was missing (25 March, 1814)' obviously
the British were not honest on this issuei

British military Expedition to besiege Butual

Thcre is a passage reproduced in the Govcrnor'
41. Ibid.
274 Modcm Nqtat
Gcneral's letter, attributiDg the following ststement to thc
king of Ncpal 'with respcct to your Lordship's obscrvation
that the judgement pronounccd by the commissioners of
your Govcrnment is correct and thatof my commisoners
crroncous, I sm at a lo$ to gucas thc causc of it'. And
thorc is aoother passrgo sscribod to the forDcr in thc lcttcr
to Govcrnor-Generol .I request your perticular attention
to thc lctters addrosscd by that ofrcer (Major Bradrhaw)
to Ranganath Pandit and thc commissioncrs under datc
thc l2th of May, in which he has both pointcd out thc
particutar facts ntrd documents on which the cloim of thc
British Governmcnt rcsts, complctcly demonstratcd thc
insufficiency of the cvidcnce adduccd by thc Ncpaksc
commigsioncrs and the faleacy of the argumeDt maintaincd
by thcm in support of thc claim of the Govcrnmcnt of
Ncpal',
Although thc British Govcrnor-General introduccd
tbcse quotations to support their claim, it is oeverthcless
clear that the Nepalese had not acceptcd British view of
thc boundary line. Obviously the British want€d to push
thcir own fiodiog quite arbitrarily howcvcr much they
might havc charactcrised this attempt of theirs as.strict
investigation' cond ucted so as .to lcave no doubt oD the
mind of aay impartial person of the right ofthc Britilh
Government to the disputed laods'. The Governor-Gcncral
warned that failing rcstitution of thcir right by pcaccful
mcans thcy would bc compclled to take recoursc .to dircct-
ing the Britirh troops to expcl the Gorkhali ofrcers ard
men by force, restablish in them the authority of the British
Govcrnmcqt' (For. Pol. Dept., ll Marcb, CoDs. n. 29). The
Governor-oencral was replying to tbe royal letter from
Nepal received in Calcutta on 5th February, lgl4.a,
As the British were makiog warlike preparations, we
do not know ifever the Nepalesc King,s lciter had gonc to
mollify the situat ioo.
42. tbid.
 Anglo-Ncpatese Confllcts, 1812'14 275

According to Bradshaw thc lowland of Butwal could

not remain undcr British occupation for more than 6
months in a Ycar.
J. Adam, the Secrctary to the Government in Calcutta
had askcd the Magistr&tcs of Tirhut and Purnia to furnish
dctails about thc cncroachments of the Nepalcsc soldicre
on thcir rcspective tcrritories (25 Marcb, 1El4)' Tho dctails
should cover information about'the name of caeh village,
the Pafganna whcre it is situ8tGd, thc name of thopioprietor
or farmcr'.
Thc border disputc in the Butwal'Champaran sector
is thc subject also orinc othcr two lettcrs written by Ranga-
nath Pandit to his King. Hc refcrs to an incident in which
spadesoftenantsofBhanwarahadbeensnatchedawayin
*inuti and Adarpur and in response to the Amin's com-
ptaint Prithvipal Singh and Pheku Chaudhary had been
summooed to his presencc. Tho facts of the case and
Amin's letter had been forwarded to Kathmandu earlier.
Thc two pcrsons had now reached Kuchhuroa and they had
told him that the mischicf was donc by men of the othcr
.side.TheywcretheinhabitantsofthevillageofBhanwara.
Thcy had forcibly occupied thc disputed territory' Ranga-
nathrcportcdthatasthcsefactscametobeknowntohim
he wrote to the English officer through Amin Mir Kasim
Ali that he should provide the namcs of the persons involv-
cd in the scuffi.e so that these could be subjcctcd to scrutiny
in thc prescncc of the two partics. But the Phiringi declined
to supply the names. He feigncd ignorancc but said that
hc would writo a lctter in that conncction. Ranganath
wrote to Kathmandu that after this he handed a draft
reply to the Munshi for copying in clear hands and ins'
tructed him to forward the samc to the Amin and then
left for hunting in thc villagcs.
Ranganath further reportcd that he had ordered to
preserve intact the plot of lands which were full of trees.
The plot lay within Chainpur on their (Ncpalesc) sidc of
 276 Modern Nepal
thc Bahasi. Onc ofthcsc trees bore a bullct mark which
had hit and killed Lachhman Giri. But taking advantagc
of his absence thc Amin ordered to clear thi bushes an'd
trees apparently exposiog & desiro to shift his military
outpost to that sitc. This was, howcver, succcssfully
stoppci
by men bclonging ro rhe Nepalese came, tnouin aiiic
outpost the Amin's agents fclling thc trces tricdio
ignore
thcm talking in vain mood, Thc Nepalcsc insistea-thot
they would not allow thc jungle to bc clearcd witbout
Ranganath'o order. Tbe Amin sent his
.Munshi t. R";;;-
nath for obtaioing pcrmission to fell th€ trees. Hc aiso
approached the Chautara for the same purpose.
As Ranga-
nath was away froo his headquarter, he learnt all thiJas
hc rcturncdr He also received another letter from the
Amin, asking to face him to talk the matter over. Thcte
wasalsoa line of complaint against Ranganath,s second
brother that the latter was not pr€sent for talks,
while a
state reprcsentative should have always been available.
It
was known that the Amin from Ranganath's
side had met
the othcr Amia thrice and the Mahila Guru
also had seen
5 or 6 times. But ths Amin oftheEnglish gou..o."r,
always behaved as ifhe was a t .

cho urd go. rhis a t rir ud e .. ;;',Jil' j:.-l

lJ'JJ;'r":""11
not tolerate, and thercfore stopped going to him. It was
clear thet the Amin's attitude was offensive.
However, if
he proved reasonable thc Nepalese would not hesitate
to
contact him and extetrd to him all cordiality.
But uptill
now the Amin pos:d a threatcning attitude and it was
for
Ranganath and bis men to be influcnced by him
or reject
his postures.
Ranganath assured the government that he would
,-
allow anything to happen against his country,s interest,
not
The letter is dated VS lA70 Chaitra vadi 7 roj
(-Sunday, l3 Marcb, l8l4) and was addrcssed I
flom
Kuchhuroa.a 3
43. Shahkalin Eitiha$ik patra san|rat&,I, pp. 40,I.
 Anglo-Napalese Conflicrs, l8l2-14 277

Itr another letter of Chaitra vadi 8 (f4 Marcb, l8l4)

again written from Kuchhuroa Ranganath addrcsses
Bhimscn Thapa and Ranadhoj Thapa referring to the saoc
subjcct but with a littlc more dctail. He wrote .ths
Phiringi was trying to shift his quartcr on a permanent
brsis to a dispupted site withitr our jurisdiction. He had
ordered to clear th€ jungle to the sidc of Kopova, but our
men put a stiff resistancc, In that course ther€ wcre er-
chaoge of hot words oD both sides, While thc raiyats of
Mauja Bhanwara tri€d to fell off the trecs cn our side of
Tihuki and Adapur, thc inhabitants took offence and tricd
to snatch away thcir spades and chiscls but thc lattcr,
however, went to appeal to the Phiringi who wrote to us
demanding the rcturn ofthose involved in the squabbles.
We rcplied through Amin Mirkasim Ali to send the ir men
to examine with us if thcre werc aDy men ofthe other side
still detaitred, we also wrotc to him again to thc samo
effect, but instead of complying with our requcst hc wrotc
back to us in an angry mood on Chaitra vadi 6 roi .I anoth€r
Iettcr which is in Persian and also its translation, Both thc
letters are cnclosed hcrewith. Io the lottcrs tho phiringi
had suggested that Phcku Chaudhary should visit him
to s€ttl€ about the raiyats of Bhanwara. He had also
complaioed that 'the chautara had been lax in his duties
rnd for thc last 2 or 3 years is being outsidc Kucbhuroa,
and as such many business of mutual relations pending.
The Phiringi then wrote that he would lik€ to meet me and
talk in details as he had done so with the Vakil in Butwal'.
Ranganath informed that thc Phiringi seemed to bc
relenting but he did so by underrating thc Vakil in both
thc lcttcrs enclosed herewith, The Phiringi camc into
conflict with the Amins aDd we havc to talk to him about
thc 22 villages. I have consultatlons with Virabhanjan
Pande as to what reply should go to the Phiringi. Th€
subject matter of thc Vakit conccrned the Goversor and
you have written to us that wc should oot meet thc Pbiringi
 278 Modern Nepal

in this conoection. But we, I and the Pandc sent s lcttcr

to him by mutual consultations oo taking advice from
Sivarama who prepared a newdraft. rtrIc shall not s€e him
until your reply comcs. Thc Phiringi is adopting dilatory
tactics. Hc does not secm to be seriour about thc business
but bchaves in a way, which only tcndcd to incrcasc
tcnsion. He also wants to mislead ur, Thcrcforc unlcse
thcrc i3 a prospect of I compromise wc do not intcnd to
scc him any more'.44
Thcrc was exchange of notes !t the highest level
rogarding these disputes, at every stagc oDc sidc complain-
ing against thc other but to no onc's bcnefit. Asif both
werc tcsting their brinkioaship, the ncgotiation dragged on.
But thc British werc now inclined to capture by force
thc disputed arca. They thcreforc used d€vices to protract
the ncgotiation while prcparing for a seizure by forcc.
Tho ncgotiation was long enough to cxhaust thr
paticnce ofthc Nepalesc. This is evidcnt from Ranganath's
lettcr. But worse than that from thc point of vicwof a
pcaccful scttlcmcnt, the EDglish had compelled them to
withdraw from the negotiation.
The King of Nepal complained that his Gurus with-
drcw whlle negotiation had broken down as Bradshaw
framed a new list outsidc the limit of procccdings. Thc
British denied that Bradshaw had ever done this. This
was rcfuted in thc letter of 27 Chaitra 1870 (12 April,lSl4t
written on the King's behalf. It was said that thc Ncpalesc
negotiators had done thcir best to settle th€ dispute. Thc
Nepalcse authorities thought that invastigation was com-
plctc, but if aew pieces ofevidence had come to light to
support the British case that thcsc villages were with
Nunnore and Narkatia, then Nepal 'will answcr it in thc
most satisfactory manner'.
It app3ars thet io co[cspondence thc British iotro-
duced other issues besides politics or di6putos about border
44. Shahkolin Eitihatik patru sd $aha,I, pp.40E
 Anglo-Nepalese Conflicts, l8l2-t4 279

lands. This was probably a device to cover their real

design, which was to cut Nepal to its old size and deprive
it of valuable Terai lands. They wanted the world to tnow
that thc British desired trade relations uith Nepal and
nothing more. The border dispute was natural bur tbis
was not as important. Thus often inquiries about prospects
of trade followod thcir corrcspondence with Nepal carried
on political issues. We shall know from the following two
paragraphs how their interests in tradc facilities found ex-
pression even at a time whilc tension prevailed on the border.
The Govcrnor-General in his communication of the
gth and l0th July had sought information about the possi-
bility of trade with the northern region through the tcrritory
of the Nepalese king.
Col. Richardson was the commander of the expedi-
tion. It appears that the Nepalese had not withdrawn with-
out somc contest. But there was no fight. At Sheoraj the
advancing Daroga accosted 100 men lcd by a Chaudbary
'asscmbled in arms and threatcned to attack if he (Daroga)
did not dopart'. Another party advancing to Chitwan had
to halt at Konda, 10 miles from Chitwan 'in consequence
of a report that 1000 men had dcscended from the hills to
meet the British occupatio-n'. But Col. Richardson ordered
a detachment 'to march to Simouree a situation which
favoured the establishment of Thanas at Chitwa, Bissoria
and Buriwah'. On the 29th of April, Col. Richardson
advanced with the last detachmcnt to Sheoraj to help rhc
Daroga and create confidence in the minds of the local
people. Consequently a Thana was established in Munneea-
ree 'the place from where thc revenue collecting Chau-
dharics of Nepal had raised' (Martin to George Dodswell,
Chicf Secretary to Government, Fort William, 29th April,
1814. For. Pol. Dcpt., 27 Mar.,1El4,3t).
Sardar Parasuram Thapa was placed in charge of the
troops of two companies stationed in Bara-Parsa Sector.
Muniraj, another officer (Faujdar) looked after the troubled
280 Moilen Nepal

spots bcyond thc Gandak in the Majhkhand Tcrai, which

included the sector with Butwal and Shcoraj. The conflict
started when about 100-200 policemen ofthe British sidc
ent€red certain areas in the Palhi district (now in Majh-
khand) to collect revenu€ from these as wcll as from
Butwal and Sheoraj where thcy had Etstioncd police out'
posts (Moira's secret letter, Aug. 2, 1815). Thc British
alleged that the occupation was effected without opposition
8nd with thc apparent acquiscence of thc Nepaltse.
In the letter reccived in Calcutts on 4 May' l8l4 the
Nepalese authorities disapproved of any impression if
gained by thc British that Ncpal had agreed to surrcnder
Butwal and Shcoraj to thcm. It was said that Bo part of
the lands of the former ruler of Palpa which hc hcld as a
Zemindari of the Nawab Yazir was under occupation of
Neprl at the moment. Thcse had already gone to the
British. As for Shcoraj th€ power of collection of revenuc
was never exercised by the Nawab Vazir. But thc maltcr
could be talked over with the British commissioners.
The question of som€ villagers in Yinayakpur could
also bc settled by commissioners of both sides. Thc Nepal-
esc lctter made it clear that thc British demand for the
surrcnder of Butwal was not justified, and thcrcforc'any
attcmpt to cncroach on theso territorics on the part of the
British wilt not bc permitted to succeed' (For' Scc. Dopt.' 23
Junc, 1814, n. 22 ). When they had setrt tbis latter the Govera-
ment in Kathmandu had no knowledge of Col. Richardson's
action. But as it was already terribly hot in that part ofthe
couotry no outsider could operate normally in this rcasoD.
In a lettcr of May 13, 1814, R. Martin was adviscd
to evacuate his occupation in view of the imiending utr'
healthy season, Here thc Secrclary put forward a propoeal
to cstablish 'a frontier Thana of Barkandajas of othcr armcd
men from amotrg the inhabitants of the Terai who will not
!
suffer from the insalubrity of the climate."
45, n.:.!, For. Sec. 23 Junc' 1813.
 Anglo-Nepalese Conflicts, l8l2'14 281

In an carlicr letter ( 6 May, l814 )J. Adams advised

Martin to strengthcn his position so that the protcction of
thc ncwly occupicd areas was guaranteed and if any
attcmpt was made to reoccupy thc Thanas the advance
guard under Col, Richardson was lo usc all forces to expel
thc invadcrs,'6
Thc Govcrnor-Gencral had again approached Ncpal
vchemently urging to rclinquish lheir hold of all disputed
arcas oD the bordcr of Gorakhpur aud Saran' The NePalese
authoritics had actod promPtly in regard to the qucstion of
bandits molesting British territories on thc bordcr of
Morang but othcrwise kept their firm stand on othor ques-
tions. Thcy had asked Uggat Thapa, Anup Singh and
Dhaukal Sitrgh, the Suba of Morang, to punish the bandits'
With thc sort of intcrPretation tbe British gavc to
joint invcstigation of the bordcr, Ncpal could not protract
ncgotiation, though thc authoritics had suggest€d anothcr
enquiry, to which again thc British objcctcd. Thercfore
while th:mselvcs lcaving for Kathmandu, the Nepalese
Commissioners ask€d Bradshaw to rvithdraw 10 the frontier
as the latter sai<t 'having rcvokcd even the conditioDal
transfer of22 villagcs in Nunnour, to the omcers of the
Government.' A complaint to this cffect was made by the
Govcrnor-Gcncral in his tcttcr to the King ofNcpal written
on thc 9th of April. His lcttcr once again called upon the
Ncpalcsc Governmcnt to renounce its claim'to the lands in
dispute.' The Govornor-Gencral at the end *rote'I entreat
you not to dclay complying with this just and moderate
demand which tho British Government will in that cas6 be
compclled to support by its own Deans whatevor it may be
its rcluctance to produce measutes of oxtrcmity.' Writing
on lst Yaisakha of 1871 Samvat (=5 April, 1814 ) which was
received in Calcutta on lTth April, l8l4 the Kitrg cf Nepal
said that in accordancc with the wishes of Lord Minto,
reti.ed Governor-Geoera l, he had deput€d commissionets
45. Ibid.
282 ldodcn Nepal
but uofortunat€ly for the strangc sttitudc of the British
commissioncrs no cooclusion was arrived at cven after the
lapse of 4 months. Thc King said tbat the conduct o[
Major Bradshaw had been reprchensiblc and his'dccision
was the rcyerse of the principlcs ofjustice and cquity.'
In reply to thc Governor-General's lctter th€ King of
Nepal rejected outright the former's statement that rho find-
ing of Bradshaw wac admitted by Ncpalese commissioucrs.
The King said that hc hsd intimatad thc rejection of such
a finding much earlicr. The King plcaded 'thc lands for
which the Raja of Palpa paid revenue to the Nawab Yazir
are still in the occupstion of the omcers of your Excellency's
Governmcnt, while the lands ivhich have from of old becn
in tbe possession of tbis state and appertain to tbe hills are
still held by my oftcers. In rcgard to Sheoraj, the lands bc-
longed to Nepal from a rcmote pcriod, and theGovcroment
collectcd its revenue. All these, Butwal Sheoraj, ctc, are
parts ofthe hill kitgdoms- Tbe King asked the Governor-
General to instruct his omccrs not to eocroach on tbcse
tcrritorics any more,'any attempt of that nature on th€ir
part will not succeed'.
Admitting that a little territory in Vinayakpur was
disputed thc royal lctter said why the commission was spec-
ially concerncd with this arca. But not only that thc British
com mission had 'crcated a fresh dispute rcgarding the lands
of Sheoraj-Khunchunce (Khojahani ) and Mutkabandar,
which have no connrction with Vinayakpur'. The lctter
ended by saying that Nepal was still prepared to talk about
disputcd patch of lauds in Vinayakpur if the Governor-
Gcneral so desired (For. Pol. Dept., 6 May, 1814, Con., n.39).
Replying to the Governor-General's letter of 9 April
the King explained that 'because Bradshaw had treated
without respect and consideration' the Nepalese commissi-
oners had withdrawn. But thcy went to his tent 2 or 3 timas
afterwards keeping in vicw the relation subsisting belween
the two Governucots, They were conveying a message from
 .Anglo-Nepalese Conflicts, 1El2-14 283

thc King to formally announce 'thc delivcrancc of 22 villa-

gcs in trust agreeably to the suggcstion of the Guroos'. But
Bradshaw showcd a too partial attitude and a stay of 4
months in'lowlaods by the Nepalcsc officers was of no avail.
The King further rcmindcd thc Governor-General tbat
Raoganath had'proved to your Exccllctrcy's commissioncr
thc fact ofthc villages beiog within Rautahat by evidcnce
of sanads and proccedings in his lctter of 1870 Samvat (or
23 of Februory. l8l4) whilc thc British commissioner was
unablc to prove that thcy were situated in the Tuppa of
Nunnorc'.
Thc disputc could have beeD settled by judging the
truc circumstances and manncr of thc usurpations and such
othcr particulars as may form the basis of the mcasurcs
which may bc adopted by thc Govcrnmcnt or briDging the
question to the decision.r ?
J. Adams had instructcd thc Magistrate ofGorakbpur
R. Martin on ll March 'to occupy the wholc of thc lands
in thc Terai of Sheoraj-Butwal up to the bills exc€pt tbc
tow! of Butwsl.' But R. Martin wrote bsck that although
it was not nccessary that hc should havc bccn appriscd of
circumstanccs and rcsults of thc joint iovcstigation, he did
not know aoything about thesc ( lE March, ltl4 ), Rcplying
on 7 April, l8l4 J, Adam informcd Martin that Major
Bradshaw had bcen adviscd to'furnish you with a copy of
thc proccedings of the commissioDers together with the
copics of such of thc documcnts produced by the parties
and of the corrcspondcncc as may bc necestary for that
purposc.'
Why Martin was not informcd about thc proccc-
diogs of thejoint itrvestigation ? Why was thc N€pslese
aidc madc to appcar to have acquiesccd in what tbe British
persuadcd agaiost their wishcs as if they themselvcs wcre
kccn to hand ovcr thc arca to thc Governmcnt of the East

47. Ibid.
284 Modern Ncpal

India Company ? Bradshaw had not acted herc in the spirit

he was wanted to do. The Nepalese commissioners had
thcir own proposals. One of such proposals was to fix a
border line to the south of thc hills .at a distance of
3 cos,'
A letter of Sri Krisna Pandit reccivcd in Calcurta on
25 April, 1814 gives the version of tbe story from Nepalesc
view point. It says that an agreemcnt had bccn reached by
mutual coosent but subsequently as the Guru returDed from
Kathmandu and mct Bradshaw at Gorakhpur the lattcr
'refused to acknowledge the obligation of the lkrarnama'
which was now sent to Lord Hastings. Sri Krisna Pandit
further ssys that at Kuchhuroa he had cxccuted safai nama
( a written <iischarge from the obligation of the cngagcment
exccuted 8 months ago )in responsc to Bradsbaw's wishcs.
Hc laid the blame on Bradshaw for the ultimate brcach of
the lkrarnama ( engagement ).
Srikrisna Pandit says that Bradshaw wanted his report
to bc accepted by Nepal against what he ( the formcr ) him.
sclt wanted, The former had informed Bradshaw that hc
was going to Ncpal for a decision in thc matt€r. Bradsbaw
however informed that tho Guru's prescncc was wantcd iD
Bctia. Bradshaw had also written to Kathmandu rcquestitrg
that Amins should be sent to Betia for demarcation,'in
couscqucnce of wiich Kazi Beer Bhanjan Pandit and Sardsr
Parasuram Thapa were appointed Amins and procreded to
Kuchhuroa.'
The Guru wrotc that therc wcrc pcrsonal clcmcnts in
Bradshaw's behaviour. The Guru's Munshi Mir Kashim
Ali, was summarily dismissed from his camp. His own
Munshi had also written the Guru a lcttcr in cxchange, It
appaared that he was no morc continuing in his prcsent
office.
Later hc had gone to receive Bradshaw at Adapur 7 coss
westward of Kuchhuroa but he, 'declined to see me ( Krisna
Pandit ). He tried to meet the Major once again as hc
 Anglo-Nepalesa Confilcrt, l8l2-14 2t5
arrivcd in Bcogleenncc bccausc thc intsrcst of the two stater
dcmanded it. In this intervicw Bradshaw sdvised thc Guru
to hand over thc possession of22 villagcs .in trust pending
thc dccisioD of question' which hc convcycd to thc Govern.
ment in Kathmandu.
Fro6 thl! lottrr it lppcsr! thst thc 22 villagct wcro
Eado ovcr to Bradahaw's chargc for toEporary occupationi
Krisna Poodit layr that tho Major var of harsh aod
disagrccablc tcmpcr. Hcrc 'hc talkcd of a loan which hc
had carlicr takcn fron thc British Govcrnmcnt on promisc
of rcturn aftcr 3 months but was uEablc to pay off due to
circuastanccr, but he will at any rste psy his debt.'
Thc lcttcr of protcst against Col, Richardson's oarch
into rhc Ncpalcse soil was dared 28th Yahakho, t87t Samyat
( : 9 May, 1814 ) which was rcccived in Calcutra on 30th
June. In this thc Maharaja warncd that'the officcrs ofany
Govcrnmcnt who arc stationcd on thc fronticr will adopt
measures to thc British aggression should lhc request for
withdrawal of Richardson's troops be notimmediatcly with-
drawn' ( For. Sec. Dcpt,, 23 lu,[,c, 1814, n.24 ),
It does not appcar that Kathmandu kncw of Richard-
son's march bcfore thc 9th of May. But on tbc l0th May
onc Byjoo Chaudhary had attackcd the Thana of Sbeoraj
with 300 sepoys wounding two BurkaDdazcs, onc ofthem
seriously 'with a ball and another with a sword,, The
report was given by Martin to George Dodwell in his letter
of 13 May, l8l4 from Gorakhpur. According to Martin
'this attack was made previous to the arrival of Richardson's
dctachmeDt'.
Martin further wrote that the Nepalese appearcd in a
mood 'to resume the occupation of the land' and proposed
to station a police establishment in Loton,30 milcs South
of the hill, which was always under Brltish control ,though
some of the Thanas on the resumcd lands are at a greater
distancc for the purpose of aflording support'. The Magis-
trale of Garakhpur felt that'the presencc of troops thcre
286 Modcrn NePal

would probably havo thc cffcct of Prcvcoting any atlack

bcing madc upon the m'.43
Even though succcesful oncc again ir occupying tbc
land under Nepalesc control, thc incidcnt of Sheoraj occurr'
iag on thc 10th was indicativo of Ncpalcss attitudc towards
thc British movc. Thc British senscd this but wcrc ioform-
ed by Bradshaw that thc K&thmandu authoritics did not
wish to hazard & countor movc to ouot thc British bcforo thc
season. So thcrc was no iEmcdistc sction towsrds cffcctiDg
an assemblago of a lerger numbcr of troops But thc
proposal of Martin to havc policc cgtablishment at Loton
e
was acceptcd ( May 27,1314 ) by the Govcrnof'Gcncral'4
But before thc rainy scason startcd thc Ncpalcsc made
a counter attack on thc British and occupicd tbc land'
According to Prinscp thc Gorkbalis 8t first rctired io
the hills but once the collcctor of Gorakhpur rcturn'd to
his headquart€r with all the forces of 3 companics Col'
0
Richardson led carlier, the arc& was again occupied'! This
happened on 29th May, 1814. Altogethcr 22 mcn on the
British side werc killcd including thc Daroga and 6 othcrs
wounded6l and these s'crc outright killcd onc midnight by
the Nepalesc guard! who madc a :urprisc attack' Thc
Gorkhali coomandor at first askcd thc policcmcn to
withdraw, but th€y ilaimcd that thcir fronticr line touchcd
places bcyond Butwal, Thc rcsolt to forciblc occupation
had to be madc for that reason.
According to the lettcr of R. Martin ( 31 May' l8l4 )
thc Gorkhalis attacked all tbe Thanas cxccpt Sheorai and iD
the early hours of thc morniog of 29 May occupicd thcm.
Kashinath (Cassceneth) Daroga of Chitwan had becn killed
aftcr being taken prisoner, Muniraj Feujdar Person&lly
commanded thc party attacking. Thc Gorkhalis wcrc
48- For. Pol. Dopt.,27 May, 1814. !.40.
49. Ibid.
50. Also s€r Moirs'r lotter' Ibid, Prinsep' i' p' 77.
51. Two Thrtr8s, Hsstings (P' 7l).
 Anglo.Nepaletc Confllcts, 1812-14 2t7
approaching a border town of British occupation callcd
Furdauee. As the attack took place th€re w8s wide panic
among thc population on thc border but this subsidcd
immediatcly asthc Nepalese did not push forward bcyond
the frotrtier line. But for thc protoction of thc arca somc
ocasurcr had to be takcn. To rcstorc cotrfidcncc R. Martin
wae going himsclf with two companics of sopoys comman-
dcd by Lt. Jcukins so that he might also study the situation
on th. spot.
Thc casualtics wcre as follows:
At Thana Killed Wound ed
Chitwan 7 I ( losing arm )
Bissowrcah J 2
Sowrah E 1

IE 4
Itwas the view of Martin that no attcmpt should be
made to rcoccupy the abovc Thanas but 25 Burkandaz€s
wer€ to bc stationcd at Loton under the Thanedcr.6 e
Writing on the same day ( l0 o'cloc[ at night ) Martin
stat€d to Richardson that Loton was dcsetted and thc
Thanadar had reached Foolwareeah to carry a sorrowful
tale of thc incident. The collector of Gorakhpur 'bad
passcd orders placing all thc Darogas uDdcr the Thanedar
of Lowtun ( Loton )'. Meanwhilc the Nepalesc were assem-
bling fast ncar Furdance. The refugees had slartcd coming
back and it was Dot possible to enforce thc order. At
Furdani from whcre he wrotc another letter on I June thc
Mrgistrate found that the report of the Nepalcse approach
to thc area was baseless and the refugees had returned. But
those who wcre advised to go to Lowton h8d Dot done
their job, Thc Daroga of Lowton who had bccn asked to
move to dcfend Bisso area had escapcd quitting his own
Thana. He was on his way to Gorakhpur'on a false alarm

52. For. Pol. Dept., l7 Ju!e, lt14, n. 56.

2tt Modcn NcPal

of thc approach of thc Nepalesc'. Martin informcd Richard'

sotr thaitho' Naik commanding 30 sccburdcs was asked
to
go to Shcoraj. Hc did not know whcthcr this placc also
iar undcr attack. But for rcinforcemcnt hc had dircctcd
wholc of thc
'tho Thaoadar of Choskco Eorah and thc
NlzsEut !opoys to prococd to ShcoraJ"
R. Martin in iis lettcr of 4th Juoc also rcportcd to his
Govcrnmcnt that the Ncpalesc had uscd poisoned arrowr
while attackng thc Thana. Thc poison'was so virulcnt that
it causes immcdiatc dcath'( 4th Junc, l8l4 )'
Thc British wcre strengthening their positioo but
without awatctrcss of thc couDter attack' Thcy had' how-
cver, 'misundcrstood the situation" On thc 3rd ofJunc
Martio got the information that thc Thanaof Shcoraj war
bcseized, Col. Richardson wantcd to withdraw and w88
sccking permsssion of Martin ( For' Pol' Dcpt', l7 Junc'
1814)i who all6wed thc Thana to withdrsw' As thc
pcrsonnel
countcr attack camc thc withdrawal had saved thc
of the Thana from falling into thc hands of thc Ncpalesc
( For. Pol. Dcpt., 17 June, 1814, n' 1l )'

Cessat i on o f rcial i ntercourse

comme

Unable to movc towards a policy of retaliation 8By

furthcr the British took lecoursc to cessation of commcrcial
intercourse between thc two countri€s' Mr' Ruthcrford
was advised to intimate thc many Magistratcs on thc bordcr
to withdraw British propcrtics and mcn and this fsct wac
brought to the noticr of Major Bradshaw,the commissioncr,
who was askcd to cooperatc with thc local suthoritics'to
the utmost of your powcr' (Junc, ll, lEl4letler by tbe
Socretary to Government, J. Adam )'
The Magistrates of Saharanpur, Barcilly, Gorakhpur,
Tirhut, Saran and Purnia wGrG also addrcssed similarly
from Calcutta on the sauro day. Each Magistrstc wa6 to
53. Ibid, n.56.
 Anglo-Nepalese Conflicts, 1812-14 289

declare thc proEulgation for thc district spccificd. Thc

date was also to be fixcd by tho conccrncd Magistratc. Thc
proclamation was issucd on thc llth of Juno. This war to
convcy the conscqucncc of the trcachcfous attsck on thc
policc Thsnas of th€ British Govcrnmcnt in Butwel by thc
troops of thc Ncpalcsc Govcrnmcnt and of thc gcncral
spirit of hostility msnifcstcd by the Ncp8lcsc agaiDst thc
British Govcrnmcnt'. Thc Govcrnor.Gcncral-in-Council
had bccn 'pleascd to prohibit all thc subj€cts of thc Hon'blc
Company from holding any commcrcial intcrcoursc or
otherwisc corrcsponding with thc inhabitsnts ofths Ncp!lcse
tcrritorics. Thc inhabitsnt8 of thc district of.............. arc
accordingly hcr€by rcquestcd stricly to obcy the prohibi
tory ordcrs of Govcrnmont abovc rcfcrrcd to...............and
it is hcrcby uotificd snd dcclarcd that all goods, mcrohan-
disc or propcrty ofany dcscription whatsocver whicb may
bc attcmptcd to bc cxportcd from Hon'blc Company's poss-
essions to thc Ncpaulcsc tcrritorics or imported from tbc
lattcr to thc formcr, will bc seized and held at thc disposal
of Govcrnmcnt and that all subjccts wbo may be conccrned
in such Fansactions will bc prosccutcd and punished accord-
ing to thc laws snd rcgulations of thc British Govcrnmeot'.
Thc time of dcclaration in particular was to be fixcd
taking in vicw thc fact whether thc propertics and mcn of
thc British Government had bccn propcrly withdrawn. The
promulgation was to follow thc withdrawal ( J. Adam to
Col. Brooks, ll June, l8l4 ). At this timc rhe British had
resumed landl also in thc Nunnorc sector and the Ncpalese
werc probably tryiog to oust them.
Withdruwol fiom Wesk points and War Prcparation
A lctter addressed by Bradshaw to J. Adams from Ghora-
san said that hc had withdrawn th€ contingcnt of troops
scrving undcr Capt. Sibl€y from across thc rivcr Bagmati
following reports of the arrival of Dasarath Khatri in Sim-
raongarh. It was fcarcd that similar occurrences as took
290 Modern Ncpal
place in thc Butwal Tcrai would occur here. All thc British
forces wcrc asscmblcd at Ghorasan u,hcre Bradshaw stayed.
At Adapur wcrc also collectcd Sibley's detachmcDt along-
with Lt. Smith's, which had lcft Bhoura'whcrc thc force
with their officers lie 3 companies and 160 barkandazes'.
On thc morning of the I lth Captain Hay's corps had joincd
him, Bradshaw thought that thc concentration of troops
iD Adapur and Ghorasan had dissuad€d Das8rath Khatri
and Deorikhi Upadhya, thc local officcr, from launching
an attack on the British territory.
Thc Governor-General in council had elrcady ordered
the shifting of a cavalry to Butwal scctor. Bradsbaw,
however, complained that the Europ€a.n dctachmcnt from
Danapur with thc dctails of artillcry had come with two
mcn sick ( For, Sec, Dcpt.,23 June, n.7 ).
Bradshaw again writing from Ghoragan to his Govern-
mcnt ( 15th June, 1814 ) informed that Dasarath Khatri
commandcd about 400 men and Parasuram Tbapa 2fi).
These intimidate thc villagers in the low Iand. Thc com-
manders were made of stcrn stuff barbarious to the dcgrcc.
Bradshaw further reported that Prana Shah Chautara was
also expccted to rcach Pachhroala. He askcd wh€thcr in thc
evcnt of attack thcy wcrc only to be content by rcpelling
or should it bc considered ss justifying 'the seizurc ofthc
whole ofTerai bcyond the border to relieve thc border from
the alarm incidental to thc presencc of the hostile forces'.64
As Bradshaw utrdcrstood hc was only to carry dcfcneive
operations'not aoticipating hostilities or frustration by a
movement into the Tuppa, the design ot the Chautara'.
Bradshaw thought that Parasuram Thapa mitht occupy thc
eastern external of Nunnore, if Captain Silby's detacbment
bad not becn transfcrred back from Murpa Surpal'.66
In Bradsbaw's letter to Adams, 22 June, 1814, therc is

54 For. Scc. Dcpt., 23 June, n. 7.

55 rbid.
 Anglo-Nepalese Conflicts' 1812'14 291

a complaint thst Dasarath Khatri had poisoned thc welk.

It was said that s chickcn aod a fowl had bccomc victim,,
and specimen of watcr was sent to Calcutta. It was allcgcd
that thc Ncpalesc troops wer€ bcing rcinforced and a furthcr
packct of poisou, t00 arrows and 200 archcrs had also
arrived ( Junc 18, l8l4 ). Thc rcport was paescd by Byjoo
Khan and Nurtin Khan Tharu, two spics. But it was latcr
fouod that such complaints wcrc lodged by both sidcs and
thcre was little truth in thcm.56 Writing on 25 August
from hic quartcr at Ghorasan Parir Bradshaw said that thc
opcration was conductcd by JiYalal (Jewlal ) Rai and his
barkandazes ( thc irregular carricrs )r Thcrc had thc advaa'
tagea of local knowlcdgc of thc villagc and were also
acquaintcd with individual8. Thcy could also bo dctachcd
to movc without suspicion.
Thc British raised disputcs cvcrywhcrc on tho bordcr
from thc lowland of thc Satlaj to Tista to provokc a war.
Io Tirhut thcy showod 8 villagcs involvcd, some of
which werc supposed to have bccn freed from thc Ncpalcse
and many wcrc still undor thcm (For. Scc. Dcpt., 16
August, 1814 n. 20 ).
Kazi Amar Singb's lctter to Col. Octorlony reccivcd
on 6 July, 1814, statcd tbat as Guru Krisna Pandit had bcen
rccalled duc to some reason, thc two countries werc going
without cKchargc of Yakils on cithcr sido, and thereforc
he had madc reprcscotation of thc matt€r to him so that
thc Coloncl might coovey it to Calcutta. OctorloDy
rcplicd thrt the mattor conccrncd Bradshaw and thcrcforc
the corrcspondeoce might bc directed to him. Octorlony
reports the fact of British encroachment in thc Valley of
Karda, and also thc fact that they had withdrawn to the
right sidc of thc Satlaj. Thc ordcr was passcd to Captain
Webb to withdraw his soldicrs and rcmove thc trees cut. In
thc rcport he discusscs at length th8 possible allies, who

56, For. Scc. Dcpt.,5 July, tr.4.

292 Modern Nepal
would join thc British in tbc cvcnt of their attack on Nepal.
According to Octorlony all lhc dispossesscd Rajas who
had takcn shcltcr in British tcrritory would provide escorts
'acquaintcd with rosdg and passcs'. Thc Rajas cxpected to
join the British wcrc Raja Sansarchand, Raja of Nahan, and
all Rajas of Brra Thakurites. Thc first gcntlcman was keen
to av€nge his dcfcat in Kangra and as soon as Metcalfc, thc
British agent in his Darbar would inform him, he would
rirc to the occasion. As for thc cotntry east of the Satlaj
thc Nepalcsc had just taken it and thcir rule had not takcn
roots It could bc assailcd easily at any point cvcn with
thc help of thc local pcople.
Octorlony suggestcd that at thc very initial stage the
Valley of Karda could bc takcn from onc cnd to another
witb a few pioneers. Thc Valley of Dchradun should
be simultaneourly attocked. Thc conquest of the vallcys
would mcan cooqucst of thc arca bctwccn thc Jamuna and
Ganga in that regibn.
From thc abovc two facts appear as clcar as day-
light. One is the attitude oftbc Nepalcse officcrs seeking
contact with tbc British cven while thc ties were soappcd
on account ofthe ban on thc cxport of goods from eitbcr
sidc. This ban was imposed bytheBritishand thcyhad
done it as a reprisal against Ncpalcse succcss in bordcr
skirmishes, The other is thc British attempt to make tbe
Gcrkhalis app3ar as aggressors wbile pleading tbcir own
iojurcd innocence as if thc Gorkbalis had started thc offcn-
sive. Sincc early l8l4 minor bordcr disputcs bad becn
exaggerated. The act of omission and comission, howcvcr,
minor done by the Gorkhalis were much higbligbted to
their detrimcnt while their own performance in that dircc-
tion was minimised, and retricved. It appcars that tbe
British would use only thc Butwal and Rautshat dispute
for the comiog war against Nepal, for this was thc area which
was under disputc since quite a loDg time. We havc seen
how Octorlony had tried to bid€ the fact of encroachmcnt
 Anglo-Nepalese Confricrs, l|l2.l4 293
by asking his troopers to withdraw from a particular site.
This was done not to afford the Gorkhalis an opportunity
lo lodgc a complaint. But otherwisc Octorlony was ctrga-
ged in kceping his side in full peparation for thc contin-
gency of a war in the plains and on the hills against Nepal.
He was collectiug his allies, cxploring possibititier of rcbc-
llion io the tcrritories of thc formcr hill Rajas and choosing
weak spots to deploy his force if occasion so demanded.
Aoar Singh suggestcd that from thc very bcginning
if tbe British had consented to make adjustoenls on a
ccrtaio determioed reot to bc paid by the Nepalese Govern-
IDeoti so far the Terai lands of thc Palpa Raja was conccrned
thc mattcr would havc bcen settled satisfactorily. 6 ?
Whatcver might bc thc fecliog of the Ncpalese Govern-
mont as to the devolopment of their relation with the
Britisb at this hour thc British werc keepiog themsclves
in a state of preparedness for any eventuality. They were
also provoking thc Ncpalese by seiziog thc disputcd arcas
by force. The lettcr of Col. Octorlony written from
Ludhiana to J. Adams, Secretary to GovcrnmeDt on 9 July,
1814 is a proof ot the British prcparatiotr for war against
N6pal without the latter's provocation. This is nothiDg but
full suggestion and counter suggcstions for o full sgalc
war against Ncpal aftcr thc raioy sealon was ovcr at a
time whcn the British wcrc etill ncgotitting aDd Nopal bsd
not realiscd thc implications of Britieh claims so pushcd
sgainst catablished focts,
Octorlony advised the Govcrnor-Gelcral,s proclama-
tion to be issued at thc end of the Septcmber and not in
August as origioally proposed.
Everything likcly to provokc a clesh with Ncpal was
wcll ahcad. Thc British wcrc insisting oo thcir rights oycr
thc disputed areas with gr€ater fury. Thc Nepalese thought
thst yieldiug I poiot hcre and therc would satisfy rhcm,
57. For. Scc. Dopt.,9 Arrurt, l8l,t, Conr. n. 8j.
294 Modcn NePol
But this was not to cfroct thc gcneral attitudc of thc British
towards Nopal. The dcvclopments showcd that their aim
wss to wcakeo Ncpal and destroy for cvor its potential
strongth likely to bG a thrcst to Britieh colonial cxpansion.
Whcrcas thc British wcrc prcparing for the war and
for aggresrion, for forciblc occuPatiotr of ccrtain arcas on
thc border, thc Ncpalcsc on thc authority of Captaia Lattcr,
a British commandaot in chargc ofthc Rangpur battalioD,
wcrc elarmcd 'by thc report of thc intcntion of th€ British
Governmcnt to intcrvcna in Morang and thercforc wcrc
incrcaring thcir force but this wos lot to attack Britith
tcrritory',!8 CaPtain Lattcr informed that he was askiog
thc Suba of Nagrcc and Biiapur to seDd a confidant of his
to Titalya !o that hc could cxplain thc British position
vis-o-vis the hostility 'it had ooly refclcncc to thc
protcction of our own districts oI which thcy cxp€cted
coopcration of the Suba'.! s
Thc Govcrnor'Gcocrat, howcver, was not in favour of
this kiod of approach by an officcr 8t thc levcl of Captain
Lrttcr atrd wrrncd not to procced in thc dealing for'a
oondition of hostility existcd betwccn thc two countrics'.60
Thc Govcrnor-Gencral fctt that only 'a scnsc on thc part of
thc Ncpsles: Govcrnmcnt ofour ability and dcterminalion
to enforcc thc dcmands, which was thc subjcct of di6cus-
sionr'. Thc Govcrnor-Gcncral on the other hand had hcard
of Ncpalasc preparation for war carricd in tbc capital and
clscwhcrc (J. Adams to Adjutant Gcncral, 29 July, 1814).
Facts had becn supprcsscd to advancc credcncc to
fumours.
The British wcrc now dctcrmincd to opcn a full scalc
war. Acccssiblc routes wcte bcing sought snd instructions
issued to go tbrough the rcports of Kirkpatrick and

58. Plx, Pot. DGDI., l6 Au8ust, 1814.

s9. rbid.
60. rbid.
 Anglo-Nepalese Confiicts, 1812-14 295

Buchanan Hamilton, which were to be checked and

rechecked.
Regarding these disputes Lord Moira wrotc in his
diary of 26 June, 1814, 'Those from Ncpal having not a
shadow of protection to substantiatc against our irrefra-
gablc proof of right, went off suddenly.'61
We have already observed about the areas of disputes
on the border. We have found that while Nepal was
prcpared to withdraw from some it was not all.-willing to
withdraw from other areas and contcsted its claims firmly.
About December, l8l3 a new Vakil by name Chandra
Sekhar Upadhya was appointed but had not proceedcd to
Calcutta. According to the letter of Bradshaw 'the erst-
while Vakil Pandit Srikrishna was of a questionable con-
duct, who tried to draw pecuniary advantages out of
cvcrything in hand.' Bradshaw complains that when he
had agreed to determine the boundary to 3 kos south from
thc foothills, Srikrisna had also agreed but lattcr backed
out, and not only had his paper unsigned, but giving an
impreesion of acceptance carried also the copy signed by
Bradshaw on a plca that he had left his stamp in his quarter
and would return the copy,next day, 'which he never did
and on otre prctcxt or another will hold it for a longer
time. This was in 1813. Hc had immediatcly left for
Palpa. But as hc appeared in Kachhroa, Srikrisna said
that the papcr was missing. (Bradshaw to J. Adams, 15
August, l8l4). But we do not koow if the Pandit was
rcplaccd because of Bradshaw's reports.
The British had found that thc Terai to the south of
Kathmandu was left without defonce. The British had
used sevcral men both Ncpalesc and outsidcr to collect
intelligencc for them as to'avenues and routes.' Thc monks
and mahants had been employed in particular for tbis job.

61. For. Soc. Dept., 15 Soptcmbcr, 1814, u. 12.

62. Privsto jouroal, pp. 70-71.
296 llodem NePal

Therc were professional spies. Bradshaw talks of onc such

professional wbo had safely conducted the wife and son of
Damodsr Pande to thc fronticr through Sindhuli Garhi'
In a despatch of 23 August, 1814, Bradshaw talks of having
met a youth of Nepal Ranbam Pandc whom he wanted to
do the work ofinformcr. Thc latter, however, was not
committal, though hc wished th€ downfall ofthe present
Govcrnmcnt. Bradshaw wrotc tbat he was in conlact also
with Udayapratapsen and Dharmarajscn, sons of Digban-
dhansen 'the last Raja of Mackwaopur.' Tbey were 'tbe
only surviving children of tbe family though young, the
clder was hardly 22" They bad met Bradshaw in Gorakh-
pur to present a petition to the Governor'General. The
youlgmen werc repeatcdty asking Bradshaw about Gov-
crnor-Gcneral's rcaction to their offcr of assistance. Brad-
shaw was informed that a person of knowlcdge who happen'
cd to bc a son of their grandfather's ministcr and living in
Kirat was being called to see them. Bradshaw thought
that the two princes could be of service if the war started.
Their adherents on the hills knew the vorious thorough-
fares. The British had taken fancy to the route via Harihar-
pur, taking thom to Sindhuli and thonce to the Valley of
Nepal. Thus the exiled princes of Mackwanpur w€re lo
redder important servicc at least in rcspect of the routes.
Il was proposed that the Raja of Ramnagar was ttr
supply the British hampcrs (dokas) and bammc,cks (dolies)
as wel[ as carriers (coolics). (Bradshaw to Adams, 25 August,
l8l4). A modcl pair of shoes worn by footmen on the hills
was for thc approval ofthe Govcrnor-General in council.
Thc Raja of Ramnagar, bowever, was Dot a reliat,le ally.
He had bcen maintaining contact with Kathmandu'

Direct Ptovocations
FioD Ghorasau Bradshaw informed Calcutta autho-
rities that bs had occupied the Thara of Kacbhroa across
thc border catchilg hold of the persoo of Bhikhu Chau-
 lnglo-llepalesc conflicts, 1812-11 297

dhary and cight othcrs. But thc Govsrnor-Gcneral bad

advised him to rclease thc men, and it was said that this
had a salutary cffcct in as much as Parasuram Thapa him-
sclf had rclcascd,'thc scpoys of Bradrhaw's cscort capturcd
during the attack carlicr'. Bradsbaw intcrprctcd thc Ncpal-
csc attitude as motivated by fcar. He rcports that in
releasing thc scpoy he sent his hatkaru witb an unsigncd
lctter written in a soiled papcr saying'your rcpoy is scnt
back, with his articlcs, ro rclcasc my pcoplc with thc pro-
pcrtics plundcrcd by you'. 'Two or threc long and cxag-
gcratcd lists of propcrty plundcrcd' wcrc also produccd by
thc Harkara.6s In thesc circumstances thc Ncpali loldicr
was rclcascd. But Bhiku Chaudhary continucd tq bc
dctaincd.
Bradshaw wrote to J. Adams thst 'thc irrcgular cavalry
arrivcd in Ghorasan, and thc Nepalcsc fcared that thc
British intcndcd to march ahcad into across thc bordcr with
a vicw to capturc thc fcrai.' Bradshaw's intclligcncc
informcd him that Psrasuram Thapa was scndiDg mcs$ges
to Kathmandu and was preparing to rctirc to M8ckwaDpur.
Parlsuram had statioocd his forcc at a diEtancc of a day'a
march from Ghorasan. Bradshaw sought Govcrror-Gcoc.
ral's conscnt for hcadlong march to thc intcrior to 8 or l0
kos. Thcy wcrc to advaucc from lhrcc ptaccs wbich werc
to covcr 48 milcs from wcst to cast. Bradshaw addcd
'Thcse positions might gcncrally bc Burhurwo on the right,
Baragahi on thc ccntrc and Garhparsa on thc lcft. Burha-
rwa on the brnk of thc rivcr Bagmati war 9 kor from thc
forcst, r hilc thc other two placcs wcro iust about 2 or
3 kos. Burharwa wal thcrcforc a suitablc phcc for st.tion-
ing troops for, climatic raasoa!. Hc suggcrtcd that .thc
road to Hariharpur coldd be cxplorcd from hcrc,,6r
Similarly Mackwanpur could be oetotiat€d via Garbparsa
aud Baragarli.
61 For. Sec. CoDsulr, 15 SoptlBbcr, l8l4 !. 12.
64. rbid.
298 llodcm NePal
In viow of thc approacbiDg hsrvesting season in
Dcccmber ncxt Bradshaw watrtcd to act quickly in seiziog thc
Tcrai. Hc wrotc that most of tho Chaudbarics on the othcr
sidc wcrc williog to comG under British protcction as soon
a! thcy kncw that thc Tcrai was to be co[quercd by thcm'
Thcy would surcly surrcnder their rcvcnuc to the British
collcctors, It was suggestcd that th€ wholc mattcr of
collcction of thc rcvcnuc should bc smooth aod 'dcvoid of
anything causing alarm.' Hc rcportcd that thc capturcd
Chaudhary in Kachhroa was a man of.influcncc in his area
and should bc won over.
In vicp of thc immcdialc prcParations for war Brad-
sha.v had cmployed himsclf to securc intclligcncc about thc
roads to the valley. Hc produccd tbrce altcrnatives: l) vis
Chispanigarhi, 2) Mackwanpur and 3) Hariharpur and
Sindhuli.
As alrcady rcportcd thc British authorities at this
time dcclsrcd that nooe of thcir subjects sbould maintain
any kind of dcaling with thcir neighbours on thc othcr
sidc ofthe bordcr. Thie had causcd inconvcDicncc to tbc
pcoplc oo thcir side, for thcy wcrc engagcd in carrying
farming and also urcd pasturcs in thc junglc on thc foothills
for thcir cattle. Brsdrhow rcports thst in sPitc of such
hardrhip thc p€ople wcrc looking to thc British for protcc-
tion, snd wcrc all ready for rcndcring assistance'
Thc war was not dcclcared, but on British side iDtcnsc
prcparatioas wcre sfoot. The Ncpalcsc' howcvcr, we'c not at
all prcpared for war. Thcy werc thinking that bordcr inci-
dcntr wcrc tcmporary and could b€ scttlcd with a spirit of
compromiac on both sides, Thcy wcrc evctr prcpsrcd to part
with ccrtain territorics in disputc 6uch 8s tbosc on the
border of Gorakhpur and Soran. Nepalcsc had Dot lost
hopc for Peacc.
Writing oo l4th SePteobcr, l8l4 Bradshaw had repor-
ted that Chandraackhat Upadhya who so far bad held
thc port of tho Eint Eastcr h8d arrivcd on thc bordrr
 )nglo-Nepalese Conflicts, 1812-14 299

and was soon going to takc up the job of Nepal's Vakil at

Calcutta. He carricd with him presents and a letter for the
Governor-General. Hc was searching for a large clcphant
also to bc prescnted to the Govcrnor-General. He was
accompanied by a rctinue of 30 persons. He was reported to
'a confidant of Bhimsen Thapa, the controller of thc Gov-
ernment of Nepal, and it is known that upon former occa-
sions he exercised vicws and intercsts at variance with
those pcrsucd by Ranganath Pandit'.
Bhikhu Chaudhary had not been released, and there
was a demand for rcleasc made by Parasuram Thapa.
Parasuram Thapa had been told that the matter of rcleasc
had been under consideration of the Governor-General in
council. He was also asked to punish all those from his
side involed in the alleged plunder of villages in Bctia and
attcmpts at poisoning wclls supplying drinkiug watcrs.
The new Vakil applicd for passage when all this was
going on as Bradshaw wrote on 28 Septembcr from Ghorasan.
This matter was also referred to thc Govcrnor-Gsneral's
corisideration. Bradshaw enthusiastically penned thefew
lines to say that Parasuram had sent to him on 25 Septcm-
ber an ar7 (petition) along with an address of Bhimsen
repeating appeals for thc relcase of Bhikhu Chaudhary who
was a Tharu zemindar.
Bradshaw as he rcports was in no mood to act in
deference to thc wishes of Bhimsen.o6 He had lately heard
from Lt. Smith posted at Adapur that two Nepalese soldiers
belonging to the mountains had bccn captured by 5 unarmed
men of thc village of Mahadeoa. The men in the plains
wcre supposed to be terribly afraid of thc Nepalese. But
this fact disproved the usual theory whicb Bradshaw built
that the Gorkhas were not feared but were detested by the
plainsmen. Bradshaw attributed this kind of fearlessness
on the part of the plainsmen 'to the support derived from
65, For. Scc. Dcpt.,4 Nov. 1814, o. 13.
300 Modcm Nepal
the presence of the British force stationed on thc border'.
Furtbermore Bradsbaw had obtained route maps of tbe
Bhimpcdi, Mahankal and Sindhuli mountains as well as of
Butwal and Papla. He wrote that a number of'descrters'
wcre coming to Ghorasan. Thc Karati Ch ief whose name was
Sobhan Singh, the son of a minister of Mackwanpur', had
arrivcd. All thesc psrsotrs werc demanding money to
collcct men in their area to revolt against the Governmcnt
in Kathmandu.o6 But the convenient routes were still
to bc traccd, Bradshaw had recommcnded almost in
cvery lcttcr cxploration of rout€s in his rcgion. H€
was askiog for furthcr exploriog more thorougbly tbe routq
to Tanhou through Somesvar ranges and Chitaun and
Dcoghat, so that the British force could penetrate iDto the
principality of thc formcr Tanhou ruler. Similarly the
link road to negotiate Sindhuligarbi from Hariharpur was
regarded as importatrt, The later was to be reacbed via
Thungccn and Pavus, The loutc was drfierent [roru thc
(Bradshaw to Acting Sec., 3l October, l8l4) one raversed
by Captain Kinloch in 1767 ard surrounding regions. The
latter was supplied by RattrascD, brothcr of the lat€ Raja
of Palpa.
Thc passport of thc Upadhya was dclaycd, Meanwbile
Bradshaw reported rumours of immediat€ troop movement
froo Kathmandu. All routes to the Ncpal valley had also
becn blockcd. It was also said that the Nepalese would not
descend to the Tcrai but'would prefer to dcfend the moun-
tains,' Bradshaw confidently wrote that no credit 'can be
put to rumour of their opposition in the 'ferai.' There
was, ofcourse, an attempt to win over zemindars bythe
Nepalese, Bradsh.w rcported that r.ccntly Raja Tcj Pratap
of Rtmnagar was visited by some Nepalese officcrs. Inter-
viewidg the Raja the Ncpalesc returned accompanied by
the Raja's mcu: Thc Ncpalese also purchssed 100 maunds of

66. tbid
 Anglo-Nepalcsc Conflicts, 1812-14 30t
paddy in that area. The Raja of Betia was, howcvcr,
doubtlcssly cooducting himself to sidc with thc Britfuh.
Also thosc engagcd in thc bartcr tradc wcrc continuiDg to
do thcir work as usual, pcrhaps, lhc dctrimcnt of thc British'.
Bradshaw, however, sounded a notc of optimism.
Rcsidcnt Baillcy in Lucknow was asked to contact thc
rcfugcc princes of the wcstern part of Nepal who wctc
cxpectcd to provide ioformation as to passes and thorough-
farcs. Baillcy wrote that the Raja of Tulsipur on th€ bordcr
of Bahraich suggcsts p.nctration from hi3 own tcrritory. Thc
Governor-Gcncral wbilc guaranteeing r.storatioD of biB
rights to thc Raja al6o promiscd suitablc arms for bis
formcr subjocts itr that part of Nepal (For. Sec. Dcpt.,6
Dcc. 1814, n.25, lotters,9 Scpt. and 20 October). But thc
qucstion was whcthcr British troops should march through
Tulsipur or Gorekhpur border i,c. Butwal. The Raja
was to be told that wh&tcvcr might do to help tbc British,
thc march of thcir army in this scctor would go to
str€ngthcn his position. But Gencral Wood who was
deputed to launch attack hcre wac not advancing bcforc
15 or 20 Novcmbcr. General Marlcy took as much timc to
prcpare himsclf, and he rcachcd thc bordcr at about the
samc timc.
It might bc notcd hcre that thc Government had
cxpectcd of Marlcy to achicye thc priDcipal objcctive of
the war which was to capturc thc Vallcy of Ncpal.
Bhiku Chaudhuri was rcleascd on thc 5th of Novcmbcr
l8l4 and so wcre many othcrs. But Kuchhroa w83 not
returncd. Bradshaw informcd J. Adam that Bhithu Chau-
dhary was imprcsscd with rho gonerosity of ths act of
rclcasc but Ncpal thought that this was motivatcd. Thc
Ncpllcsc officcrs failcd to apprcciatc and instcad accutcd 'the
Chaudhary ofpurchasing pcace sacrificing the honour of
his Raja.' Bradshaw, however, hopcd that fhis &ind of
suspicion will vanish in coursc of timc. Chandrasckbar
Upadhya was still waiting in Burharwa unablc to obtair &
302 Modcrn Nepal
paslport tosnablc him to go to Calcutta to wait on thc
Govcrnor-Gcncral.
Bradshaw rcport€d that Amar Singh Thapa, fatber of
Bhimscn, had dicd rcccntly atrd the Gorkha csmp was
poorer without hi6,
At this stagc wo read that Gillespie had attackcd the
fort of Nalapani haviog penctratcd into Debra valley
tbrough th€ Timli pass.
Ia Bradshaw's area hie Govcrnmcnt wos yet normally
working for pcacc, Thc only hostilc act war'thc scizura
ofsomc articles of commercc, viz. borax, block chaurics,
and ghec, all ofthc valuc of Rs.300 which wcrc handcd
ovcr to thc Judgr Magistratc of Saran,'6 7
As in othcr scctort thc Gorkhas had not shown any
tcnd€trcy to provokc a war. Bradshaw himsclf rcported
"No sdditionel troops had dcsccndcd from thc hills on
thc fronticr of Champaran siucc thc datc of my last dcs-
pstch and exccpt th€ lcvy of onc half of thc rcvcnuc in
grain, no evidencc of the encmy's intctrtion to ssscmblc
bclow the hills appcars anywhcrc in this quartcr.
So why was all this military prcparation going on in
the British camp ? Bradrhaw's rclrort has coincidcd with
Captain Lattcr's rcport rcgarding thc Purnca and Ranaga-
pur bordcrs. As wo havc alrcady writtcn carlier Captain
Latter had apprised his bosscs in Calcutta about his convic-
tion that thore was no visible activity of any sort on thc
othcr sidc to give cyidcnce of prcparations for war evcn on
a minor scalc.
As ahovc statcd Ncpal was trying to scnd Vakil
Chandrasckhar Upadhya to calcutta. But the British did
not want to talk to thcm. Thc vcry fact that a rcprcscn-
tativc from Ncpal was on thc wsy to mcct thc Govcrner-
Gcncral shows that thc Nepalcse wcrc amcnable to rcason-
abl€ tcrms of pcace if thc British had carncstly wantcd so.
67. Bradshaw to Adam, Ghorasan, t4 Noyembcr, 1814. For, Scc.
Dcpt,6 Dec. t814, n. ll7.
 Angh-Nepalese Conflict!, l8I2-14 303

Tns zz villagcs round Rautahat baring bocn'clcated,

there was no reason for thc British to continuc to fecl
provoked. It is on record that the Ncpalese desired vcry
much to comc to terms with the British also io rcgard to
thc disputed territories on thc Saran and Gorkhapur bordcrs.
Thcy had cxpreescd their intention to abandon their claim
if the same was found unreasonable.os
The obvious conclusion is that Nepal was facing a foe
who was determined to fight it out, and achieve the ends
sought.
No amount of concession by the Ncpalese could havc
helped thcm to avoid this war.

68. lbid
 INDEX TO VOL, I

Ach8ry. Brbur8o, 20, 21,23,3r, BalDalt 14 Bslcnt

46, 49, l0r, ll3, lt6, l8l,2oo, Batoot Abhim&! Siag, 237, 239,
25t 1fr, 214, 245, 247 , 251, 27 t, 217 ,
AchrryE BslbhEdrs,292 218, 1t1,318, 32n, 326, 56X
Acharys GrlSEnaads, 246 BaEtrGt Abivarna, 360
Adhikari llativsEsapadhys, l?6 Brslot BaD8!, 164
Adhitsli Kslu (Jaisi) 103, 104 Basttct Dbauksl Sinha, 2$, 271,
Abtrnd Kh8!, 76, 8l 283
Ajit Sidgh, 242 Bqllet CsDgs Simha, 280
Ajodhy&tsE,560 Baslct I!d!s88oi,286
Akbsr, EEpcror, 19, 23 Bssoct Iadnvir, 361
AEbsD Ms[ta!i!, 460 Ba.lct Jshrr singh, 566
AEbiks Pr8!ad, l5 Bsslet Kchar Simha, 162, 164, 229,
Anrndavsrdhsre, 36 nt
Ao-Hui, 501, 50{ Brslet, Kosh8ri SiDg,12r, 129, l5l
Arjyal, Bh8tru Jorhi, 50 Basaat KirtimaD, 566, 593
Arjyrl NsrEya!, 30, 317 Ba!tret Nahar simha, 164
Arjyrl Shsltibrllsbha, 27 3, 292 B.sDet Sivaram, I14, 2,l4
Ar&fudd.ula, 482, 556 Be8 (Mirja), Abdu a, !50, 3(D'
AlaarErl8, 85 311,521,558
Askaii, Prol, l7 Bhaju Taudhik, 198
Atkioro!, 343, 349 Bhaktavira,5T2
Aunrgzcb,7l Bhaodari, Asa, 164
BteDderi, Bhalu, 183
Eshsdur, Lsl, 336 Bhandari, Chamu, 571, r95
B&ba.ud.dcen, 550 Bhaodari JrswEtrt, 355, 358, 439,
B8iragi, Ramda.s, 231 444,571
Bsju Sh.r, 528 Bhatrdari Joya Singh, 30,1
Banr, BhsgrYati, 201 Bh&trdsri, Parthr, 245, 247,718,
Banr, Durbala, 201 320, 326, 32't
Batrs, Jogorvara, 201 Bhckh Siag, 9t
E8Dr, Kamala, 201 Bhim Sahab, 470
Bcns [rksm.na,20l Bhoprl Rao, 19
B![ia Bsli'245, 247 Bhora, Kesrva, 30
BsEia, Joga, 145 Bhuiya!, S. K., 369
BsDia Ksnak Simha, l6l Bhuvatraswat, 243
Birwcll, 19l Bi3ta Rscchu, 328
z0
306 Motlem Nepal
Bohra, VaEridharr, 233 Edward, Captsiut 380
Boglc, 381, 382,383, 388, 390,403
Blook,407 Fa!.akshiar, Emperor, 64
Brunnert, H. S., 499 Faudya, 299, 300
Buddhimatr,20 Foxcraft,407
Fu-K'ang-an, 437, 448, 452, 454,
CbsEullng, 170 49t,504,505
CbrEdraprabhsvati, l0l
ChaBdre, Shumshsr, 487 Gaiadhsr, 170
Charzu Cusho, 39t Celvali, s. B, 3l
Chatterjec, Nandalal, 166 Ohimire Siva, 232, 253
Ch'oos-te, 437, 504, 505 Choolam Mahummad, 556
Chcrry, G. T., J3l Ciri Bhim, 266
ch'ietrJuDg, 415, 501, 509 Giri Puran, 391, 392, 418
Chiog-shih lich-chuan, 435 Giusepp. Rovato, Fatherr 205
Chung-pa Hututhtu, 440, 501 Gohair Brajsnath,368
Chu-sh.tr-pao,5 Golding, 184,279
Corrwallis Lord, 372, 530, 534 Gosain, Kao.alabo[a, ll8
Crrrzon Lord,4E7 Gosaio Rakhampuri, ll8
Gosain, Rebab, t 18
Das Prabodhq, 78 Crim, 299, 300
DEb Judder, 37o, 375,376,382, 426
Dcochaodra, l4 Hai-latr-Chh, 45d 504. 505, 506
Dopctr Padcsal,43l Hambila, 34,41, fl, 85
Devrdatta,4,l4 Haoiltotr, 3, 9, 10, ll, 15, @,23&
Devidasa Kazi, 170 240, 256, 334 , rls, 365, 367 , 370,
Dbalal, Kulalaod, 1]9, 176, 178 383
Dhanav&ota Kazi, l7O, 17 l, 175 Harasiohadeva, l0
DhaDa sankar (Major), 434 Harikrishoa Kha!, 309, 348
Dharaoidhar,22 Harris George, 55
Dharmadeo Raia, 380 Hastings Wa.rctr, 250, 372, 376-
Dhewn Deo, 385 378, 382, 383, 390.391, 407, 520-
Dhireodra Natayah, 176 52?,538
Dhurir Kazi, 465 Hemaksror, 92, 255
Dickinsof,,379 Ho-Lin,504
Dotin Kazi, 436, 437, 464 Hui-Ling,504
Duncan, J. (CaptaiD ), 410,4t l,412, Hydet Ali, 222
470, 324, 526, s36,540,5sO
Dutta Bhavani, 286 Indu Dvare, 572
Dvare Indu. 572 Ito Kazi, 464 , 465
Dipchandrs, 323, 339
Du[e Duodub PheDjc, 434 JaSamalla,315
 lndex to Yol, I 307
Ja8st, 2,() 549, 552, 561,561,569
Jagatprakash, 348 KhEo Ali Ibrahih, 413
Jaisi, Balakrishtra, 176, 245,248 Kh8n, GurgiD, 16l, lA-167,174
Jaisi, Kulanaoda, 122 Khad, IDdr8bhuprl, 348
hma Khan, 22 Khro, Faizullah, 447
Jayabhadra,3T KhargatrsrayrD, 376
Jayakrishna,339 Khstri, RaDsvir, 321
Jethi MaiyaD,293 Khatri, Ssshidhar, 321
Joseph Farher, 179, 199, 2O3 Khatri Siby., 326
Josbi Ballabha, 286 Khatri, SiveDarayane, 297, 327-
Joshi, Chaodraman,59T 330
,oshi, Harkadeva, 34O, 343, 349, Khswas, Ajap, 326. 359
352,353,36t Khawae, Aagad, 326, 358
Joshi, Nilkatrtha, 132 Khawat, Balbhad!8, 455, 468
JuoS RaEa,283 Khaw$, Bhairava Simhs, 459
Khawas, Bhuat, 164
Kalid^'a Kezi,Zl2 Kh&wss, BhirD, 279, 306, 307, 315,
Kalotr, Dorias, 433, 4t4, 435, 437, 315
469,470 Khawas, Golrin, 463
Kroadatta (Raja), 238, 239, 240, Khawss, Golaioa!, 321
242,243 Khawas, ltrdra Simha, 360
Kampu SyaDg Su Faa8, 461 Khawas, Jsskarna, 572
Kenchi Maiya!, 49 Khawas, Juthya, 317
K'aD8 Hsi (EDrpcror), 441 Khaw.s, Kirti SirDha, 245, 247
Katoasem, 240, 242, 520 Khawas, Murti, 30
Kaouogo Haricba.ar, 563 Khawas, Saaya, 360
Karki, Dilaram, 304 Khawss, TribhuvaB, t7l, 358,
K8rki, SwErup Sinha, 274, 278, 5(6,, 551
285,292,305,318 Khswas, Bh8gu, 350
K.siorth (Padhya), 279, 280 Kbeochc ThogEcd, 436
KashiE.th,595 Khilji, Allauddin, l9
K.siraE, 172 KiDIoch (Caprail), 184, lE6-191,
Kaur, Kuldip, 597 193, 194, 2fi,
249, 197, 538
Kaur, Kudan Singh,5JE Ki(tpatrick (Crptsitr), 3, 5, 256.
Kausaly& Dcvi, 47, 90 372, 4t4, 1t5, 42t, 446, 45t,452,
Khadauri Pstrdit, 357 466, 467, 483, 485, s23, 5)5-528
KhEdka, Ajit, 57 Kirtibao (Rajr), iloj
Khadko, Dhaoya, 227 Kolen Yuthok, ,132, 437, 470
Khadka, Hari, 170, 172 Kuat, Padma Simha, 362
Khadka, Katu, 215, 231 Kuar, RaE&rishua, 158, 164, 166,
Khao, Abdul K.dir, 413, 452, 463, 170, 175, 178, 181, l9r, 2m, 235,
529, 531, 534-536, 538-542, 5{4- 244,218, 288, :.95, 298, 57r
30E Modcrt Nepal
Xua!, R.rjit, 431, 432,439,44 ?d1, 20p, 2tO, 213, 215, 217, 219.,
KusDg-h.u.Hui-ti€tr Shih'liD, 435 3199, ,l0l
Kul Bahdur, 470 M8lla, JitaDitt., 45
MaU8, Kirtib&E, 304
Lsl SiDg, 3,0, 159 M.lla, Mahcndrs, 147

Le0a Dalri, f88, 427, 4&, 441, Mslls, Nsrs, 36

449, 452, 462, 469, 502,503, 5ll, Mella, Nsrsttama' 359
550 Malta, NrflysEa, 294, 329, 354
fama, Djigarchs, d57 M&tla, Nripcndrs, 45
Lam8, Jaaso, 391 Mallr, Prabhu, l7 6, 229, 2T
lrm8 Panchad, 382, 429,437' 452, Maua, Rsq6jit, 113, 132, lr3, M,
469, 501, 212, 213, 214, 216, 211
IrEs, Potrla,'03275 Mella, Sitru, 321
Laoa, SyamatPa (Shi'm8-!h'Pa)' Msua, sursj, 359
436, 439, 455. 459, 46r, 46\ 468, Malh, Yoga, 327
481, 501 Mrlliksveti,43
L.ma, Tsshi, 379, 381, 388'392, Matrjusri Bodhhatwa, 494
4O4, 479, 438, 445, 446, 459,4@ Marcp Dolls Tomb., FrtbGr, 205
Ir[dotr, Pcrcival, 19l M8xwcll,558
Lis Tse.Ksu, 500 Michscl AnSelo, 116, 119'2O5'2M,
Logan Jalres, 399, 400, 4Ol 215

Logan ScrgcaDt, 195 Michatha!, 20, 22

LuEsdoD, J,, 54J, 546 Mir KasiE, 98, 16l,162, 16/.,166
Mirza Sadat Ali, 556
Macartn.Y Lord, 483, 509 Mirzapath Satda, 5@
Madhesia Jam singh' 283 Mist., Babutaj, 571
Madhests, La18ji, 280 Mists, Gajsraj, 27 3, 288, 292, 359,
Madho Budha, 325, 32? 41O, 413, 414,524-526, 528.530,
Mahab.t Jang, 249 517, s46-549,5A
Mahaot Bhagsv.ntDatb' 12' 231, Misra, Nalda, 36
232, 236,237,252 Mi.ra, Sriharsa, 2,l()
Mahadutta. 17,333,334 Misra, Visvamitlta, 201

Mahendrrchandra, 343 Mohatr Chsndrs (Mehsmjadhiraj)'

Malla, Eatabhaojan, 137 34\ 3A
Malla,8hi(n,434 MohaDta, Kamal, l17
Mrlla, ChaDgunarayan, 359 Mohants, LachtnaDpuri, ll7
Malla, Gancsa, 304 Muhammad Toki, 98
Malla Catudadhvaja, 234' 303 Muktaoatrda, lE5
MaIla Haridava, 153
Malla Jayprakasb, llE'r20' 129' NaDdu, 164
133, r34, 139, l4l, 15l-153' 157, Narabhupal,269
168-170, 172, 176, 182, 185, 198- Naradhve,3l
 Index to ttol, i 309

N.rsrdlr Lattmi, 271 326, 328, 347 -350, 358, 439

Nrwab SiD8h, 10 PaDde, Kcs8r, 464
NayrDavati,34 P!Edc, Latshmiprti, 322, 328
NGw.r, Dhrneduttr, 201, 202 Patrdc, Nsr&yana, 127
NGw8r, Nayso Simhr, 280 Paqde, Raroachandra, 359
Nihdhsj, 286 P.odey, R.nsjil, 446, ,165
Nizlm Ali, 353 Paadoy, Ranskcrar, ,144, 571
Patrdo, Ralssura, 230
O-hui,,{37 Patrdcy, Rattan, 469
Oiha, R. B. Geurissoksr H8ri. Psnda, Ssrvsjit, 285, 571
lsntar, 19 Peode, Sridhar, 157
O-lcacrgpro, 454 Pardc,Srikrilh!8, 3,O
Pudc, TulrrsE, 122, 123, 124, 129,
Pa-chusg, 43?, 440, ,142, 5011 502 176, fi&, m3
P8dEEprti,553 Prndit, Btihaspari, 240, 266
Padmsvrti,49 Pandit, Haridevs, 306
Pagan, 370, 426, 525 Psndit, Rsjivalocbsda, 108, 130
Pardcy, Ero$rrj (VaEsrr8j), 161, Pandit, Rambh8dra,282
164, r78, 2t3, 214,229, 230j27 3, Psathr, Bali, 173
275,217, 278, 28r',, 285,297, n5, Paqths, thrk&, 297
305,312-316 Psot, H8rky8, 164
P8nde, Bhotu, 274,286, 432, 444, Pa[tha, Gutraoslds, 409
445,458, 46t,465,47t Psotha, Mahcswara, Kazi, ,18

Pande, Broj8b8si,294 Partha, Sribsrlhs, 230, 3'10

P8trdc, Droodsr, 12, *5,3m, 426, Paathr, Sripati, 340
43t, 432t 4X4, 439, 444,44, 465, Prut, Va8udro, 324, 360
466.,472 566, 567 Parrlrrroa, 339
Pardc, DsfiErso, 3,lO Psthsk, Srikrishoa, lW, 210, 212
P8odc, G&kulavilsEa, 46, 50, 121 Paothi, 437, .14O, 504
PsEdo, Gatrolha, 30 Psudcl, Brojol8th, 272, n3,276,
Patrdr, Gtngsdhs!, 227 289, 290, 291, 296, 291 , 369
PaDdc, Oouriraakar, 205 Paacock, Franci!, 242, !$0, 520
Pandq Gourirwr, ,14 Phayo Lhaka!8, 470
P.ndG, Hrrka. 432 Pi- lcDg, 507
Pardcr Jr8at, 157 Pirjrdr, ,143, 463
P8!doy, Jrg&tjit, 274, 3m, 324, Prat.p SirEhs,255, 27 l-27 4,276, 277,

!12, 34t,3A,343, 349-351, 354, 279, 28t .284, 289-292, 296, 51 I

432, 463 Prav&vati,9l, 93
Patdc, J8gdharr, 277 Prithvip&I, 324
P8DdG, JasaksllE, 155, l5? Purlilg, 379
Patrdc, K!lu, l0l, 137, 139, 196,
191 , 221 , 228, 231, 234, 250, 123, RajsodralaksEi, 49, 21 l, 27 4, 21 6,
 3t0 Modern Ncpal
285,289,292, 293, $\ !16-319, Srna Bhim, 335
52A, 522, 564, 565, 571, 572 Setra, Bigsantsr, 239
RqjetY8ri Debi, 594 S€n, Damodara, 64
Rai, Budhskarm, 23t, 239,241, Sco, Di8vijaya, 64
2A,245,248 SGr,,caodharbha, 63
Ra6 Shsh, Captai!, 432, 511 Setr,Harodutta,66
RaEe, AEsrtiDSh, 3m Srn, HarishcaBdts, 8
Ratrs, Bahcl, 522 Sen, Jagat,79
Retra, BeDdu, 298 S9n. Jayamrlgal, 79
R.[a, Bhaskara, /l44 Setr, Kamrrsjadutb, 64
Raoaji Bhsprti, 19,2l Seo, Karaa, 78
R&88, Fakir, 185 Seo, KuoeradutE, 65
Rao8, Jasodhar, 326 Sc!. Marik, 79
Rstrs, Jayatrta, 104-106 Seo, Mukutrda, 62, 85
Ratra, Prabal, 306: 3m, 323,327- Son, Prithvipal,62,63
3!0, 355, 360, 439, 444 Se!, Raghava, 7l
Rana, Pratimaa, 298,315, 318, 439, ScD, Rudra, 61, 62' 85
444, 468, 472, 482 Sctr. Trivikram, 64-66, lA, D7,
Rai, RaJeudra, 563 128, 194
Rana Sarvajit, 293, 294,296,571 Sc!, Viktama, 79
Rsna, Sursimha, 215 Sena, Digbaodhatr&, 76
Rai, BichitraoarayaDa, ?5 sGoa. Harihrra, ?1, ?4, 78
Rai, Budhakaroa, T6 Spra, Hcmakartra, ?5, ?9
Rai, Rajyapratash, 102 Sons, I!dr., 74, 78
Rai, Satbaha, 75 soD!, Mrtrdh.ta, 75, 77, 8l
Rai, Sital, 250 Se!a, MBDikya, 77
Rajgiri, 266 Sctra. Visvambhar&. ?5
Rao, Ralaji, 2l Setr HarakuBardultt, 228, 229,
Ratnasera,325 294, 333, M,597
RairBvati,34 Sena.Mukutrda,333
Richald Smith, Colonel, 186 R.ghunath, 243
SeEa,
Ross, Cololel, 426 Shah, Bahsdur, 10,17, 49,252,
Rupanarayana,2T9 253, 5, 280.287, 289, 29 t-
21 2-21

Ruobolt, Thomas, 184, 185, 187, 293, 29s-3o1, 307 -313, 3l5-32O,
189, l9l, 193'195 331, 333, 334, 456, 520, 528,532,
548-55q 552, 556, 565-575
Sahi, Bhadra, 196,271 shsb. BEm, 348. 358; 365, 43 ), /r44,
Sahi, Gajabir, 4.14 483, 526, 528, 561
S.hi, JayaEta, 468, 482 Shah, Balabhadra, 290, 291, W,
Sahi, Mukti. 8 3t5, ?26, 358, 432, $1,482,5O4,
sahi, Nara, 354 561, 597,599
Sen, Aobar, 62 sh8h, Bhupatiodra, 48
 Index lo Yol, I 3l I

Sh.h, Blrbhrdra42,,|4 419,444,445,451,62,463,81,

shrh, Drljit, 48, 176, 273, 214, 472,482, 526, 515, 545, 552,554,
269,272,280,285,287,288, 294, 551,561, 562,564-56,569,570,
297, at2, 313, 318, 319 512, 571, 576, 594, 596.598
Shsh, Drlanrtdr!, 48, 146, 172, Shsh, LrDstudlo, 48, 131, 144,
174, 17s, 25t, 269, 270, 219AU, ,r',5,2lt,235,269,276
284, 286, 287, 288, 290,291,326, Shah, RrDsbhima, 9, 225,311
571 Shrh, Sbcr Bahadut,l7l,216
ShshDal,43,44,48 shrh,SiddhiD.nlanE,136,251,
Shrh, DrEb.r,4l,8s 305, 314
Sheh, Girmo Ju{dha Vikram, Sh.h, Siddhipratepo, 132, f04,
462,593,594, 595 314
Sbah, Dmwa,2l,27, 30-33 Shrh, Srikrilhor, 345, X47, 432,
Shah, Jrh!!8ir,48, 51, 129 413
Shsh Jivr, 164,286,32O,326 321 Shah, vtdur, 276, 567
Shrb, Krilhos, 8, 9, ll, 42,291 Shah, VilsEsrdala, 217,303, fis,
Shah, Kuldip, 569 306
Shat, KurraE, 560, 562 SbaLtlballtbta, 292
Sh8h, MahoddsE Kitti,90, 252, Shokh, Zabbar, 98, 260
255, 269, 270, 213, 291, 296, 298 Shslu Khonop, 431
Shrb, Naru,318, 326 Shcr Brhadur,565, 567
Sbrh, PrrsklaBa, 319 Shorc Joho Sir, 203
Shrh, PtadyuE&a, 339, 351 Silhwal K!zi, 178
Shah, Prithvitrarayatra, 10-12, 18, Simha, Ajaya, 432
20, 23, 31, 46,48, 49, 51, 56, 63, Simhs Ajit (Raja), ,!05
64, 76, 83, 89,92,96, 108, 113, Siogh, Lal, 3,O,353, 363
125, r29, t34,135, 139-157, 160,- Sirha, Abhimao (Kazi), 432, 439,
163, 166, 168-177, 179-186, 189, 444,448,549, 55O
190, 195-198, m0-203, 205-209, Simha, Bhrkti, 345
2ll-216, 219-224, 226-229, 230-
Simha, Dhaukrl, 432
235, 237, 238, 2&-24f , 246-274. Sioha, couritrrth. 368, 369
291, 292, 294, 327, 397, 399,,101, Sioba, Kamaleswara, 368
576
520, 521,559, 569, Siohs, Kirtitua,n,432, 444, 466
323
Shah, Raghubara, Sirhr, LaklEi,368
Shah,Raghur!.lla,323 Silha,Mshcldrs,344,362,353
Shah, Rajctrdrs Vikrsoa, 178,598 Sioha, Mobro, 339, 340
Shah, Ramr8aDga,282 SiEhr, Rudra, 368
l7l, 2,l4,
Shth, Rate Bahadur, Si.nh8 NataysD, 470
270, 27 6, 284, 285, 290, 301, 306, Simba, Svarutra, 57 l
3lO, 321, 322, 323, 325, 326, 328, Sioha, Tribhuva!8, 550, 567
329, 332, 135, 34o, 341, 347, 348, Sitrhs, Utrslath, 368
?52-354, 36s, 367, 369, 311, 43t, SiDhaptatap, 281
3t2 Mod*n Ncpal

Sir8h, 8ad!1, 358 Tskrarl N8lasitrLs, 439, 458, 461,

Siogh, E8ghs, 176 Thap&, Perasurto, 111, ll3, 114,
Silgh, Ksran (R&ja), 400 133, 135-137, 142-144,r1t, t12,
siogh, Lakloi, u0 173, 255, 289, 2fi, 29t , 597
Sitrgb, Rlonsrayto (Rrjs), 249 Thrpa, SutEvir, !43
Smith,563 Thsps, Tular8E, 322, 328
Stuart Mr., /97, 551 This Taslat, 457
Sukhlal R8j!, 164 TiDu Sulis!, 555
surs Pratap, 168, 213, 214,234, Tsopc! Dcbugpr, 435
251,269,273 Tu Tbwslg Ta ChyaD Juag,456,
Sylvsi! L.vi, 476, 493 4s7, 461, 4W5, 467.469, 477,
Turoar, 384, 391, 392
Tai-Sio P8o, 505
Tstrcho Khcmbo, 5ll Up.dhys, Bitbhrd!r, l9O, 248
Tandup Sskye, 434 Upadhys, Blsnullrth, Y7 524, 561
TcEgyclitrg Dzasa, 470 Upadhys, Dilatr8lh, 249, 266.,
Towali, KaDalanidhi, 34O 300, 301, 308, ,O8, 419,481,521,
Thaog Th8-i-Tsu!g, 498 s22, 526, 521, 537, 545
Thapa, Achal, 231 Upsdhys, H&ri!ards, 237
Thrrs, Amer Sinha, 236,244,298, Upsdhya, Kirtit&jesaods, 199
326,342,344,W,
305, 318, 321, Upadhya, Llkrmitrer&y8n, 288
349,359,361, 4,6, 432, 46!
Thapa, Ambar Singh, 322, 326,, Vr ithrt, 165
355,522 Vil.rkuDcri, 322, 323, 325, 3n,
Th8pa, Balilaj, 354, 356, 357, 364 33r
Thapa, Bhakti, 324,128 349,351, Yisnu Slqkrr, 434, 472
353, 354, 356, 357, 358, 365 vilEsviti,325
Thapa, Bhim ScD, 20, 155, 359,
591 wrzir Ali, 556, 55?
Thapa, Dooduttai Dcvadutta, 298, Wci YurD, it4l, 454. 455, 473
305, 358, 439. 453, 451,459,468, wsllaod. A.. 363
472, 482, 5i0 Wollcrloy, Lord, 368
Thapa, Dhanaraj, 304 wodd.r, Bhotc, 305
 INDEX TO VOL. II

Abdul Ati, Moulvi, 104, l16' 125 Bhikharilal,9

Abdul Kadir (Q fdir)' Moulvi' Bhoro (captair), 237
23. 27 , 41 , 64, 93, 98, 99' l0l Bhuti sitrcb Misn, l99
Atdulla Bo8, 270 Bilerrl Lt., 269
AdarD., J., 262, 266, 268' 269,272, Bir Bahrdut, 126, 157
215,281,281 Birkkhoro siogh, Rej., 255-259'

Ahmrd Sbrh Dursni, 195 266

Ali, Ujir, 237 Blate, M;., 64, 85
Aluhwals, Fatoh SiDgh, 22, Br.ddoE, P, 249, 25), 262

Atrirutdba Chaod,207 Bradshs$, Mrio\ 258, 262, 264,

21 8, 281, 282'
Atrtotry, ll, 17,18,19' 24' 59 265, 266, 268-n 5,
285, 288, 290, 294, 295-300, 302
Babsi, Raja, 241 Brooks, T., 138, 139, 1'l4, 145,289
Baillcy,30l
Bain udhar, Psodit, I19, 124 ChaudstY, Bschhan, 249
Bakar Lt.,99 Chaudaly, Bhakt. R j, 256
Badagiri, PritaElda!, l9l chaudary, Bhikhu, 296,299' 3ol
Basnct, Bhakat Singh, 176 Chaudary, BYjoo, 285
Basrct, Bhakhel Singh, l6l Cbaudsty, Dhuts, 252
Balnct, Chamu,2l0,23l chaudaty Jud\ran, 260
Ba!nct, Dhoukal Simha' ?2,73 Chaudaty, Kutht, 251
BalEet, I[dravir,88 chaudary, MadhaE RaE, 252
Bastret, Kirtidran, 1,22, 47 ' 69-11' ChaudhatY, Phcku, 275, 277
77 -19, 82, 83, 97, 98, 1 t2 Chitra Dcvi, 83, 84
BasDet, Sivarama, TS Crawford, Captain, 64, 100' 119'
Bhaktabar (Basnat), 7 l, 11, 71-8f , 120

85,96, 98, 101, 106, 138, 148'

149, 153, 155, 164,166' 115' t'|6' Das Ramgule!, 161
184 DevichaEd, Raja, 197
Bhaod.ri, B.hadur, 86' 102' 104' Dhansvara Jsmadat, 231
16l, 164 Dharma Praka!h, 187
Bhaod.ri, Chumu, 189' 208' 210, Dal.bhatj.E, l9
216,220,23t Datta; Hars Kumar, 75
Bhaodari, DurSa Sitr8h, 216 Dodsw.ll, G.orge, 279, 285
Bhsndari. Jasdoo' 264 DouSlas, Mr.,99
Bhaodari, Jaswanta, 74, 80 Drcaret, Mr., 251, 252
Bhavani Sankar (Maioi), 219 DuDkary, Col., 86
2t
 314 odon Ncpal
bwrrt.d.$, l, 84, lO3, 147, r5l JGakl!!, Ll,, 287
Edmoattooc, N. B., t9,35, 18,99, Jothl, Chaadrarllo, l!2
103, t37, t4t, r,t4, 145 Joshl, Harkbs Dcva, 161
Edward! Lt,, 100, 120 Joshl, Jryi Dcva. 16l
Jashl, Jryatrishnr, 200, 219
FrhcbEnd Miatr,2O2
Frtlcr, ,rrlct Brillio, l8j K.ngryrl, DooDldhl, 2t9
Krrkl, Abhrys glDth, 208
OrJ.kG!!r, Krzl, 168 KarEa Prlkarh, 187, 188, 190,
OajorlEbl, 184 192, t98,212,220
Gaj Sia3h, Serdar, 249,25t,252 KhadBuri,Dharalidhs , l60
G8o6rh chrti, 2ll Khadka, Subuddhl, E2, 98, ,05,
cha!tl Java, Subod&r, 2,14 106, 107
OillclDic,302 Kbio, Barkat A1i,237, 238
Oiri, J.idcv, t6l Kh8D, Byjcq 291
ciri, Laklmao (Lschhoan), 256, Khan, Mabammad Guhm Ali, 237
257, 2s9, 270, 273, 276 Khatr, N&dir, 214
Giri, Udsya, 176 Khatri, Dalarath, l8y',, 289, 290, 291
ciri,Umarrao, 16l Khatri, IndramaD, 155, 168
Gulam Ali Khar, Nawrb, 208 Khatri, Jay Siogh, 176
GulaE MohaoEad, 196 Khatri, Ramach.odrs, 207
Guruog, Bahadur,23l Kbatri, Ysduaath, 69
Guruog, Nara Sin8h!, 156, 163, Kh^w,s, Antad,227,229
168, 170 Khawas, Bh.8u, 183
curuoS, Pr.blsd, 199 Khawas, Bhim, Kazi, 155, 168
Gur!tr8, Ran8rDath, 199 Khawat, Gatbhu, Tl
Khrwas, Colaiya, 160
Ifrmilton Dr., jO, 7t, g1,ge, t(/|,, Khawas, IDdra Sioha, 7l
105, lts, 163, 193,194, tg7 Khawas, Kanchan, 69
Hrttidal, Chautara, l04 Khawar, Raog!vir, 26i
Ea.tilal,D44 Khawas, Tri bhirvaD, 90, 91, 93
IIcttinStWs.rGD, 270 Kirkparrick, 3,4,2, 10, 15, 16, 18,
Ha3tioSs Lord, 284 21, 38, 64, 8s
H8y, ClDtair;269, 290 Kishor(jung, l3l
Hoar.cy,!Mr.,245,2{6 Knox, Captaitr, 3-14, l6-48, 58.60,
Hiucn Tta08, l9? 63-65, 67, 68-70, 84_E9, 9r, 93,
Hutchinson, J, 194, 2Ol 9s-97, 99.108, l _ 1t5, 6-129,
IDdravir, 92 131.135, 138, t40, t42, t48, t59
Krishns Mutihi,23?
J8ha. Sin8h, Kazi, 84 Kuar, Balsbhadre, 164, 189,230
J.dur Bhur, 19 Kua., Balanara SiEgh, 163, 164,
Jtyants, 15, 165, t66, to, r7ot t7tt 176,207
 index to Yol. II 315

Ku.r, Birbh.dra, 190 12t-122, t25, t39, t48, r'12, r13

Kuar, ChandraYir, 190, 211, 213, Mohan, Raja, 197
2t7, 223, 2U, 229 -23t, 242 Monckton, J,, 179
Kuar, R.Dajit, 166, 183, 199,200, Moorcrafl, Mr.,246
207,228 Muniraj Faujdar, 2tO, 261. 262,
Kurr, RcvaDta, 2lO, 213, 2m, 229, 219,286
237
Kuar, Virsbhadls, 21O, 219, 220, Nadir Shah, 180
231 Nain Silgh, 208
Kuobbcditr F.o. Singb, 155 Narsingh, Kazi, I12, l17, I18, lt9,
t26, t?9, 152, 164, 166, 170
Laksmidevi, 157 Ncav., Mr., 135, 136
Laksmin&taratra, 104 Nirvanatralda, Svami, I
Lallta Tripura SuDdari, 157
lrl Sidsb, l5l Octorlony, Col,, 192, 237-U0,254,
Latlcr, Crpt., 302 268, 291 , 292, 293
Layccrt.r, Mr.,273 Oldfield, 134
Lloyd, G. Mr., 114, ll5, l,l0, l4l,
146. 148, 171 Padma Deva Dottcl, 219
Loksya, Jayakrishoa, 210 Padma Sam bbara,l96
Paode, Bhotu, 166, 176
Ma8ar, Kazi, ,70 Pande,lDalabhanj.n, l, 155, 163,
Mabammad Akbar lI, lE5 164, 17 6, 203, 206, 257. 25E, 24,
Mahila Guru,255,276 266
Moira, Lord, 293 Pande, D.modar, l, 11, 22, 26, 35,
Malla, JoSalaByana, 160, 16l, 3E, 42, 45, 47, 66, 69, 7O-7 2, 82,
189, 192, 198, 210 a3, 87, 90.92,94, 96.98, 10"
Maodhsr, Subcdar, 155 llr, 112, lls, tl1-120, 122, 123,
Marlay, G€oaral, 301 125, t26, t32, 139, t42, 152-t55,
Marti!, R., 279-281,283, 285, 286, 168, t72- t74,296
288 Parde, J.8ajjit, 160, 192
M€dhi, Mirza, I07, l16, ll8 Pandc, Kalu, 3l
Mctcalfo, 292 Pande, Kur Ecer,92
Miatr Mrld.o NarayaE, 2ll Psndc, Ranrbam, 121, l7l,296
Mi8tr Nalryrtr Das, 2!l Paodo, Rao.jit, 71, l1l, l15, ll8,
Mintq Lord, l9l 127, 128, 138, 139, 153, 158, 153,
Mir Krllo All, A!!rlD, 275,277, 170
284 P8!d., Ranskcstr, 155
Misrs, BrajamDda, 139 Parda, RarevirjrDg, 258
Mi!r8, Gaja!.j, 4, 1-18,21-31,38- P.trdc, Suruljir, ll2
42, 45, 47, 48, 66, 14,78, 85, 81- Patrdc, Tikabatlabh, 189, 210. ?16
95, t00-t06, 109.113, 115.118, Ps[dit, Bccr BhaEjaa, 261 , 217 , 2E4
 316 Modern Nepal
Pandit, Krirhna, 117, 25O, 25E- RaDajit SiDgh. l9l, 194, 196, 199,
2@,262, 265-268,2Es 20t, 202, 20+208, 20,-2t1, 213-
Pandit, Padmaprni, 81, 84 215, 219-223, 225, 227, 23t, 234,
P{odit, Padmatridhi, 219 235,238,250
PaDdil, Rathunatb, 20,,O RichirdsoD, cnl., 219-281, 2E5,
Pardit, Ransjit, 16,4, 177 281, 288
Paldit Sritrisnr, 76, 178, 119, 212, Ripumardrsr,2lS
284 Rana, Frujvir, 176
Paqdit Srrkrisua, 76, 178, 179.272, Russel, C., 54
2U Rutherford, Mr., 288
PaEdit, RrDgroath, 38-4\ 46, 47,
81, 83, 84, r38, 139, 155, 158, Sahi, Lachhvir,237
t64t t7O, 17 6, 177, 256, 258, 26r,, Sahi, Psrakrrma. 162, 184
262, 261, 268, 270, 27 1, 21 3-27 8, S.ktibrllabh, 190
283,299 Sa6satchaod, l8?, 19l, f93.208,
Pandit, Vilnu, 162, 259 n9,2tt,2t4,22t
PaDdit, YsduDEth. 176 S&okhsdhar, 155, 168
Pa0t, Dlonidhi, 188 Satrrsrchrtrd, REj6, 292
ParamrraEl, 184 Sardsr, GaDdhsrva, 2ll, 218
PiokctsAill, Lt., 265, 267 , 269 Sardar, Ramrutrder, 220
Princcp, T.,253 Scott, Mr.,253
Prithvip.l, Raja, 139, 172 Sh&hi, Pratimao, 183
Proclor, Mr., 115, 148 Sahi, Udatta,il99
Sabi, Vikram, 2,14
Rrjakhso, Mir Mun6hi, 253 Sco, Dharmaraj,296
Rajrrajosvlri Dcvi, 106, 109, ll0, Seo, Disbaodhao, 296
154, 168 Sen, Prithvipal, Raja, 265, 27 5
Rajolvati, 153 Sctr Ratna, 300
Raj Sinsh, 197 Scd Suravir,264
Rsmsdas, 237, 238 Sen, Udayapmtap, 296
Famdhin. Kazi, lE4 Shah Alam tI, 185
Raorsarao, 220, 227, 237 Shdh, B.labhrdra, 38-41, 46, 80.90
Ram Sin8h, Raja, 241 Shaha, Bam, 7, 8, 42,45,47,65,
Ramtv&ra, Subcdar, I6E 68, 71.87, 90, 92, 96, 97, tO2,
Ramch.od, RaJe, 197 103, lt7, ll8, 120, t2t, t23, tz4,
Raos BalwaBt; ll2 126, 132, t53,163, 164, 166, 167,
Ranr, D.lbir, 183 t69, t73, l7 5,208, 209, 213, 216,
RaDa, Kirti, l9l,210 242, 243,245-2.47
Ratra, P(sbal, Kari, 22, 155, 168, Shah, Chiptoc (Dilip), l12, 12l
l7l Shah, D.lamardan, 79
RaDa, PratiEao, 69, 7l Shah, N8ltadal, t23, 126, 144
RaDa, Sh..ushor,213 Shah, Gt.va[a Juddha Vlkra&a,
 lndex to Yol. ll 3l?

16,33, 144, 162, 161, t15 111, Sirgh, Jol, 227

l8t, 184, 185 Sin8h, KissD, t89, 216, 220
Shah, Krisoa, Tl, 72, 76, 80 SiD8h, Maosha! Aj.b, 231
Shrh, Lachtrlao, l3l siDgb, Mathabrr, 154
Shah, Luchmcrc,92 Siogh, NriD, l5l' 203
Shah, Pr8dyum!8, 150 SiDgh, N8tabhrdn, 175
Sbab, Pnoa, 19,20, lJ6, 158, 163, Singh, Narabir, 257
t64, 176,267,26[,290 SiDgh, RaE, 212, 22t, 2{,
Sh8h, PrithviDaraysnr, 75, 255 sirgb, Rr!!bir, 139
shah, Ransdhoj, 175 SiDgh, RsDadhir, 118, l19, 122'
Shrh, R8Da Bahadur, l-32, 34-36, t23
6s, 68, 7 t-85, 87, 90, v2, 96,91 , Siu8h, R8taD, 188, 1E9
t02, to3, ll2.!115, ll?, ll8, 12l, Siogh, Sobh&D, 3m
t23, 125.129, 132, lr1, lrs-146, Sin8h, S.Na, 168
148-156 ls&r60, 162-167, t69, Sirha, Karbir, l3l
r7l-!80 Sivadutta, Rrja, 241, 267
Shah, P€mbhim8, 152 sEirh Lr., 290, 299
Shah, RrDodyot, l0l, 105, 156, Sobh8tr Ali, 68
163, 164 Subuddhi, 80
Shah, Rudnvir, 7, 38, 184 Suri, SohaD lrl, 221
Shah, saEshct, 123 s$smmeejce, 52, 54, 55
shah, Shor BEhEdur, T, 8, 70, 74,
76, 97, tol, ll2, ll7-121,124, Tahir Ali Daro8s, 261
r25, 118,146,148, 150, 153, 156, Tarspati F8ujd8r, 260
t58, 162, t54, 165r l6il, 169, l1O, Tejpratap, 269, 300
172, 117 Thapa, AEar Sitrgh,80, t05, lll,
sh.h, ShyaDadatta, 69 138, 145, r53, 156, 166, l7l, l7l,
Shah, Sri Ktisaa, 22, 69, 78, 79' 90 175, 178, 183, I84, 188-190, 192-
Shah, vidur, 69, 71, ll2, l2l, 194, t99, 2@, 202, 203, 205, 2O1.
t50, 153, 165, 170 208, ?tO, 2 t4, 215, 217, 22t-224,
Shahi, PradyurDra, 182 226, 228. 229, 23t, 236, 23E-2&,
Shakcapa8rc, Mr, 273 24 t -243, 253, 254, 2@A64, 266-
Siblcy, Capt., 289, 290 268,291,293, n2
Singh, Amrit, m6 Thapa, AEbar Si!8h, 224
sinsh, Aoi!uddh., 205 Thrp! Alju!, 217
SiD8h, Bhsta, 238 Th8D8, Brldco, 231
SiDsb, Bhrirava, E0, 176 Thepa, Bhairab, 184
Sitrih, Dsvs, 227 Thapa, Bhstti, 183, 200, 201, 206,
Siltb, Dwar'o Sa'rDso, 1J5 2t2, 213, 218, 220, 223, 224, 230-
siu8h, GsEdb8tba, 203, 213 232,238
Silgh, GbsEasd, 195 Thapa, BbieslD, l, 81, 82, 84,105,
Si[8b, ,s$a, 195 l5!.157, 163.17t, lr3, 175.178,.
 318 Modern Nepal
243, 207 , zt0, 2t't , 230, 243, 253, t70, 172
259, 266, 211 , 299 Ttipurasundari, RaDi, 175, 176
ThaDa, Bhakridal, 188 Tularam,94
Thapa, Deodutta, 69
Thapa, GanSaram, l6l Upadhya Balsbbsdra, 271
Th.pa, Chamsnd, l9l, 210 Upadhya, Ealadcva, 268
Thapa, Hioakartra, 80 Upsdhys, Chaodr8 Sckher, 9, 176,
Thapa, Ilastidat, 184 293, 298, 301 , 302
Thapa, Jaspso, 156, 116,2ll,213, Upadhya, DcoriLhi, 2m
218, ?20 Upadhya, Dioatlath, 9, 19
Thai!, Naid Siogh, 2OO Upadhya, Eldeo, I
Siogh, 166
Tha,Fa, Nayatra Upadhya, H.rihar,257
Thrpa, Nirbhaya Silgh, 237 Up.dhya, Plsja9rti, 257
Thapa, Parasuram, 213, 214, 216, Upadhya, SivaDalrda. 257
219 Upadhya, v ij8!&!ards, lE4
ThaDa, PraharsiD8h, 214
Thapa, Ra6das, 237 Vaidya, Bhi!la Nidhi, 219
Thapa, RsmsuDdar, l90 Vandarheydan, 3,4, 1, ll, t2, ti,
Thrpa, Raladhoj, 156, 158, 163, 2l
16!, t7 6-t7 8, 192, m7 , 2t0, 2t7, Vazir Aly Kban, 45
230, 243, 244,253,259 Vijaya Sin8b,247
Thapa, Rathavir, 164 Virabhsdra, 88, 92, 176
Thara, Parasur&m, 20, 31, 74,75, Virsjavir, 170
76, t7l, 116, 184, 258,266,267, Virtru Paodit, 253
284,299 Vogcl, ,., 194, ml
Thapa, Ramda6, 199
Th&pa, RaDasur, 230, 231 Wcllasley, Lord, 4, J, [s,33,46,
Thapa, Rao jo!e, 189, 206, 213,2 t9, 49, 59, 101,130, 134
220,231, 24t Webb, CaDt.. 291
Thapa, Ste.tha, 192 Wood, GeDetal, 271, 301
T[8p8, VikrEDr, 156
Tharu Nultin Khao, 291 Young, Mr., 256
TribhublD, (Sio8h, Khawas), 9,
87, ll5, l18, 163, 164, 166, t68- Tahat Ali. 261
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