Entro
Entro
Entro
Contents
1History
o1.1Mid-1800s – 1945: From botanicals to the first synthetic drugs
1.1.1Epinephrine, norepinephrine, and amphetamine
1.1.2Discovery and development of the barbiturates
1.1.3Insulin
1.1.4Early anti-infective research: Salvarsan, Prontosil,
Penicillin and vaccines
1.1.5Unsafe drugs and early industry regulation
o 1.2The post-war years, 1945–1970
1.2.1Further advances in anti-infective research
1.2.2Development and marketing of antihypertensive drugs
1.2.3Oral Contraceptives
1.2.4Thalidomide and the Kefauver-Harris Amendments
o 1.31970–1980s
1.3.1Statins
2Research and development
o 2.1The cost of innovation
3Product approval
o 3.1Orphan drugs
4Global sales
o 4.1Patents and generics
o 4.2Prescriptions
5Marketing
o 5.1To healthcare professionals
o 5.2Direct to consumer advertising
6Controversies
o 6.1Drug marketing and lobbying
o 6.2Medication pricing
o 6.3Regulatory issues
o 6.4Pharmaceutical fraud
o 6.5Physician roles
o 6.6Response to COVID-19
7Developing world
o 7.1Patents
o 7.2Charitable programs
8See also
9References
10External links
History[edit]
Main article: History of pharmacy
Mid-1800s – 1945: From botanicals to the first synthetic
drugs[edit]
The modern era of pharmaceutical industry began with local
apothecaries that expanded from their traditional role of distributing
botanical drugs such as morphine and quinine to wholesale manufacture
in the mid-1800s, and from discoveries resulting from applied research.
Intentional drug discovery from plants began with the isolation between
1803 and 1805 of morphine - an analgesic and sleep-inducing agent -
from opium by the German apothecary assistant Friedrich Sertürner,
who named this compound after the Greek god of dreams, Morpheus.
By the late 1880s, German dye manufacturers had perfected the
[4]
1929 epinephrine had been formulated into an inhaler for use in the
treatment of nasal congestion.
While highly effective, the requirement for injection limited the use of
epinephrine and orally active derivatives were sought. A
[clarification needed]
Insulin[edit]
Prior to the 20th century, drugs were generally produced by small scale
manufacturers with little regulatory control over manufacturing or claims
of safety and efficacy. To the extent that such laws did exist,
enforcement was lax. In the United States, increased regulation of
vaccines and other biological drugs was spurred by tetanus outbreaks
and deaths caused by the distribution of contaminated smallpox vaccine
and diphtheria antitoxin. The Biologics Control Act of 1902 required
[26]
Measles cases reported in the United States before and after introduction of the vaccine.
Other notable new vaccines of the period include those for measles
(1962, John Franklin Enders of Children's Medical Center Boston, later
refined by Maurice Hilleman at Merck), Rubella (1969, Hilleman, Merck)
and mumps (1967, Hilleman, Merck) The United States incidences of
[42]
factor for cardiovascular morbidity and mortality, in industrialized
countries. Prior to 1940 approximately 23% of all deaths among
[54]
1975 for "the saving of untold thousands of lives and the alleviation of
the suffering of millions of victims of hypertension". [59]
reduce the risk of new onset kidney disease [RR 0.71] and death [RR
0.84] in diabetic patients, irrespective of whether they have
hypertension. [63]
Oral Contraceptives[edit]
Prior to the second world war, birth control was prohibited in many
countries, and in the United States even the discussion of contraceptive
methods sometimes led to prosecution under Comstock laws. The
history of the development of oral contraceptives is thus closely tied to
the birth control movement and the efforts of activists Margaret
Sanger, Mary Dennett, and Emma Goldman. Based on fundamental
research performed by Gregory Pincus and synthetic methods for
progesterone developed by Carl Djerassi at Syntex and by Frank
Colton at G.D. Searle & Co., the first oral contraceptive, Enovid, was
developed by E.D. Searle and Co. and approved by the FDA in 1960.
The original formulation incorporated vastly excessive doses of
hormones, and caused severe side effects. Nonetheless, by 1962, 1.2
million American women were on the pill, and by 1965 the number had
increased to 6.5 million. The availability of a convenient form of
[64][65][66][67]
In the U.S., a push for revisions of the FD&C Act emerged from
Congressional hearings led by Senator Estes Kefauver of Tennessee in
1959. The hearings covered a wide range of policy issues, including
advertising abuses, questionable efficacy of drugs, and the need for
greater regulation of the industry. While momentum for new legislation
temporarily flagged under extended debate, a new tragedy emerged that
underscored the need for more comprehensive regulation and provided
the driving force for the passage of new laws.
On 12 September 1960, an American licensee, the William S. Merrell
Company of Cincinnati, submitted a new drug application for Kevadon
(thalidomide), a sedative that had been marketed in Europe since 1956.
The FDA medical officer in charge of reviewing the compound, Frances
Kelsey, believed that the data supporting the safety of thalidomide was
incomplete. The firm continued to pressure Kelsey and the FDA to
approve the application until November 1961, when the drug was pulled
off the German market because of its association with grave congenital
abnormalities. Several thousand newborns in Europe and elsewhere
suffered the teratogenic effects of thalidomide. Without approval from
the FDA, the firm distributed Kevadon to over 1,000 physicians there
under the guise of investigational use. Over 20,000 Americans received
thalidomide in this "study," including 624 pregnant patients, and about 17
known newborns suffered the effects of the drug. [citation needed]
1970–1980s[edit]
Statins[edit]
Main article: Discovery and development of statins
In 1971, Akira Endo, a Japanese biochemist working for the
pharmaceutical company Sankyo, identified mevastatin (ML-236B), a
molecule produced by the fungus Penicillium citrinum, as an inhibitor of
HMG-CoA reductase, a critical enzyme used by the body to produce
cholesterol. Animal trials showed very good inhibitory effect as in clinical
trials, however a long-term study in dogs found toxic effects at higher
doses and as a result mevastatin was believed to be too toxic for human
use. Mevastatin was never marketed, because of its adverse effects of
tumors, muscle deterioration, and sometimes death in laboratory dogs.
P. Roy Vagelos, chief scientist and later CEO of Merck & Co, was
interested, and made several trips to Japan starting in 1975. By 1978,
Merck had isolated lovastatin (mevinolin, MK803) from the
fungus Aspergillus terreus, first marketed in 1987 as Mevacor. [70][71][72]
Mevacor both made Merck over US$1 billion. Endo was awarded the
2006 Japan Prize, and the Lasker-DeBakey Clinical Medical Research
Award in 2008. For his "pioneering research into a new class of
molecules" for "lowering cholesterol," [sentence fragment][74][75]
Professors Light and Lexchin reported in 2012, however, that the rate of
approval for new drugs has been a relatively stable average rate of 15 to
25 for decades. [80]
between 1995 and 2010, revenues rose faster (revenues rose by $200.4
billion in that time). [80]
A study by the consulting firm Bain & Company reported that the cost for
discovering, developing and launching (which factored in marketing and
other business expenses) a new drug (along with the prospective drugs
that fail) rose over a five-year period to nearly $1.7 billion in 2003.
According to Forbes, by 2010 development costs were between $4
[82]
Product approval[edit]
In the United States, new pharmaceutical products must be approved by
the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) as being both safe and
effective. This process generally involves submission of
an Investigational New Drug filing with sufficient pre-clinical data to
support proceeding with human trials. Following IND approval, three
phases of progressively larger human clinical trials may be conducted.
Phase I generally studies toxicity using healthy volunteers. Phase II can
include pharmacokinetics and dosing in patients, and Phase III is a very
large study of efficacy in the intended patient population. Following the
successful completion of phase III testing, a New Drug Application is
submitted to the FDA. The FDA reviews the data and if the product is
seen as having a positive benefit-risk assessment, approval to market
the product in the US is granted. [85]
Global sales[edit]
Top 26 drug companies by sales (2010)[88]
Pharma sales
Company
($ million)
Pfizer 45,083
GlaxoSmithKline 40,156
Sanofi 38,555
Roche 27,290
AstraZeneca / 26,475
Johnson & Johnson 23,267
Novartis 22,576
Unilever 24,395
Wyeth 16,884
Lilly 15,691
Amgen 13,858
Bayer 10,162
Takeda 8,716
Schering-Plough 8,561
Teva 7,821
Genentech 7,640
Astellas 7,390
Novo Nordisk 7,087
Eisai 4,703
In 2011, global spending on prescription drugs topped $954 billion, even as growth slowed
somewhat in Europe and North America. The United States accounts for more than a third of
the global pharmaceutical market, with $340 billion in annual sales followed by the EU and
Japan.[89] Emerging markets such as China, Russia, South Korea and Mexico outpaced that
market, growing a huge 81 percent.[90][91]
The top ten best-selling drugs of 2013 totalled $75.6 billion in sales, with the anti-
inflammatory drug Humira being the best-selling drug worldwide at $10.7 billion in sales. The
second and third best-selling were Enbrel and Remicade, respectively.[92] The top three best-
selling drugs in the United States in 2013 were Abilify ($6.3 billion,) Nexium ($6 billion) and
Humira ($5.4 billion).[93] The best-selling drug ever, Lipitor, averaged $13 billion annually and
netted $141 billion total over its lifetime before Pfizer's patent expired in November 2011.
IMS Health publishes an analysis of trends expected in the pharmaceutical industry in 2007,
including increasing profits in most sectors despite loss of some patents, and new
'blockbuster' drugs on the horizon.[94]
Prescriptions[edit]
In the U.S., the value of prescriptions increased over the period of 1995 to 2005 by 3.4 billion
annually, a 61 percent increase. Retail sales of prescription drugs jumped 250 percent from
$72 billion to $250 billion, while the average price of prescriptions more than doubled from
$30 to $68.[99]
Marketing[edit]
Advertising is common in healthcare journals as well as through more mainstream media
routes. In some countries, notably the US, they are allowed to advertise directly to the
general public. Pharmaceutical companies generally employ salespeople (often called 'drug
reps' or, an older term, 'detail men') to market directly and personally to physicians and other
healthcare providers. In some countries, notably the US, pharmaceutical companies also
employ lobbyists to influence politicians. Marketing of prescription drugs in the US is
regulated by the federal Prescription Drug Marketing Act of 1987.
The pharmaceutical marketing plan incorporates the spending plans, channels, and thoughts
which will take the drug association, and its items and administrations, forward in the current
scene.
To healthcare professionals[edit]
The book Bad Pharma also discusses the influence of drug representatives, how ghost-
writers are employed by the drug companies to write papers for academics to publish, how
independent the academic journals really are, how the drug companies finance doctors'
continuing education, and how patients' groups are often funded by industry.[100]
Controversies[edit]
Drug marketing and lobbying[edit]
Main articles: Pharmaceutical marketing and Pharmaceutical lobby
There has been increasing controversy surrounding pharmaceutical marketing and
influence. There have been accusations and findings of influence on doctors and other
health professionals through drug reps including the constant provision of marketing 'gifts'
and biased information to health professionals;[101] highly prevalent advertising in journals and
conferences; funding independent healthcare organizations and health promotion
campaigns; lobbying physicians and politicians (more than any other industry in the US[102]);
sponsorship of medical schools or nurse training; sponsorship of continuing educational
events, with influence on the curriculum;[103] and hiring physicians as paid consultants on
medical advisory boards.
Some advocacy groups, such as No Free Lunch and AllTrials, have criticized the effect of
drug marketing to physicians because they say it biases physicians to prescribe the
marketed drugs even when others might be cheaper or better for the patient.[104]
There have been related accusations of disease mongering[105] (over-medicalising) to expand
the market for medications. An inaugural conference on that subject took place in Australia
in 2006.[106] In 2009, the Government-funded National Prescribing Service launched the
"Finding Evidence – Recognising Hype" program, aimed at educating GPs on methods for
independent drug analysis.[107]
Meta-analyses have shown that psychiatric studies sponsored by pharmaceutical companies
are several times more likely to report positive results, and if a drug company employee is
involved the effect is even larger.[108][109][110] Influence has also extended to the training of
doctors and nurses in medical schools, which is being fought.
It has been argued that the design of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental
Disorders and the expansion of the criteria represents an increasing medicalization of
human nature, or "disease mongering", driven by drug company influence on psychiatry.
[111]
The potential for direct conflict of interest has been raised, partly because roughly half the
authors who selected and defined the DSM-IV psychiatric disorders had or previously had
financial relationships with the pharmaceutical industry.[112]
In the US, starting in 2013, under the Physician Financial Transparency Reports (part of the
Sunshine Act), the Centres for Medicare & Medicaid Services has to collect information from
applicable manufacturers and group purchasing organizations in order to report information
about their financial relationships with physicians and hospitals. Data are made public in the
Centres for Medicare & Medicaid Services website. The expectation is that relationship
between doctors and pharmaceutical industry will become fully transparent.[113]
In a report conducted by OpenSecrets, there were more than 1,100 lobbyists working in
some capacity for the pharmaceutical business in 2017. In the first quarter of 2017, the
health products and pharmaceutical industry spent $78 million on lobbying members of the
United States Congress.[114]
Medication pricing[edit]
Further information: Medication costs § Factors
It has been argued that the pricing of pharmaceuticals is becoming a major challenge for
health systems.[115]
Regulatory issues[edit]
Ben Goldacre has argued that regulators – such as the Medicines and Healthcare products
Regulatory Agency (MHRA) in the UK, or the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) in the
United States – advance the interests of the drug companies rather than the interests of the
public due to revolving door exchange of employees between the regulator and the
companies and friendships develop between regulator and company employees.[116] He
argues that regulators do not require that new drugs offer an improvement over what is
already available, or even that they be particularly effective.[116]
Others have argued that excessive regulation suppresses therapeutic innovation and that
the current cost of regulator-required clinical trials prevents the full exploitation of new
genetic and biological knowledge for the treatment of human disease. A 2012 report by the
President's Council of Advisors on Science and Technology made several key
recommendations to reduce regulatory burdens to new drug development, including 1)
expanding the FDA's use of accelerated approval processes, 2) creating an expedited
approval pathway for drugs intended for use in narrowly defined populations, and 3)
undertaking pilot projects designed to evaluate the feasibility of a new, adaptive drug
approval process.[117]
Pharmaceutical fraud[edit]
See also: List of largest pharmaceutical settlements in the United States
The examples and perspective in this section deal primarily
with the United States and do not represent a worldwide
view of the subject. You may improve this section, discuss
the issue on the talk page, or create a new section, as
appropriate. (August 2015) (Learn how and when to remove this
template message)
The following is a list of the four largest settlements reached with pharmaceutical companies
from 1991 to 2012, rank ordered by the size of the total settlement. Legal claims against the
pharmaceutical industry have varied widely over the past two decades, including Medicare
and Medicaid fraud, off-label promotion, and inadequate manufacturing practices.[127][128]
Laws
allegedly
Settleme Yea violated
Company Violation(s) Product(s)
nt r (if
applicabl
e)
Off-label False
GlaxoSmithKline [ promotion/ 201 Avandia/Wellbutrin/ Claims
$3 billion
129]
failure to disclose 2 Paxil Act/FDC
safety data A
False
Off-label
$2.3 200 Bextra/Geodon/ Claims
Pfizer[130] promotion/kickba
billion 9 Zyvox/Lyrica Act/FDC
cks
A
False
$1.4 Off-label 200 Claims
Eli Lilly [132]
Zyprexa
billion promotion 9 Act/FDC
A
Physician roles[edit]
In May 2015, the New England Journal of Medicine emphasized the importance of
pharmaceutical industry-physician interactions for the development of novel treatments, and
argued that moral outrage over industry malfeasance had unjustifiably led many to
overemphasize the problems created by financial conflicts of interest. The article noted that
major healthcare organizations, such as National Centre for Advancing Translational
Sciences of the National Institutes of Health, the President's Council of Advisors on Science
and Technology, the World Economic Forum, the Gates Foundation, the Welcome Trust,
and the Food and Drug Administration had encouraged greater interactions between
physicians and industry in order to improve benefits to patients.[133][134]
Response to COVID-19[edit]
In November 2020 several pharmaceutical companies announced successful trials of
COVID-19 vaccines, with efficacy of 90 to 95% in preventing infection. Per company
announcements and data reviewed by external analysts, these vaccines are priced at $3 to
$37 per dose.[135] The Wall Street Journal ran an editorial calling for this achievement to be
recognized with a Nobel Peace Prize.[136]
Doctors Without Borders warned that high prices and monopolies on medicines, tests, and
vaccines would prolong the pandemic and cost lives. They urged governments to prevent
profiteering, using compulsory licenses as needed, as had already been done by Canada,
Chile, Ecuador, Germany, and Israel.[137]
On 20 February, 46 US lawmakers called for the US government not to grant monopoly
rights when giving out taxpayer development money for any coronavirus vaccines and
treatments, to avoid giving exclusive control of prices and availability to private
manufacturers.[138]
In the United States the government signed agreements in which research and development
and/or the building of manufacturing plants for potential COVID-19 therapeutics was
subsidized. Typically, the agreement involved the government taking ownership of a certain
number of doses of the product without further payment. For example, under the auspices of
Operation Warp Speed in the United States, the government subsidized research related to
COVID-19 vaccines and therapeutics at Regeneron,[139] Johnson and Johnson, Moderna,
AstraZeneca, Novavax, Pfizer, and GSK. Typical terms involved research subsidies of $400
million to $2 billion, and included government ownership of the first 100 million doses of any
COVID-19 vaccine successfully developed.[140]
American pharmaceutical company Gilead sought and obtained orphan drug
status for remdesivir from the US Food and Drug Administration (FDA) on 23 March 2020.
This provision is intended to encourage the development of drugs affecting fewer than
200,000 Americans by granting strengthened and extended legal monopoly rights to the
manufacturer, along with waivers on taxes and government fees.[141][142] Remdesivir is a
candidate for treating COVID-19; at the time the status was granted, fewer than 200,000
Americans had COVID-19, but numbers were climbing rapidly as the COVID-19
pandemic reached the US, and crossing the threshold soon was considered inevitable.[141]
[142]
Remdesivir was developed by Gilead with over $79 million in U.S. government funding.
[142]
In May 2020, Gilead announced that it would provide the first 940,000 doses of
remdesivir to the federal government free of charge.[143] After facing strong public reactions,
Gilead gave up the "orphan drug" status for remdesivir on 25 March.[144] Gilead retains 20-
year remdesivir patents in more than 70 countries.[137] In May 2020, the company further
announced that it was in discussions with several generics companies to provide rights to
produce remdesivir for developing countries, and with the Medicines Patent Pool to provide
broader generic access.[145]
Developing world[edit]
Patents[edit]
Patents have been criticized in the developing world, as they are thought[who?] to reduce
access to existing medicines.[146] Reconciling patents and universal access to medicine would
require an efficient international policy of price discrimination. Moreover, under
the TRIPS agreement of the World Trade Organization, countries must allow pharmaceutical
products to be patented. In 2001, the WTO adopted the Doha Declaration, which indicates
that the TRIPS agreement should be read with the goals of public health in mind, and allows
some methods for circumventing pharmaceutical monopolies: via compulsory
licensing or parallel imports, even before patent expiration.[147]
In March 2001, 40 multi-national pharmaceutical companies brought litigation against South
Africa for its Medicines Act, which allowed the generic production of antiretroviral drugs
(ARVs) for treating HIV, despite the fact that these drugs were on-patent.[148] HIV was and is
an epidemic in South Africa, and ARVs at the time cost between US$10,000 and US$15,000
per patient per year. This was unaffordable for most South African citizens, and so the South
African government committed to providing ARVs at prices closer to what people could
afford. To do so, they would need to ignore the patents on drugs and produce generics
within the country (using a compulsory license), or import them from abroad. After
international protest in favour of public health rights (including the collection of 250,000
signatures by Médecins Sans Frontières), the governments of several developed countries
(including The Netherlands, Germany, France, and later the US) backed the South African
government, and the case was dropped in April of that year.[149]
In 2016, GlaxoSmithKline (the world's sixth largest pharmaceutical company) announced
that it would be dropping its patents in poor countries so as to allow independent companies
to make and sell versions of its drugs in those areas, thereby widening the public access to
them.[150] GlaxoSmithKline published a list of 50 countries they would no longer hold patents
in, affecting one billion people worldwide.
Charitable programs[edit]
In 2011 four of the top 20 corporate charitable donations and eight of the top 30 corporate
charitable donations came from pharmaceutical manufacturers. The bulk of corporate
charitable donations (69% as of 2012) comes by way of non-cash charitable donations, the
majority of which again were donations contributed by pharmaceutical companies.[151]
Charitable programs and drug discovery & development efforts by pharmaceutical
companies include: