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Alex Leeds Professor Reese Comparative Politics Final Research Project 18 April 2011

Leeds 2 Holding Our Breath: Lebanons Struggle for Democracy Lebanese poet Khalil Gibran while reflecting upon Frances occupation of his home -land once quipped wistfully: Life without liberty is like body without soul. Throughout the past century an unprecedented battle between the forces of oppression and the millions of the voiceless oppressed has been waged on the political battlefield. The political elite has often wielded the devices of sectarian violence and ethnic discrimination as weapons to factionalize and disorganize their resistance. As evidenced by the past centurys appalling display of ethnicbased violence, the political powers have largely been successful at undermining popular attempts at democracy. In fact, Freedom House survey complements this qualitative assessment with the disquieting statistic that 34% of the worlds population is classified as not free (Danziger 283). A typicalMiddle East country fits the mold of an ailing developing nation. Many have an authoritarianstrongman regime ruling with an iron-grip over the masses of the wallowing poor unheeding to the calls for political reform. Indeed, Walid Phares, professor at the National Defense University, has dubbed the failure of democracy to take hold in the Middle Eastas the missed century (Phares 5). However, the developments in Lebanon over the past six years have provided a flicker of hope for the adoption of democracy in the Middle East. It has been hard fought and is certainly not finished, but has brought promising hopes for reform. The forces of democratization in Lebanon overcame the implosive effects of ethnic based violence and foreign intervention to form a fleshy and determined civil society, which manifested its demands into the Cedars Revolution of 2005, and has set an imperfect yet stunning precedent for democracy in the Middle East. A brief history of Lebanon sheds light on the ethno-religious based turmoil that it has faced and its challenges towards reaching democracy.While Lebanese culture is not blameless,

Leeds 3 French and Syrian forces exploited ethnic schisms to perpetuate their reigns. Lebanons unique place in history as the cradle of civilization has turned it into a crossroads between myriad civilizations. Consequently, it has also been subject to rule by a number of foreign invaders.The numerous cultures that inhabited present-day Lebanon (Phoenician, Aramaic, and Cannonite) became heavily influenced by Christianity in the 5th century, and then Islam brought by Arab invaders after the 6th century (Lebanon). In the 14th century the Ottoman Empire managed to conquer the Levant and reinforce its Muslim heritage. By the time of the Lebanons inception, the tiny Mediterranean nation boasted a mosaic of 18 different ethnic groups (Phares 187). Lebanons unique political system is a product of French colonization. France assumed control over Lebanon out of the remnants of the Ottoman Empire through the Sykes-Picot treaty in 1916 (Sykes-Picot Agreement). When the French formed the independent Republic of Lebanon, it modeled its government after many of the parliamentary republics of Europe, with a few (controversial) provisos. Due to the deep ethno-religious divides in Lebanon, France instituted an unwritten policy in the National Pact that the head of state must be Christian (specifically Maronite), the prime minister must be Sunni, and the speaker of the house must be Shia (eiu.com).Furthermore, the French instituted a policy based on an antiquated census that there should be a 6:5 Christian to Muslim ratio in parliament. Despite the considerable discrepancy between the instituted ratio and the actual population statistics, the Maronite Christian minority still managed maintain political control. Recognizing the fragility of the political system in Lebanon, Syrian president Hafez Assad exploited tension between Christians and Muslims in order to invade Lebanon. The delicate power sharing agreement bred contempt amongst Shia, Sunni, Druze, and Maronite sects. Because most states are composed of significant groups whose fundamental identities

Leeds 4 lead them to identify themselves as separate nations, a states multi-nationality can breedextremely volatile conditions and make it prone to sectarian violence ( Danziger 126). Eventually this volatility erupted into what would be Lebanons most destructive civil war in 1975. The Syrian Baath party instigated the conflict by arming displaced Palestinian groups in southern Lebanon in order to stage an insurrection against, then president, Camille Chamoun (Phares 188). Syrio-Iranian attempts to stir ethnic violence succeeded as Lebanons many factions militarized themselves and became isolated. Seizing upon Lebanons dire vulnerability, Syria sent in ground troops in 1976.A deep schism developed between the Hezbollah controlled West Beirut and the Maronite Christian East Beirut. Each attempted to balance the power between their respective groups. The violence culminated in the assassination of Christian president Bashir Gemayel in 1982. At that point Lebanon was powerless to resist the Syrian incursion and fell underneath a Baathist yoke with the exception the Israeli controlled southern enclave(Phares 191). Under the authoritarian regime of Syria, political and civil liberties were often suspended and those who spoke out against the Syrian regime risked arbitrary arrest (freedomhouse.org).Rival political parties were systematically shut down as the nation plunged into the throws of occupation. While the risks were discouraging, Lebanons civil society emerged at the forefront of the social movement against tyranny displaying the hopeful symptoms of the syndrome of modernity and ultimately dislodged the Syrians from control of Lebanon during the nonviolent Cedars Revolution. Syria endeavored on a series of abuses such as wire-tapping, torture, and resource exploitation. The democratic institutions in Lebanon crumbled under the weight of Syrian influence, as the Syrian government (sometimes explicitly) tampered with elections (All Syrian Forces). However, the spiraling trend of democracy in Lebanon took an about face with

Leeds 5 the passing of Hafez Assad, architect of the occupation, in 2000. A subtle criticism of the Syrian controlled regime began to seep into Lebanons newspapers. Most notably, Gebran Tueni editor of Al Nahar, was one of the first to openly decry Syrias actions.The grumblings of Lebanons middle class grew into shouts, which translated into pressure on Hafezs son Bashar to cede power to Lebanons people (Spindle). As angst grew into frustration, a full -fledged movement was born. In 2005 an unidentified group assassinated Rafiq Hariri, the Sunni Prime minister. The icon of the anti-Syria resistance had fallen and a vicious bout of violence seemed imminent. However, the assassination of Rafiq Hariri only added fervor to the movement by providing them with their martyr (Fouad). The movement garnered support and soon the voices of one and half million united Lebanese on the streets of Beirut echoed throughout the Middle East with peaceful calls for free democracy (Phares 196). Amidst pressure from U.N. resolution 1559 calling for Syrias withdraw and the endorsement of the Cedars Revolution by numerous Arab regimes, Syria was forced to capitulate, and by April of 2005 the occupation had officially collapsed (Phares 197). The Cedars Revolution is a hallmark of success for peaceful protests in the Middle East and was indeed revolutionary in how it was carried out. Alexander Inkeles determined a set of characteristics that are predominant in modern societies. He believed that modern society displayed tendencies to be open to new experience. and new ways of doing things, independence from traditional authorities, abandonment of passivityin the face of lifes difficulties, an interest in planning affairs, and lastly, an interest in national and international affairs(Inkeles 210). Instead of mob driven violence that was disorganized and inefficient, Lebanons civil society emerged to grasp the reigns of the movement to ensure its legitimacy and sustainability. Part of the criteria for a civil society is the tolerance of differences in opinions

Leeds 6 and behaviors, willingness to negotiate and to avoid violence, and a sense of shared identity (Danziger 273). Lebanons Cedars revolution is the poster child for how political change in a modern society should be fulfilled. What was significant about the million and half man (and woman) march was that it was one and half million voices crying out in unison. It was not a Shiites revolution nor a Druzes revolution, but a Lebanese revolution. There was a shared identity for first time amongst Lebanons deeply entrenched ethno-religious groups (Spindle). But was perhaps most shocking and most atypical of political upheaval in the developing world was its largely nonviolent character. While the Lebanese people won their freedom, they did not proceed to violently purge the opposition. In fact, the pro-Syrian and Pro-Iran factions were even invited to form a unity government. Instead of dealing with social problems through armies, the people of Lebanon organized themselves into political parties and welcomed debate in the public forum. The anti-Syrian faction of Lebanon who took on the banner of the Cedars Revolution formed the March 14th Movement(a coalition of Maronite, Druze and Sunni political parties) to represent their interests. The minor, yet significant, pro-Syrian forces (along with the Shia party amal and the Maronite Free Patriotic Movement) reacted diplomatically as well, organizing themselves into the rival March 8th Movement (Phares 197). The Lebanese people pursued their interests through the pen rather than the sword. Since the Cedars Revolution Lebanon has seen an overall advance towards democracy. Before the revolution in 2005, Freedom House rated Lebanons political freedoms as 6 and civil liberties as an alarming 5. Since then Lebanon has made a modest improvement to a 5 in political rights and a 3 in civil liberties. Freedom House now rates them as at least partly free (freedomhouse.org). The Economist Intelligence Unit classifies Lebanon as a hybrid regime in its list of democracies (eiu.com). Lebanon is now more free relative to her Arab neighbors,

Leeds 7 enjoys freedom of the press for the most part (with 7 privately owned news stations reporting a variety of opinions), has more opportunities for women in the work force and in government, and enjoys a higher standing of living compared to her neighbors (freedomhouse.org). While political developments in the past months have been turbulent, Lebanon has remained relatively stable considering the outbreak of protests throughout the Middle East (eiu.com). While Lebanons strides towards democracy stand as a testament to the will power of her people, ethno-religious divides still partly exist as a pediment in the arduous road toward democracy. Although coalition governments have existed in Lebanon to a varying degree of success it is not immune to ethnic turmoil. In 2006 the militant wing of Hezbollah waged war without the consent of the coalition government (Phares 198). Hezbollah seized upon opportunity provided by the massive destruction Israel wrought on Lebanons infrastructure to invade Sunni West Beirut and [attack] Druse areas in Mount Lebanon (Phares 198). Recently, the March 8th alliance, backed by Hezbollah, withdrew support from the unity government amid allegations from the international community that it is the perpetrator of the Hariri assassination (eiu.com). In the meantime Najib Miqati, a Sunni Muslim from Tripoli, has been appointed prime minister at the request of the March 8th alliance. Since that time Miqati has been unable to forge a functioning government (eiu.com). While the end results of the Cedars Revolution have yet to be determined, it is evident that forces of democratization effectively mobilized the Lebanese civil society into a functioning and coherent force for freedom that executed its strategy in a non-violent and multi-lateral way. Implementing change is a long and arduous task. A disheartening pattern of violence has emerged throughout the developing world through their efforts for change. It is necessary, however, to lend credence to the fact that developed nations did not develop over night and that

Leeds 8 many of the governments that are held as the pinnacle of democracy were once turbulent and unstable regimes. It will take time for political and social wounds to heal from the unprecedented violence of the 20th century. However, the story of Lebanons Cedars Revolution offers hope for the prospect of success in the developing world. While arcane traditional values can make it difficult to see past cultural differences, in Lebanon, it proved vital to the success of the movement for peace. The responsibility ultimately lies upon the people to decide how far they are willing advance values of freedom and democracy. The recent outbreaks of protests throughout the Middle East have taken on the same tone as the ones in Lebanon. Time will tell if the dedication for democracy will weather the volatile storms of the political climate and give the desperately needed spirit back to the withered body of the Middle East.

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Works Cited Ajami, Fouad. "The apparition in the Levant." U.S. News & World Report 138.12 (2005): 32. Academic Search Premier. EBSCO. Web. 17 Apr. 2011. "'All Syrian Forces Must Leave Lebanon.'." Middle East Quarterly 7.3 (2000): 91. Academic Search Premier. EBSCO. Web. 17 Apr. 2011. Bill Spindle. "Out of Patience: How Lebanese Drive To Oust the Syrians Finally Caught Fire; Killing of Ex-Prime Minister Capped Events With a Link To U.S. Mideast Initiatives; A Nearly 30-Year Presence. " Wall Street Journal 28 Feb. 2005, Eastern edition: ABI/INFORM Global, ProQuest. Web. 17 Apr. 2011. Danziger, James. Understanding the Political World: A Comparative Introduction to Political science. 10th.Pearson Education Inc., 2007. 144-148. Print Inkeles, Alexander. "Making Men Modern: On the Causes and Consequences of Individual Change in Six Developing Countries." American Journal of Sociology 75.2 (1969): 208-225. Web. 17 Apr 2011 "Lebanon." Economist Intelligence Unit. Economist Group, 22 Mar. 2011. Web. 31 Mar. 2011. "Lebanon 2010." freedomhouse.org. Freedom House Inc., 2011. Web. 17 Apr 2011 "Lebanon." World Almanac & Book of Facts (2008): 792. Primary Search. EBSCO. Web. 17 Apr. 2011. "Sykes-Picot Agreement." Encyclopdia Britannica. Encyclopdia Britannica Online. Encyclopdia Britannica, 2011. Web. 17 Apr. 2011. <http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/577523/Sykes-Picot-Agreement>. Walid, Phares. The Coming Revolution. New York City, N.Y.: Simon & Schuster, Inc., 2010. 183-203. Print.

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