Measuring COVID-19 Information
Measuring COVID-19 Information
Measuring COVID-19 Information
https://doi.org/10.1038/s41562-021-01056-1
Widespread acceptance of a vaccine for severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2 (SARS-CoV-2) will be the next major
step in fighting the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic, but achieving high uptake will be a challenge and may be
impeded by online misinformation. To inform successful vaccination campaigns, we conducted a randomized controlled trial in
the UK and the USA to quantify how exposure to online misinformation around COVID-19 vaccines affects intent to vaccinate
to protect oneself or others. Here we show that in both countries—as of September 2020—fewer people would ‘definitely’ take
a vaccine than is likely required for herd immunity, and that, relative to factual information, recent misinformation induced a
decline in intent of 6.2 percentage points (95th percentile interval 3.9 to 8.5) in the UK and 6.4 percentage points (95th percen-
tile interval 4.0 to 8.8) in the USA among those who stated that they would definitely accept a vaccine. We also find that some
sociodemographic groups are differentially impacted by exposure to misinformation. Finally, we show that scientific-sounding
misinformation is more strongly associated with declines in vaccination intent.
T
he spread of SARS-CoV-2, the causative agent of COVID-19, have negative consequences for community (herd) immunity, as
has resulted in an unprecedented global public health and eco- clustering of non-vaccinators can disproportionately increase the
nomic crisis1,2. The outbreak was declared a pandemic by the needed percentage of vaccination coverage to achieve herd immu-
World Health Organization on 11 March 20203, and development of nity in adjacent geographical regions and encourage epidemic
COVID-19 vaccines has been a major undertaking in fighting the spread24. Estimates of acceptance of a COVID-19 vaccine in June
disease. As of December 2020, many candidate vaccines have been 2020 suggest that 38% of the public surveyed in the UK and 34.2%
shown to be safe and effective at generating an immune response4–6, of the public in the USA would accept a COVID-19 vaccine (a fur-
with interim analysis of phase III trials suggesting efficacies as high ther 31% and 25% were, respectively, unsure that they would accept
as 95%7–9. At least two vaccine candidates have been authorized for vaccination against COVID-19)25. Worryingly, more recent polling
emergency use in the USA10,11, the UK12,13, the European Union14 in the USA (September 2020) has shown significant falls in will-
and elsewhere, with more candidates expected to follow soon. For ingness to accept a COVID-19 among both males and females,
these COVID-19 vaccines to be successful, they need to be not only all age groups, all ethnicities and all major political groups26, pos-
be proven safe and efficacious, but also widely accepted. sibly due to the heavy politicization of COVID-19 vaccination in
It is estimated that a novel COVID-19 vaccine will need to be the run up to the 2020 presidential election on both sides of the
accepted by at least 55% of the population to provide herd immu- political debate27,28. The public’s willingness to accept a vaccine is
nity, with estimates reaching as high as 85% depending on country therefore not static; it is highly responsive to current information
and infection rate15,16. Reaching these required vaccination levels and sentiment around a COVID-19 vaccine, as well as the state of
should not be assumed given well-documented evidence of vac- the epidemic and perceived risk of contracting the disease. Under
cine hesitancy across the world17, which is often fuelled by online these current plausible COVID-19 vaccine acceptance rates, pos-
and offline misinformation surrounding the importance, safety sible levels of existing protective immunity—though it is unclear
or effectiveness of vaccines18–20. There has been widely circulating whether post-infection immunity confers long-term immunity29—
false information about the pandemic on social media platforms, and the rapidly evolving nature of misinformation surrounding the
such as that 5G mobile networks are linked with the virus, that vac- pandemic23,30, it is unclear whether vaccination will reach the levels
cine trial participants have died after taking a candidate COVID-19 required for herd immunity.
vaccine, and that the pandemic is a conspiracy or a bioweapon21–23. Recent studies have examined the effect of COVID-19 misinfor-
Such information can build on pre-existing fears, seeding doubt and mation on public perceptions of the pandemic22,31,32, the tendency
cynicism over new vaccines, and threatens to limit public uptake of of certain sociopolitical groups to believe misinformation33,34 and
COVID-19 vaccines. compliance with public health guidance, including willingness
While large-scale vaccine rejection threatens herd immunity to accept a COVID-19 vaccine35,36. However, to our knowledge,
goals, large-scale acceptance with local vaccine rejection can also there is no quantitative causal assessment of how exposure to
Department of Mathematics, Imperial College London, London, UK. 2The Vaccine Confidence Project, Department of Infectious Disease Epidemiology,
1
London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine, London, UK. 3Department of Health Metrics and Evaluation, University of Washington, Seattle, WA,
USA. 4Centre for the Evaluation of Vaccination, Vaccine and Infectious Disease Institute, University of Antwerp, Antwerp, Belgium. 5These authors
contributed equally: Sahil Loomba, Alexandre de Figueiredo. ✉e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected]
misinformation affects intent to receive the vaccine and its implica- virus (COVID-19) vaccine became available, would you accept the
tions for obtaining herd or community immunity if countries adopt vaccine for yourself?’ (SELF) and ‘If a new coronavirus (COVID-
this vaccination strategy. Moreover, it is essential to understand how 19) vaccine became available, would you accept the vaccine if it
misinformation differentially impacts sociodemographic groups meant protecting friends, family, or at-risk groups?’ (OTHERS).
and whether groups at high risk of developing severe complications Responses were on a four-point scale: ‘yes, definitely’, ‘unsure, but
from COVID-19 are more vulnerable to misinformation. leaning towards yes’, ‘unsure, but leaning towards no’ and ‘no, defi-
To fill this gap, we developed a pre–post-exposure study design nitely not’. This scale was chosen to remove subjective ambiguity
and questionnaire to measure the causal impact of exposure to involved with Likert scales and to allow respondents to explicitly
online pieces of misinformation relating to COVID-19 and vac- detail their intent, thereby allowing a more meaningful interpreta-
cines on the intent to accept a COVID-19 vaccine, relative to fac- tion of results.
tual information. In addition to assessing how misinformation All information (misinformation and factual) was identified
might induce changes in vaccination intent, a further aim of this using Meltwater via a Boolean search string eliciting informa-
study is to investigate how exposure to misinformation differen- tion and misinformation around a COVID-19 vaccine (Methods,
tially impacts individuals according to their sociodemographic ‘Selection of images’). A systematic selection approach was used to
characteristics (age, gender, highest education level, employment identify the COVID-19 vaccine information on social media with
type, religious affiliation, ethnicity, income level and political affili- high circulation and engagement between 1 June and 30 August
ation), daily time spent on social media platforms37, and sources of 2020. Information was classified as misinformation or factual
trusted information on COVID-19. Understanding how misinfor- after consulting reputable online sources of knowledge, such as
mation differentially impacts sociodemographic groups and indi- peer-reviewed scientific research, webpages of public health orga-
viduals according to their social media use or sources of trusted nizations and fact-checking websites (or media outlets employing
information can motivate the design of group-specific interventions fact checkers) to verify the content and the context in which it was
to reduce the potential impact of online vaccine misinformation. presented (Methods ‘Selection of images’). A final set of five pieces
Finally, we assess what makes certain information content more of misinformation comprising non-overlapping messaging and
or less likely to influence intent to accept COVID-19 vaccination, themes was selected to represent the diverse messaging found in
which can be used to increase effectiveness of public health com- COVID-19 vaccine misinformation (such as information question-
munication strategies. ing the importance or safety of a vaccine; Supplementary Table 1).
For both the UK and the USA, both the treatment and control As misinformation can be highly country- and context-dependent,
groups were nationally representative samples by gender, age and it was decided to expose UK and US respondents to different sets
sub-national region. The causal impact of misinformation on vac- of misinformation to reflect the different audiences targeted by the
cination intent was assessed on two key vaccination motives: (1) to sources of misinformation, while factual information was the same
accept a COVID-19 vaccine to protect oneself and (2) to accept a for both groups. Each piece of (mis)information was shown on a
COVID-19 vaccine to protect family, friends and at-risk groups. By separate page to facilitate image comprehension. For each exposure
exploring vaccination intent to protect others, we are able to quan- image, respondents were asked to rate the extent that: they agreed
tify how misinformation may affect altruistic vaccination behav- with the information displayed; they were inclined to be vaccinated;
iour—this is particularly important in the UK and the USA, where they believed the information to be trustworthy; they would fact
altruistic messaging prompts have been a feature of COVID-19 check the information; and they would share the image. After expo-
public health messaging campaigns38–41. sure, the respondents were also asked if they had seen similar con-
Our findings are interpreted in the light of vaccination levels tent on social media in the past month. The full questionnaire is
required for herd immunity, and we discuss messaging strategies shown in the Supplementary Materials.
that may help mitigate or counter the impact of online vaccine mis-
information. Throughout this study, misinformation refers to ‘false Misinformation lowers intent to accept a COVID-19 vaccine.
or misleading information’42, which is ‘considered incorrect based Before treatment, 54.1% (95% percentile interval (PI) 52.5 to 55.7)
on the best available evidence from relevant experts at the time’43. of respondents in the UK and 42.5% (95% PI 41.0 to 44.1) in the
Conversely, factual information refers to information that is con- US reported that they would ‘definitely’ accept a COVID-19 vac-
sidered correct based on the best available evidence from relevant cine to protect themselves; whereas 6.0% (95% PI 5.3 to 6.8) and
experts at the time. 15.0% (95% PI 14.0 to 16.1) said they would ‘definitely not’ accept
a COVID-19 vaccine (Table 1). The remaining respondents were
Results ‘unsure’ about whether they would accept a COVID-19 vaccine
For this study, a total of 8,001 respondents were recruited via an (Table 1). Higher intent to accept a COVID-19 vaccine in the UK
online panel and surveyed between 7 and 14 September 2020—4,000 than the USA has been reported recently25.
in the UK and 4,001 in the USA. Following randomized treatment The treatment of misinformation exposure induces a decrease
assignment, 3,000 UK (and 3,001 US) respondents were exposed in the number of respondents who would ‘definitely’ take the vac-
to misinformation relating to COVID-19 and vaccines (treatment cine relative to the control group in both countries by 6.2 percent-
group) in the UK (and the USA) and 1,000 in each country were age points (95% PI 3.9 to 8.5) in the UK and 6.4 percentage points
shown factual information about COVID-19 vaccines (control (95% PI 4.0 to 8.8) in the USA (Table 1). There are corresponding
group). Figure 1 presents an overview of the study design. increases in some lower-intent response categories. In the UK, we
All respondents in both groups were asked to provide their intent observe an increase of 2.7 percentage points (95% PI 1.0 to 4.5)
to receive a COVID-19 vaccine before and after being exposed to in those ‘unsure, but leaning towards no’ and of 3.3 percentage
vaccine information (misinformation or factual): ‘If a new corona- points (95% PI 2.0 to 4.6) in those saying they ‘definitely will not’
Fig. 1 | Overview of pre- and post-exposure study design. A total of 8,001 participants across the USA and the UK were divided into treatment and control
groups and had their intent to accept a COVID-19 vaccine measured. Respondents were then exposed to either misinformation or factual information
before their vaccination intent was re-recorded. Additional survey items asked respondents to detail the frequency with which they use social media, their
sources of trust for information around COVID-19 and their sociodemographic characteristics. The full questionnaire is reproduced in the Supplementary
Information.
would you accept the vaccine if it meant protecting friends, family, or at-
risk groups?
Factual Factual
Misinformation Misinformation
information information
Q. SOCIO-DEMOGRAPHIC CHARACTERISTICS
Age, gender, education, employment, religion, political affiliation,
ethnicity and income
Table 1 | Exposure to COVID-19 vaccine misinformation reduces intent to accept a COVID-19 vaccine relative to exposure to factually
correct information
Distribution of vaccination Vaccination intent UK USA
intent
Self Others Self Others
Pre-exposure P(W) Yes, definitely 54.1 (52.5, 55.7) 63.7 (62.2, 65.1) 42.5 (41.0, 44.1) 53.3 (51.8, 54.9)
Unsure, lean yes 31.9 (30.5, 33.3) 24.7 (23.4, 26.1) 30.0 (28.6, 31.4) 24.7 (23.3, 26.0)
Unsure, lean no 8.0 (7.1, 8.9) 7.0 (6.2, 7.8) 12.4 (11.4, 13.5) 10.0 (9.2, 11.0)
No, definitely not 6.0 (5.3, 6.8) 4.5 (3.9, 5.2) 15.0 (14.0, 16.1) 12.0 (11.1, 13.1)
Post-exposure P(Y|T) Yes, definitely 48.6 (46.9, 50.2) 55.7 (54.1, 57.4) 39.8 (38.2, 41.5) 46.4 (44.8, 48.1)
(treatment group) Unsure, lean yes 31.1 (29.5, 32.6) 27.9 (26.4, 29.4) 28.7 (27.1, 30.3) 26.7 (25.1, 28.2)
Unsure, lean no 11.3 (10.2, 12.4) 9.6 (8.6, 10.6) 14.0 (12.9, 15.2) 11.7 (10.7, 12.8)
No, definitely not 9.1 (8.2, 10.0) 6.8 (6.0, 7.6) 17.5 (16.3, 18.7) 15.2 (14.1, 16.4)
Post-exposure P(Y|C) Yes, definitely 54.8 (52.6, 57.1) 61.5 (59.3, 63.7) 46.3 (44.0, 48.5) 52.9 (50.6, 55.0)
(control group) Unsure, lean yes 30.9 (28.6, 33.2) 25.6 (23.4, 27.9) 25.4 (23.0, 27.8) 22.5 (20.2, 24.9)
Unsure, lean no 8.5 (7.0, 10.2) 7.2 (5.8, 8.7) 12.5 (10.7, 14.4) 11.3 (9.5, 13.1)
No, definitely not 5.8 (4.6, 7.0) 5.7 (4.6, 6.9) 15.9 (14.2, 17.5) 13.4 (11.8, 15.0)
Treatment effect Yes, definitely −6.2 (−8.5, −3.9) −5.7 (−7.9, −3.5) −6.4 (−8.8, −4.0) −6.5 (−8.8, −4.1)
Δ(Y) = P(Y|T) − P(Y|C) Unsure, lean yes 0.2 (−2.5, 2.8) 2.3 (−0.3, 4.8) 3.3 (0.6, 5.9) 4.2 (1.5, 6.9)
Unsure, lean no 2.7 (1.0, 4.5) 2.3 (0.7, 4.0) 1.5 (−0.6, 3.5) 0.4 (−1.7, 2.4)
No, definitely not 3.3 (2.0, 4.6) 1.1 (−0.1, 2.3) 1.6 (−0.1, 3.3) 1.9 (0.3, 3.5)
The pre- and post-exposure intent to accept a COVID-19 vaccine are shown for the UK and the USA in the first three rows. The treatment effects of exposure to misinformation relative to factual
information on the post-exposure responses Y that is Δ(Y) are shown in the final row as percentage point changes in the number of people with intent Y after exposure to misinformation relative to factual
information. Model probabilities have been quoted as percentages to aid interpretation. Values in parentheses indicate 95% percentile intervals (PI) with values in bold indicating PIs that do not include 0.
pre-exposure response (W) for the treatment group compared to definitely no’ by 10.0 percentage points (95% PI 2.1 to 18.7). The
the control group, since exposure to information on COVID-19 same substantive results hold for the UK.
vaccines may affect those with different prior vaccination intents
differently. The changes in respondents’ post-exposure response The impact of misinformation by sociodemographic characteris-
stratified by pre-treatment response are shown in Fig. 2 and tics. A Bayesian ordered logistic regression model is used to estab-
Supplementary Table 2, where values indicate the percentage point lish whether the treatment of exposure to misinformation relative to
change in the number of people with prior intent W who change factual information differentially impacted subjects’ intent to accept
intent to Y after exposure to misinformation, relative to factual a vaccine for themselves according to their sociodemographic back-
information (Methods, ‘Estimating treatment effects’). ground. We computed the heterogeneous treatment effects (HTEs),
For any pre-treatment response, there is a net movement denoted by the statistic Δ (equation (6), Methods), which represent
towards the response category immediately below (except for the the impact of exposure to misinformation relative to factual infor-
pre-treatment ‘no, definitely not’ where there is a net increase in mation, for a group of interest relative to its reference group. If Δ is
this response after exposure for the treatment group compared greater than 0, then the treatment of exposure to misinformation
with the control). For example, in the UK there is a net increase induces a lowering of vaccination intent, relative to the control for
of 8.5 percentage point (95% PI 5.5 to 11.4) in the post-exposure a specific group relative to the reference group (male, 18–24 years
response ‘unsure, but leaning towards yes’ for respondents with of age, highest education, employed, Christian, white, Conservative
pre-treatment response ‘yes, definitely’. Similarly, there is a 10.6 (UK) or Republican (USA) and highest income). In Fig. 3, we show
percentage point (95% PI 7.1 to 14.0) increase in the post-exposure this statistic for impact on vaccination intent to protect oneself—
response ‘unsure, but leaning towards no’ for respondents with denoted by ΔS—and to protect others—denoted by ΔO—for each
pre-treatment response ‘unsure, but leaning towards yes’ (Fig. 2). sociodemographic characteristic. (Raw parameter values can be
The same substantive results hold for the USA (Fig. 2). found in Supplementary Tables 3 and 4). Below, we describe only
Interestingly, more respondents in both countries would accept those effects where the 95% PIs exclude zero, which we deem sta-
a vaccine if it meant protecting family, friends or at-risk groups tistically credible. Since the HTEs are computed as a difference
(than if the vaccine was for themselves): 63.7% (95% PI 62.2 to of log cumulative odds ratios between the treatment and control
65.1) of respondents in the UK and 54.1% (95% PI 52.5 to 55.7) groups, we include these statistics separately for the treatment and
in the USA say that they would ‘definitely’ get vaccinated to pro- control groups in Supplementary Figs. 1 and 2 and Supplementary
tect others (Table 1). The exposure to misinformation again induces Tables 3 and 4. Although they do not measure causal effects, these
a decrease in intent to accept the vaccine to protect others, by 5.7 log cumulative odds ratios show how sociodemographic groups
percentage points (95% PI 3.5 to 7.9) in the UK and 6.5 percentage respond to misinformation or factually correct information rela-
points (95% PI 4.1 to 8.8) in the USA (Table 1) for the treatment tive to the reference group undergoing the same treatment. This
group relative to the control. The treatment effects when condi- reveals additional knowledge about those sociodemographic groups
tioned on pre-treatment vaccination intent show a similar picture. which—while not displaying a HTE—may be more inclined than
For instance, in the USA there is a net decrease in those who previ- the reference group to change their vaccination intent in the same
ously responded ‘definitely’ by 8.7 percentage points (95% PI 5.3 direction upon exposure to either kind of information (full model
to 12.1) and a net increase in those who previously responded ‘no, details in Methods, ‘Estimating treatment effects’).
Yes, definitely
Unsure, lean yes (Y ) * * * *
(W ) Unsure, lean no (Y ) * * * *
No, definitely not (Y ) * *
–10 0 10 –10 0 10 –10 0 10 –10 0 10
* *
Unsure, lean yes
Yes, definitely (Y )
Unsure, lean yes (Y ) * *
(W )
Unsure, lean no (Y ) * * *
No, definitely not (Y ) * *
–10 0 10 –10 0 10 –10 0 –10 0
Unsure, lean no
Yes, definitely (Y )
Unsure, lean yes (Y ) *
(W )
Unsure, lean no (Y )
No, definitely not (Y ) *
–20 0 20 –10 0 10 –10 0 10 –10 0 10
*
No, definitely not
Yes, definitely (Y )
Unsure, lean yes (Y ) * *
(W )
Unsure, lean no (Y ) * *
No, definitely not (Y ) * *
–25 0 25 –20 0 20 –10 0 10 0 20
Fig. 2 | Exposure to COVID-19 vaccine misinformation induces a net decrease in intent to accept a COVID-19 vaccine for all levels of pre-exposure
intent. Points indicate the relative change in probabilities (denoted as percentage point changes to aid interpretation) in the number of people with prior
intent W who change it to Y after exposure to misinformation, relative to factual information (Methods, ‘Estimating treatment effects’). Bars indicate 95%
PI; asterisks indicate PIs that do not include 0. Values are presented in Supplementary Table 2.
In both countries, we find evidence that some sociodemographic to lower their vaccination intent when exposed to misinformation
groups are differentially impacted by exposure to misinformation, compared with those in the control group (Supplementary Fig. 3
relative to factual information. In the USA, females are less robust and Supplementary Table 5.) In the UK, individuals who trust celeb-
to misinformation than males when considering vaccination intent rities for information about COVID-19 are more robust to COVID-
to protect others: ΔO = 0.42 (95% PI 0.02 to 0.81). There is also evi- 19 misinformation than those who do not (ΔS = −1.31 (95% PI−2.59
dence that lower-income groups (levels 0 to 2) are less likely to lower to −0.03)), whereas in the USA, individuals who indicated trust in
their vaccination intent to protect themselves or others upon expo- family or friends for such information are less robust than those
sure to misinformation than the highest income group (level 4): for who did not (ΔS = 0.52 (95% PI 0.03 to 1.01)) (Supplementary Fig. 4
level 0, ΔS = −0.83 (95% PI −1.57 to −0.12); level 1, ΔO = −0.65 (95% and Supplementary Table 6.)
PI −1.33 to −0.02); level 2, ΔS = −0.86 (95% PI −1.53 to −0.20) and
ΔO = −0.80 (95% PI −1.48 to −0.13). Interestingly, some groups Correlational evidence of the appeal of scientific misinformation.
respond similarly to misinformation to the reference group but show After exposure to misinformation or factual information, respon-
comparatively different inclinations to vaccinate upon exposure to dents were asked to report whether, for each image: it raised their
factual information. Consequently, such groups are differentially vaccination intent; they agreed with the information presented; they
more robust than their reference counterparts to exposure to misin- found the information to be trustworthy; they were likely to fact
formation relative to factual information, such as those from ‘other’ check; and they were likely to share the image with friends or fol-
ethnic minorities in the USA when compared to whites: ΔS = −0.99 lowers (the full questionnaire and further details are provided in
(95% PI −1.65 to −0.31). Similar results are found in the UK, where the Supplementary Materials). These post-exposure self-reported
unemployed respondents are more robust to misinformation than perceptions for all pieces of (mis)information are depicted in Fig. 4.
employed respondents, with ΔS = −0.99 (95% PI −1.78 to −0.19); Overall, it is apparent that in both countries, respondents were less
‘other’ religious affiliations are more robust to misinformation than likely to agree with, have trust in, fact check, share, or say that the
Christians, with ΔS = −0.76 (95% PI−1.29 to −0.23); and those who information raised their vaccination intent when shown misinfor-
are Jewish are more robust to misinformation than Christians, with mation, as opposed to when they were shown factual information.
ΔO = −1.58 (95% PI−3.14 to −0.02). Across both countries, around a quarter of respondents agreed with
Finally, we investigated whether social media use and trust in some of the misinformation or found it trustworthy, although the
sources of COVID-19 information differentially impacts vaccina- majority of respondents did not agree and did not find it trustwor-
tion intent. We remark that due to the similarity of HTEs obtained thy (Fig. 4a,b).
above for vaccination intent to protect oneself and to protect others, This study was not designed to investigate the causal impact of
we report only analysis of vaccination intent to protect oneself here. different kinds of vaccine messaging and cannot be used to draw
We find no strong evidence to suggest that individuals in the UK causal inferences, as all participants rated self-perceptions after
or the USA who use social media more frequently are more likely exposure. However, access to self-reported perceptions provides
a UK US
b
ΔS self ΔO others N ΔS self ΔO others N
25–34 802 25–34 729
35–44 776 35–44 695
Age
Labour 1,410
Democrat 1,389
Political
Black 510
Asian 298
Asian 187
Other 73 Other 287
–1 0 1 –1 0 1 –1 0 –1 0 1
Fig. 3 | Sociodemographic determinants of change in vaccination intent upon exposure to misinformation about COVID-19 vaccines, relative to factual
information. a,b, Contribution of sociodemographic characteristics to changes in intent to accept a vaccine to protect oneself (left column) and to
protect others (right column) for the UK (a) and the USA (b). The reference category is male, 18–24 years of age, highest education, employed, Christian,
Conservative (UK) or Republican (USA), white and highest income. Values indicate log cumulative odds ratios, such that a value above 0 indicates that the
group is more likely to reject a COVID-19 vaccine than the reference group upon exposure to misinformation, relative to factual information, and a value
below 0 indicates that they are less likely to reject the vaccine. Bars indicate 95% percentile intervals; numbers on the right indicate sample sizes of the
corresponding demographic. Values are presented in Supplementary Tables 3 and 4.
correlational evidence of which pieces of information are associated ceived contributed the least to declines in vaccination intent was
with a greater (or lesser) decline in vaccination intent. For instance image 3 (Supplementary Table 1), in which the University of Oxford
in the UK, image 1 (Supplementary Table 1)—which suggests that announced that their vaccine “produces a good immune response”
“scientists have expressed doubts […] over the coronavirus vac- and that the “teams @VaccineTrials and @OxfordVacGroup have
cine […] after all of the monkeys used in initial testing contracted found there were no safety concerns”—with 39% respondents in the
coronavirus”—appears to be the misinformation piece that is asso- UK and 35% in theUSA ‘agreeing’ that the image raised their vac-
ciated with the largest decrease in vaccination intent (with 39% of cination intent; see Fig. 4.
respondents ‘disagreeing’ that the image raised their vaccination However, people’s self-reported changes in attitude—such as a
intent (Fig. 4)), whereas in the USA, it was image 1 (Supplementary ‘raise’ in vaccination intent—may mistakenly reflect their absolute
Table 1)—which claimed “the new COVID-19 vaccine will liter- levels of the attitude instead44—that is, level of vaccination intent.
ally alter your DNA”—that seems to induce the most impact (with Therefore, to investigate the association of each individual image
40% of respondents ‘disagreeing’ that the image raised their vacci- (information) with vaccination intent, weights (in the range of 0 to
nation intent (Fig. 4)). In the control set—which was identical for 1) were inferred for each image while regressing self-reported image
respondents in both countries—the image that participants per- perceptions against post-exposure vaccination intent (to protect
19 11 57 46 30 12 41 10 6 34 16 33 9 5 18 8 25 17 30 49 9 21 10 8
UK treatment
14 9 63 56 35 11 38 8 6 41 14 31 75 28 9 28 12 20 50 9 22 9 7
14 12 59 57 28 13 34 15 9 32 15 34 11 7 21 10 27 16 24 49 9 22 10 8
16 9 62 47 35 12 38 76 40 14 31 76 23 8 26 15 27 52 8 22 8 7
b
27 13 41 8 9 17 9 44 13 14 20 11 39 15 12 8 5 26 19 39 32 9 26 14 16
23 11 49 6 9 22 11 40 12 12 27 11 36 12 11 17 7 30 15 30 37 8 27 12 14
US treatment
20 12 49 8 8 17 9 46 14 13 19 11 42 14 12 13 7 30 16 32 34 8 29 13 14
21 11 49 8 9 21 9 41 14 12 24 11 39 13 11 14 6 29 16 33 35 8 29 12 14
23 12 49 7 8 22 9 42 12 12 25 12 37 12 12 15 7 30 15 31 36 8 28 11 14
c
7 7 55 16 13 13 38 36 20 23 33 41 19 5 11 30 30 21 26 14 31 18 9
7 8 60 13 10 25 48 28 16 27 44 31 13 10 11 34 24 19 32 12 30 15 9
UK control
56 47 21 18 23 35 36 22 13 31 39 24 10 10 30 28 19 24 11 32 19 11
7 8 61 13 10 36 49 26 13 48 45 28 12 12 10 33 21 20 31 13 31 14 9
7 8 61 13 8 26 41 32 17 35 39 35 16 12 9 34 24 18 29 12 31 15 10
c
15 10 39 16 17 36 35 26 28 47 32 29 25 57 26 24 36 18 9 27 19 24
15 11 44 13 14 46 38 23 26 5 8 34 27 24 8 7 26 22 34 22 9 25 17 23
US control
15 11 37 14 21 56 32 25 29 45 31 26 31 8 7 25 22 35 16 8 26 19 28
17 10 41 14 16 5 9 36 22 25 6 9 35 25 23 9 7 27 21 33 21 8 27 18 25
16 13 40 13 16 65 35 24 29 6 7 32 23 29 10 8 26 21 33 19 8 26 19 26
Fig. 4 | Perceptive attitudes of respondents towards the information they were exposed to. a–d, Bars indicate the breakdown of percentage of respondents
providing a given response to each follow-up question to explore their perceptions of each image (information) they were exposed to. Respondents were
asked whether each image raises their vaccination intent (column 1); contains information they agree with (column 2); contains information they find
trustworthy (column 3); is likely to be fact-checked by them (column 4); and is something they will probably share with others (column 5). Rows represent
images shown to the UK treatment group (a), US treatment group (b), UK control group (c) and US control group (d). Bars in each graph are ordered top
to bottom from images 1 to 5. Those responding with ‘do not know’ were grouped with those saying ‘neither/nor’. The response scale for column 1 has been
inverted—from ‘makes less inclined to vaccinate’ to ‘raises vaccine intent’—to facilitate direct comparison across all questions. The relevant questionnaire
subsection is shown in the Supplementary Information.
oneself) and controlling for pre-exposure intent. This simultane- While other images arguably used some scientific messaging
ously reveals the predictive power of self-reported perceptions on (such as image 5 in Supplementary Table 1, “Big Pharma whistle-
actual change in vaccination intent and quantifies the association blower: ‘97% of corona vaccine recipients will become infertile’”),
of each piece of (mis)information to the change in intent (Methods, the misinformation images identified as having the strongest asso-
‘Estimating image impact’). ciation with decreased vaccination intent presented a direct link
Since exactly five images were shown to each respondent, a between the COVID-19 vaccine and adverse effects and cited arti-
weight above 0.2 would indicate a higher association with lowering cles and scientific imagery or links to articles purporting to be repu-
vaccination intent than what would be expected at random, and a table to strengthen their claim. In the UK, this contrasted with more
weight below 0.2 would indicate a lower association. This analysis memetic imaging (for example, ‘striking images with text superim-
confirms that the misinformation image with the largest (and statis- posed on top’42) which showed far weaker associations (images 3
tically credible) association with loss in vaccination intent in the UK and 4 in Supplementary Table 1).
was indeed image 1 (Supplementary Table 1), with weight 0.42 (95%
PI 0.28 to 0.56), while in the USA it was image 1 (Supplementary Discussion
Table 1), with weight 0.41 (95% PI 0.25 to 0.58). Supplementary Using individual-level survey data collected from nationally repre-
Table 7 presents a full description of these results. sentative samples of 4,000 and 4,001 respondents in the UK and the
USA, respectively, we reveal a number of key findings of importance to effects of misinformation exposure on COVID-19 vaccination
to policymakers and stakeholders engaged in either public health intent.
communication or the design of vaccine-rollout programmes. We Although our study indicates the possible impact of COVID-
find that, as of September 2020, only 54.1% (95% PI 52.5 to 55.7) 19 misinformation campaigns on vaccination intent, this study
of the public in the UK and 42.5% (95% PI 41.0 to 44.1) in the USA does not replicate a real-world social media platform environment
would ‘definitely’ accept a COVID-19 vaccine to protect themselves. where information exposure is a complex combination of what is
These values are lower than the proportion of vaccinated people shown to a person by the platform’s algorithms and what is shared
required to achieve the anticipated herd immunity levels, suggest- by their friends or followers51. Online social network structures,
ing that policymakers may need to convince those unsure about governed by social homophily, can lead to selective exposure and
vaccinating to achieve these levels. Higher proportions of individu- creation of homogeneous echo chambers52,53 and polarization of
als in both countries would ‘definitely’ vaccinate to protect family, opinions, which may amplify (or dampen) the spread of misinfor-
friends and at-risk groups, suggesting that effective altruistic mes- mation among certain demographics. Previous work has shown that
saging may be required to boost uptake. However, we also show that there is evidence of echo chambers on real social media platforms
exposure to misinformation lowers individuals’ intent to vaccinate around information on vaccines, in general54,55. If such informa-
to protect themselves and lowers their altruistic intent to vaccinate tion silos also exist for COVID-19 vaccines, then they may lead to
to protect others, which could complicate messaging campaigns self-selection of misinformation or factual information, inducing
focusing on altruistic behaviours. Campaigns may also have to individuals to become progressively more or less inclined to vacci-
compete with misinformation purporting to be based in science or nate. While our study does not directly quantify such social network
medicine, which appears to be particularly damaging to vaccination effects, it emphasizes on the need to do so further. Furthermore, we
intentions. find correlational evidence that misinformation identified by our
These findings are, however, unlikely to be representative of the participants after exposure as having the most impact on lowering
effect of misinformation on uptake rates in real-world social media their vaccination intent was made to have a scientific appeal, such
settings. Individuals are unlikely to experience misinformation in as emphasizing on a direct link between a COVID-19 vaccine and
the same manner as implemented in this survey, and there will be adverse effects while using scientific imagery or links to strengthen
differences in the volume and rate of misinformation people will their claims. However, our design does not allow causal inferences
be exposed to, depending on their online social media preferences and we were limited in the type and volume of misinformation pre-
and demographics. A demographic re-weighting would be required sented to respondents. Future research should examine the causal
to obtain more robust estimates of anticipated COVID-19 vaccine impact of different types of misinformation and identify whether
rejection at sub-national or national levels. Misinformation may there are other types of misinformation that may be far more
have also already embedded itself in the public’s consciousness, impactful on vaccination intent. Therefore, our estimates for the
and studies have shown that brief exposure to misinformation can losses in vaccination intent due to misinformation must be placed
embed itself into long-term memory45. Policymakers may therefore in the context of this study and the correlational evidence it pro-
find challenges ahead to ‘undo’ the impact it may have already had vides, and caution must be exercised in generalizing these findings
and to clearly communicate messages surrounding the safety, effec- to a real-world setting, which may see larger or smaller decreases in
tiveness, and importance of the vaccine. vaccination intent depending on the wider context of influencing
Treatment with exposure to misinformation is found to differen- factors. Addressing the spread of misinformation will probably be a
tially impact individuals’ intent to vaccinate to protect themselves major component of a successful COVID-19 vaccination campaign,
according to some sociodemographic factors. In the UK, the unem- particularly given that misinformation on social media has been
ployed were more robust to exposure to misinformation compared shown to spread faster than factually correct information56 and that,
with those who are employed (before March 2020). Unemployed even after a brief exposure, misinformation can result in long-term
individuals in the UK were recently found to be less undecided attitudinal and behavioural shifts45,57 that pro-vaccination mes-
about whether to vaccinate than employed groups46. In the USA, saging may find hard to overcome57. With regards to COVID-19,
‘other’ ethnicities and lower-income groups are more robust to mis- misinformation has even been shown to lead to information avoid-
information than those of white ethnicity. There is also evidence ance and less systematic processing of COVID-19 information32;
that exposure to misinformation makes those identifying as Jewish however, the amplification of questionable sources of COVID-19
less likely to lower their vaccination intent to protect others com- misinformation is highly platform dependent, with some platforms
pared with Christians in the UK. In the USA, females are more amplifying questionable content less than reliable content58.
likely than males to lower their intent to vaccinate to protect others In conclusion, this study reveals that as of September 2020, in
upon exposure to misinformation. Many recent studies in both the both the the UK and the USA, fewer people would ‘definitely’ take
UK and the USA have highlighted females as less likely to vaccinate a vaccine than is required for herd immunity, and that misinforma-
than males46–48. tion could push these levels further away from herd immunity tar-
We find no evidence that individuals who trust health authori- gets. This analysis provides a platform to help us test and understand
ties are any more or less likely to be impacted by misinformation how more effective public health communication strategies could
(after controlling for their sociodemographic characteristics); how- be designed and on whom these strategies would have the most
ever, trust in experts has been recently found to be associated with positive impact in countering COVID-19 vaccine misinformation.
intent to pursue COVID-19 vaccine in the USA49. Interestingly,
trust of celebrities in the UK is associated with more robustness to Methods
misinformation compared to controls, whereas trust in family and Ethical approval for this study was obtained by the London School of Hygiene
and Tropical Medicine ethics committee on 15 June 2020 with reference 22647.
friends in the USA is associated with a susceptibility to misinforma- A total of 8,001 respondents recruited via an online panel were surveyed by ORB
tion compared to the control. This result aligns with a recent study (Gallup) International (www.orb-international.com) between 7 and 14 September
that associates trust in non-expert sources with dismissal of misin- 2020. Respondent quotas for each country and each group (that is both treatment
formation relating to vaccine decision making50. Some recent work and control) were set according to national demographic distributions for gender,
suggests that those who consume legacy media several times a day age, and sub-national region—the four census regions in the USA59 and first level
of nomenclature of territorial units in the UK60. Following randomized treatment
and online media less frequently exhibit lower COVID-19 vaccine assignment, 3,000 UK and 3,001 US respondents were exposed to images of
hesitancy than those who consume less of both25. We also find no recently circulating online misinformation related to COVID-19 and vaccines
evidence that daily social media usage is associated with robustness (treatment group) and 1,000 respondents in each country were shown images of
Reporting Summary
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Statistics
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Give P values as exact values whenever suitable.
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Estimates of effect sizes (e.g. Cohen's d, Pearson's r), indicating how they were calculated
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Data analysis
Python version 3.7.3 was used for all analysis with the following libraries:
-- pystan
-- pandas
-- numpy
-- matplotlib
Data
April 2020
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For a reference copy of the document with all sections, see nature.com/documents/nr-reporting-summary-flat.pdf
Research sample Nationally representative (by age, sex, subnational region) samples are obtained via online panels of participants in the UK and US.
4,000 respondents in both countries are surveyed to quantify national-level summaries of individuals' vaccine intent and
susceptibility of misinformation. All respondents surveyed were 18 or over and informed consent was obtained by ORB (Gallup)
International.
Sampling strategy Survey participants were recruited via online survey panels by ORB (Gallup) International using fixed quotas at the national level for
sex, age, and sub-national region.
Non-participation Individuals who did not wish to participate simply did not complete the survey. We (the authors) do not have access to this
information as ORB (Gallup) International provided a quota-matched sample of respondents.
Randomization Of the 4,000 respondents in each country, 75% were exposed to misinformation, while 25% were exposed to factual information.
Recruitment Participants were recruited via an online panel of respondents (see above). There may be technological literacy biases
April 2020
associated with this sample, however, we do control for highest level of education.
Ethics oversight Approval for this study was obtained by the LSHTM ethics committee on 15 June 2020 with reference 22130.
Note that full information on the approval of the study protocol must also be provided in the manuscript.