Human and Trade Union Rights in Nigeria1

HUMAN AND TRADE UNION RIGHTS IN NIGERIA; EXPERIENCES, CHALLENGES,
ACHIEVEMENTS & CAMPAIGNS IN THE OIL & GAS SECTOR.
A paper presented on the occasion of the National Consultative forum between members
of the Nigerian Labour and Trade Union Parley with INDUSTRI’ALL GLOBAL UNION AT THE
SWISS SPIRIT HOTEL, STADIUM ROAD PORT HARCOURT, RIVERS STATE OF NIGERIA.
BY SIR CHARLES EGWABOR, ESQ1

ABSTRACT:
We are asked to deliver a paper on the experiences, challenges and achievements and
campaigns in the oil and gas sector, Human and Trade Union Rights in Nigeria that should
allow space for more engagements. We have chosen to adopt this topic- “Human and Trade
Union Rights in Nigeria, experiences, challenges, achievements and Campaigns in the oil and
gas sector”
This presentation is meant to be interactive and shall dwell on the historical perspectives of
the subject of discourse, introduction, the concept of Trade Unionism in Nigeria, the functions
Trade Unions, Trade Union Movements in Nigeria, Right of workers, Trade Union Rights,
experiences and campaigns in the oil and gas sector, its achievements and conclusions.
HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE:
The major issue of interest in the presentation is the observed current unstable nature of
labour management relations in Nigeria resulting in continuous labour disputes. The focus of
this paper is on the experiences, challenges, achievements and campaigns of labour in the oil
and gas in Nigeria. The penetration of the third world societies and their integration into the
organic unity structure of the western capitalism via globalization had the greatest impact
upon the working class and its organizations- trade unions rights and the welfare of workmen;
the Nigerian oil and gas sector is not left out. Trade unions are often in contestation with the
spirit of capitalism currently globalized even within the ambit of available legal frameworks in
Nigeria. The consequences and challenges for the trade union movement in Nigeria that
results from the various strategies that are adopted and applied must be properly examined
and analyzed. Evidently, the rights of trade unions in the oil and gas subsector vis-à-vis the
working class and its organization has being a subject of critical debate before now and
especially with the present pace of a “feeding bottle” economy in the country; the negative
effect of these has led to total dis-regard for the rights of workers as enshrined in our various
labour laws, agreements and pacts, redefining work, skills obsolescence and deskilling of
SIR CHARLES EGWABOR ESQ, KSJI, LL.B (HONS) AAU EKPOMA, BL (ABUJA) PRINCIPAL & MANAGEMENT SOLICITOR
ST. CHARLES CHAMBERS – NO.1 NIGER STREET, PORT HARCOURT, RIVERS STATE
CHARLES EGWABOR & ASSOCIATES, ST. CHARLES CHAMBERS – NO.1 NIGER STREET, PORT HARCOURT, RIVERS STATE , +2348034083293 1 Page 1
workers, re-engineering, contracting and sub-contracting and casualization of labour,
increased job insecurity and unemployment. Similarly, it has led to pauperization of the
working class, withdrawal of social provisioning and commodification of basic services by
government, increased cost of living, declined in workers’ welfarism, consolidation of
inequality and erosion of industrial democracy, with their attendant consequences on the
organization of trade unionism in Nigeria. The paper shall amongst other things consider the
experiences, challenges, achievement and campaigns in the oil and gas sector. The paper
concludes that, the challenges for the trade union movement in Nigeria results from the
various strategies that are adopted and applied by agents/driving forces of globalization. It is
considered imperative for workers and various union members and its various leaderships to
be united in confronting the enormous power of capitalist driven policy of every government
administration whose sole aim is to flaunt and relegate the power of workers and trade
unions to a dysfunctional state. This can be done through the collective effort that required
both socio-political and economic responses from the trade union movement in Nigeria.
INTRODUCTION:
The socio economic conditions in Nigeria have had some rapid changes since its
independence in 1960. Such changes were in response to the dynamic nature of the global
economic environment. Additionally, the Nigeria economy has undergone a process of
transition from government ownership of the production and distribution process to an open
and market driven process. In response to the emerging trends in globalization, new
approaches and responses to labour management relatives have began to emerge as
employees and other stakeholder in the oil and gas sector seek to find appropriate responses
to the shocks from technological advancement and foreign competitions. The search for such
responses often led to what we referred to as industrial disputes.
In additions to the changing economic conditions the political and industrial relations
environment in Nigeria has experienced rapid changes in recent decades. Observed
implications of such changes have been continuous labour disputes leading to employees
strikes and work stoppages.
This presentation therefore examines the emerging issues in labour management relations in
general and in particular, in the Nigeria oil and gas industry. To achieve this, the rest of the
paper is organized as follows; the Concepts of Trade Union, The functions of Trade Union,
Trade Union Movement in Nigeria, Rights of Workers, Experiences and Campaigns in the
Nigeria oil and gas sector and campaigns and achievements and finally conclusions.
THE CONCEPTS OF TRADE UNION
Trade unionism is now a universal phenomenon operating in almost every organization-public
and private industry, institution, profession, and trade. Product of industrial revolution, it was
designed as an instrument mainly to put up a united and collective fight against exploitation
of workers by employees in factories. It has since proliferated to all sorts of work place,
including office, establishments, banks, educational institutions, et cetera. It was also
intended to be used for securing reasonable wage and salaries, favorable conditions of
services commensurate with the nature of work, facilities of housing, medical care, education,
travel, recreation et cetera. Trade union has attracted variety of definitions from scholars.
Definitions depend on the perception of workers and the definition imposed by legal
framework of a particular country. Akpala said (1982) the exact definitions of trade union may
vary from one situation to another depending on the economic and political situation
encompassing the worker – management relations. According to Sydney and Beatrice Webb
(1897), trade Union is a continuous association of wage earners for the purpose of
maintaining and improving the condition of their working lives. The Nigerian Labour law
Section 1 of Sub section 1 Trade Union Act No 31 of 1973 defines Trade Union as any
combination of workers or employers whether temporary or permanent, the purpose of which
is to regulate the terms and conditions of employment of workers (Davison, 1977). In the
words of Otobo (2000) a trade union is a continuous organization of employees that seeks to
maintain and improve the terms and conditions of employment through collective bargaining
representation with the employer (from which it remains autonomous) and through other
means. Trade labor union can be described as organized grouping of wage and salary earners
with the purpose of bringing to bear economic, social and political interest of their members
in labour relations. Another definition is an association of wage or salary earners formed with
the object of safe guarding and improving the wage and employment conditions of its
members and to raise members’ social status and standards of living in the community
(Fajana, 2000). It is an organized association of workers of an industry for the protection of
common interests. These interests include: job protection, and maintaining or improving
reasonable conditions of work, health and safety, and rates of pay.
THE FUNCTIONS OF TRADE UNION

Trade union is an outcome of a factory system. It is based on the labour philosophy “United
we stand, divided we fall”. A trade union functions to achieve its goals in a number of
different ways (Fashoyin, 2002; and Ahiauzu, 1984).
a. Trade union must be recognized by its members‟ employer as an organization with which
the employer is prepared to negotiate must recognize a trade union.
b. Functions which are directly concerned with the achievement of the objective of the
trade union are:
i. Negotiating with management to improve the level of pay and conditions of work of its
members.
ii. Negotiating with management to protect the jobs of its members and to secure a good
prospect of a prosperous future for them. iii. Negotiating to improve physical
conditions at work.
c. Other functions according to Purcell, 1998; and Akpala, 1984 which are not directly
connected to the achievement of goals are:
i. Lobbying politicians to obtain legislation to improve conditions of work.
ii. Encouraging political and social consciousness amongst members.
iii. Developing political affiliations with other trade unions for achieving political influence
over government
d. A trade union should also provide assistance for individual members who need support.
TRADE UNION MOVEMENT IN NIGERIA
The origin of trade union movement in Nigeria could be traced to the pre- colonial period. At
this time, there existed guilds, mutual aid groups and professional or occupational craft
unions all of which function to play the role of trade union. However, these associations are
not in the modern sense of its full-fledged trade union. Rather, most of them are merely
workers association (Otobo, 1987:12). The inception of modern trade unions in Nigeria could
be said to coincide with colonialism. Consequently, the first set of trade unions were modeled
after British unions. Unlike the situation in most developed countries, trade union preceded
industrialization in Nigeria. The organized trade union movement in Nigeria dates back to
1912 when the workers in the Southern Nigerian Civil Service under the then colonial
administration organized themselves into workers representatives. This then became known
as the Nigeria Civil Service Union (NCSU) in 1914. This became a pivot with which workers in
other sectors began the agitation for the formation of Trade Unions before and after
independence in 1960. At this period, trade union could not take the pattern of radical
organization because of the paternalistic nature of colonial government which is the largest
employer of public labour. Other unions which emerged during this period were the Nigeria
Native Staff Union (NNSU), Nigerian Union of Railway men, Nigerian Mechanics Union and the
Nigerian Union of Teachers (NUT). It was in 1938 that the Trade Unions Ordinance was
enacted which provided legal backing for trade unions. By 1975 during the military regime of
General Murtala Mohammed, Trade Union in the country had risen to over 1,000 which
include Mushroom Unions. In 1976, the Federal Government established a commission of
inquiry into the activities of the various unions and appointed an administrator to administer
the unions and come up with a structure for the proper administration of the unions. This
became necessary as the Unions were polarized into ideological divide which was creating
problems in the country. Towards the end of 1977, these Unions were restructured into 42
along industrial line. The government also insisted on the formation of a labour centre as
there were various multiple centers. In February 1978, the Nigeria Labour Congress was
formed and inaugurated. The then 42 Industrial Unions became affiliates of the Nigeria
Labour Congress with a legal backing of Trade Union (Amendment) Decree 22 of 1978.
Several reasons have been given to explain the apparent late arrival of trade unionism in
Nigeria.
i. Limited wage employment: Since the largest proportions of the citizens are engaged in
the informal work sector, the few wage earners are colonial employers and these are
restricted to the colonial officers as well as related parastatals.
ii. Low level of economic activities which limited the recruitment into the formal economy
and hence membership of trade union.
iii. The repressive colonial labour policy also contributed to the late entry of effective trade
unionism in Nigeria. The colonial administration regarded trade unions as destabilizing
activities. Consequently, it took measures to discourage its employees from
membership of these groups.
iv. Low consciousness of the worker as to the need of unionism.
v. Absence of legal backing also impeded the early realization of Trade Union in Nigeria.
However, with time these obstacles were overcome and this paved the way for the
emergence of trade unionism in the country. For instance, the emergence of small indigenous
and large multi-national companies broke the monopoly of public sector employment in the
country. The influence of neighboring countries like Sierra Leone and Ghana also helped to
boost the tempo of trade unionism in Nigeria. This factor for instance led to the enactment of
Trade Union Ordinance in 1938 which gave legal backing to trade unions in the country. The
Second World War also played important role in the growth of trade union in Nigeria. The war
brought untold hardship to the workers and the general public in form of acute shortage of
essential commodities, rise in prices, stagnant wage structure (Otobo 1987:21). These
problems pushed many workers into joining trade unions which was seen as the only forum
for improving their bad economic condition. Union agitation during the period led to the
introduction of Cost Of Living Allowance (COLA) as well as the first general strike in the
country in 1945 with the participation of about 42,000 workers (Fajana, 1995:146). The war
heightened the socio-political consciousness of the workers.
The Nigeria Labour Congress [NLC] was formally constituted as the only national federation of
trade unions in the country in 1978. Before then, four labour centres existed. These are
Nigeria Trade Union Congress [NTUC], Labour Unity Front [LUF], United Labour Congress
[ULC] and Nigeria Workers Council [NWC]. The emergence of the NLC ended decades of
rivalry and rancor involving the four centres and unions affiliated to them. The unions,
numbering over 1,000 were also restructured into 42 industrial unions. The organization has
had a chequered history, surviving two instances of dissolution of its national organs and
consequent appointment of state administrators. The first was in 1988 under the military
regime of General Ibrahim Babangida. Congress' opposition to the anti-people Structural
Adjustment Programme incensed the military administration to take over the NLC. The
second military intervention was in 1994 during the regime of General Sani Abacha, whose
government also became fed up with the labour movement's agitation for the restoration of
democracy. Like the initial case, the military government dissolved NLC's National Executive
Council and appointed a Sole Administrator. The same treatment was meted to the two
unions in the oil and gas industry National Union of Petroleum and Natural Gas Workers
[NUPENG] and Petroleum and Natural Gas Senior Staff Association of Nigeria [PENGASSAN].
However, the administrators apparently added a further brief which plundered the finances
of Congress and the two unions. The dissolution exemplified the travails of Congress, its
leadership, affiliates and state councils, under military rule. Arbitration, prolonged and
unlawful detention of labour leaders, invasion and disruption of union meetings, seminars
and other activities of Congress and its components by security forces and a vicious anti-
labour campaign by the state generally marked the period. The military also invoked its
legislative prerogatives to unleash all manner of legislation to check the activities of unions.
For instance, under General Abacha, a decree that banned a section of the movement from
holding leadership position in Congress came into effect. However, with the death of General
Abacha, the unions reclaimed Congress, culminating in a National Delegates Conference held
on January 29, 1999. The leadership led the NLC from 1999 - February 2007 with another
delegate conference was held on February 2007, the current leadership was elected -
Abdulwahed Ibrahim Omar – President.
The Nigerian Labour Act2 is the primary legislation which deals with the relationship between
an employer and its employees. It contains quite a number of provisions which govern this
relationship dynamic, and also all the regulatory processes applicable for employers. The
crucifix of this chapter is to analyze the position and provisions of Nigerian workers viz a viz
their rights and privileges under the relevant legal framework and highlight a few of which we
believe every Nigerian workers should be aware of.
Firstly, and most importantly, it appears that the Labour Act is not applicable to all classes of
employees in Nigeria. The Act uses the word ‘workers’ in describing employees, and defines
2
Labour Act Laws of the Federation 2004
workers as not including persons exercising administrative, executive, technical or
professional functions as public officers or otherwise. This means if the nature of your role is
administrative, executive, technical or professional, then you are not covered by the Act. The
Labour Act only covers employees engaged under a contract of manual labour or clerical work
in private and public sector. Forced Labour is illegal. The first (and in our opinion, most
important) thing every Nigerian should know is that it is illegal to force anyone to work for
you. It is every Nigerian’s right to be free from forced labour.3 Apart from existing in the
constitution, it is also restated in the Labour Act. Therefore, if you or someone you know is
being forced to work against your will, you can report to the police as it is a crime. However,
the Labour Act gives the government the ability to be able to requisition people to work
during an emergency or a calamity, and this will not be classed as ‘forced labour’ All
employees must have a written contract. The Labour Act states that an employer must give
an employee a written contract within three (3) months of the commencement of the
employment. The contract must have the certain key terms – name of employer/employee,
nature of employment, duration, wages etc. The key thing here is to ensure that the
employee is protected by all the relevant terms being reduced to writing so the employee
knows what is expected of him/her. Also important is that if there is any change in the terms
of the employment, it should be made known in writing to the employee within one (1)
month, Payment of wages. Any contract where the whole or part of the worker’s wages is
made payable in any other manner apart from legal tender shall be illegal, null and void.
Therefore, it is illegal for your employer to attempt to pay you with things other than money.
A few other key things to note around wages is: It is illegal for any contract to be for the
payment of wages at intervals exceeding one month unless with the written consent of the
State Authority. This means if your employer makes you sign an employment contract where
the employee is to be paid every quarter or every 6 weeks etc., such a contract is illegal.
No employer can impose any restrictions as to the place and manner in which the employee
can spend his/her wages. So your employer can’t insist that you only buy lunch from the
office canteen. Employers are not allowed to provide an advance of wages in excess of
1month wages Salary Deductions. Employers are not allowed to deduct an employee’s wages
for any reason, unless reasonable deduction for injury/loss caused to the employer by the
employee, but only with prior written consent of an authorized labour officer. Also, if you are
lucky enough to have your employer mistakenly overpay you, then you should know that the
money which was overpaid can only be deducted within 3 months from the date of the
overpayment. Any attempt by your employer to deduct the overpayment from your future
salary after the expiration of this 3-month period is illegal. It is Illegal to prevent employees
3
This right is guaranteed under section the 1999 constitution.
from joining trade unions and other labour associations. No employment contract can
prevent workers from joining trade unions, and any contract which makes it a condition of
employment that the worker should relinquish membership of a trade union or prejudices
workers by reason of trade union membership is illegal. Rest Hours, Sick Leave, and Holidays
for Employees. If a worker is at work for more than 6 hours a day, he/she must be given at
least 1 hour of rest-interval in that day. Further, in every period of 7 days, a worker is entitled
to at least 1 day of rest which must not be less than 24 consecutive hours. So for instance if
you work Sunday all through Saturday, you must have the whole of the following Sunday as a
mandatory day off. Every worker is also entitled to 12 days’ sick leave for temporary illness
certified by a registered medical practitioner. Every employee after 12 months of continuous
service is entitled to a holiday with full pay of at least 6 working days (this is exclusive of all
the public holidays) Maternity and Paternity leave. All female employees are entitled to at
least 12 weeks’ maternity leave with full pay. Unfortunately, the Nigerian Labour Act does not
recognize paternity leave and makes no such provisions. However, in Lagos State civil
servants are entitled to 10 days’ paternity leave within the first 2 months of the birth of the
baby.
Transfer of employment. An employee must consent to the transfer of his/her employment
from one employer to another for it to be valid, and the transfer must be endorsed by an
authorized Labour officer. So if for instance your company is taken over by another company,
your employment will not automatically move to this new company (employer) without first
consulting you and getting your agreement to transfer your employment. Termination of
employment. With respect to the termination of an employment contract, the Labour Act
provides for minimum notice periods: Where the employee has been employed for a period
of 3 months or less, either party may terminate the contract with a minimum of 1-day notice.
Where the employee has been employed for a period of 3 months but less than 2 years,
either party may terminate the contract with a minimum of 1-week notice where the
employee has been employed for a period of 2 years but less than 5 years, either party may
terminate the contract with a minimum of 2-weeks’ notice. Where the employee has been
employed for a period of 5 years or more, either party may terminate the contract with a
minimum of 1-month notice. When giving notice of termination of employment contract
where the notice is 1 week or more, the notice must be in writing. The Labour Act is not the
only piece of legislation which protects employee rights, worker whose existence is neither
contemplated nor regulated by law. Casual workers are not given the same benefits (such as
compensation for injuries arising in the course of employment, right to belong to trade unions
and bargain collectively and various social security benefits) that accrue to permanent
employees.4 In addition, they are paid less and often subjected to unfair labour practices.
Through content analysis and literature review this article undertakes an examination of the
peculiar issues that have escalated the severity of casualisation on the Nigerian workforce.5
The work conducts a succinct cross-national comparison of legal frameworks regulating non-
standard work in other jurisdictions and pinpoints apposite provisions for judicial and
legislative emulation. It is made apparent from empirical survey that Government is caught
between the economic necessity to support business investments and the agitation by
organized labour to protect the workforce from exploitation. The work contends that
casualization is not bad in itself. By making equitable laws and policies, ensuring their vigilant
enforcement, regulating labour-outsourcing companies and ensuring access to justice for
aggrieved workers, it is possible to palliate its cruel impact on the workforce.
Employment casualization is the process by which employment shifts from a preponderance

of full-time and permanent positions to casual and contract positions; the altering of working
practices so that regular workers are re-employed on a casual or short-term basis.
Casualisation is referred to in Europe and United States as Nonstandard Work Arrangements
(NSWAs), and these work arrangements refer to fixed contract, contract work, on-call work,
part-time and temporary work. Other categories include day work, outsourcing, sub-
contracting, homework, self-employment, zero-hour employment and so forth. The common
characteristic of nonstandard jobs are that they differ in terms of hours worked, job security,
payment system and even location of work from the traditional full-time, permanent
employment which has been a dominant feature of industrial relations in many developed
economies and developing ones for much of the twentieth century. The traditional model of
employment (permanent full time employment with one employer until retirement) is
steadily giving way to less stable (and often vulnerable) forms of employment. Little wonder
the traditional protections afforded to permanent employees are often waived for casual
labour.
On the global scene, the increase in capital mobility and the deregulation of the labour
market are some of the major causes of casualisation. In response to these challenges,
employers tend to adopt cost-cutting measures, including downsizing/cutting back on
employment and use of permanent employees; the offshoot being the current predominance
of casual workers. On their own part, employers argue that this growth in the rate of
casualisation is influenced by demographic changes in the composition of the labour force.
Many women (and a handful of men) want to work part-time in order to combine family care
and work; this is the flexibility that NSW gives them. Also there is the feeling that labour laws
4
Collins English Dictionary – Complete and Unabridged, (12th Ed, Glasgow: Harper Collins Publishers. 2014), p 366.
make excessive demands to pay terminal benefits to employees. Many employers thus decide
that they simply cannot afford to hire workers on permanent bases because they will have to
pay huge pension benefits. However, the growth in irregular work has changed the nature of
employment from a labour relationship to a commercial relationship, with the worker taking
all the risks. There is now a sharp rise in the gap between wages and benefits of permanent
and casual workers. In the African region, the absence of substantial infrastructure and
enabling environment for businesses to successfully operate cannot be distanced from the
cause, as organisations are forced to fend for such essential infrastructures as power, efficient
transport system and a litany of others which ordinarily should not be the case. All these have
an overbearing effect on an organisations’ overhead cost, thus leading to harsh cost
reduction approaches of which the welfare status of the workforce becomes unfortunately a
prey. Outsourcing provides an easier way to cut costs and run off competition. Where an
employer outsources labour or production components, less numbers of permanent
employees are needed. The popular practice is to cut the number of permanent employees
and replace them with casuals. The high level of unemployment and abundance or excess
supply of labour also plays a major role in fueling casualisation as it aggravates the
exploitative treatment meted to employees, as employers believe that they will always have
people willing to work for them irrespective of the conditions.
In the past, casual labour was mainly unskilled and required for seasonal work or short-term
periodical jobs predominantly in the construction industry and the agricultural sector. But
today both the skilled and the unskilled are engaged as casual workers in the informal sector,
the organized private sector and even the public sector. The prevailing arrangement in most
organizations’ in Nigeria is a situation where people are employed as casual and contract
workers for many years and are paid less than their permanent counterparts in terms of
wages and benefits even though they possess the same skills, work the same hours and
perform the same tasks as permanent employees. Cases abound in some enterprises in
Nigeria where workers have worked for six years and more as casual or contract workers
without being given permanent status. This is discriminatory and contrary to section 176 of
the Constitution which provides among other things that every citizen shall have equality of
rights, obligations and opportunities before the law; that exploitation of human or natural
resources in any form whatsoever for reasons other than for the good of the community,
shall be prevented and most importantly, that there should be equal pay for equal work
without discrimination on account of sex or on any other ground whatsoever (such as status
of employment).
6
section 17 of the 1999 Constitution
Casualisation abounds in the construction, manufacturing, banking and the oil and gas
industries. The new development is that the term ‘casual’ worker has been replaced by
‘contract staff.’ For instance, in the oil and gas industry, they no longer refer to them as
casuals but as contract staff, because most of them are now supplied by labour contractors to
the User Company which makes them employees of the labour contractor and not the oil
company. In some companies, it is possible for one to get as many as over one thousand five
hundred workers on contract appointment out of a total of two thousand workers in the
industry.7 The main object of the Act is to enhance job creation and the development of
indigenous human and technical expertise. It is in my opinion a flagrant contravention of that
law to seek to meet that minimum percentage quota with casual staff.
It is contended that with the exclusion of a few long-term benefits such as gratuity, pension
and loan advance, workers in NSWAs should be entitled to the same rights as permanent
employees after a reasonable duration in their employment provided that they do the same
work and have the same qualifications and responsibilities as full-time employees. Of course,
the flip side of this argument is that casual staff should not be paid higher salaries than their
full-time counterparts. As a result of the precarious nature of their jobs, casual workers in
many jurisdictions, like independent contractors, are often paid more than their full-time
counterparts but in Nigeria, casuals have it bad at both ends – lower pay and less job-security.
The traditional industrial relations system based on the concept of full-time employees
working within an enterprise is increasingly being challenged by the use of nonstandard work
arrangements (NSWA) by employers. This changing nature of work has taken a new
dimension with the adoption of flexible work arrangements by many firms globally. The
theme running through many of the new approaches to management in today‟s globalized
economy is the development of a more flexible workforce which has become employers‟ new
frontier in the management of human resources. However, these changing patterns of work
(e.g. casual, contract, temporary, part-time employments, subcontracting etc.) occasioned by
Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAP), have created concerns for workers and trade
unions alike, especially in Nigeria. Job security, social security, terminal benefits and minimum
conditions of work are some of the issues of concern. The new forms of work arrangements
have led to the prospects of a “race to the bottom” in labour standards, particularly in the
developing nations. Labour standards are often compromised by firms involved in
casualization. Casualization as a form of labour practice is the process by which employment
shifts from a preponderance of full time and permanent positions to higher levels of casual
positions. It involves employment of an irregular or intermittent nature. Casualization is
7
Section 7 of the Nigerian Content Development Act 2010 which applies to the Oil and Gas Industry provides for a
mandatory minimum percentage of local employees which must be hired by Oil Companies.
gradually becoming a cankerworm in the flesh of the workforce in both developed and
developing economies. In Nigeria the scourge of casualization of employment is gaining
grounds in an unprecedented proportion, intensity and scale. The increase in the spread and
gradual acceptance of this labour practice in the Nigerian labour market has become an issue
of great concern to stakeholders. Employers of labour are increasingly filling positions in their
organisations that are supposed to be permanent with casual employees. The trend has been
largely attributed to the increasing desperation of employers to cut down organisational
costs. Casualization of employment is seen as an appropriate strategy for cost reduction.
Casualization may on the periphery seem to be justifiable since reduced cost means higher
profit which is the ultimate goal of every organisation. However casualization ultimately
presents lots of challenges for the employees and organizations alike. Also behind this issue
of casualization in the country is the high level of unemployment and accompanying poverty.
These two issues have bred a dangerous work environment and have given much aid to the
prevalence of employment casualization, as many desperate job seekers in the labour force
are willing to take any job no matter how dirty or degrading it is. Casual workers occupy a
precarious position in the workplace and society, and are effectively a new set of „slaves‟ and
„underclass‟ in the modern capitalist economy.
The rise of casual employment is a global trend in the larger global picture
where decent work a path to broad based development is rejected and more jobs are created
through outsourcing or labour agencies. Casual work is often temporary, with uncertain
wages, long hours, and no job security. Nigerian workers are under pressure from corporate
practices that seek to undercut their hard-fought victories at the bargaining table and replace
good jobs (i.e.jobs with benefits, training, and security) with various forms of insecure and
lower paid contract, short-term, and temporary work. This practice is called “casualization”
and is an alarming trend, considering that working was once a hope for raising working and
living standards in the country. In nearly every economic sector, good jobs are falling prey to
corporate cost-cutting moves at the expense of working families. Too many jobs are being
outsourced, contracted out, or reclassified under a barrage of legal definitions designed to
keep pay down, benefits low, and unions out. Like workers all over the world, Nigerian
workers are trying to hold the line. They are countering casualization with activism and
strength, pushing back against the degradation of their work and organizing casual workers
into unions to fight for their rights. Casualization however goes beyond trade union rights
because it is enabled by the widespread poverty, joblessness, and the devastated natural
resources of the country. It is just one manifestation of the “degradation of work” from
formal to informal employment and from permanent to temporary and precarious forms of
work. The growth in irregular work has changed the nature of employment from a labour
relationship to a commercial relationship, with the worker taking all the risks. There is now a
sharp worldwide rise in casual employment and a parallel rise in the gap between wages and
benefits of permanent and casual workers. The use of casualization as a business model,
involves the strategic substitution of fulltime workers with contract and/or agency labour.
The number of casual workers in Nigeria is hard to pin down. Some unions posit that for every
full-time worker there are four casual workers. Some workers put the ratio at an alarming one
to nine.8 According to the International Labour Organization (ILO) (using trade union figures),
the estimated ratio was about three to one.9 Formal workers, called “regular” company
employees, are hired directly by the company. They receive contracts that explain work
conditions, wages, hours, and benefits. They have the right to form unions and bargain
collectively to extend their voice in the workplace. In contrast, casual workers are often
employed by third-party contractors under various types of part-time and/or short-term work
arrangements. They perform many of the same technical and professional duties as regulars,
but with no job security. They face frequent layoffs and long periods of revolving short-term
contracts under a never-ending probation. Though they work at the facilities of the
companies and their work is a large part of these companies‟ productivity, they are legally
the direct hires of smaller outside firms and their contributions are too often ignored. Most
casual workers are not part of any union structure. They earn lower wages than the regular
workers, receive fewer benefits, and can be fired at will. The ILO (2004) reports that
companies in Nigeria,10
“tend to fire contract workers just before the expiration of their three, six or
twelve month contracts, when they are about to become permanent
workers...”
Casualization of employment is growing at an alarming rate. More and more workers in
permanent employment are losing their jobs and are being re-employed as or replaced by
casual or contract workers. Casual work which is supposed to be a form of temporary
employment has acquired the status of permanent employment in many organizations in
Nigeria without the statutory benefits associated with permanent employment status. Casual
workers are subject to lower pay, barred from their right to join a union, and denied medical
and other benefits. Companies will often hire several part-time workers instead of one or two
full-time workers to avoid their obligation to provide benefits, to divide the workforce, and to
dissuade unionizing efforts.
RIGHTS OF WORKERS
8
These estimates suggest a rapid growth in casualization especially between 1999-2009.
9
International Labour Organization ILO (2004) Working Paper No. 237. Freedom of Association and Protection of the
Right to Organise Convention (No. 87) International Labour Office Geneva.
10
Aladekomo, F.O., 2004. Casual Labour in a Nigeria Urban Centre. Journal of Social Science, 9, pp. 207-213
Worker’s right is a very broad issue; however, it can be brought down to the protection and
respects of human life in the work place and the right to work itself.11. Some components of
workers’ rights are the right to job safety, collective bargaining and equal pay for equal work
and employee’s welfare.12 Workers are denied the right to organize and benefit from
collective agreements. They are mostly not protected from exploitation by their employers.
Casualization of labour is against the campaign of full employment. Casualization is
detrimental to employees and has grave consequences on the employer and the national
economy, casualization must be seriously checked and if possible expunged completely from
being practiced in the employment system. The rights of workers for the purpose of this work
will be discussed under a few sub-headings.
i. Minimum Wage: The National minimum wage is 18,000 naira, about 50 United States
dollars per month. Due to inflationary trends and high cost of living, wage increases have
been demanded by Labour Unions.
ii. Minimum Requirements in Employment Contract: The principal statement encapsulated
in the contract of employment entered into between you and your employer must contain
specified details including: The name of the employer, Your name and address and the
place and date of your engagement, The nature of the employment, If the contract is for a
fixed term, the date when the contract expires, The period of notice to be given within
which to terminate the contract, The rates of wages and method of calculation thereof and
the manner and periodicity of payment of wages, Terms and conditions relating to (i) hours
of work; or (ii) holidays and holiday pay; or (iii) incapacity for work due to sickness or
injury, including any provisions for sick pay; and any special conditions of the contract.
iii. Working Hours, Rest Hours and Annual Holiday: Normal hours of work can be fixed by
mutual agreement, or by collective bargaining, or by an industrial wages board where
there is no machinery for collective bargaining. If you are required to work outside the
normal hours agreed upon in the terms of contract, the extra hours shall be considered an
overtime. Where you work for 6 hours or more a day, you are entitled to rest-interval of
not less than 1 hour on the aggregate. Furthermore, in every period of 7 days, you are
entitled to one day of rest which shall not be less than 24 consecutive hours. Where you
put in a 12-month continuous service at work, you shall be entitled to at least 6 working
days as holidays with full pay. The holidays may be deferred by agreement between the
employer and you, provided that the holiday-earning period shall not be increased beyond
24 months' continuous service.
iv. Sick Leave: You are entitled to wages up to 12 working days in a year during your
11
(Seidman, 2007)
12
(Laura et al. 1996).
absence from work caused by temporary illness certified by a registered medical
practitioner, subject to the Workmen's Compensation Act.
v. Maternity Protection: If you are a pregnant woman, you are entitled to take up to 12
weeks of maternity leave with full pay. Of this period, six weeks must be taken after the
birth. You may start leave at any time from six weeks before the expected date of birth on
producing a medical certificate issued by a registered medical practitioner stating that
confinement will probably take place within six weeks. Where you have been continuously
employed for a minimum period of 6 months preceding your absence, you are entitled to
not less than 50% of the wages you would have earned if you were not absent. If you are
nursing a baby, you are entitled to half an hour twice a day during working hours for that
purpose. Paternity leave is not recognized under federal law.
vi. Discrimination Protection: There is no legislation that specifically regulates equal
opportunities and discrimination in employment. The 1999 Constitution of Nigeria, as
amended, contains a general prohibition of discrimination on the grounds of: ethnic group;
place of origin; community; sex; religion; political opinion; and circumstances of birth.
vii. Safety and Welfare: The Factories Act places an obligation upon employers/owners or
occupiers of a factory to ensure the health, safety and welfare of workers within the
factory. Thus, it is the duty of your employer to ensure that the provisions of the Factories
Act relating to cleanliness, overcrowding, ventilation, lighting, drainage and sanitary
conveniences are complied with. Furthermore, the Act makes it the duty of the employer
to provide a safe means of access and safe place of employment. It is mandatory by law
that you be provided with protective clothing and appliances, where you are employed in
any process involving excessive exposure to wet or to injurious or offensive substance.
Similarly, where necessary, suitable gloves, footwear, goggles and head coverings should
also be provided and maintained by the employer for use.
viii. Redundancy: The Labour Act defines redundancy as an involuntary and permanent
loss of employment caused by excess manpower. The employer can terminate your
contract of employment on ground of redundancy. However, in the event of redundancy:
• The employer is to inform the trade union or the worker's representative concerned.
• The principle of "last in, first out" shall be adopted in the discharge of the category of
workers affected, subject to all factors of relative merit, including skill, ability and
reliability.
• The employer is to use his best endeavours to negotiate redundancy payments to any
discharged workers who are not protected under the Labour Act.
ix. Termination of Employment: The Labour Act provides the following as minimum
notice periods for the termination of an employment contract:
• Where you have been employed for a period of 3 months or less, you or the employer
may terminate the contract with a minimum of 1-day notice
• Where you have been employed for a period of 3 months but less than 2 years, you or
the employer may terminate the contract with a minimum of 1-week notice.
• Where you have been employed for a period of 2 years but less than 5 years, either
party may terminate the contract with a minimum of a 2-week notice.
• Where you have been employed for a period of 5 years or more, either party may
terminate the contract with a minimum of 1-month notice. When giving notice of
termination of employment contract where the notice is 1 week or more, the notice
must be in writing.
x. Remedies for breach of contract by employer: If you suffer discrimination at work place;
or unreasonable variation of the terms of the employment contract; or unlawful dismissal,
or unfair termination of your contract of employment; you can sue your employer for
breach and obtain the following remedies:
• Reinstatement or reengagement (subject to the mutual consent of you and the

employer); or
• Award of terminal payments; or
• Award of monetary compensation.
xi. What are terminal payments: Terminal payments are the statutory entitlements under the
law which you are entitled to but have not yet been paid upon dismissal or termination of
contract. Terminal payments may include salary/wages, arrears of payment, salary in lieu
of notice, end of the year payment; maternity leave pay; severance payment; or long
service payment, sickness allowance, holiday pay, annual leave pay, etc. Put differently,
terminal payments are entitlements that you might reasonably be expected to be entitled
to under the law if the contract of employment had been allowed to continue.
xii. Employee’s welfare is also referred to as better work opportunities for employees,
which also relates to taking care of the well-being of workers by Employers of
labour, Trade Unions, Government and Non-Governmental Agencies.13
International Labour Organization (ILO) at its Asian Regional Conference, defined
employee’s welfare as a term which is understood to include accessibility to
13
(Goldman, 1999
services such as facilities and amenities as may be established in or in the vicinity of
undertakings to enable the persons employed in organisations to perform their
work in a healthy, congenial environments conducive to good health and high
morale.
xiii. Employee’s welfare has two aspects, negative and positive.14 On the negative side,
the employee’s welfare is concerned with counteracting the beneficial effects of
the large scale industrial system of production. On the positive side, it deals with
the provision of opportunities for the worker and his/her family for a good life as
understood in its most comprehensive sense.15 A further argument in favour of
employee’s welfare is that it gives a reputation that shows care and concern on the
part of the employee and helps improve the local image of the Company as a good
employer.16 Good reputation assists the organisation’s recruitment processes and
productivity in the long run. Welfare may not directly increase productivity,17 but it
may add to the general feelings of satisfaction with the company, improves the
self-worth of the employee and cut down on employee turnover.18
TRADE UNION RIGHTS IN NIGERIA; EXPERINCES & CAMPAIGNS IN THE OIL & GAS SECTOR
The Nigeria Labour Congress, NLC was the umbrella movement with the sole mandate of
protecting workers from exploitation in the hands of employers until some years ago when
the Trade Union Congress, TUC was formed to protect the interests of senior workers with
the NLC left to manage the interests of junior workers. The NLC was founded by the late Pa
Michael Imoudu, who led the union from inception till he handed over to another veteran;
Alhaji Hassan Sunmonu. These two men led a virile and healthy union in between them and
after their exit, so many others came around but none can be compared to the indefatigable
Comrade Adams Oshiomhole, now an executive comrade.
He piloted the affairs with knowledgeable mien, belligerent stance and diplomatic posture.
He knew when to advance and when to retreat. He was indeed, a general of the congress, the
workers’ worker and the employers’ nightmare. Small wonder most employers of labor prefer
to avoid a collision with him. He has since taken his talents into politics and is now the
executive governor of Edo State, South-South, Nigeria.
Ever since the Comrade left, it has been one issue or the other from administrative flip flops
to internal power squabbles that culminated in the election of two presidents for one office.
This column hopes they have been able to settle their differences and put their various
14
(Osterman, 2000).
15
(Gaikwad, 2013) (Murugan, 2013).15
16
Cohen and Prusak, 2001
17
Armstrong, 2003)
18
(Grigore and Stancu 2011).
houses in order down to the respective chapters, for a lot of employers will rather they have
their houses in chaos.
It is the season of unjust and premature disengagement without reasonable pay-offs and also
attracting picketing of companies for one labour issue or the other, examples being SAPETROL
and CHEVRON. More are likely to follow in these ugly times of bad business! Most employers
do not want their workers to be unionized to enable them hire and fire as they wish. It is the
inalienable right of every employer to hire and fire but it is not the right of employers to
abuse human beings in the name of slave labour with little or no benefits attached.
Several cases of unresolved labor issues are pending in the National Industrial Court, NIC for
upwards of two years! It is on record that a greater number of workers in the industry are not
unionized because their employers either don’t want them to or they themselves are not
interested. This is where both unions, the TUC and the NLC comes into play through relevant
affiliates like the Petroleum, Energy and Natural Gas Senior Staff Association of Nigeria,
PENGASSAN and the Nigerian Union of Petroleum, Energy and Natural Gas workers, NUPENG
respectively.
The labor unions derive their financial strength from check-off dues paid by every member
through their company chapters to the state branches and finally, to the headquarters. A
lower membership therefore, weakens the unions in contrast to a higher membership that
strengthens them. This is why chapters with larger memberships are treated more with all the
support, solidarity and arsenal the unions can muster than chapters with lesser memberships.
It is therefore not a surprise, that the challenges facing members in ExxonMobil will be fought
by the unions with clinical precision to the best interest of members than those facing
members in Sterling Global Oil Company for instance.
What then happens to a company, with less than a hundred staff strength, whose owner does
not want the workers to unionize or the workers themselves, are not ready to unionize
perhaps, in allegiance to their rules of engagement? An example will suffice.
Company A is owned by a Nigerian who insists his workers must not unionize. Several
attempts by some of the workers at unionizing were frustrated by the company owner.
Seeing this development, the workers decided to take their destiny in their own hands by
fighting for their survival their own way not minding the presence of fifth columnists in their
midst. To this end, they shut down their operations on the oil drilling rigs and refused to work
while drilling was going on. The owner of Company A quickly replaced the workers with a new
set of workers and terminated their appointments with an injunction secured to ensure the
workers never returned for anything. The workers mobilized and got their own injunction
joining the oil companies servicing as co-defendants.
The owner of company A promptly called the dismissed workers through series of appeals by
members of PENGASSAN and NUPENG, for a truce. The matter eventually ended in a round
table dialogue with all parties’ interests protected.
It is clear from the above example that the labor unions exist to protect the workers,
particularly their members and members exist to protect the unions. Apart from the
administrative issues the unions are grappling with, in-fighting among their executives makes
nonsense of their spirit of solidarity. Nigerian labor laws need to be overhauled to protect
workers from inhuman treatment. The NIC needs to adjudicate expeditiously.
It is the opinion of DrillBytes that better-working conditions empower workers to indirectly
develop small scale businesses which, in turn, helps in moving the economy further by
creating additional revenue base for the government. The labor unions need to work their
talk, the national assembly needs to pass needed bills and the federal ministry of labor needs
to act their name. If change is here, this is the time to get cracking.
Recall that on the 7th September 2018, the Nigeria Union of Petroleum and Natural Gas
Workers (NUPENG) has accused two foreign oil firms, Sterling Energy Exploration Company
(SEEPCO) and its drilling arm, British Oil and Gas Limited (BOGEL), of frustrating the legitimate
demand of their workers to join the union. NUPENG argued that five drilling oil-rigs operated
by SEEPCO and its drilling arm in Kwale and Warri, Delta State, had been in operation for
several years but the management denied the workers their rights to unionise. President of
NUPENG, Williams Akporeha, who spoke at a press conference yesterday, said the union had
directed its members in Delta State to withdraw services in protest of the unfortunate
situation, adding that if the oil firms refuse to be called to order, they will embark on a
nationwide strike. Besides, NUPENG has given the Nigerian Army a 24-hour ultimatum to
withdraw its officers from the premises of the foreign oil firms, over forceful evacuation and
abrupt termination of workers' appointment. Akporeha, who expressed disappointment at
the military for succumbing to the level of frustrating workers who identified with the law of
belonging to the union, said the union had written to the Chief of Army Staff, Gen. Tukur
Buratai, for his officers to be immediately removed from the oil firms, as the issue on ground
is an industrial relation matter and a terrorist situation. He accused the heavily armed soldiers
of distributing new employment forms of non-identification with union to the oil workers if
they must remain on the job.
The NUPENG president said rather that follow the path of decency and global best practices,
management of the firms resulted to high-handedness and violence through the use of
military officers and armed militias to forcibly evacuate no fewer than 2,500 employees from
five drilling rigs. The union, which called on Governor Ifeanyi Okowa to immediately intervene
to avoid turning the state into an industrial crisis zone, said it is also seeking the intervention
of the Ministry of Labour and Employment, Group Managing Director, Nigerian National
Petroleum Corporation (NNPC), security agencies and other stakeholders in the oil and gas
industry to arrest the imminent industrial crisis.
On assumption of office in May, 2015, President Buhari had vowed that his administration
would undertake far-reaching reforms to ensure accountability and transparency in Nigeria’s
oil and gas industry. He had promised to expedite the passage of the much-delayed
Petroleum Industry Bill (PIB) to shore up oil production and boost national income from oil
sales. This commitment had been reiterated in the federal government’s short and medium-
term priorities to grow Nigeria’s oil & gas industry 2015–2019, meaning that the bill ought to
have been passed in the first quarter of 2017. The Senate had to split the PIB, which has been
in the works for about 12 years into four parts for expeditious consideration and passage.
The Petroleum Industry Governance Bill (PIGB) is first in a series of the proposed bills that
constitute the legal framework for the petroleum sector reform of the federal government.
The three other bills that are currently undergoing various legislative processes at the
National Assembly are the Petroleum Industry Administrative Bill (PIAB), the Petroleum
Industry Fiscal Bill (PIFB) and the Petroleum Host Community Bill (PHCB).
Activities in the oil and gas sector had been at very low ebb owing to the delay in the PIB
passage. So, Nigerians had hoped that assenting to the bill would substantially address the
uncertainties that had resulted in loss of revenues, absence of investment and monumental
corruption in the industry.
But the president has reneged on this promise as he recently withheld his assent to the PIGB,
months after it was transmitted to him by the Senate, citing certain provisions he was not
comfortable with. President Buhari ‘s refusal to sign the bill into law has continued to attract
criticisms from different quarters, with many positing that his action was capable of bringing
his administration “to its knees” since oil is still the mainstay of the economy.
Buhari had also vowed to revamp Nigeria’s four refineries to optimum capacity in order to
scale down the rate of importation of refined petroleum products. But to this day, the
refineries are still comatose and Nigeria still imports almost all her petroleum products from
other countries, with attendant huge costs.
In June, NNPC’s Chief Operating Officer (COO), Upstream, Alhaji Bello Rabiu had disclosed
that Nigeria “is the only member country in the Organisation of Petroleum Exporting
Countries (OPEC) that still imports petrol”. He described as shameful, a situation where
Nigeria, Africas top oil producer, depends on petrol imports to meet daily needs.
Rabiu said that Nigeria imports as much as one million tonnes of PMS every month, ranking it
the largest importer of PMS in the world. President Buhari had also promised to modernise
the corrupt-ridden Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) and make it ‘the national
energy champion’. But for the removal of Dr. Ibe Kachikwu (now Minister of State for
Petroleum) and his replacement with Buhari’s man, Maikanti Baru, no meaningful
achievement had taken place in the corporation since Buhari came into power. The only thing
Baru knows how to do best is to set unrealistic sundry targets.
Besides, Buhari had pledged to make the oil industry and Nigeria one of the world’s
leading/cutting edge centres for clean oil and gas technology; to fully develop the oil sector’s
capacity to absorb more Nigerian new graduates in the labour market; enforce the master
plan for oil companies to end gas flaring and put an end to air pollution and damages the
communities and people’s health. Nigerians are witnesses that these ambitious promises
have not been fulfilled till date.
It is also worthy of note that the Buhari-led government failed to conduct oil licensing round
to raise revenue for the country and grow oil production and reserve. Also, marginal oil field
bid rounds was delayed because Buhari, being the substantive petroleum minister, needed to
give approval for the exercise before it could take place. The uncertainties in the oil and gas
industry owing to the delay in the passage of the PIB and the lack of incentives from the
federal government, led to the unprecedented drop in investment in oil and gas projects in
recent years. Also, no new oil finds have been recorded since Buhari assumed office,
reflecting a slowdown in exploration activities by oil firms. Consequently, Nigeria’s oil
reserves have continued to decline.
CAMPAIGNS AND ACHIEVEMENTS

It is right to affirm that trade unions in Nigeria have succeeded carving a unique spot in the
country's history. Unarguably, the trade unions in Nigeria have consistently been one of the
largest and organised people force who has always presented a fighting force against the
government and their policies. But their fight hasn't gone well with the government who
through constitutional acts, have tried to limit the scope and purpose of trade unions. As a
matter of fact, stories have it that they took part in the anti-colonial struggle. They also did
their best to fight against military dictatorship. And since the beginning of democracy in 1999,
the labour movement has to some extent, acted as the guardian of the poor by protecting
their interest. Though opinions remain divided as to what the NLC has achieved in the last 40
years, even the worst critic of the labour movement support the fact that the NLC has been a
rallying point for Nigerians who feel oppressed over the years.
From its first president, Hassan Adebayo Sunmonu, to the current president, Wabba, the NLC
has been fighting a series of battles to protect and defend workers’ rights. There has never
been anything that labour got on a platter of gold since the history of the labour movement in
Nigeria. The history of the movement in Nigeria in the last 40 years has been written in blood
and sweat of those now regarded as “veterans.” Without a doubt, the road has been rough
for Nigerian workers. Over the years, government and employers have loathed the NLC for its
dogged defence of the constitutional rights of workers and Nigerians. In view of the difficult
task of negotiating and getting the best deals and packages for its members, approaches by
NLC from employers of labour in Nigeria are most times construed to be confrontational or
antagonistic, to say the least. Yet it is a job that has to be done, if unwarranted exploitation of
workers must be curtailed or avoided completely.
In the industrial relations sphere, the early NLC caused the enactment for the first time of
national minimum wage legislation. That move represented unprecedented progress in the
development of wage administration and efforts to develop a living wage and living pension.
The anti-SAP campaigns of the 1980s spearheaded by the congress helped to galvanise a mass
movement in the nation, resulting in the formation of a broad alliance with the Students’
Union movement and the Academic Staff of Nigerian Universities, among other things. In the
period, the NLC’s slogan was “Nigeria Not for Sale.” This became the battle cry of the working
class and the progressive movement as they resisted attempts to sell off all national assets.
Worthy of note was the long-drawn struggle over petroleum products pricing. Before its first
proscription, the NLC had started to lead opposition to petroleum products price increases.
The history of the present democracy would also be incomplete without a mention of the role
of the NLC and some of its vibrant affiliates. Probably more than anything else, this struggle
has come to define the public perception of and identification with the NLC.
Over the years, the NLC has remained the biggest labour centre in Nigeria and indeed in
Africa, with over seven million organised and potential 40 million members! Indeed, the
Nigeria Labour Congress, with seven million worker-members from more than 40 affiliate
industrial unions, is the biggest independent free trade union movement in Africa, followed
by COSATU. A mega labour centre in Africa, NLC is only rivaled in terms of independence and
self-assertion by South Africa’s labour federation, Council of South Africa Trade Unions,
(COSATU) with which it maintains robust bilateral engagement on organising, collective
bargaining and international solidarity campaigns. The congress is an activist affiliate of the
Accra-based Organisation of Africa Trade Unions (OATUU) and Geneva-based International
Trade Union Confederation (ITUC), representing 176 million workers in 156 countries and
national territories, with 311 other affiliate unions worldwide. The NLC, therefore, is national
and global.
At the 2017 ILO conference, NLC’s president, Wabba, was re-elected back to the ILO
governing council as a key player in the organisation. Oshiomhole, the fourth NLC president,
also served on the governing council of the ILO. Stakeholders have expressed opinions that
the 40th anniversary offers a platform for a critical but constructive engagement among
comrades for a better-repositioned NLC. The incumbent president, Wabba, has said that the
40th anniversary celebrations will afford the congress the opportunity to reflect on past
achievements and set the agenda for the future.
“The theme of the anniversary: ‘NLC, Yesterday, Today and Tomorrow,’ is to enable us reflect
on where we are coming from, what we have been able to achieve, looking forward, what do
we do to take things abreast of the future,” he said. Wabba noted that all leaders of the NLC
have been up and doing, but responses to issues depend on the system of government that
labour is operating under. He opined that government as well as employers around the world
are now more oppressive towards organised labour.
“The trends are changing in the world of work. Employers no longer see workers as partners
in progress; today, you see very more recalcitrant employers. Before, there were no casuals,
but through globalisation and all sorts (we now have the trend), though ILO is looking at new
commitment to the world of work,” he said.
The NLC president affirmed that the future of the organised labour movement would entail
efforts to build cadre that would enable workers to be conscious of their rights.
He stated that, “If we have to return to the basics, the standard of the NLC must be
strengthened, like in the 1970s. The strength of the union has dwindled and this
consciousness has to be built from the local government. The informal workers not covered
by social security must be given consideration. Only strong unions can fight for workers’
rights.”
Adeyemi, chairman of the anniversary organising committee, who is also the deputy
president of the NLC, equally listed the broad objectives of commemorating the anniversary
as celebrating 40 years of struggle and perseverance as a working class organisation;
highlighting congress’s history and its accomplishments; reflecting on the challenges facing
the NLC and the wider labour movement; and identifying ways these challenges can be
addressed, as well as articulating an agenda for congress in the next 10 years as it marches
towards its golden jubilee.
CONCLUSION:
In concluding this paper, permit me to x-ray some very profound mission statements from key
actors of NUPENG & PENGASSAN that in facing the challenges of the oil and gas sector.
Comrade Williams Akporeha the President of the Nigeria Union of Natural Gas Workers
(NUPENG) in a recent interview with Michael Oche in Geneva, he said as follows; in answer to
the question – How would you describe the workers in the oil and gas sector?
“The status of NUPENG as trade Union in terms of membership, financial capacity and
ability to organize and represent Nigeria oil and gas workers has been adversely
affected by the expressive activities of multi-national oil companies in Nigeria. The
struggle against this form of repression and workers exploration is almost 3 decades
old and has been a hercules an task. Membership of this Union has been seriously
depleted with indecent work entrenched resulting in response in crime and social
dislocation and defiant behaviour. The International oil companies (IOC’s), through
various policies and practices entrenches anti-union and labour practices in the Nigeria
oil and gas industries. These include refusal to allow unionization of contract and staff
workers in Nigeria fragmentation of contract into thousands to frustrate the efforts of
the unions in organising workers which they have entrenched in the system, making
workers to sign pre-engagement non membership of Union which makes them dread
association with the Union. They treat labour issues with contempts and disdain
refusing to implement Rulings of the Industrial Arbitration Panel whenever it goes
against them. The wages of IOC’s pay the Nigeria workers are very ridiculous. An
average Nigeria worker is paid less than 200 dollars per month. As a result of the
employment policy of these multi nationals, workers are denied collective bargaining
powers and in some cases, where such are signed, the IOC’s through their contractors
refuse to implement such despite entreaties. More worrisome is the wicked
elopement of workers severance benefit by the contractors engaged by IOC’s. A
Nigerian will work under harsh condition for several years receiving peanuts and yet
when the contracts ends, his severance benefits are withheld by the contractors hired
by the IOC’s . In most cases, when confronted they claim ignorance of the where about
of the contractors. The health and safety of these workers is disheartening and they
are currently exposed to dangerous chemicals because there are no personal
protective equipment, no access to medical facilities, no causal vacations, long hours
of work without break. The repressive activities of these IOC’s has accentuated the
activities in the Niger Delta resulting in organized attacks on installations, hostage
taking and community insurgency are prevalent in the Niger Delta today and other
parts of the country where there is mass unemployment and underemployment. This
is one challenge that we face all the time. Sometime when we give ultimatum or threat
to action, interventions are made. Immediately that is done and action suspended,
what we see is bulk passing and at the end of the day not much is achieved. You see
these issues continue to arise and are reoccurring. In the real sense, the real issues are
not resolved. What we have continued to observe is that the multi national have
continued with their anti union activities unabated.
He continued;
“…as a union and workers, the only tool before us is to shout. That is the
essence of being a union. We will continue to bring issues to public glare. This is
also one approach to it by bringing it to global stage. For instance before we
came to Geneva, we gave 21 day ultimatum which is running. We also feel that
it is necessary to engage the global community on some of these issues…”
Therefore part of the issues stimulated by these engagements include the following but not
limited to;
(a) How do we encourage the expeditious passage of PIGB

(b) The issue of casualisation which has been with us for more than 30 years
(c) The relationship between Trade Union, Labour, and IOC’s , can it ever be
cordial.
(d) Why the Nigerian Workers are treated this way and what is the role of labour
and government.
(e) Are there roles that ILo’s can play to achieve desired result.
Gentlemen, in trying to posit answers to these challenges of the oil and gas sector with
particular reference to the NNPC and the oil industry, Comrade Brown Ogbeifun former
President of PENGASSAN, former first Deputy President General TUC of Nigeria and today
who is the President of Mediation and Conciliation Nigeria in a recent interview had this to
say;
“… Generally the oil and gas industry in Nigeria has faced its most difficult time in the
last decade, NNPC for instance one of the key player in the sector has unfortunately become
one of the most brutalized and maligned by the Nigeria State. When one takes a cursory and
reflective appraisal of the spate of criticisms against the NNPC against these backdrop of the
fact that oil and gas have used as a potent tool or the socio- economic advancement of
countries like Norway, Brazil, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Qater, Malaysia but to name a few, one
cannot but empathize with the informed, who falsely accused NNPC of ills perpetrated by the
same government that should protect her and the uninformed who innocently castigate the
workers for no fault of their. Whereas other oil producing nations of the world have efficient,
effective rehable and enviable infrastructure, health, educational and agricultural system with
sustainable industrial growth…” Read more on this https//www.vanguardngr.com.
In my conclusion, I submit that in all these issues, Nigeria’s case reflect a paradox of these
ideals. The desire of the country to increase the National oil serve base from 36.22 billion
barrels to 40 billion barrels with a daily production of 4.5 billion barrels by the year 2010 has
remained a pipe dream many years after the timeline.
_______________________________________________________________________
References;-
a. Onyemaechi Joseph Onwe- Journal of Human Resources Management and
Labour Studies. June 2004 Vol. 2 No. 2 Page 113- 128.
b. Akerele & Olufunke Adebayo (1990) Organizational Change in Nigeria- some

empirical evidence. Nigeria Management Review. Vol. II No. 1 791- 808.
c. Akintunde Emiola – Nigerian Labour Law 4th Edition 2008.
d. Nwokike Livinus Ifeatu J.P- Industrial/ Labour Law Theory and Practice 1st
Edition 2017.

Human and Trade Union Rights in Nigeria1

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HUMAN AND TRADE UNION RIGHTS IN NIGERIA; EXPERIENCES, CHALLENGES,

ACHIEVEMENTS & CAMPAIGNS IN THE OIL & GAS SECTOR.

BY SIR CHARLES EGWABOR, ESQ1

THE CONCEPTS OF TRADE UNION

THE FUNCTIONS OF TRADE UNION

Employment casualization is the process by which employment shifts from a preponderance

• Reinstatement or reengagement (subject to the mutual consent of you and the

CAMPAIGNS AND ACHIEVEMENTS

(a) How do we encourage the expeditious passage of PIGB

b. Akerele & Olufunke Adebayo (1990) Organizational Change in Nigeria- some

c. Akintunde Emiola – Nigerian Labour Law 4th Edition 2008.

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