The Policy Implementation Process A Conceptual Framework

Administration & Society
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The Policy Implementation Process: A Conceptual Framework

Donald S. Van Meter and Carl E. Van Horn
Administration & Society 1975 6: 445
DOI: 10.1177/009539977500600404
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THE POLICY IMPLEMENTA TION
PROCESS
A Conceptual Framework
DONALD S. VAN METER

CARL E. VAN HORN
Department of Political Science
Ohio State University
Political scientists have turned their attention to the study of

public policy with increasing frequency. The topics with
which they deal and the methodologies they employ reflect
the diversity of their interests. The disparate character of the
public policy literature complicates the task of defining the
scope of policy analysis and bringing order to the concerns of
policy analysts. Some order can be achieved by utilizing a
model of the policy delivery system, which facilitates an
organization of the policy literature (see Figure 1 ).1 More-
over, it identifies relationships among the diverse concerns of
policy analysts, directs attention to the determinants of-and
the consequences of-public policy, and gives emphasis to the
AUTHORS’ NOTE: This is a revised version of a paper delivered at the 1974

Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, Chicago, Illinois,
August 29-September 2, 1974. Research support provided by the graduate
school of the Ohio State University greatly facilitated the completion of this
paper. We are indebted to Gillian Dean, William Gormley, Michael Reagan,
Randall Ripley, and Stephen Wasby for their helpful comments on an earlier
version of this paper. We also wish to express our appreciation to Rebecca Howe
who typed the final version of this paper.
[445]

[446] ADMINISTRATION & SOCIETY / FEBRUARY 1975
often imperfect correspondence between policies adopted

and services actually delivered.
The components of this model are: (1) an environment
that both stimulates government officials and receives the
products of their work; (2) demands and resources that carry
stimuli from the environment to policy makers; (3) a
conversions process, including the formal structures and
procedures of government, that transforms (converts) de-
mands and resources into public policies; (4) the policies that
represent the formal goals, intentions, or statements of
government officials; (5) the performance of the policy as it
is actually delivered to clients; and (6) the feedback of
policies and performances to the environment, which is
transmitted back to the conversions process as demands and
resources of a later point in time. In most respects this
framework differs little from other adaptations of political
systems models first introduced by Easton.2 Its distinguish-
ing feature is that it considers &dquo;policy&dquo; and &dquo;performance&dquo; as
two distinct categories.
Some features of the policy delivery system clearly have
been explored more fully than others. During the past
quarter century, a disproportionate effort has been made to
analyze the character of economic and social problems, the
Figure 1. THE POLICY DELIVERY SYSTEM

Van Meter, Van Horn / POLICY IMPLEMENTATION PROCESS [447]
claims made for government action, and the processes by

which policy decisions are made. More recently, policy
analysts have turned their attention to the impacts or effects
which policies may have on the people and problems at
which they had been directed.
These foci on the determinants and consequences of public
policy have added much to our understanding of the policy
process. Yet neither tells us a great deal about how policy
decisions are transformed into public services: they tell us
little about the application or implementation of public
policy. In short, they have not given sufficient attention to
the linkage between policy and performance. It is one thing
to examine the determinants of policy decisions and to
identify their impacts or consequences-it is another to
provide explanations for these observed consequences.
Our purpose in this paper is to explore the process of
policy implementation. To this end we define the concept of
implementation and survey the current literature in an effort
to ascertain whether what is presently known will inform a
conceptualization of this process. We present a model that
can be used to analyze policy implementation, both where it
involves actors within a single organization and across
organizational boundaries.
DEFINING POLICY IMPLEMENTATION
Several often-conflicting uses of the concept of implemen-

tation are found in the existing literature.3 Our definition is
quite explicit: policy implementation encompasses those
actions by public and private individuals (or groups) that are
directed at the achievement of objectives set forth in prior
policy decisions. This includes both one-time efforts to
transform decisions into operational terms, as well as
continuing efforts to achieve the large and small changes
mandated by policy decisions. Williams (1971: 144) states it
most succinctly:

In its most general form, an inquiry about implementa-

tion ... seeks to determine whether an organization can bring
together men and material in a cohesive organizational unit and
motivate them in such a way as to carry out the organization’s
stated objectives.
We should emphasize that the implementation phase does

not commence until goals and objectives have been estab-
lished (or identified) by prior policy decisions; it takes place
only after legislation has been passed and funds committed
(or after a judicial ruling and accompanying decree). As
Pressman and Wildavsky (1973: xiv) argue: &dquo;After all, the
world is full of policy proposals that are aborted. You can’t
finish what you haven’t started. Lack of implementation
should not refer to failure to get going but to inability to
follow through.&dquo; Therefore, the study of implementation
examines those factors that contribute to the realization or
nonrealization of policy objectives.
A clear distinction is made between policy implementa-
tion, performance, and what generally has been referred to as
policy impact. These are distinct though not unrelated
concepts. The study of impact searches for the consequences
of a policy decision. Do school prayer practices change as a
result of a Supreme Court decision? Do disadvantaged
children improve their reading or math skills as a conse-
quence of an innovative education program? By focusing on
those activities that affect the rendering of public services
(i.e., performance), the study of policy implementation
highlights one of the forces that determines policy impact.
Hence, as Dolbeare (1974) observes, impact studies typically
ask &dquo;What happened?&dquo; whereas implementation studies ask
&dquo;Why did it happen this way?&dquo;
We should point out that we are not maintaining that the
study of policy implementation will resolve the issues
revolving around the question of &dquo;real&dquo; impact (e.g., does
compensatory education have salutory effects). Our model
and the research that flows from it are not designed to

measure and explain the ultimate outcomes of governmental

policy, but rather to measure and explain what we prefer to
call program performance (i.e., the degree to which antici-
pated services are actually delivered). We recognize that some
services could actually be delivered without having any
substantial impact on the problem to which the policy is
supposed to be related. A policy may be implemented
effectively, but fail to have a substantial impact because it
was ill-conceived-or because of other circumstances. Hence,
successful program performance may be a necessary-but not
sufficient-condition for the attainment of positive ultimate
outcomes.
THE STUDY OF IMPLEMENTATION
At present we know
relatively little about the process of
policy implementation. This is an unfortunate deficiency in
our understanding of the policy process and may lead to
ill-advised conclusions on the part of policy makers. When
faced with an unsuccessful program, many observers will
attribute its failure to insufficient planning or the inadequacy
of the program itself. This attribution of blame is often
unjustified. Viewing the Great Society’s social policies
generally, Levine (1968: 86) has concluded that most of the
trouble with the War on Poverty resulted &dquo;not so much from
the nature of the programs as from difficulties of administra-
tion.&dquo; Pointing to the possible gap between the intentions
and statements of public officials (policy) on the one hand
and the delivery of public services (performance) on the
other, Dolbeare and Hammond (1971: 149) have argued that
very little may really be decided by the words of a decision or a

statute: the enunciation of such national policy may be just the
beginning of the decisive process of determining what will happen
to whom, and understanding this further stage is essential to a full
understanding of politics.

Hence, the study of implementation adds a new dimension to

policy analysis. It gives the student of politics and the policy
maker a new understanding of how the system succeeds or
fails in translating general policy objectives into concrete and
meaningful public services.
Why do we know so little about the problems of policy
implementation? If this process is so important, why has not
a greater effort been made to identify its basic features? This
neglect is due in part to the naive assumption, implicit in

many studies, that &dquo;once a policy has been ’made’ by a
government, the policy will be implemented and the desired
results of the policy will be near those expected by the
policy-makers&dquo; (Smith, 1973: 197-198). The implementation
process is assumed to be series of mundane decisions and
a
interactions unworthy of the attention of scholars seeking
the heady stuff of politics. Implementation is deceptively
simple; it does not appear to involve any great issues. Most of
the crucial policy issues are often seen to have been resolved
in the prior decisions of executives, legislators, and judges.
Second, the growth of Planning Programming Budgeting
Systems (PPB)-the leading analytic technique of the
1960s-may have encouraged policy analysts to ignore the
problems of policy implementation. PPB concentrated policy
makers’ attention on the choices between competing meth-
ods of achieving selected goals and objectives, focusing
attention primarily on decisions made by policy makers in
Washington to the exclusion of the lower echelons of
agencies responsible for implementation. PPB’s concern with
improving the basis for policy-making did not address the
problems of delivering public services. As Williams (1971:
139) points out, PPB emphasized program objectives and
alternative means of reaching those objectives. Such a focus,
however, did not require that serious attention be given to
the implementation or operation of public programs.
Third, the difficulty of the task has discouraged detailed
study of the process of policy implementation. The problems

Van Meter, Van Horn / POLICY IMPLEMENTATION PROCESS[451]
of implementation are overwhelmingly complex and scholars

have frequently been deterred by methodological considera-
tions. Relative to the study of policy formulation, the
analysis of the implementation process raises serious bound-
ary problems. It is often difficult to define the relevant
actors. Furthermore, many of the variables needed to
complete an implementation study are difficult-if not
impossible-to measure. Unlike legislative and judicial arenas
where votes are often recorded, decisions in an administrative
setting are frequently difficult to isolate. Finally, a com-
prehensive analysis of implementation requires that attention
be given to multiple actions over an extended period of time,
thus involving an enormous outlay of time and resources.
This is not meant to suggest that the implementation
process has been ignored by policy makers and policy
analysts, nor that these obstacles are insurmountable. Policy
makers have turned their attention to the problems of
implementation, perhaps as a consequence of the disappoint-
ing results of the Great Society’s social programs. Among the
most important published studies of policy implementation
are Kaufman’s (1960) study of the U.S. Forest Service,
Bailey and Mosher’s (1968) examination of the administra-

tion of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act of
1965, Derthick’s (1970) analysis of federal grant-in-aid
programs, Gross and associates’ (1971) examination of
planned organizational innovation, Berke and Kirst’s (1972)
study of federal aid to education programs, Derthick’s (1972)
analysis of the Johnson Administration’s effort to create new
communities on federally owned land in metropolitan areas,
and Pressman and Wildavsky’s (1973) study of Oakland’s
community development program These and other studies
have helped identify factors that contribute to an under-
standing of the process of policy implementation.
While these studies have been highly informative, their
contributions have been limited by the absence of a
theoretical perspective. To date, no one has advanced a
theoretical framework within which policy implementation

can be examined. Without such a framework, it is difficult to

further our understanding of this process in disparate policy
areas and jurisdictional settings. The few efforts (Smith,
1973; Bunker, 1972) to provide such a perspective are less

than adequate. For example, Smith asserts that implementa-
tion is a problem in Third World nations, where private
interests seek to prevent a beleaguered bureaucracy from
implementing public policies. Smith (1973: 199) argues that
this situation is found only infrequently in Western societies.
As we have already observed, this position is difficult to
defend. The problems of implementation are profound in
Western and non-Western nations alike: they are generic to
complex organizations.
THE FOUNDATIONS OF A THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVE
In their study of the Economic Development Administra-

tion’s Oakland Project, Pressman and Wildavsky (1973: 166)
write :
There is (or there must be) a large literature about implementa-

tion in the social sciences-or so we have been told by numerous
people.... It must be there; it should be there; but in fact it is
not. There is a kind of semantic illusion at work here because
virtually everything ever done in public administration must, in
the nature of things, have some bearing on implementa-
tion.... Nevertheless, except for the few pieces mentioned in the
body of this book, we have been unable to find any significant
analytic work dealing with implementation.
While we share Pressman and Wildavsky’s concern that far

too little attention has been paid to the question of policy
implementation, their criticism of the literature is unneces-
sarily harsh and short-sighted. Our argument is put simply:
there is a rich heritage from the social sciences that is often
overlooked by those purporting to discuss the policy imple-

mentation process. This literature includes theoretical and

empirical work in several disciplines, including sociology,
public administration, social psychology, and political
science. While most of these studies do not examine
specifically the policy implementation process, close inspec-
tion reveals that it takes little imagination to comprehend
their relevance.
In developing our theoretical framework we have been
guided by three bodies of literature: (1) organization
theory-and more specifically, the work in the general area of
organizational change (innovation) and control; (2) the
impact of public policy, particularly judicial decisions; and
(3) selected studies of intergovernmental relations. Our task
in this section is to delineate the contributions of these fields
of study. Primary attention will be given to the literature on
organizational change and control since we believe that it has
the greatest theoretical contribution to make, and since it has
been ignored generally by others studying the policy imple-
mentation process.
Students of organizational theory and practice have dealt
extensively with the topic of change (Bennis, 1966; Downs,
1967; Gross et al., 1971; Katz and Kahn, 1966). In one of
the most insightful analyses of organizational change, Kauf-
man (1971) explores a variety of impediments to innovation
in organizational structure and action. He examines a number
of factors (e.g., resource limitations, sunk costs, the collective
benefits of stability, psychic costs, and the accumulation of
official and unofficial constraints on behavior) that &dquo;tend to
keep organizations doing the things they have been doing in
the recent past, and doing them in just the way they have
been doing them&dquo; (Kaufman, 1971: 39). Kaufman recognizes
the many advantages of stability and makes a serious effort
to identify those forces conducive to organizational change-
those that occur both involuntarily and by design. Yet he
concludes that most organizations &dquo;are imprisoned in the
present and often cannot change, even when the future

threatens them unless they do&dquo; (Kaufman, 1971: 40).

Organizational control has also been a frequent research
topic. The relevance of this subject for our focus on
implementation may be seen in various definitions found in
the literature. For example, Wilensky (1967: 3) defines
control as &dquo;the problem of getting work done and securing
compliance with organizational rules.&dquo; Anthony (1965: 17)
defines &dquo;managerial control&dquo; as &dquo;the process by which
managers assure that resources are obtained and used
effectively and efficiently in the accomplishment of the
organization’s objectives.&dquo; Finally, Etzioni (1964: 68) de-
fines organizational control as a process intended to &dquo;ensure
that rules are obeyed and orders followed.&dquo;
Numerous headings have been used to explore this aspect
of organizational life. Control has been discussed in terms of
leadership authority, coordination, hierarchy, human rela-
tions, democracy, incentives, and compliance. For our
purposes the final concept is most useful. Compliance may be
seen as a special case in the study of implementation-usually
related to the specific obedience or lack thereof to a law or
directive. Yet studies of the process by which compliance is
obtained or avoided give us insight into the problem of the
implementation of complex policies in a fragmented political
system.
In A Comparative Analysis of Complex Organizations
( 1961 ), Etzioni utilizes the concept of compliance as a basis
for comparing organizations. It permits one to compare many
features of complex organizations: the goals they pursue,
their structures, their motivational characteristics, the power
and interaction of their elites, the level and kinds of
consensus attained, and their systems of communication and
socialization. Central to Etzioni’s thesis is the notion that
different types of organizations will require different kinds of
compliance systems. For example, where participants in an
organization are alienated and have an intense negative
orientation toward the organization, coercive power-the

application, or the threat of application, of punitive sanc-
tions-may be required to achieve adherence to the organiza-

tion’s rules and objectives. Where most participants have
intense positive orientations and are highly committed to the
organization’s goals and objectives, compliance can be
achieved usually through the use of normative power-the
allocation and manipulation of symbolic rewards and depriva-
tions. Finally, where participants do not have intense
orientations toward the organization and their involvement is
a function of perceived costs and benefits, remunerative
power-the allocation of material resources such as salaries,

commissions, fringe benefits, and services-is likely to be the
most effective means of achieving compliance.
Integral to Etzioni’s thinking and to all discussions of
control is the relationship between superiors and subordi-
nates in complex organizations. The classic Weberian inter-
pretation of this relationship holds that the ideal role of
subordinates is one of implementing faithfully the decisions
made by their superiors. Policies are made at the highest
levels; they are then carried out by lower participants whose
discretion is acutely limited. (The classic &dquo;ideal type&dquo; is
described by Max Weber, 1946: chap. 8.) While this
interpretation is widely accepted, most organizations deviate
considerably from it. Numerous studies have shown that such
&dquo;lower participant&dquo; groups as attendants in mental hospitals
(Scheff, 1961), maintenance workers in factories (Crozier,
1964), and prison inmates (Sykes, 1961) can exercise power
and, therefore, affect the performance of complex organ-
izations.
Not infrequently these instances are dismissed as excep-
tions to the rule. Mechanic (1962) suggests, however, that
they are manifestations of a general pattern. By acquiring
control over persons, information, and instrumentalities,
lower participants can wield considerable power that is not
normally associated with their formally defined positions
within the organization. Hence, he (1962: 351) argues that

&dquo;organizations, in a sense, are continuously at the mercy of

their lower participants.&dquo; Recognizing that hierarchical con-
trol is never perfect and that policy implementors may
possess great power, Baum (1974) has constructed a theory
of judicial impact that reverses the traditional interpretation
of hierarchy in organizations. Baum proposes that &dquo;instead of
viewing any power possessed by lower participants as
aberrant, we may begin with the assumption that they alone
will determine the content of the policies they execute.&dquo; He
recognizes that this assumption cannot be defended empiri-
cally, but he asserts that its use &dquo;requires that we discover the
forces which counteract autonomy rather than taking them
for granted&dquo; (Baum, 1974: 6).
The power of lower participants in organizations is
enhanced by superiors who frequently have little idea what
their subordinates are doing. The monitoring of subordinate
behavior, hence, becomes an important question in the study
of complex organizations. There are several means by which
superiors keep themselves informed about activities in the
field, including reports required of subordinates, personal
inspections and contacts, and formal investigations. However,
as Kaufman’s (1973) study reveals, administrative feedback
systems are often inadequate, and superiors often do not

want knowledge about activities in the field. Increased
compliance on the part of subordinates will come only after
superiors have been given new incentives to use what
information may become available to them. (For a more
comprehensive discussion of this topic, see Kaufman, 1960;
Downs, 1967: chap. 12; Wilensky, 1967.)
The literature on the impact of judicial decisions also has
much to contribute to the design of a theory of policy
implementation. To date, most students of judicial impact
have emphasized empirical investigation rather than con-
scious theory development. A few, however, have advanced
inventories of variables to explain their observations; and
some writers have constructed partial theories of judicial

impact.4 Relying &dquo;utility theory,&dquo; Krislov (1965) empha-

on
sizes the relationship between superiors (the Supreme Court
and appellate courts) and subordinates (lower trial courts and
administrative agencies). He posits that subordinates accept
and comply with the directives of superiors if the incentives
to do so are greater than are those not to comply. Krislov
identifies three areas of possible motivations for compli-
ance-personal utilities, organizational utilities, and psych-
ological utilities-and argues that
compliance is at its greatest when personal advantages are highest,
organizational sanctions against opposition are certain and severe,
and the legitimacy of the issuing authority is acknowledged.
Conversely, it will be at its minimum when the individual utilities
all point in the direction of opposition, organizational sanctions
are lenient and-most important-erratic in application, and the
legitimacy of the higher authority is doubtful [Krislov, 1965:
136] .5
Another study relevant for our purposes is Dolbeare and

Hammond’s (1971) analysis of the impact of the U.S.
Supreme Court’s school prayer decisions. They identify four
categories of factors which shape the response to court
rulings: the substance of the decision; institutional mecha-
nism and procedures; the politico-cultural context; and the
interests, priorities, preferences, and behavior of political
actors. In doing so, they (1971: 134) suggest that &dquo;similar or
analogous categories apply to other types of policies gener-
ated by other institutions of the national government.&dquo;
Finally, there are several studies of intergovernmental
relations that deal directly with the problem of implemen-
tation and that serve to highlight the problems of intra- and
interorganizational relations. Among the most important
ones are Bailey and Mosher (1968), Sundquist (1969),
Derthick (1970, 1972), and Pressman and Wildavsky (1973).
The literature provides numerous insights into the conflicts
between national, state, and local officials; it points to the

interdependence of public officials at all levels of govern-

ment. More important, it identifies factors that confound the
implementation process in organizations that are neither well
integrated nor self-contained. Hence, it gives emphasis to the
autonomy of subordinates-both in intra- and interorganiza-
tional affairs.
A THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVE
The natural starting point in the elaboration of our

theoretical framework is with the policy itself, where goals
and objectives are established. It is here that the implementa-
tion process begins. Following Lowi (1964) and Froman
(1968), we submit that the implementation process will vary
depending on the nature of the policy to be carried out.
Different types of decisions will display characteristic proc-
esses, structures, and relationships among factors that influ-
ence the execution of public policy.
We will classify policies according to two distinguishing
characteristics: the amount of change involved, and the
extent to which there is goal consensus among the partici-
pants in the implementation process. The element of change
is important in at least two respects. First, implementation
will be affected by the extent to which the policy deviates
from previous policies. As a number of scholars (Braybrooke
and Lindblom, 1963; Lindblom, 1965; Wildavsky, 1974)
suggest, incremental changes are more likely to engender a
positive response than will drastic ones. In similar fashion,
Derthick (1970: 63) has written that the response of state
governments to federal initiatives &dquo;depends in part on
whether the grant is for an activity in which it is already
engaged.&dquo;
Second, the implementation process will be influenced by
the amount of organizational change that is required.
Kaufman’s (1971) analysis suggests that effective implemen-

tation is most likely when the implementing agency is not

required to undergo drastic reorganization. This view is
reenforced by Levine’s (1968) argument that many of the
failings of the Great Society’s social programs resulted from
the increased demands being made of existing administrative
structures and procedures. Policies which mandate changes in
the relationships among participants involved in the imple-
mentation process will be more difficult to carry out than
will policies which require only marginal change in estab-
lished relationships.
The other critical feature of the policy is the degree of
conflict or consensus over its goals and objectives. To what
extent do implementing officials agree on the goals of the
program? Dolbeare and Hammond (1971: 137-138) point to
the significance that goal conflict may have for a program
when they suggest that the &dquo;value-based actions of officials
and leaders... may be most determinative of ultimate
policy.&dquo;
In reviewing the literature on planned organizational
change, Gross and associates (1971: 24-29) identify several
factors that affect goal consensus-and thus implementation.
One of these factors is the extent to which subordinates (or
implementors) have participated in the making of the policy
decision. Their literature review finds support for the
following arguments: &dquo;( 1 ) participation leads to higher staff
morale, and high staff morale is necessary for successful
implementation; (2) participation leads to greater commit-
ment, and a high degree of commitment is required for
effecting change; (3) participation leads to greater clarity
about an innovation, and clarity is necessary for implementa-
tion ; (4) beginning with the postulate of basic resistance to
change, the argument is that participation will reduce initial
resistance and thereby facilitate successful implementation;
and (5) subordinates will tend to resist any innovation that
they are expected to implement if it is initiated solely by
their superordinates.&dquo; It cannot be argued, however, that

subordinate participation in decision-making will necessarily

result in goal consensus; nor can it be concluded that the
problems of implementation will be removed once goal
consensus has been achieved.
The combination of these two features produces a typol-
ogy of public policies, as depicted in Figure 2.6 Not
surprisingly, the preponderance of policies are found in the
&dquo;major change/low consensus&dquo; and &dquo;minor change/high
consensus&dquo; categories. Programs that require major change
frequently lead to goal conflict on the part of relevant actors,
while goal consensus is usually highest where little change is
involved. Major change/low consensus policies evolve from
protracted controversies, as in the case of the Elementary and
Secondary Education Act (1965), the Economic Opportunity
Act (1964), the Medicare legislation of 1965, major tax
reforms, a radical reorganization of bureaucratic structures,
and busing to achieve school desegregation. In contrast, the
struggles which minor change/high consensus policies cause
are less severe. Such policies are reflected in the nature of

incrementalism, a political routine that stipulates that current

policy decisions are largely a function of previous decisions.
By definition, incremental policies discourage controversy by
deviating only marginally from previous accommodations and
practices (Braybrooke and Lindblom, 1963; Wildavsky,
1974).
These first two policy types are the most common ones
found in the American political system. However, exceptions
to this pattern are not unknown. While policies adopted
following the attack at Pearl Harbor in 1941 mandated major
change-factories were converted for the manufacture of
armaments, and the rationing of scarce goods and basic raw
materials was introduced-there was also a wide consensus
that such actions were both desirable and necessary. The
space program and Peace Corps are additional examples of
major change/high consensus policies. Finally, while con-
sensus accompanies most policies which involve minor
change, it is not uncommon to find minor change/low
consensus policies. This occurs frequently when controver-
sial programs, such as federal aid to education, Medicare, and

public welfare, are given reauthorization with only marginal
modifications made in appropriations levels or the formulas
used to distribute funds. Hence, while the policy adopted
may depart only slightly from the past, it may nevertheless
spark enduring controversy.
In developing this typology of public policies, we are
suggesting that the probability of effective implementation
will depend-in part-on the type of policy being considered,
and that the specific factors contributing to the realization or
nonrealization of program objectives will vary from one
policy type to another. More specifically, we are hypothesiz-
ing that implementation will be most successful where only
marginal change is required and goal consensus is high.
Conversely, where major change is mandated and goal
consensus is low, the prospects for effective implementation
will be most doubtful. Furthermore, we anticipate that major

change/high consensus policies will be implemented more

effectively than policies involving minor change and low
consensus. Hence, it is our expectation that goal consensus
will have a greater effect on the policy implementation
process than will the element of change. With these sugges-
tions (or hypotheses) in mind, it is essential that we turn our
attention to an examination of those factors (or independent
variables) that are involved in the implementation process.
A MODEL OF THE
POLICY IMPLEMENTATION PROCESS
Our basic model-as depicted in Figure 3-posits six

variables which shape the linkage between policy and
performance. This model not only specifies the relationships
between the independent variables and the ultimate depend-
ent variable of interest, but also makes explicit the relation-
ships among the independent variables. The linkages included
implicitly represent hypotheses which could be tested empiri-
cally, assuming that satisfactory indicators could be con-
structed and appropriate data collected. By approaching the
problem in this manner, there is greater promise for
elucidating the processes whereby policy decisions are carried
out than simply by correlating independent and dependent
variables in a relatively unthinking fashion (Van Meter and
Asher, 1973). The model has been constructed on the basis
of the three bodies of literature cited above, as well as the
authors’ own research and intuitions about the implemen-
tation process.
POLICY STANDARDS AND OBJECTIVES
Given our primary interest in the factors that determine

the performance of policy, the identification of performance
indicators is a crucial stage in the analysis. Essentially, the

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[463]

performance indicators assess the extent to which the

policy’s standards and objectives are realized. Standards and
objectives elaborate on the overall goals of the policy
decision. They move beyond the generalities of the legislative
document to provide concrete and more specific standards
for assessing program performance. These standards and
objectives are self-evident and easily measurable in some
cases. For instance, the Economic Development Administra-
tion’s Oakland Project sought to create jobs for the unem-
ployed through several public works projects (e.g., the
construction of an airport hangar, marine terminal, port
industrial park, and an access road to the city’s newly built
coliseum) [Pressman and Wildavsky, 1973 ] . To ascertain
whether implementation has been successful, one must
determine the number of jobs that have been created, the
identity of those who have been hired, and the progress on
the related public works projects.
In most cases it is much more difficult to identify and
measure performance. This may be due to the program’s
breadth or the complex and far-reaching nature of its goals. It
may also be a consequence of ambiguities and contradictions
in the statement of standards and objectives. It should be
recognized that ambiguity in standards and objectives may be
fostered deliberately by policy makers in order to ensure a
positive response on the part of those responsible for
implementation at other levels of the organization or the
policy delivery system. Yet the study of implementation
requires that goals and objectives be identified and measured
since &dquo;implementation cannot succeed or fail without a goal
against which to judge it&dquo; (Pressman and Wildavsky, 1973:
xiv). In determining standards and objectives one could use
the statements of policy makers, as reflected in numerous
documents such as program regulations and guidelines which
spell out the criteria for an evaluation of policy performance.
In some cases, however, the policy’s standards and objectives
will have to be deduced by the individual researcher. And one

may even wish to the criteria for evaluation of policy

use
performance provided by clientele groups. Ultimately, the

choice of performance measures depends on the purposes for
which the research is conducted (Rivlin, 1971; Rossi and
Williams, 1972).
POLICY RESOURCES
Policies furnish more than the standards and objectives

against which to judge implementation: they also make
available resources which facilitate their administration.
These resources may include funds or other incentives in the
program that might encourage or facilitate effective imple-
mentation. (For a more detailed discussion of the utility of
incentives, see Levine, 1972, and Schultze, 1969.) It is
obvious that funds are usually not adequate. In fact,
Derthick’s (1972: 87) &dquo;new-towns&dquo; study suggests that the
limited supply of federal incentives was a major contributor
to the failure of that program: &dquo;To induce local governments
to accept the burden of developing new towns in-town, the
federal government had to give them something of value. The
President assumed that low-cost surplus land would be
available for this purpose, but this assumption turned out to
be wrong.&dquo;
Four additional factors are included in our model:
interorganizational communication and enforcement activi-
ties ; the characteristics of the implementing agencies; the
economic, social, and political environment affecting the
jurisdiction or organization within which implementation
takes place; and the disposition of implementors. Each of
these factors consists of several variables, some of which will
be identified here.
Interorganizational Communication and Enforcement Activities

Effective implementation requires that a program’s stand-
ards and objectives be understood by those individuals

responsible for their achievement. Hence, it is vital that we

concern ourselves with the clarity of standards and objec-
tives, the accuracy of their communication to implementors,
and the consistency (or uniformity) with which they are
communicated by various sources of information. Standards
and objectives cannot be carried out unless they are stated
with sufficient clarity so that implementors can know what is
expected of them. Communication within and between
organizations is a complex and difficult process. In transmit-
ting messages downward in an organization, or from one
organization to another, communicators inevitably distort
them-both intentionally and unintentionally (Downs, 1967:
133-136). Furthermore, if different sources of communica-
tion provide inconsistent interpretations of standards and
objectives or if the same source provides conflicting interpre-
tations over time, implementors will find it even more
difficult to carry out the intentions of policy. Therefore, the
prospects of effective implementation will be enhanced by
the clarity with which standards and objectives are stated and
by the accuracy and consistency with which they are
communicated.
Successful implementation often requires institutional
mechanisms and procedures whereby higher authorities
(superiors) may increase the likelihood that implementors
(subordinates) will act in a manner consistent with a policy’s
standards and objectives. As Neustadt (1960: 18) has
observed with respect to presidential directives, orders are
not self-executing: they require the presence of an action-
forcing mechanism.
Within the context of a single organization superiors have
access to a wide range of such mechanisms. They have the
standard personnel powers: recruitment and selection, assign-
ment and relocation, advancement and promotion, and
ultimately, dismissal. Moreover, they have control over the
budgetary allocations of bureaus and field offices which they
may inflate or reduce in response to satisfactory or unsatis-

factory performance. While they cannot command obedi-

ence, superiors have substantial capacity to influence their
subordinates’ behavior.
In contrast, when we examine the relationships among
members of different organization-or among federal, state,
and local officials-many of these mechanisms are absent.
Schultze (1969: 202) has summarized this condition:
actions cannot be commanded. There is no hierarchy of officials

in a single line of command who can be directed toward a set of
predetermined objectives. In such cases the careful specification
of plans and objectives by a public agency will not suffice to
guarantee effective programs.
In the context of interorganizational (or intergovern-

mental) relations, two types of enforcement or follow-up
activities are most important. First, technical advice and
assistance can be provided. Higher level officials can often do
much to facilitate implementation by aiding subordinates in
interpreting federal regulations and guidelines, structuring
responses to policy initiatives, and obtaining the physical and
technical resources required to carry out a policy.
Second, superiors (or federal officials) can rely on a wide
variety of sanctions-both positive and negative. We can
explore this aspect of enforcement by referring back to
Etzioni’s (1961: 5-8) distinction between normative, remu-
nerative, and coercive power. Even though the federal
government is not a &dquo;superior&dquo; in its relations with states and
localities, by extending the analogy we can use this notion as
an ordering device for thinking about interorganizational
relations and the role of enforcement.
The use of normative and remunerative powers is most
common. For example, the federal government seeks to
influence state and local activity through the allocation and
manipulation of symbolic and material rewards. One of the

[468]ADMINISTRATION & SOCIETY / FEBRUARY 1975
most important techniques of federal influence is the

socialization, persuasion, and cooptation of state and local
actors. By attempting to build a professional alliance around
the organization and its mission, federal officials will try to
cultivate allies at the state and local level who will implement
their policies willfully. The fragmentation of the federal
system adds significance to this technique, since it makes
monitoring effective and oversight virtually impossible (see,
for example, Kaufman, 1960; Derthick, 1970; Bailey and
Mosher, 1968; and Etzioni, 1965).
Another way to achieve influence is to get states and
localities to participate in a program. The prospect of
receiving federal dollars is often sufficient to secure their
participation and at least implicit acceptance of the objec-
tives of federal policy. This is a significant beginning point.
Research has shown that the amount of federal influence
over aspects of a program increases as the percentage of the
federal contribution rises (Porter, 1973: 85; Derthick, 1970:
69-70).
Finally, federal officials may induce state and local
participation and cooperation by rendering valuable services.
For example, many grants do this by offering a healthy
percentage of program funds for administration at the state
and local level; and such crucial support services-technical
advice, staff loans, and research-may be offered to partici-
pating organizations.
Federal officials also have more compelling devices at their
disposal, which range from gentle to explicit forms of
coercive power. A common practice is to require states and
localities to draw up elaborate plans for the administration of
a federal program. Once these assurances are made, the
federal government will allocate funds on the assumption
that they can be withdrawn if the conditions specified in the
plan are not fulfilled. Through this device, federal officials
seek &dquo;compliance in advance&dquo; (Derthick, 1970: 209).

A similar strategy is to specify conditions and procedural

requirements, such as thorough reporting and accounting
systems, in the regulations that accompany the acceptance of
federal funds. In this manner the federal government hopes
to achieve the substantive ends of federal objectives. As
Derthick (1970: 200) points out, however, there are dangers
in this procedure:
Specificity entails risks.... The more specific the language of the

federal requirements, the lower the federal capacity to adapt to
state peculiarities and the greater the danger that the limitations
of federal capacity to compel conformance may be revealed.
Moreover, stringent regulations and guidelines may induce a

sort of goal displacement, wherein state and local officials
strive to meet federal requirements in order to obtain funds
and avoid sanctions, while ignoring the basic mission of the
program.
Recognizing these problems, federal officials tend to
employ more reliable forms of surveillance. Such activities
include on-site visitations, program evaluations, administra-
tive and management reviews, audits, and other feedback
mechanisms-including reports by nongovernmental advisory
committees set up to oversee state and local governmental
units (see, for example, Downs, 1967: 145-153; Blau and
Scott, 1962: 170-172; and Kaufman, 1973). Wilensky (1967:
60-61) adds an important caveat, however, on the limitations
of oversight:
Where field or branch products and local operating conditions

vary, surveillance machinery proliferates. Such machinery is often
ineffectual-especially where the local people must submit to
inspection either by those outside their profession or specialty or
by those of different ideological persuasions.... Where the
... doctrinal distance between the inspectors is great, the
resulting information blockage may imperil top leaders’ awareness

of and accommodation to local problems as well as their ability

to communicatenew goals to local units.
Perhaps the most threatening form of federal influence is

the power to withdraw or withhold funds from states and
localities. This is the ultimate weapon in the federal
government’s arsenal of influence. However, this weapon is
rarely used. It may cause embarrassment for all concerned
and damage the only ally which the federal government has
in the area-the state or local implementing agency. Gener-
ally, the federal government negotiates with state and local
officials in an effort to attain the greatest possible compli-
ance without withholding funds. Thus, federal officials
usually refrain from overt threats which could undermine
cooperative relations with implementors and generate con-
gressional hostility-at the expense of program goals (Der-
thick, 1970: 207-214). A more common practice is the audit
exception where certain amounts of money are required to
be returned to the federal treasury (see The National
Advisory Council on the Education of Disadvantaged Chil-
dren, 1972, for an example of Office of Education action).
Finally, the mere knowledge of the ability of the federal
government to withhold funds and the awareness of a
regularized process of audit discovery can act as powerful
deterrents to errant behavior (errant, that is, from the
superior’s perspective).
The Characteristics of the Implementing Agencies
Numerous factors are included in this component of the

model. Students of bureaucratic politics have identified many
characteristics of administrative agencies that affect their
policy performance. Ripley et al. (1973: 10), for example,
speak of bureaucratic structure as those &dquo;characteristics,
norms, and recurring patterns of relations inside the execu-
tive agencies that have either potential or actual relation to
what they do in the way of policy.&dquo;

Like Ripley, we view this component as consisting of both

the formal structural features of organizations and the
informal attributes of their personnel. We are also interested
in the implementing agency’s ties to other participants in the
policy delivery system. Without trying to provide an exhaus-
tive listing of these elements, we offer the following
suggestions of characteristics that may impinge on an
organization’s capacity to implement policy:
(a) the competence and size of an agency’s staff;

(b) the degreeof hierarchical control of subunit decisions and
processes within the implementing agencies;
(c) an agency’s political resources (e.g., support among legislators
and executives);
(d) the vitality of an organization;
(e) the degree of &dquo;open&dquo; communications (i.e., networks of
communication with free horizontal and vertical communica-
tion, and a relatively high degree of freedom in communications
with persons outside the organization) within an organization;
(f) the agency’s formal and informal linkages with the &dquo;policy-
making&dquo; or &dquo;policy-enforcing&dquo; body.
Economic, Social, and Political Conditions
impact of economic, social, and political conditions

The
on public policy has been the focus of much attention during
the past decade. Students of comparative state politics and
public policy have been particularly interested in identifying
the influence of these environmental variables on policy
outputs (see, for example, Sharkansky, 1967, 1971; Sharkan-
sky and Hofferbert, 1969; Cnudde and McCrone, 1969; Dye,
1966; Hofferbert, 1964). Although the impact of these
factors on the implementation of policy decisions has
received little attention, they may have a profound effect on
the performance of implementing agencies.

For illustrative purposes, we propose that consideration be

given to the following questions regarding the economic,
social, and political environment affecting the jurisdiction or
the organization within which implementation takes place:
(a) Are the economic resources available within the implementing

jurisdiction (or organization) sufficient to support successful
implementation?
(b) To what extent (and how) will prevailing economic and social
conditions be affected by the implementation of the policy in
question?
(c) What is the nature of public opinion; how salient is the related
policy issue?
(d) Do elites favor or implementation of the policy?
oppose
(e) What is the partisan character of the implementing jurisdiction
(or organization); is there partisan opposition or support for the
policy?
(f) To what extent are private interest groups mobilized in support
or opposition to the policy?
The Disposition of Implementors

Each of the components of the model discussed above
must be filtered through the perceptions of the implementor
within the jurisdiction where the policy is delivered. Three
elements of the implementors’ response may affect their
ability and willingness to carry out the policy: their cognition
(comprehension, understanding) of the policy, the direction
of their response toward it (acceptance, neutrality, rejection),
and the intensity of that response.
The implementors’ understanding of the general intent, as
well as the specific standards and objectives of the policy, is
important. Moreover, successful implementation may be
frustrated when officials are not aware that they are not in
full compliance with the policy. We have already dealt with
some aspects of this phenomenon. Yet we want to emphasize

Van Meter, Van Horn / POLICY IMPLEMENTATION PROCESS [4731
that implementors may screen out a clear message when the

decision seems to contradict deeply cherished beliefs. Under
circumstances of cognitive dissonance (Festinger, 1957), the
individual may attempt to bring the displeasing message into
balance with his perception of what the decision ought to
have been (see, for example, Wasby, 1970: 98).
The direction of implementors’ dispositions toward the
standards and objectives is crucial also. Implementors may
fail to execute policies faithfully because they reject the goals
contained in them (see, for example, Peltason, 1961; Dol-
beare and Hammond, 1971 ; Etzioni, 1961; Wasby, 1970; and
Derthick, 1970). Conversely, widespread acceptance of the
policy’s standards and objectives, on the part of those
responsible for administering it, will enhance greatly the
potential for successful execution (Kaufman, 1960). At
minimum, it would seem that shared attitudes will make
implementation easier. The goals of a policy may be rejected
for a variety of reasons: they may offend implementors’
personal value systems, extraorganizational loyalties, sense of
self-interest, or existing and preferred relationships. Summa-
rizing this phenomenon, Petrick (1968: 7) has written that it
&dquo;arises from the fact that human groups find it difficult to
carry out effectively acts for which they have no underlying
beliefs.&dquo;
Finally, intensity of implementors’ dispositions may
the
affect the performance of the policy. Those holding intense
negative preferences may be led to outright and open
defiance of the program’s objectives. When this occurs the
implementation question may become moot-subordinates
(e.g., states and localities) may refuse to participate in the
program altogether (see Bailey and Mosher, 1968). Less
intense attitudes may cause implementors to attempt surrep-
titious diversion and evasion, a more common pattern (see,
for example, Lazin, 1973). In these circumstances one may
have to look to the role of oversight and enforcement to
explain variations in the effectiveness of implementation.

What all this suggests is that the researcher must gather

multiple indicators of various elements of the dispositions of
policy implementors.
Hypothesized Linkages Between Components of the Model
Although our discussion will be presented in static terms,

it is important that the dynamic character of the implementa-
tion process be recognized. Factors that may affect the
execution of a policy in its initial stages may be of little
consequence at a later point in time. Hence, it is vital that the
study of implementation be conducted longitudinally; rela-
tionships identified at one point in time must not be
extended casually to other time periods. With this in mind,
let us describe and justify briefly some hypothesized relation-
ships (see Figure 3).
The standards and objectives of policies have an indirect
effect on performance; what influence this component has on
the dependent variable is mediated by other independent
variables. Obviously, the delivery of public services will be
influenced by the manner in which standards and objectives
are communicated to implementors and the extent to which
standards and objectives facilitate oversight and enforcement.
Standards and objectives have their indirect impact on the
disposition of implementors through interorganizational com-
munication activities. Clearly, implementors’ responses to the
policy will be based, in part, on their perceptions and
interpretations of its objectives. This is not to suggest that
good communication necessarily contributes to a positive
disposition on the part of implementors. However, variations
in implementors’ support for federal policies ultimately may
be explained partially in terms of their understanding and
interpretation of these standards and objectives, as well as the
manner by which they are communicated.

Van Meter, Van Horn / POLICY IMPLEMENTATION PROCESS [[475]
Standards and objectives also have an indirect impact on

the disposition of implementors through enforcement activi-
ties. They provide the foundation on which superiors can rely
in their relations with policy implementors in other organiza-
tions. For example, standards and objectives may establish
limits on the sanctions that can be employed legitimately by
superiors; and they help define the amount of discretion
afforded implementing agencies. Where the power to with-
hold funds is authorized, various forms of coercive power are
also possible. Where withholding is not permitted, however,
superiors may be forced to rely exclusively on normative and
remunerative powers. Enforcement and follow-up activities
may alter the dispositions of implementors, causing them to
see the advantages of participation, and quite possibly the
disadvantages of resisting effective implementation. Alterna-

tively, by employing coercion, enforcing officials can some-
times secure the compliance of implementing officials
without affecting their dispositions about the program. For
example, the use of audit exceptions can deter implementors
from using funds in a manner inconsistent with a program’s
standards and objectives, even though implementing officials
may continue to question their desirability.
We posit linkages between policy resources and three other
components of the model. The type and extent of resources
made available by a policy decision will affect communica-
tions and enforcement activities. Technical assistance and
other services can only be offered if provided by the policy
decision. Furthermore, vigorous enforcement can be achieved
only if the available resources are sufficient to support such
activity. Similarly, the disposition of implementors can be
influenced directly by the availability of resources. When vast
sums of money or other resources are perceived to be
available, implementors may view the program with added

favor, and compliance may be encouraged by the prospect of
receiving a share of these resources. Conversely, support for a

program will not be encouraged if implementors perceive that

few benefits will be realized by active participation.
The linkage between resources and the economic, social,
and political environment of the implementing jurisdiction
(or organization) suggests that the availability of fiscal and
other resources may create a demand-by private citizens and
organized interest groups-for participation in and successful
implementation of the program. Again, the prospect of
benefiting from the program may cause otherwise quiescent
groups to press for maximum participation. However, where
limited resources are made available, individual citizens and
organized interests may choose to oppose the policy on the
grounds that the benefits of participation are few compared
to the potential costs (e.g., a loss of state or local autonomy,
or a restructuring of established relationships).
It is also hypothesized that the economic, social, and
political environment of the implementing jurisdiction (or
organization) will affect the character of the implementing
agencies, the dispositions of implementors, and performance
itself. Environmental conditions can have a significant effect
on the willingness and capacity of a jurisdiction (or organiza-
tion) to support well-developed bureaucratic structures, the

vitality and expertise found in administrative agencies, as well
as the level of political support enjoyed by an agency.
Environmental conditions will also affect the dispositions of
implementors. Where the problems to be remedied by a
program are severe and private citizens and interest groups
are mobilized in support of a program, it is more likely that
implementors may accept the policy’s goals, standards, and

objectives. Conversely, where problems are not severe and
organized interests are lined up against a program, imple-
mentors may be encouraged to look with disfavor on the
program requiring implementation. Environmental conditions
may cause implementors to execute a policy without altering
their personal preferences about that policy. Implementors’
desire to minimize public hostility or their ideologically

based inclination to be responsive to public wishes may

influence their behavior, even though it may be inconsistent
with their own preferences. Finally, these environmental
variables are seen as having a direct effect on the delivery of
public services. Despite the dispositions of implementors and
other forces in the model, these environmental conditions
may enhance or place limits on performance.
Several characteristics of implementing agencies can affect
the dispositions of their personnel. The nature of the
communications network, the degree of hierarchical control,
and the style of leadership can influence the individual’s
identification with the organization’s goals and objectives,
either facilitating or hindering effective implementation
depending on the orientation of the implementing agency.
Dispositions can also be influenced by the agency’s formal
and informal ties to the &dquo;policy-making&dquo; or &dquo;policy-enforc-
ing&dquo; body (e.g., do they operate at the same level of
government? has an effective alliance been built between
higher authorities and implementing officials?).
We suggest the possibility of an interactive effect between
ties and the characteristics of implementing agencies.
Enforcement and follow-up activities can provide the imple-
menting agencies with added vitality and expertise-improv-
ing their capacity to execute programs. They can also be a
source of political support which can facilitate effective
implementation. The nature of enforcement and follow-up

activities, including the provision of technical assistance, will
be influenced by the characteristics of the implementing
agencies. Since many of the enforcement mechanisms avail-
able to superiors operating within a single organization
cannot be utilized when implementation requires interorgan-
izational or intergovernmental cooperation, the type of
power used by superiors (e.g., normative, remunerative, or
coercive) will be affected by the formal and informal
relationships between the policy-making and implementing

organizations. Also, in choosing among alternative methods

of enforcement and follow-up actions, superiors can be
expected to be sensitive to characteristics of the implement-
ing agencies. Agencies possessing competent staffs and
leadership will require different types of assistance than those
that are poorly staffed and led. Similarly, implementing
agencies with limited political resources may be more
vulnerable to coercive power than agencies that enjoy
extensive support among private citizens and public officials.
SOME SUMMARY OBSERVATIONS
The model advanced here has several noteworthy features.

It delineates several factors that shape the linkage between
policy and performance and specifies the relationships among
these independent variables. Furthermore, it aids in the
description of the policy implementation process and serves
as a guide in research by generating suggestive hypotheses.
This model is relatively complex; however, it is our conten-
tion that an examination of its several linkages will lead to
more systematic explanations of policy performance. While it
is not our purpose to elaborate each of the linkages included
in the model, we can illustrate its utility. By employing the
three general explanations for unsuccessful implementation
first proposed by Kaufman (1973: 2), we can emphasize their
relevance to a summary of our model.
THE COMMUNICATIONS PROCESS
Effective implementation requires that subordinates (or

implementors) know what they are supposed to do. As
messages pass through any communications network distor-
tions are likely to occur-producing contradictory directives,
ambiguities, inconsistencies in instructions, and incompatible
requirements. Even where directives and requirements are

clear, problems may arise as subordinates (implementors) fail

to comprehend fully what is expected of them.
Four components of our model address this problem:
policy standards and objectives; interorganizational commu-
nication and enforcement activities; the characteristics of the
implementing agency; and the dispositions of implementors.
Our focus here is essentially on the degree to which policy
standards and objectives are transmitted to implementors
clearly, accurately, consistently, and in a timely manner.
Several policy studies address the impact of the communica-
tions process on policy performance. Judicial impact studies
(Milner, 1971; Canon and Kolson, 1971; Wasby, 1973;
Dolbeare and Hammond, 1971) have frequently reported
that the failure of lower court judges to show substantial
compliance with higher court decisions can be attributed
partly to their ignorance of higher court rulings or their
failure to comprehend fully the nature of the rulings.
The problems inherent in the communications process are
also reflected in the case of Title I of the Elementary and
Secondary Education Act of 1965 (ESEA).7 State and local
education officials had anticipated the passage of a &dquo;general
aid&dquo; bill in 1965. Many state and local officials were led to
believe that the enacted program provided general aid-an
impression that was reinforced by a widely distributed and
erroneous document listing programs which were &dquo;permis-
sible under the law.&dquo; However, it left out many important
requirements, including those that dealt with the &dquo;targeting&dquo;
of aid for disadvantaged children.
While the Title I formula for the allocation of federal
funds to the disadvantaged was precise, the types of programs
which would qualify were not outlined in the original statute
or the early regulations developed by the U.S. Office of
Education: wide discretion was delegated to state and local
education agencies to determine their own approaches for
aiding disadvantaged children. According to one federal
program officer, at least one state defined a &dquo;disadvantaged&dquo;

student as one lacking art, music, and physical education

skills. The state tested students in its school systems and
found nearly all to be &dquo;disadvantaged,&dquo; using these criteria of
&dquo;needs assessment.&dquo; Subsequently, the state allocated Title I
funds for the support of programs in these three areas and
thus-whatever the merit of this action-provided general aid
in contravention of the legislative purposes of the program.
This early ambiguity and confusion was in large part a
consequence of statutory provisions written primarily to
ensure fiscal accountability; they addressed casually the
matter of program standards and objectives. In successive
authorizations, Congress was able to provide greater specifica-
tion and clarification of its intent. Eventually, the Office of
Education rewrote its regulations specifying that programs
would have to be developed that contributed to the
improvement of basic cognitive skills (e.g., reading and
math). In response, this state adopted new criteria of &dquo;needs
assessment&dquo; which brought it into line with federal guide-
lines.
THE CAPABILITY PROBLEM
Successful implementation is also a function of the

implementing organization’s capacity to do what it is
expected to do. The ability to implement policies may be
hindered by such factors as overworked and poorly trained
staffs, insufficient information and financial resources, or
impossible time constraints. Commenting on the subordi-
nate’s inability to comply with his superiors’ instructions,
Kaufman (1973: 3) writes: &dquo;Confronted by demands he
cannot satisfy, he will fashion his own policies to handle the
situation. His own policies often do not coincide with the
policies of his leaders.&dquo;
Capability problems are highlighted by four components
of our model: policy resources (their character and quantity);

Van Meter, Van Horn / POLICY IMPLEMENTATION PROCESSI[481]

ties (the provision of political support, technical advice and
assistance); characteristics of the implementing agencies (staff
competency, leadership, vitality, formal and informal ties to
policy makers); and the economic, social, and political
environment (public opinion, organized interest groups,
economic conditions of the jurisdiction).
Derthick’s (1972) analysis of the Johnson Administration’s
new towns in-town program provides evidence of how
capability problems can inhibit implementation. She reports

that federal officials faced insurmountable legal barriers when
they tried to sell surplus land at a low price. Furthermore,
the federal government was not able to use effectively what
resources and incentives it possessed. &dquo;Because it depended
on local officials to be the agents of its purpose, whatever
flaws there were in the local officials’ ability to act
effectively-to gather public support, to overcome opposi-
tion, to assemble an administrative organization-were liabili-
ties for the federal government as well&dquo; (Derthick, 1972: 88).
The failure of government regulatory activities also is
explained often in terms of this capability problem. In its
report (1971) on the federal government’s independent
regulatory agencies, President Nixon’s Advisory Council on
Executive Organization (chaired by Roy Ash) concluded that
the failings of such agencies flow from organizational and
structural deficiencies. Furthermore, the oil industry’s virtual
monopoly of information concerning existing fuel reserves
and future supplies makes it exceedingly difficult, if not
impossible, for government officials to monitor industry
policies and practices. It can be argued also that private
interests may be unable to comply fully with the standards
and objectives of government policy. Faced with the de-
mands of the Environmental Protection Agency and other
governmental bodies, public utility companies have claimed
that compliance is neither economically nor technologically
feasible.

DISPOSITIONAL CONFLICTS
Implementation may fail because implementors refuse to

do what they are supposed to do. Dispositional conflicts
occur because subordinates (implementors) reject the goals of
their superiors. Goals and objectives may be rejected for
numerous reasons: they offend implementors’ personal values
or extraorganizational loyalties; they violate implementors’
sense of self-interest; or they alter features of the organiza-
tion and its procedures that implementors desire to maintain
(Kaufman, 1971 ).
While our primary concern is with the dispositions of
implementors, we are also interested in the four other
components of the model which directly influence this
factor: policy resources; interorganizational communication
and enforcement activities; characteristics of the implement-
ing agency; and the economic, social, and political environ-
ment of the implementing organization (jurisdiction). Wide-
spread attention to the impact of dispositional conflicts on
policy performance is evident in the literature. Allison (1971 :
127-132) suggests that a conflict between President Kennedy
and the navy over the location of the Cuban blockade during
the 1962 missile crisis resulted in the unsuccessful implemen-
tation of the President’s policy. &dquo;The Navy’s resistance to
the President’s order that the blockade be drawn in closer to
Cuba forced the President to allow one or several Soviet ships
to pass through the blockade after it was officially operative&dquo;
(Allison, 1971: 130). Lazin’s (1972) study of the enforce-
ment of civil rights regulations in public housing also
demonstrates that the attitudes of local (implementing)
agencies and administrators are among the principal factors
determining compliance.
In contrast to the Ash council’s view that the failings of
regulation can be remedied by reforming the organizational
structure of regulation, Noll (1971: 15) suggests that &dquo;the
performance of regulatory agencies is unsatisfactory because

regulators have chosen to pursue objectives that are contrary

to the public interest.&dquo; In making this argument, Noll is
implying that structural changes designed to improve the
capacity of government agencies to regulate private activity
may be of little consequence. Stated simply, the problem
may not be one of capacity; rather, it involves the willingness
of implementors to achieve the objectives of policy.
CONCLUSION
While far too little attention has been paid to how policy
decisions are transformed into public services, we have
succeeded in identifying a number of studies that look
explicitly at the problems of policy implementation. Most of
these studies have relied primarily on one of the three general
explanations for unsuccessful implementation discussed
above. Few researchers have sought to integrate each of these
explanations into their analysis.
The conceptual framework presented in this paper utilizes
these various partial and insufficient explanations in an effort
to provide the basis for a more comprehensive understanding
of the implementation process. Specifically, this model
directs attention to six clusters of variables that affect the
delivery of public services: it points to the relevance of policy
standards and objectives, policy resources, interorganizational
communication and enforcement activities, the character-
istics of the implementing agencies, the economic, social, and
political environment affecting the implementing jurisdiction
or organization, and the disposition of implementors for the
carrying out of policy decisions.

It is our contention that this model offers a blueprint for
the description and analysis of the policy implementation
process and that it proposes explanations for program
achievements and failures. We maintain that implementation

studies, when approached in this manner, have much to offer

policy analysts and policy makers alike. For the policy
analyst, implementation studies move the focus beyond the
measurement of the impacts of public policy toward explana-
tions for these observed outcomes. Implementation studies
alert policy makers to variables that can be manipulated to
improve the delivery of public services.
NOTES
1. The model of the policy delivery system was originally offered by

Sharkansky (1972) and is employed as an analytical framework in Sharkansky
and Van Meter (1975).
2. The theoretical work which is most frequently cited in connection with the
systems approach in political science is Easton (1965).
3. See, for example, the differing interpretations implied by Pressman and
Wildavsky (1973), Smith (1973), Lazin (1973), Bunker (1972), Derthick (1972),
Gross et al. (1971), and Dolbeare and Hammond (1971). See also the following
studies in which a variety of concepts are employed to explore the implementa-
tion process: Jones (1970), Gergen (1968), Gross (1966), and Dror (1968).
4. For examples of this literature, see Wasby (1970), Johnson (1967), Petrick
(1968), Dolbeare and Hammond (1971), Grossman (1970), and Brown and Stover
(1974).
5. Krislov’s work is based on Barnard (1938), March and Simon (1958), and
Blau and Scott (1962). For a recent development of these notions, see Baum
(1974).
6. While our discussion suggests dichotomous variables, change and goal
consensus are best viewed as continua on which policies may be ordered. While we
have chosen to talk in terms of "ideal types," we recognize that policy decisions
would be ordered at various points on the two dimensions.
7. Information about the implementation of Title I of the Elementary and
Secondary Education Act of 1965 (ESEA) is drawn from the authors’ project on
the implementation of federal education policy.
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The Policy Implementation Process A Conceptual Framework

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Administration & Society

The Policy Implementation Process: A Conceptual Framework

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>> Version of Record - Feb 1, 1975

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DONALD S. VAN METER

Political scientists have turned their attention to the study of

AUTHORS’ NOTE: This is a revised version of a paper delivered at the 1974

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often imperfect correspondence between policies adopted

Figure 1. THE POLICY DELIVERY SYSTEM

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claims made for government action, and the processes by

DEFINING POLICY IMPLEMENTATION

Several often-conflicting uses of the concept of implemen-

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In its most general form, an inquiry about implementa-

We should emphasize that the implementation phase does

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measure and explain the ultimate outcomes of governmental

THE STUDY OF IMPLEMENTATION

very little may really be decided by the words of a decision or a

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Hence, the study of implementation adds a new dimension to

neglect is due in part to the naive assumption, implicit in

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of implementation are overwhelmingly complex and scholars

Bailey and Mosher’s (1968) examination of the administra-

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can be examined. Without such a framework, it is difficult to

1973; Bunker, 1972) to provide such a perspective are less

THE FOUNDATIONS OF A THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVE

In their study of the Economic Development Administra-

There is (or there must be) a large literature about implementa-

While we share Pressman and Wildavsky’s concern that far

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mentation process. This literature includes theoretical and

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threatens them unless they do&dquo; (Kaufman, 1971: 40).

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application, or the threat of application, of punitive sanc-

tions-may be required to achieve adherence to the organiza-

power-the allocation of material resources such as salaries,

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&dquo;organizations, in a sense, are continuously at the mercy of

systems are often inadequate, and superiors often do not

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impact.4 Relying &dquo;utility theory,&dquo; Krislov (1965) empha-

Another study relevant for our purposes is Dolbeare and

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interdependence of public officials at all levels of govern-

The natural starting point in the elaboration of our

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tation is most likely when the implementing agency is not