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[No. 18463. October 4, 1922]

THE PEOPLE OF THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS, plaintiff

and appellee, vs. GREGORIO PERFECTO, defendant and
appellant.

1. DEFAMATION, ABUSE, OR INSULT OF A MINISTER

OF THE CROWN OR OTHER PERSON IN AUTHORITY;
ARTICLE 256 OF THE PENAL CODE, WHETHER IN
FORCE; EFFECT OF THE LlBEL LAW ON ARTICLE
256.—Article 256 of the Penal Code punishes "Any person
who, by * * * writing, shall defame, abuse, or insult any
Minister of the Crown or other person in authority." The
Philippine Libel Law, Act No. 277, has had the effect of
repealing so much. of article 256 of the Penal Code as
relates to written defamation, abuse, or insult.

2. ID.; ID.; ID.; LIBEL OF LEGISLATURE.—While it may

be proper to prosecute criminally the author of a libel
charging a legislator with corruption, criticisms, no matter
how severe, on a legislature, are within the range of the
liberty of the press, unless the intention and effect be
seditious.

3. ID.; ID.; ID.; STATUTORY CONSTRUCTION.—Where

the later statute clearly covers the old subject-matter of
antecedent acts, and it plainly appears to have been the
purpose of the Legislature to give expression in it to the
whole law on the subject, previous laws are held to be
repealed by necessary implication.

4. ID.; ID.; EFFECT OF CHANGE FROM SPANISH TO

AMERICAN SOVEREIGNTY OVER THE PHILIPPINES
ON ARTICLE 256 OF THE PENAL CODE. (OPINION OF
JUSTICES MALCOLM, OSTRAND, AND JOHNS.) —
Article 256 of the Spanish Penal Code is not now in force
because abrogated by the change from Spanish to
American sovereignty over the Philippines and because
inconsistent with democratic principles of government.

5. ID.; ID.; ID.—All those provisions of the Spanish Penal

Code having to do with such subjects as treason, lése
majesté, religion and worship, rebellion, sedition, and
contempts of ministers of the crown, are no longer in force.
Article 255 of the Penal Code is of a similar nature.

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6. ID.; ID.; ID.—It is a general principle of the public law

that on acquisition of territory the previous political
relations of the ceded region are totally abrogated. "It

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cannot be admitted that the King of Spain could, by treaty

or otherwise, impart to the United States any of his royal
prerogatives; and much less can it be admitted that they
have capacity to receive or power to exercise them. Every
nation acquiring territory, by treaty or otherwise, must
hold it subject to the constitution and laws of its own
government, and not according to those of the government
ceding it." (Pollard vs. Hagan [1845], 3 How., 210.)

7. ID.; ID.; ID.; NATURE OF PHILIPPINE GOVEBNMENT.

—The nature of the government which has been set up in
the Philippines under American sovereignty was outlined
by President McKinley in that Magna Charta of
Philippine liberty, his instructions to the Commission, of
April 7, 1900. The President and Congress framed the
government on the model with which Americans are f
amiliar and which has proven best adapted for the
advancement of the public interests and the protection of
individual rights and privileges.

8. ID.; ID.; ID.; ID.—Article 256 of the Spanish Penal Code

was enacted by the Government of Spain to protect
Spanish officials who were the representatives of the
King. With the change of sovereignty, a new government,
and a new theory of government, was set up in the
Philippines. No longer is there a Minister of the Crown or
a person in authority of such exalted position that the
citizens must speak of him only with bated breath. "In the
eye of our Constitutions and laws, every man is a
sovereign, a ruler and a freeman, and has equal rights
with every other man." (State vs. Shepherd [1903], 177
Mo., 205; 99 A. S. R., 624.)

9. ID. ; ID. ; ID. ; ID.—In the United States, the offense of

scandalum magnatum is not known. In this country no
distinction as to persons is recognized.

10. ID.; ID.; ID.; ID.—Article 256 of the Penal Code is

contrary to the genius and fundamental principles of the
American character and system of government. The gulf
which separates this article from the spirit which inspires
all penal legislation of American origin is as wide as that
which separates a monarchy from a democratic republic
like that of the United States.

11. ID.; ID.; ID.; ID.—The American system of government is

calculated to enforce respect and obedience where such
respect and obedience is due, but never does it place
around the individual who happens to occupy an official
position by mandate of the people

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People vs. Perfecto

any official halo, which calls for drastic punishment for

contemptuous remarks.

12. ID.; ID.; ID.; ID.—The crime of lése majesté disappeared in

the Philippines with the ratification of the Treaty of Paris.

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Ministers of the Crown have no place under the American

flag.

APPEAL from a judgment of the Court of First Instance of

Manila. Harvey, J.
The facts are stated in the opinion of the court.
     Alfonso E. Mendoza and the appellant in behalf of the
latter.
     Attorney-General Villa-Real for appellee.

MALCOLM, J.:

The important question is here squarely presented of

whether article 256 of the Spanish Penal Code, punishing
"Any person who, by * * * writing, shall defame, abuse, or
insult any Minister of the Crown or other person in
authority * * *," is still in force.
About August 20, 1920, the Secretary of the Philippine
Senate, Fernando M. Guerrero, discovered that certain
documents which constituted the records of testimony
given by witnesses in the investigation of oil companies,
had disappeared from his office. Shortly thereafter, the
Philippine Senate, having been called into special session
by the Governor-General, the Secretary of the Senate
informed that body of the loss of the documents and of the
steps taken by him to discover the guilty party. The day
following the convening of the Senate, September 7, 1920,
the newspaper La, Nacion, edited by Mr. Gregorio Perfecto,
published an article reading as follows:

"Half a month has elapsed since the discovery, for the first time,
of the scandalous robbery of records which were kept and
preserved in the iron safe of the Senate, yet up to this time there
is not the slightest indication that the author or authors of the
crime will ever be discovered.
"To find them, it would not, perhaps, be necessary to go out of
the Senate itself, and the persons in charge of the

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investigation of the case would not have to display great skill in

order to succeed in their undertaking, unless they should
encounter the insuperable obstacle of official concealment.
"In that case, every investigation to be made would be but a
mere comedy and nothing more.
"After all, the perpetration of the robbery, especially under the
circumstances that have surrounded it, does not surprise us at all.
"The execution of the crime was but the natural effect of the
environment of the place in which it was committed.
"How many of the present Senators can say without remorse in
their conscience and with serenity of mind, that they do not owe
their victory to electoral robbery? How many?
"The author or authors of the robbery of the records from the
said iron safe of the Senate have, perhaps, but followed the
example of certain Senators who secured their election through
fraud and robbery."

The Philippine Senate, in its session of September $, 1920,

adopted a resolution authorizing its committee on elections
and privileges to report as to the action which should be
taken with reference to the article published in La Nacion.
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On September 15, 1920, the Seriate adopted a resolution

authorizing the President of the Senate to indorse to the
Attorney-General, for his study and corresponding action,
all the papers referring to the case of the newspaper La
Nacion and its editor, Mr. Gregorio Perfecto. As a result, an
information was filed in the municipal court of the City of
Manila by an assistant 'city fiscal, in which the editorial in
question was set out and in which it was alleged that the
same constituted a violation of article 256 of the Penal
Code. The defendant Gregorio Perfecto was found guilty in
the municipal court and again in the Court of First
Instance of Manila.
During the course of the trial in the Court of First
Instance, after the prosecution had rested, the defense
moved for the dismissal of the case. On the subject of
whether
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People vs. Perfecto

or not article 256 of the Penal Code, under which the

information was presented, is in force, the trial judge, the
Honorable George R. Harvey, said:

"This antiquated provision was doubtless incorporated into the

Penal Code of Spain for the protection of the Ministers of the
Crown and other representatives of the King against free speech
and action by Spanish subjects. A severe punishment was
prescribed because it was doubtless considered a much more
serious offense to insult the King's representative than to insult
an ordinary individual. This provision, with almost all the other
articles of that Code, was extended to the Philippine Islands when
under the dominion of Spain because the King's subjects in the
Philippines might defame, abuse or insult the Ministers of the
Crown or other representatives of His Majesty. We now have no
Ministers of the Crown or other persons in authority in the
Philippines representing the King of Spain, and said provision,
with other articles of the Penal Code, had apparently passed into
'innocuous desuetude,' but the Supreme Court of the Philippine
Islands has, by a majority decision, held that said article 256 is
the law of the land to-day * * *.
"The Helbig case is a precedent which, by the rule of stare
decisis, is binding upon this court until otherwise determined by
proper authority."

In the decision rendered by the same judge, he concluded

with the following language:

"In the United States such publications are usually not

punishable as criminal offenses, and little importance is attached
to them, because they are generally the result of political
controversy and are usually regarded as more or less colored or
exaggerated. Attacks of this character upon a legislative body are
not punishable under the Libel Law. Although such publications
are reprehensible, yet this court feels some aversion to the
application of the provision of law under which this case was filed.
Our Penal Code has come to us from the Spanish regime. Article
256 of that Code prescribes punishment for persons who use
insult-

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ing language about Ministers of the Crown or other 'authority.'

The King of Spain doubtless felt 4he need of such protection to his
ministers and others in authority in the Philippines as well as in
Spain. Hence, the article referred to was made applicable here.
Notwithstanding the change of sovereignty, our Supreme Court,
in a majority decision, has held that this provision is still in force,
and that one who made an insulting remark about the President
of the United States was punishable under it. (U. S. vs. Helbig,
supra.) If it be applicable in that case, it would appear to be
applicable in this case. Hence, said article 256 must be enforced,
without fear or favor, until it shall be repealed or superseded by
other legislation, or until the Supreme Court shall otherwise
determine.
"In view of the foregoing considerations, the court finds the
defendant guilty as charged in the information and under article
256' of the Penal Code sentences him to suffer two months and
one day of arresto mayor and the accessory penalties prescribed
by law, and to pay the costs of both instances."

The fifteen errors assigned by the defendant and appellant,

reenforced by an extensive brief, and eloquent oral
argument made in his own behalf and by his learned
counsel, all reduce themselves to the pertinent and.decisive
question which was announced in the beginning of this
decision.
It will be noted in the first place that the trial judge
considered himself bound to follow the rule announced 1
in
the case of United States vs. Helbig (R. G. No. 14705, not
published). In that case, the accused was charged with
having said, "To hell with the President and his
proclamations, or words to that effect," in violation of
article 256 of the Penal Code. He was found guilty in a
judgment rendered by the Court of First Instance of Manila
and again on appeal to the Supreme Court, with the writer
of the instant decision dissenting on two principal grounds:
(1) That the accused was deprived of the constitutional
right of cross-examina-

_______________

1 Decided March 16, 1920.

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tion, and (2) that article 256 of the Spanish Penal Code is
no longer in force. Subsequently, on a motion of
reconsideration, the court, being of the opinion that the
Court of First Instance had committed a prejudicial error
in depriving the accused of his right to cross-examine a
principal witness, set aside the judgment affirming the
judgment appealed from and ordered the return of the
record to the court of origin for the celebration of a new
trial. Whether such a trial was actually had, is not known,
but at least, the record in the Helbig case has never again
been elevated to this court.

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There may perchance exist some doubt as to the

authority of the decision in the Helbig case, in view of the
circumstances above described. This much, however, is
certain: The facts of the Helbig case and the case b&fore us,
which we may term. the Perfecto case, are different, for in
the first case there was an oral def amation, while in the
second there is a written defamation. Not only this, but a
new point which, under the facts, could not have been
considered in the Helbig case, is, in the Perfecto case, urged
upon the court. And, finally, as is apparent to all, the
appellate court is not restrained, as was the trial court, by
strict adherence to a former decision. We much prefer to
resolve the question before us unhindered by references to
the Helbig decision.
This is one of those cases on which a variety of opinions
all leading to the same result can be had. A -majority of the
court are of the opinion that the Philippine Libel Law, Act
No. 277, has had the effect of repealing so much of article
256 of the Penal Code as relates to written defamation,
abuse, or insult, and that under the information and the
facts, the defendant is neither guilty of a violation of article
256 of the Penal Code, nor of the Libel Law. The view of the
Chief Justice is that the accused should be acquitted for the
reason that the facts alleged in the information do not
constitute a violation of article 256 of the Penal Code.
Three members of the court believe that article 256 was
abrogated completely by the change from

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Spanish to American sovereignty over the Philippines and

is inconsistent with democratic principles of government.
Without prejudice to the right of any member of the
court to explain his position, we will discuss the two main
points just mentioned.
1. Effect of the Philippine Libel Law, Act No. 277, on
article 256 of the Spanish Penal Code.—The Libel Law, Act
No. 277, was enacted by the Philippine Commission shortly
after the organization of this legislative body. Section 1
defines libel as a "malicious defamation, expressed either
in writing, printing, or by signs or pictures, or the like, or
public theatrical exhibitions, tending to blacken the
memory of one who is dead or to impeach the honesty,
virtue, or reputation, or publish the alleged or natural
defects of one who is alive, and thereby expose him to
public hatred, contempt or ridicule." Section 13 provides
that "All laws and parts of laws now in force, so far as the
same may be in conflict herewith, are hereby repealed. * * *
"
That parts of laws in force in 1901 when the Libel Law
took effect, were in conflict therewith, and that the Libel
Law abrogated certain portions of the Spanish Penal Code,
cannot be gainsaid. Title X of Book II of the Penal Code,
covering the subjects of calumny and insults, must have
been particularly affected by the Libel Law. Indeed, in the
early case of Pardo de Tavera vs. Garcia Valdez ([1902],
l.Phil., 468), the Supreme Court spoke of the Libel Law as
"reforming the preexisting Spanish law on the subject of
calumnia and injuria" Recently, specific attention was

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given to the effect of the Libel Law on the provisions of the

Penal Code, dealing with calumny and insults, and it was
found that those provisions of the Penal Code on the
subject of calumny and insults in which the elements of
writing and publicity entered, were abrogated by the Libel
Law. (People vs. Castro [1922], p. 842, ante.)
The Libel Law must have had the same result on other
provisions of the Penal Code, as for instance, article 256.
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The facts here are that the editor of a newspaper published

an article, naturally in writing, which may have had the
tendency to impeach the honesty, virtue, or reputation of
members of the Philippine Senate, thereby possibly
exposing them to public hatred, contempt, or ridicule,
which is exactly libel, as defined by the Libel Law. Sir J. F.
Stephen is authority for the statement that a libel is
indictable when defaming a "body of persons definite and
small enough for individual members to be recognized as
such, in or by means of anything capable of being a libel."
(Digest of Criminal Law, art. 267.) But in the United
States, while it may be proper to prosecute criminally the
author of a libel charging a legislator with corruption,
criticisms, no matter how severe, on a legislature, are
within the range of the liberty of the press, unless the
intention and effect be seditious. (3 Wharton's Criminal
Law, p. 2131.) With these f acts and legal principles in
mind, recall that article 256 begins: "Any person who, by *
* * writing, shall defame, abuse, or insult any Minister of
the Crown or other person in authority," etc.
The Libel Law is a complete and comprehensive law on
the subject of libel. The well-known rule of statutory
construction is, that where the later statute clearly covers
the old subject-matter of antecedent acts, and it plainly
appears to have been the purpose of the legislature to give
expresssion in it to the whole law on the subject, previous
laws are held to be repealed by necessary implication. (1
Lewis' Sutherland Statutory Construction, p. 465.) For
identical reasons, it is evident that Act No. 277 had the
effect of repealing article 256 of the Penal Code, or at least
so much of this article as punishes defamation, abuse, or
insults by writing.
Act No. 292 of the Philippine Commission, the Treason
and Sedition Law, may also have affected article 256, but
as to this point, it is not necessary to make a
pronouncement.
2. Effect of the change from Spanish to American
sovereignty over the Philippines on article 256 of the
Spanish Penal Code.—Appellant's main proposition in the
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lower court and again energetically pressed in the

appellate court was that article 256 of the Spanish Penal
Code is not now in f orce because abrogated by the change f
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rom Spanish to American sovereignty over the Philippines

and because inconsistent with democratic principles of
government. This view was indirectly favored by the trial
judge, and, as before stated, is the opinion of three
members of this court.
Article 256 is found in Chapter V of Title III of Book II of
the Spanish Penal Code. Title I of Book II punishes the
crimes of treason, crimes that endanger the peace or
independence of the state, crimes against international
law, and the crime of piracy. Title II of the same book
punishes the crimes of lése majesté, crimes against the
Cortes and its members and against the council of
ministers, crimes against the form of government, and
crimes committed on the occasion of the exercise of rights
guaranteed by the fundamental laws of the state, including
crimes against religion and worship. Title III of the same
Book, in which article 256 is found, punishes the crimes of
rebellion, sedition, assaults upon persons in authority, and
their agents, and contempts, insults, injurias, and threats
against persons in authority, and insults, injurias, and
threats against their agents and other public officers, the
last being the title to Chapter V. The first two articles in
Chapter V define and punish the offense of contempt
committed by any one who shall by word or deed def ame,
abuse, insult, or threaten a minister of the crown, or any
person in authority. Then with an article condemning
challenges to fight duels intervening, comes article 256,
now being weighed in the balance. It reads as follows: "Any
person who, by word, deed, or writing, shall defame, abuse,
or insult any Minister of the Crown or other person in
authority, while engaged in the performance of official
duties, or by reason of such performance, provided that the
offensive conduct does not take place in the presence of
such minister or person, or the offensive writing be not
addressed to him, shall suffer

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the penalty of arresto mayor,"—that is, the defamation,

abuse, or insult of any Minister of the Crown of the
Monarchy of Spain (for there could not be a Minister of the
Crown in the United States of America), or other, person in
authority in the Monarchy of Spain.
It cannot admit of doubt that all those provisions of the
Spanish Penal Code having to do with such subjects as
treason, lése majesté, religion and worship, rebellion,
sedition, and contempts of ministers of the crown, are no
longer in force. Our present task, therefore, is a
determination of whether article 256 has met the same
fate, or, more specifically stated, whether it is in the nature
of a municipal law or a political law, and is consistent with
the Constitution and laws of the United States and the
characteristics and institutions of the American
Government.
It is a general principle of the public law that on
acquisition of territory the previous political relations of
the ceded region are totally abrogated. "Political" is here
used to denominate the laws regulating the relations
sustained by the inhabitants to the sovereign. (American

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Insurance Co. vs. Canter [1828], 1 Pet., 511; Chicago, Rock

Island and Pacific Railway Co. vs. McGlinn [1885], 114 U.
S., 542; Roa vs. Collector of Customs [1912], 23 Phil., 315.)
Mr. Justice Field of the United States Supreme Court
stated the obvious when in the course of his opinion in the
case of Chicago, Rock Island and Pacific Railway Co. vs.
McGlinn, supra, he said: "As a matter of course, all laws,
ordinances and regulations in conflict with the political
character, institutions and Constitution of the new
government are at once displaced. Thus, upon a cession of
political jurisdiction and legislative power—and the latter
is involved in the former—to the United States, the laws of
the country in support of an established religion or
abridging the freedom of the press, or authorizing cruel and
unusual punishments, and the like, would at once cease to
be of obligatory force without any declaration to that
effect." To quote again from the United States Supreme
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Court: "It cannot be admitted that the King of Spain could,

by treaty or otherwise, impart to the United States any of
his royal prerogatives; and much less can it be admitted
that they have capacity to receive or power to exercise
them. Every nation acquiring territory, by treaty or
otherwise, must hold it subject to the Constitution and
laws of its own government, and not according to those of
the government ceding it." (Pollard vs. Hagan [1845], 3
How., 210.)
On American occupation of the Philippines, by
instructions of the President to the Military Commander
dated May 28, 1898, and by proclamation of the latter, the
municipal laws of the conquered territory affecting private
rights of person and property and providing for the
punishment of crime were nominally continued in force in
so far as they were compatible with the new order of
things. But President McKinley, in his instructions to
General Merritt, was careful to say: "The first effect of the
military occupation of the enemy's territory is the
severance of the former political relation of the inhabitants
and the establishment of a new political power." From that
day to this, the Spanish codes, as codes, have been
constantly applied, and ordinarily it has been taken for
granted that the provisions under consideration were still
effective. To paraphrase the language of the United States
Supreme Court in Weems vs. United States ([1910], 217 U.
S., 349), there was not and could not be, except as precise
questions were presented, a careful consideration of the
codal provisions and a determination of the extent to which
they accorded with or were repugnant to the " 'great
principles of liberty and law' which had been 'made the
basis of our governmental system'" But when the question
has been squarely raised, the appellate court has been
forced on occasion to hold certain portions of the Spanish
codes repugnant to democratic institutions and American
constitutional principles. (U. S. vs. Sweet [1901], 1 Phil.,
18; U. S. vs. Balcorta [1913], 25 Phil., 273; U. S. vs. Smith
[1919], 39 Phil., 533; Weems vs. U. S., supra.)
899
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People vs. Perfecto

The nature of the government which has been set up in the

Philippines under American sovereignty was outlined by
President McKinley in that Magna Charta of Philippine
liberty, his instructions to the Commission, of April 7,
1900. In part, the President said:

"In all the forms of government and administrative provisions

which they are authorized to prescribe, the Commission should
bear in mind that the government which they are establishing is
designed not for our satisfaction or for the expression of our
theoretical views, but for the happiness, peace, and prosperity of
the people of the Philippine Islands, and the measures adopted
should be made to conform to their customs, their habits, and
even their prejudices, to the fullest extent consistent with the
accomplishment of the indispensable requisites of just and
effective government. At the same time the Commission should
bear in mind, and the people of the Islands should be made plainly
to understand, that there are certain great principles of
government which have been made the basis of our governmental
system, which we deem essential to the rule of law and the
maintenance of individual freedom, and of which they have,
unfortunately, been denied the experience possessed by us; that
there are also certain practical rules of government which we have
found to be essential to the preservation of these great principles of
liberty and law, and that these principles and these rules of
government must be established and maintained in their islands
for the sake of their liberty and happiness, however much they
may conflict with the customs or laws of procedure with which
they are familiar. It is evident that the most enlightened thought
of the Philippine Islands fully appreciates the importance of these
principles and rules, and they will inevitably within a short time
command universal assent."

The courts have naturally taken the same view. Mr. Justice
Elliott, speaking for our Supreme Court, in the case of
United States vs. Bull ([1910], 15 Phil., 7), said: "The
President and Congress framed the government on the
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model with which Americans are familiar, and which has

proven best adapted for the advancement of the public
interests and the protection of individual rights and
privileges."
Therefore, it has come with somewhat of a shock to hear
the statement made that the happiness, peace, and
prosperity of the people of the Philippine Islands and their
customs, habits, and prejudices, to follow the language of
President McKinley, demand obeisance to authority, and
royal protection for that authority.
According to our view, article 256 of the Spanish Penal
Code was enacted by the Government of Spain to protect
Spanish officials who were the representatives of the King.
With the change of sovereignty, a new government, and a
new theory of government, was set up in the Philippines. It
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was in no sense a continuation of the old, although merely

for convenience certain of the existing institutions and laws
were continued. The demands which the new government
made, and makes, on the individual citizen are likewise
different. No longer is there a Minister of the Crown or a
person in authority of such exalted position that the citizen
must speak of him only with bated breath. "In the eye of our
Constitution and laws, every man is a sovereign, a ruler
and a freeman, and has equal rights with every other man.
We have no rank or station, except that of respectability
and intelligence as opposed to indecency and ignorance,
and the door to this rank stands open to every man to
freely enter and abide therein, if he is qualified, and
whether he is qualified or not depends upon the life and
character and attainments and conduct of each person for
himself. Every man may lawfully do what he will, so long
as it is not malum in se or malum prohibitum or does not
infringe upon the equally sacred rights of others." (State vs.
Shepherd [1903], 177 Mo., 205; 99 A. S. R., 624.)
It is true that in England, from which so many of the
laws and institutions of the United States are derived,
there were once statutes of scandalum magnatum, under
which
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VOL. 43, OCTOBER 4, 1922 901

People vs. Perfecto

words which would not be actionable if spoken of an

ordinary subject were made actionable if spoken of a peer
of the realm or of any of the great officers of the Crown,
without proof of any special damage. The Crown of
England, unf ortunately, took a view less tolerant than that
of other sovereigns, as for instance, the Emperors
Augustus, Caesar, and Tiberius. These English statutes
have, however, long since, become obsolete, while in the
United States, the offense of scandalum magnatum is not
known. In the early days of the American Republic, a
sedition law was enacted, making it an offense to libel the
Government, the Congress, or the President of the United
States, but the law met with so much popular disapproval,
that it was soon repealed. "In this country no distinction as
to persons is recognized, and in practice a person holding a
high office is regarded as a target at whom any person may
let fly his poisonous words. High official position, instead of
affording immunity from slanderous and libelous charges,
seems rather to be regarded as making his character free
plunder for any one who desires to create a sensation by
attacking it." (Newell, Slander and Libel, 3d ed., p. 245;
Sillars vs. Collier [1890], 151 Mass., 50; 6 L. R. A., 680.)
Article 256 of the Penal Code is contrary to the genius
and fundamental principles of the American character and
system of government. The gulf which separates this article
from the spirit which inspires all penal legislation of
American origin, is as wide as that which separates a
monarchy from a democratic republic like that of the
United States. This article was crowded out by implication
as soon as the United States established its authority in
the Philippine Islands. Penalties out of all proportion to the
gravity of the offense, grounded in a distorted monarchical
conception of the nature of political authority, as opposed to

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the American conception of the protection of the interests of

the public, have been obliterated by the present system of
government in the Islands.

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902 PHILIPPINE REPORTS ANNOTATED

People vs. Perfecto

From an entirely different point of view, it must be noted

that this article punishes contempts against executive
officials, although its terms are broad enough to cover the
entire official class. Punishment for contempt of nonjudicial
officers has no place in a government based upon American
principles. Our official class is not, as in monarchies, an
agent of some authority greater than ,the people but it is
an agent and servant of the people themselves. These
officials are only entitled to respect and obedience when
they are acting within the scope of their authority and
jurisdiction. The American system of government is
calculated to enforce respect and obedience where such
respect and obedience is due, but never does it place
around the individual who happens to occupy an official
position by mandate of the people any official halo, which
calls for drastic punishment for contemptuous ptuous
remarks.
The crime of lése majesté disappeared in the Philippines
with the ratification of the Treaty of Paris. Ministers of the
Crown have no place under the American flag.
To summarize, the result is, that all the members of the
court are of the opinion, although for different reasons, that
the judgment should be reversed and the defendant and
appellant acquitted, with costs de officio. So ordered.

     Ostrand, and Johns, JJ., concur.

ARAULLO, C. J., concurring:

I concur with the dispositive part of the foregoing decision,

that is, with the acquittal of the accused, for the sole reason
that the facts alleged in the information do not constitute a
violation of article 256 of the Penal Code; f or although that
article is in force with respect to calumny, injuria, or insult,
by deed or word, against an authority in the performance of
his duties or by reason thereof, outside of his presence, it is
repealed by the Libel Law in so far as it refers to calumny,
injuria, or insult committed against an authority by
writing or printing, as was that inserted in the said
information.
903

VOL. 43, OCTOBER 7, 1922 903

Svarez vs. Suarez

ROMUALDEZ, J., with whom concur JOHNSON,

STREET, AVANCEÑA, and VILLAMOR, JJ.,
concurring:
I concur with the result. I believe that the responsibility
of the accused has not been shown either under article 256
of the Penal Code or under the Libel Law.

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I am of the opinion that article 256 of the Penal Code is

still in force, except as it refers to "Ministers of the Crown,"
whom we do not have in our Government, and to calumny,
injuria, or insult, by writing or printing, committed against
an authority in the perf ormance of his duties or by reason
thereof, which portion was repealed by the Libel Law.
Judgment reversed, defendant acquitted.

___________

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