Christianity and Caste
Christianity and Caste
Christianity and Caste
Christianity in India can be identified by its geographical and ethnographical distinctions and
north-eastern region, the Central Plains, and the coastal and some inland areas of southern
and western India. Ethnographically Indian Christianity comprises both caste and tribal
communities, and among the castes, they range between the highest to the lowest.
Throughout the History of Christianity in India the practice of Caste System hampered the
advancement of the Gospel and weakened the life and witness of the Church. Missionaries
and Individuals took painstaking effort to eradicate this evil practice but their efforts were
1. Definition of Caste
According to L. Stanislaus, the word ‘caste’ is derived from Latin, which means pure or
chaste. It is understood as “rooted in distant times of the past and dictates to every orthodox
person of the do’s and don’ts of all social relationships and possessions1. The word caste
refers to a lineage or race. Caste system is a social pattern; a kind of colour – bar between the
Aryan and the subjugated Dravidians, imposed by the Aryans. There are four main castes and
1
L. Stanislaus, The Liberative Mission of the Church among Dalit Christians (Delhi: ISPCK, 1999), 1-2
1
Brahmins, Kshatriyas and Vaisyas were considered as upper castes while Sudras were the
low castes. Beyond these are the outcastes or untouchables, held to be impure, whose very
shadow caused pollution to others. They were subject to many kinds of prejudices and lived
in subhuman conditions. They only allowed performing the very lowliest of tasks such as
scavenging and emptying the latrines. They were prohibited from entering temples and public
institutions. They lived in much ignorance, without any scope for freedom2.
It is believed that the practice of caste system among the India Christians has its heritage
from the time of Apostle Thomas. According to history the Malabar Christians were the first
to allow the practice of caste distinctions in the church. The early church workers appointed
by Apostle Thomas were also said to be from high – castes. The two Syrian groups –
migrations which came to Malabar under the leadership of Thomas of Cana and Marwan
Sabrisho during the 4th and 9th centuries A.D. respectively were instructed by the local rulers
who gave them special privileges written on copper plates to maintain their status as high –
caste or class groups. On that basis they were given special treatment by the rulers. The
existence to this day of one group of Malabar Syrian Christians called “Northists”
(Vadakumbagar) and the other called “Southists” (Thekkumbagar) shows the cast/class
maintained by them. They do not intermarry. Because of the special privileges granted to the
Syrian migrant groups, they did not convert the low – caste people as Christians3. The Syrian
Christians did not encourage conversion from the lower castes thinking that the admission of
lower caste people would lower the social status obtained from the Hindu Kings.
2
Binu John, A Study on Christian Contribution to the Nation Building (Delhi: I.S.P.C.K, 2001), 2-3
3
Arthur Jeyakumar, History of Christianity: Selected Themes, Revised and enlarged edition (Madurai: Tamil
Nadu Theological Seminary, 2007), 56
2
2.2. Caste Distinctions among Catholic Christians
St. Francis Xavier found difficult to convert the high caste and worked among the low caste
people. Robert De Nobili the 17th century Italian invented the method of Indigenization and
Indianized himself. His new method attracted local youths and resulted conversions. Such
converts came from several castes including Brahmins. The method of de nobili divided the
Christians on caste basis and it lasted long. Though initially there were no separate places of
worship, ‘the buildings were so arranged as to keep caste and out caste in separate portions.
But later separate worship services were conducted for different caste groups; there were
separate burial grounds. In a few church buildings dividing walls were put up inside to
segregate the congregations on the basis of caste. The Holy Communion elements were
distributed first to the high caste Christians and then to the others. This kind of practice
Large numbers of Christians in the southern districts of Madras Presidency boast of their
firmer and true adherents of the caste system than the Hindus. In Kerala the Scheduled
converts from Pulaya catste are called as Pulaya Christians because they are of the Pulaya
caste5 Andhra Christians are generally caste bound both at the social and political level; the
churches in Andhra Pradesh composed on the basis of caste. Groups and individuals use caste
to acquire power and dominance6. Caste consciousness among the Christians in Maharashtra
continued to hamper the spread of the Gospel as the converted Christians form a particular
sub – caste, took the missionaries to their own people. Another factor related to the caste
consciousness of the Mahar Christians was clearly seen when people from the Mang
4
Arthur Jeyakumar, History of Christianity: 58-60
5
Y. Antony Raj, 4
6
Y. Antony Raj, 4
3
community were targeted by the missionaries. The Mahar found it very hard to welcome the
Mang, an outcaste like himself, for whom he had a hereditary hatred7. The Malas and
Madigas in Telugu Christendom avoided each others in marriage ties and other social
intercourse. The Christian assembly in the coastal town of Nasrapur established in 1850 was
A few of first protestant missionaries’ converts were from the Roman Church they brought
their caste distinctions with them. Ziegenbalg did not take any firm decision to root out caste
distinction from among his converts. This may be because of the many problems he faced in
his pioneering missionary enterprise. The church he built in Tranquebar was in a cruciform.
In this church, the Sudra believers sat on one side of the nave and the others on the other side.
At Holy Communion all the Sudras men and women, communicated first and the others
The S. P. G. Missionaries took efforts to abolish the caste observance from their Indian
converts. But such a policy was not received well by Indian Christians. A congregation in
Chennai got agitated when their missionary made the Adi – Dravida children to sit along with
the Sudra children in their church. The strict attitude of Bishop Daniel Wilson against caste
distinctions had its repercussions too. Some of the higher – caste Indian Christians in Chennai
7
Atul Y. Aghamkar, “Christianity Among the Mahars of Maharashtra” in F. Hrangkhuma, (ed) Christianity in
India: Search for Liberation and Identity (Delhi: ISPCK, 1998) ,59
8
Job Sudarshan, “Christianity Among the Mala and Madiga in Andhra Pradesh: Trends and Issues” in F.
Hrangkhuma, (ed) Christianity in India: Search for Liberation and Identity (Delhi: ISPCK, 1998) ,88
9
Arthur Jeyakuma, 61
4
did not wish to submit to Bishop Daniel Wilson’s stand and decided to join the congregation
Schultze who headed the Tranquebar mission in 1720 did not like the policy of caste
distinction in the mission11. The Serampore Trios did not permit caste distinctions among
their converts. From the very beginning they were very particular about caste distinction
because they realised that the caste distinction in the Hindu society was not social, but out
and out religious. The Serampore missionaries encouraged inter- caste marriage. The S.P.G.
Missionaries took efforts to abolish caste distinction from among its Indian converts. Bishop
Daniel instructed the missionaries working in the Diocese of Calcutta to take a concerted
effort to abolish caste distinctions among Indian converts. In 1825 C.T.E. Rhenius missionary
of Church Missionary Society at Palayamkottai, Tirunelvelly did not permit his seminary
students to practice caste distinction. He closed the seminary for a while and reopened it only
after the students came forward to abide his stand on the matter12. The first South India
show the great injuriousness of caste to all classes of its rotaries, and its great obstructiveness
to all efforts for the improvement of their temporal condition, as well as its soul destroying
influence13. In their fight against the caste system the London Missionary Society Christians
established schools to educate the Dalits. By imparting education, the LMS Christians wanted
to socially elevate the Dalits. The LMS Christians attacked the caste system not only because
it distorted the true humanity of the outcastes, but also it disturbed “koinonia” within the
10
Arthur Jeyakuma, 64
11
Arthur Jeyakumar, History of Christianity in India 61
12
Arthur Jeyakumar, History of Christianity in India 65
13
Arthur Jeyakumar, History of Christianity in India 66
5
Christian community14. LMS Christians made Dalit children sit along with the caste children.
Thus, LMS Christians waged a definite war on caste prejudices, and attempted to establish
the fact that Dalit people were also equal, as people, to any other class or caste15.
Bishop V.S. Azariah said that the Christian community should not be considered just another
static communal group, but something dynamic and different that included ‘all races, all
tongues, and all castes. The moment a person is baptized, he or she no longer belongs to any
caste, but all are one in Christ Jesus16. Azariah frequently enjoined his diocese to pray against
‘the spirit of faction’ caste, land and pride. He encouraged converts to take new names either
form the Bible or from the Telugu and Sanskrit word to abandon caste appellation17.
accompanied by the abandonment of many attitudes and practices regulated by the caste
higher caste18.
During 19th century the missionaries have faced severe opposition from the Indian Christians
for their policy for the suppression of caste. Opposition to the missionaries’ caste policy
tended to come from Christians of Sudra origin rather than from untouchable or high – caste
converts. The Rev. D. Savarimuoothoo of Vepery reported that “No measures have been
adopted to further the abandonment of caste distinctions in eating and drinking and in general
14
Franklyn J. Balasundaram, “The Dalits and the Christian Mission in the Tamil Country” in F. Hrangkhuma,
(ed) Christianity in India: Search for Liberation and Identity (Delhi: ISPCK, 1998), 118
15
Franklyn J. Balasundaram, “The Dalits and the Christian Mission in the Tamil Country” in F. Hrangkhuma,
(ed) Christianity in India: Search for Liberation and Identity (Delhi: ISPCK, 1998), 119
16
Susan Billington Harper, In the Shadow of the Mahatma: Bishop V.S. Azariah and the Travails of Christianity
in British India (Grand Rapid, Michigan: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 2000), 250
17
Susan Billington Harper, In the Shadow of the Mahatma, 251
18
Susan Billington Harper, In the Shadow of the Mahatma, 255
6
social intercourse amongst my communicants. W.T. Sathiyanathan of Madras protested that
‘Any harsh measures tend not only to wound the feelings and give umbrage, but it may also
defeat the object of evangelism. The other Indian clergy saw the strict caste discipline as
strongly discouraging conversions except from the low caste ranks of Hindu society, and as
leading many Christians to move into the more tolerant Lutherans and Roman Churches19.
When Bishop Heber invited Rev. Christian David from Tanjore to explain the intricacies of
caste controversies and its past history, and suggest how the Bishop might deal with the
matter. Christian David came down on the side of the dissidents rather than the
missionaries20.
A substantial part of the Tanjore Church had resisted the missionaries’ attack on caste. The
Tanjore Christians decided to leave the church if only the missionaries have failed to listen to
them. Seventeen hundred Sudras already had left the church because of the missionaries’
attitudes against caste21. The Tanjore Christians were emphatic on the importance of
maintaining the caste as the only basis on which they could maintain social contact with their
Hindu neighbours22. The trend has been changed when Bishop Daniel Wilson visited Tanjore
after ten years the tone and tendency on discussion about caste was radically different from
the Tanjore debate. This time Indian Christians wholeheartedly supported the strong line
against caste. The six converts of John Anderson who were from high – caste Hindu society
felt that it is profitless to attempt to disentangle caste as religious and caste as evil, for ‘as the
soul is connected with the body, so caste is connected with Hinduism. If any Christian admits
caste as true then the whole fabric of Christianity must come down; for the nature of caste
19
Duncan B. Forrester, Caste and Christianity: Attitudes and Polices on Anglo – Saxon Protestant Mission in
India (London: Curzon Press, 1980), 119
20
Duncan B. Forrester,120
21
Duncan B. Forrester,123
22
Duncan B. Forrester,124
7
and its associations destroy the first principles of Christianity23. Nehemiah Goreh, a Konkani
Brahmin convert accepted the missionary line on caste without question; ‘Christianity with
S.K. Dutta the father of Indian Christian Nationalism wrote that caste presents the greatest of
all obstacles to evangelization. The church must be utterly opposed to caste both within itself
and in society at large. The Christian contribution to the new India of a broader and more
flexible idea of fellowship and a truer and more liberated motion of individuality depends
utterly upon the maintenance of an uncompromising stand on caste25. Asirvatham who was
one of the Members of Rethinking Christianity group wrote “only Christianity is capable of
freeing man in any real sense from thraldom to caste and communalism. He believed that
caste is integral to Hinduism it has its virtue and he urged Christians to reject it26.
P.D. Devanandan pointed out that the main lines of missionary criticism of caste had now
been widely accepted and these criticisms were a major continuing element in the
In some communities then, the church became the centre for the manifestation and
maintenance of status difference centred on caste. Church celebrations and processions began
to express and articulate relations of rank and status, hierarchy and honour in particular local
contexts. On a par with Hindu temple celebration, most Christian feasts find the distribution
23
Duncan B. Forrester,127
24
Duncan B. Forrester,130
25
Duncan B. Forrester,181
26
Duncan B. Forrester,184
27
Duncan B. Forrester,187
8
of rights and honours on a caste basis. In the south Goan village of Cuncolim during the
church dedication of “Our Lady of Good Health” only the high – caste land owning Chardo
gauncars (male descendants of the original settlers of the village) were allowed to organise
the religious festivals and lead the processions. The non – gauncars of the village including
members of all castes, particularly the lower caste – sutras, are distinguished by their blue
capes. They have no right to administer the feast – day celebrations and have to walk behind
the high – gauncars at feast processions. They are also not allowed to touch any processional
Caste related conflict among the Catholics re-enacted in Catholic terms a similar conflict
occurring within Indian society at large. Many caste Catholic Christians wanted to
ameliorate the conditions of Adi – Catholics without unsettling the basic structure of the
church. Adi – Catholics had become impatient with this strategy and regarded it as an
suggest that caste exclusiveness among Catholics had been part of their strategy for winning
the potential Hindu converts. Growing numbers of converts from Dalit backgrounds exposed
the limitations of Catholic resources to alleviate their condition. Such realities prompted
members of the Catholic Indian Association and Catholic Members of the Madras Legislative
At Chetpat, a Tamil – speaking village in the North Arcot district of the Madras presidency,
Catholics had celebrates their annual festival of “Our Lady of Lourdes.” During the last four
days of festival, a car of “Our Lady” had typically been dragged in procession only by caste
Catholics. During the 1936 celebration, the local priest had proposed Adi – Catholics to drag
28
Rowena Robinson, Christians of India ( New Delhi: Sage Publication, 2003) 73
29
Chandra Mallampalli, Christians and Public Life in Colonial South India, 1863-1937 ( London and New
York: Routledge Curson, 2004) 172
30
Chandra Mallampalli, Christians and Public Life in Colonial South India 173
9
the car. This proposal had triggered a volatile reaction by the caste Catholics. The caste
Catholics staged protest against it and argued that the inclusion of Adi – Catholics “infringed
In 1936 at Kumbakonam Adi – Catholics demanded the right to be seated with caste –
Catholics during prayer at the newly consecrated St. Mary’s Catholic Cathedral at
Kumbakonam. During one Sunday mass a group of Adi – Catholics went and sat in the wing
assigned to caste – Catholics. Their move not only aroused the resentment of caste –
Catholics, but also of the parish and the bishop of the diocese. Similar passions had been
stirred when several Adi – Catholic women had seated themselves alongside caste women
and were forcibly ejected from their seats. In an interview with the Hindu, two prominent
caste Catholics defended the policy of separate seating within the church in terms of
privileges their fore-fathers had long enjoyed at Kumbakonam. Samikannu Pillai and Michael
Pillai regarded the actions of Adi – Catholics as an affront to their “Immemorial right” as
caste Catholics to separate themselves from the polluted castes32. In Alapuram caste conflicts
arose over the question of funeral biers. Until the 1970s, two biers had been in use. One was
used exclusively by the high caste and was kept inside the church, the other was for the use of
Church feasts in South India also manifest the similar pattern. In Alapuram the rights to carry
the saints and chariots in the procession associated with the annual feast of Saint James and
the patron of the village church, restricted to the high castes. The participation of the low –
caste Pallars in the festival was limited to contributing to the festival fund and receiving the
sacraments. Up until the early 20th century, communion was brought to the Pallars at the back
31
Chandra Mallampalli, Christians and Public Life in Colonial South India 180
32
Chandra Mallampalli, Christians and Public Life in Colonial South India 181
33
Rowena Robinson, 75
10
of the church at a separate rail, after it had been received by the high castes. Pulaya and
Paraya Christians in Kerala worshiped in separate churches from the Syrians34. In the village
of Vadakkankulam in Tamil Nadu Vellalars and the more lowly Shanars were in constant
dispute over rights and honours in the celebration of the main feasts of the Holy Family
Catholic Church35. Converts to Catholicism from among them had hoped for the status of
equality, but the structured inequalities practiced in Hinduism continued to be reflected and
The scale of discrimination against Dalit Christians is unprecedented not only in life but even
after death. In churches and places of worship the Christians of ‘upper’ castes humiliate their
fellow Dalit Christians by occupying the central part of the church. Dalits are assigned to the
wings. They are allowed to take communion only after the higher caste people have done so.
In some Protestant churches, there are separate cups for the Dalits at the Eucharistic
celebration. Some Catholic churches in Madras dioceses like Trichy and Pondicherry even
have separate communion rails and separate cemeteries, and Christians are endogamous,
families only accepting matrimonial proposals of their own caste. As a result, even after
hundreds of years of their existence in the Church, Dalits remain on the periphery of the
community. The Church has not offered opportunities to Dalits to improve educationally or
socially. Few Dalits become priests and leaders in the Church. A recent article from the
Deccan Chronicle dated 31 October 2007 highlights growing discontent among Christian
converts and a deep fissure dividing the church on the basis of caste. Christians continue to
maintain their caste identities and there are no inter-caste marriages. It is sufficiently clear
34
Rowena Robinson, 75
35
Rowena Robinson, 76
36
John Desrochers csc, Theological Teachings of Indian Church (Bangalore: NBCLC, 2006),44
11
that churches in India are still under the influence of caste system which originally belongs to
Hinduism. The low caste and Dalit Christians from the vast majority of the Christian
population have been dominated, subjugated and ruled by the minority upper caste Christians.
Conclusion
The sound teachings and effective church disciplines are the possible ways to eliminate caste
system from the Indian Churches. May a powerful Holy Spirit revival will mitigate the
12
Bibliography
Jeyakumar Arthur D., History of Christianity in India: Selected Themes, Madurai: Tamil Nadu
Mallampalli Chandra, Christians and Public Life in Colonial South India, 1863-1937 London and
Forrester Duncan B., Caste and Christianity: Attitudes and Polices on Anglo – Saxon Protestant
Stanislaus L., The Liberative Mission of the Church among Dalit Christians, Delhi: ISPCK,
1999
Desrochers John csc, Theological Teachings of Indian Church, Bangalore: NBCLC, 2006
John Binu, A Study on Christian Contribution to the Nation Building, Delhi: I.S.P.C.K, 2001
Hrangkhuma F., (ed) Christianity in India: Search for Liberation and Identity, Delhi: ISPCK, 1998
Grade: A- 18.2
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