Review: Understanding Change in Medieval India

Reviewed Work(s): Delhi Sultanate: Urbanisation and Social Change by Iqtidar Hussain
Siddiqui: State, Pluralism and the Indian Historical Tradition by Satish Chandra
Review by: TANUJA KOTHIYAL
Source: Economic and Political Weekly , OCTOBER 30-NOVEMBER 12, 2010, Vol. 45, No.
44/45 (OCTOBER 30-NOVEMBER 12, 2010), pp. 26-29
Published by: Economic and Political Weekly

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/20787523

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide
range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and
facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at
https://about.jstor.org/terms

Economic and Political Weekly is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend
access to Economic and Political Weekly

This content downloaded from

202.41.10.5 on Thu, 04 Feb 2021 13:59:31 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
 sheltered and fostered the growth of new
Understanding Change social groups originating from both, the

in Medieval India immigrant central and west Asian Muslim

as well as the indigenous communities.
Urbanisation provided the space for
adaptation in the evolution of the culture
TANUJA KOTHIYAL of Sultanate. These towns became the loci
for implementation of the notion of
Ine social and political structures of BOOK REVIEW welfare as visible in the establishment of
Delhi Sultanate and Mughal Empire hospitals, granaries, madrasas, mosques,
-L have often been examined in an Delhi Sultanate: Urbanisation and Social jamaitkhanas, khanqahs, serais, ribats, etc,
overtly religious context, in the context Change by Iqtidar Hussain Siddiqui (Delhi: Viva Books), through which socio-economic progress
2009; pp 241 Rs 795.
of Muslim rulers and Hindu subjects, and material growth were ensured. The
State, Pluralism and the Indian Historical
attributing to each a monolithic, uni contemplation on policies of welfare is
Tradition by Satish Chandra (Delhi: OUP), 2008;
dimensional identity. However, the inter pp196,Rs595. reflected in contemporary works, like those
actions between Indian and the west and of Amir Khusrau, Minhaj-i-Siraj, Barani,
central Asian communities in medieval Satish Chandra's collection of essays Fakhr-i-Mudabbir and others who congre
India need to be explored in the context of entitled, State, Pluralism and the Indian gated in these new urban centres of the
their complex and varied traditions. There H?torical Tradition addresses a wide range Delhi Sultanate. Analysing these works,
remains little doubt that the gradual of issues that have challenged generations Siddiqui points out that the Sultans of Delhi
widening of the Islamic frontiers in India of medievalists in India since Independence. attempted to emulate the ethos and prac
led to the evolution of a society that Chandra's work is categorised broadly in tices of cities of central and west Asia in
succeeded in amalgamating a variety of four major themes, (i) evolution of the order to evolve regulatory mechanisms
social and cultural influences. Among other state in India, (ii) role of towns in the Orient, aimed at welfare. Role of the Sultan was
factors, the continuous presence of "caste" (iii) the Indian historical tradition includ crucial in this process and only through a
as a consistent basis of identity among ing maritime tradition, and (iv) the tradi prudent balance could he achieve the es
both Hindus and Muslims in the Sultanate tion of cultural pluralism as reflected in tablishment of a stable social and political
and the Mughal periods, is indicative of Bhakti and Sufi movements. He strives order. Exploring the processes of urbani
complex processes of interactions as well to contextualise the medieval historio sation, Siddiqui traces the changes that the
as of the social flux generated by these graphical traditions and trace the devel older Indian urban centres went through
interactions. The study of relation between opment of long-lasting social institutions while transforming from "caste cities" to
caste and social mobility has been one of like caste through a study of political and cosmopolitan urban centres. In his view
the most perplexing enquiries in the study social structures in medieval India. the urban ethos of immigrating Muslim
of Indian history. The contradictions communities paved the "way for the
between Islamic egalitarianism and the Interactions establishment of a symbiotic relationship
hierarchical structures of caste pose a Both works begin with attempts to explore between the followers of anthropocentric
tough challenge to historians who attempt the conditions in which the interactions and cosmo-centric traditions" (p 27).
to comprehend socio-religious interactions between indigenous Indian and west and It is in this aspect that Satish Chandra's
in medieval India. Two important works central Asian immigrant communities work appears to differ from that of
that attempt to address some of these took place. Siddiqui explores urban cen I H Siddiqui. Chandra attempts to under
issues have been authored recently by tres of Delhi Sultanate like Delhi, Lahore, stand these processes not only in the
eminent historians of medieval India. Panipat, Hansi, Sunam, Baran, Kol, Cam context of contemporary sources, but to
I H Siddiqui's study of early medieval bay, etc, and unravels the processes of social see how and why an institution like caste
India in his work Delhi Sultanate: Urbani transformation through a study of institu endured, and was readily adopted by
sation and Social Change, through attention tions that he explains were instrumental immigrant communities. He indicates that
to the social life in urban centres, attempts in catalysing change in this period. He lists the emergence of caste stratification
to describe the social flux caused by the these factors as being the growth of social among immigrant and converted Muslim
Indianisation of immigrant communities as and political institutions, market and groups was not merely an outcome of
well as the Islamisation of indigenous social market-driven processes, the royal slave the gradual Indianisation of Islamicate
groups. An expansion of his earlier work households, the assimilating influence of groups. The principles of inequality as
"Social Mobility in Delhi Sultanate",1 this madrasas and the engrossing religious practised by the Turkish oligarchy in
book focuses on the processes of emergence traditions, particularly of the Sufi khanqahs. the Delhi Sultanate were too strong to
of new political and social structures illus These processes came together in the newly allow the creation of an egalitarian Mus
trated by the advent of new urban culture. emerging urban centres, that in return lim community through the application
26 October 30, 2010 vol xlv no 44 Economic & Political weekly

This content downloaded from

202.41.10.5 on Thu, 04 Feb 2021 13:59:31 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
of the harmonising influence of basic the nobility and were constantly ridiculed to come to terms with the changing socio
Islamic tenets. by Barani, Fakhr-i-Mudabbir and Minhaj political conditions.
i-Siraj for their non-elite backgrounds. Another aspect of medieval India that
Social Hierarchy and Churn The perpetuation of social discontent in both authors address is urbanisation and
In fact, Chandra distinguishes between the cities, coupled with the rising power of urban centres in medieval India. Satish
the early and late Sultanate periods and the commercial groups, fuelled sporadic Chandra explores the writings of Fernand
claims that the early Sultanate period, class wars supported by the motley groups Braudel and examines his attitude towards
until the end of the 13th century was one of outcastes. cities and towns in the orient. He argues
of "growth of orthodoxy, of stagnation of Further expounding on the nature of against the contention that Indian urban
science, and the growth of a highly milita state and society in the Mughal empire, centres were largely garrisons caught in a
ristic despotic type of state, based on a Chandra explains that similar principles of stifling hold of princes, and goes on to argue,
deeply hierarchical society" (p 32). This exclusivity remained in circulation, even from examples of qasbas from western
was characterised in the contempt that is though there was greater assimilation in Rajasthan, that the qasbas and shahrs
visible towards new entrants to the Islamic this period. Various Mughal emperors existed in multiple capacities as fort towns,
fold who were addressed as na-asl. The developed their own understanding of the administrative centres and markets. Located
military power of the Turkish immigrants groups that were included in the Mughal on major trade routes, the qasbas usually
was essentially based on tribal kin based nobility. While lower administrative ranks displayed a high population density con
solidarity (asabiya) which was critical for were opened to lower caste Hindus and stituted largely of trading and artisanal
the establishment of new states. But once Muslims, they still did not receive high communities, some of which were highly
this had been achieved, legitimisation of mansabs. The necessity to maintain a mobile. The qasbas played a very important
these new states depended on universal functional revenue extraction mechanism role in the development of commercial
acceptance of sovereignty and on the required the inclusion of groups like economy in the 17th century. In fact, the
inclusive mobilisation of conquered social Shaikhzadas, Afghans, Jats, Sikhs and protection of the qasbas and the safeguard
groups into the Islamicate fold, which Marathas as jagirdars, though these groups of the trade routes formed an important
sought to undermine this tribal exclusivity. could never attain the kind of status that concern of the states in western Rajasthan
When confronted with a new social order the Rajputs did. in the 17th and 18th centuries.
this exclusivity was represented by the Mughals, as well as their closest partners,
differentiation of Muslims into groups of the Rajputs, were as reluctant to open the
Cities as Markets
Ashraf and Ajlaf. The dominance of higher ranks to these groups as were the The analysis of urban centres of the
militaristic principles is evident in the dis Turkish nobles in the Sultanate period. Sultanate by Siddiqui also supports
dain displayed by the ruling class towards Chandra clarifies that Rajputs were con Chandra's contention. For instance, in the
the artisanal, the commercial and the sidered an aristocratic martial caste, worth chapter "Economy and Trade" Siddiqui
literate clerical classes. Besides, the entry entering into marital alliances with. describes at length the wares marketed as
of converted Muslims and those without Marathas, on the other hand, even though well as the communities exchanged in mar
hereditary claims into institutions of they were strategically superior and con ket towns of the Delhi Sultanate that dotted

learning, or the madrasas, was vehemently trolled larger areas, were considered mere the highways connecting ports to inland
resisted on the basis of the principles of bhumias, as is evident in the attitude dis cities. Commodities ranging from slaves
tribal exclusivity, as is evident in the played towards Shivaji in the court of and horses to varieties of cloth including
writings of Fakhr-i-Muddbir and Ziya-du Aurangzeb. The Maratha movement silks from China appear to have been easily
Din Barani. represented the evolution of a new social available in the markets of the Delhi Sul
In the Sultanate, Chandra points out, order headed by small zamindars and mili tanate. Besides, markets procured their
since stability was identified with the tant peasants. This aspect of the Maratha supplies not only from distant sources but
upholding of hierarchical social order polity ensured that they were never from the karkhanas as well, where skilled
based on privilege, the ruling class resisted placed at par with Rajputs. In Chandra's artisans were engaged in the production of
expansion through recruitment of the analysis, the failure of the Mughal empire luxury goods, including paper, books,
na-asl. However, the "plebianisation" to accommodate the aspirations of the brassware, bejewelled swords and utensils,
during the Khalji period led to the gradual Marathas, Afghans, Shaikhzadas as well embroidered silk garments and gilded
inclusion and consequently, rise in aspira as the other non-privileged groups like the saddles. The hinterlands around cities like
tions of the na-asl. In the early Tughlaq Jats of Agra-Mathura region, Jat-Sikhs of Delhi supplied these with grain, sugar, salt
period, lower urban classes (the kham Punjab and the Satnamis of Narnol led to and cattle, though trade in good war horses
mar, baghban, hajjam, julaha and gayaks, a stagnation in the political and social was controlled by central Asian merchants.
which he identifies as present day "other expansion of the empire and ultimately Siddiqui aptly explains that the markets
backward classes" or obc groups), too contributed to its decline. Thus, the crisis in Sultanate did not merely remain cen
were included in the junior administrative of Mughal empire was not so much an tres of commercial exchange, but became
services. Yet, these groups could never be absolute decline but rather a prolonged places where the expression of the Sultan's
fully incorporated in the upper echelons of period of stagnation resulting from a failure authority was highly visible either in the

Economic & Political weekly GE&9 October 30, 2010 vol xlv no 44 27

This content downloaded from

202.41.10.5 on Thu, 04 Feb 2021 13:59:31 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
form of how the markets were built and Bakhtiyar Qaqi, Sheikh Nizam-ud-Din urban institutions and a cosmopolitan
organised (bazaar-i-chaharsu), or how the Auliya and Sheikh Nasir-ud-Din Chirag milieu could provide a way for depressed
prices in these markets were managed, or among others and the several urs held in groups to rise? Siddiqui claims that urban
even how they were controlled (the use of Delhi provided the city with the syncretic isation succeeded in obliterating hierar
barids). Nevertheless, through Siddiqui's traditions that the city came to be identified chies among the newly converted Indian
description we can see that these bazaars with. Apart from a short period following Muslims as well as between immigrant
were also the meeting places for a variety the invasion and plunder by Nadir Shah, and neo-Muslims. Yet, we are also aware
of social groups, which could range from the image of Delhi as a city in decline ap that the differentiation between immi
the humble litter carriers (kahars) to pears to be unfounded. Even with the grant and new Muslims remained an
Isfahani merchants, Multani accountants moral decline experienced in the Mughal important factor in reckoning even in the
and Jain moneylenders. An important aspect dynasty in the 18th century, the city saw reign of Firuz Tughlaq, the Sultan credited
its cultural zenith in the period of Mu with the most enduring wave of urbanisa
of these urban centres was the large-scale
constructions carried out by the Sultans hammad Shah who is seen as the most re tion in the Delhi Sultanate. The claim that
and nobles that led to a significant change nowned patron of arts. spread of madrasa education helped in
in the skyline of these cities. Referring par undermining social barriers also appears
ticularly to the domes built by the arcuate
A New Cuisine difficult to accept in the face of the opposi
system, Siddiqui rightly points out that the In addition to the cultural aspect under tion that Barani and Minhaj-i-Siraj display
construction of palaces, gardens, forts, serais, lined by Satish Chandra, I H Siddiqui's towards the admission of lower caste
thanas, khanqahs, etc, would have promoted work points to another interesting aspect converts to madrasas. Besides, even after
large-scale immigration of skilled architects, of medieval urban centres - the culinary converting to Islam the new Muslims did
masons and craftsmen, thus enriching the culture which evolved with the introduc not give up their caste identities and caste
prevalent styles of architecture. In Siddiqui's tion of central Asian cuisine in India. He hierarchies remained operational even in
understanding, the Delhi Sultanate could traces the origin of catering shops and the face of Islamic egalitarianism.
in fact be viewed as an intricate network of restaurants that were patronised by peo Satish Chandra examines the notions of
small and large urban centres through ple who dwelled in the markets, to the Sul urbanisation and social mobility over a
which authority and governance was tanate period. The evolving culinary cul longer period and is also able to see the
conveyed to the vast hinterlands. ture included several kinds of prepara relation between rural and urban economy
tions of meats (goat, lamb, deer, beef, and the social mobility of groups. Thus, he
Delhi camel, hare, partridge, quail, pigeon, explains that with the expansion of urban
Yet another aspect of the urbanisation in fowl, teal and fish of various kinds), rice culture the social base of the city also
India is highlighted by Satish Chandra (cooked as biryani, pilaf khichri, mutan expanded and a number of social groups
through a discussion on the cultural and zar?), breads (qiirs', nans) and sweets came to reside in these cities, leading to a
political role of Delhi in the 17th and 18th (halvah,firni, sabuni). clash of aspirations. For example, he
centuries. Delhi had emerged as a refuge Lavish preparations were served in ban points out that in Delhi, the rise of lower
for Turkish groups against the Mongol quets hosted by Sultans or nobles as well as social groups called rajal is referred to as a
onslaught in the Sultanate period. It sold in the markets. Besides, in interaction sign of decline in the Shahr Ashob
encompassed several timeless cities where with indigenous cuisine these preparations literature. Therefore, the cities of medie
nobles, saints, traders, poets, musicians, were Indianised and came to be known as val India were not necessarily spaces
writers had all contributed in the expansion "Hindustani" cuisine. The popularity of where an egalitarian spirit could develop
of urban culture. The status of Delhi as these preparations led to the emergence of
Dar-ul-Khilafat or seat of the empire con a market culture that catered to culinary
tinued even in the years when the Mughal demands. Meats, vegetables, fruit, dried More Retail Outlets for EPW
emperor Aurangzeb went on his prolonged fruit and nuts, spices, herbs, brassware,
The Economic & Political Weekly (epw) is
campaigns to the Deccan. Contrary to the gold and silver utensils and chinaware
now available at a number of additional
belief that Aurangzeb's austerity measures formed important commodities in the
retail outlets.
signalled a decline in the cultural status of markets. In addition to the catering shops
the city, Chandra points out that Jahanara and royal banquets another institution that You can now buy the latest issues of the

and Zeb-un-nissa continued to provide evolved were the public kitchens often epw at Landmark, Odyssey, Crossword,
Sankars and other select bookstores
patronage to poets, painters, writers and affiliated with the khanqahs, jamaitkhanas
musicians of Delhi. Chandni Chowk, with and mosques where ascetics, travellers across the country. Please look for epw
and the destitute could seek nourishment. at the Outlook Counter at the above
Nahr-i-Faiz flowing through it became a
resort for artists and art lovers. mentioned stores.

The city also became the refuge for the

The Endurance of Caste If you need any help locating a store
nobility and madad-i-mash holders from The point where the two works differ is please call us at 022-40638282 and we
neighbouring areas. The presence of the whether medieval cities could become would be able to assist you.
old khanqahs of Sheikh Qutub-ud-Din sites where social mobility, facilitated by
28 October 30, 2010 vol xlv no 44 Q252 Economic & Political weekly

This content downloaded from

202.41.10.5 on Thu, 04 Feb 2021 13:59:31 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
under the benign patronage of Sultans and among others. For him the urban centres and persuades us to look for the roots of
emperors. They were also places where of the Delhi Sultanate were places where discontent in medieval social processes.
the discontent of aspiring social groups indigenous and immigrating cultural Through his thorough analysis he is able
clashed with the unyielding control exer traditions interacted to create a syncretic to point out that the hierarchical structures
cised by the ruling class(es). tradition that encouraged social mobility of medieval society were not merely based
Both works by renowned historians of and change. His work provides a captivat on religious differentiation, but rather
medieval India, while treading familiar ing glimpse into these towns and cities ones that evolved through complex inter
grounds, open our vision to complex and helps us understand the processes actions between various social classes.
questions regarding the evolution of medi through which complex urban social iden
eval society in India. The diligent perusal tities emerged in medieval north India. Tanuja Kothiyal (tanuja.kothiyal@gmailxom)
Satish Chandra's work examines more teaches history at Government Girls
of a vast array of sources by Siddiqui cre
G College, Jhalawar, Rajasthan.
ates a vivid picture of cities teeming with issues than can be fully addressed here.
nobles, traders, saints, as well as wine Exploring factors like state, society, urban
NOTE
makers, brewers, tailors, weavers, paper and rural economy, trading practices and
IH Siddiqui, "Social Mobility in Delhi Sultanate"
makers, binders, cooks, barbers, sweepers, socio-religious movements, Chandra pre in Irfan Habib (ed.), Medieval India I (Delhi:
gardeners, clothiers, pyro-technicians, sents a picture that is far more complex OUP), 1992,2006.

Postgraduate School in the United States.

Dissecting the Kargil Conflict The project brought together a team of

American, Pakistani and Indian scholars
and participants in the conflict. Most of
SRINATH RAGHAVAN the essays benefit from extensive inter
views conducted in all three countries.
In early May 1999, a patrol of the IndianAsymmetrie Warf are in South Asia: The Causes But the publication of the volume has been
army came under fire near the town and Consequences of the Kargil Conflict edited bymuch delayed. In consequence, a lot of the
of Kargil close to the Line of Control Peter Lavoy [New Delhi: Cambridge University Press), 2009; material has already appeared elsewhere
ppxvi+406,Rs895.
(loc) with Pakistan. The ambush was more and in other forms. The essays have been
than a tactical surprise. For the patrol had updated to take into account the new ma
been fired upon from a position on thehad been relegated to the margins of secu terial that has appeared in the years since
Indian side of the loc. Some weeks passedrity studies following the end of the cold they were originally composed. Yet the
before the Indian authorities understoodwar. The nuclear strategists eagerly lit volume does not substantially change our
that they were dealing not with infiltrationupon the Kargil crisis as it seemed to pro traditional understanding of the conflict.
by militants but with a large-scale incurvide an excellent laboratory to test the Taken together the essays offer an anal
sion by the Northern Light Infantry ofageing ideas of nuclear deterrence. The ysis of the causes, conduct, and conse
Pakistan. This belated realisation promptednuclear "optimists" averred that the crisis quences of the conflict. Inevitably, some of
a vigorous diplomatic and military cam upheld the notion that nuclear weapons them are more interesting and instructive
paign to oust the Pakistani forces. Twowere a force for stability not to say for than the others. And there are some gaps
months of bloody combat in unforgivinggood. Had not India refrained from bring that still need to be filled. But it is to the
terrain ensued, resulting in hundreds ofing to bear its military superiority by editor's credit that he has avoided impos
losses on both sides. The international launching a full-scale war? How could ing an overarching interpretation of the
community watched on with mountingthis restraint be explained if not by nucle conflict - though his own differences with
unease as the two recently nuclearised ar weapons? The nuclear "pessimists" some contributions do come out clearly.
countries slugged it out on the heights ofwere not so sure. They argued that the cri As such, the volume offers much to
Kargil. Eventually, Pakistan's weakening sis could have escalated to a nuclear ex students of international politics and to
military position coupled with its growchange owing to the rudimentary com future historians of this short, sharp and
ing international isolation convinced themand and control systems possessed by strange conflict.
leadership to pull back its forces. the two sides. More sophisticated variants The causes, particularly Pakistan's moti
No sooner had the fighting stoppedof these arguments have been advanced in vation for undertaking this misadventure,
than the first accounts of the conflictrecent years. But the "debate" rages on.1 are dealt with in two essays. There is
began to appear. Scores more have been considerable overlap between them. But
published in the following decade. InDelayed Publication they do shed some interesting light. The
particular, the Kargil crisis became grist toThis volume of essays edited by Peter Lavoy authors identify a range of causes: the pro
the mill of nuclear strategists. This com is the outcome of a research project on tracted conflict with India over Kashmir;
munity (composed in about equal measurethe Kargil crisis undertaken by the Center the desire to redeem the army's honour
of political scientists and policy-wonks) for Contemporary Conflict at the Naval besmirched by India's occupation of the
Economic & Political weekly uu??l October 30, 2010 vol xlv no 44 2?

This content downloaded from

202.41.10.5 on Thu, 04 Feb 2021 13:59:31 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms