Paper 4

Theories of Social Change

Diana Leat

January 2005
Theories of Social Change

ABOUT THE PROJECT

The foundation sector grows at a considerable pace and is about to entail significant changes in the
three'way relationship of private wealth, public policy and non profit action. To cope with the challenges
arising from these transformations the International Network on Strategic Philanthropy (INSP) was
established in spring 2001. With the underlying assumption that strategic philanthropy is more effective
philanthropy, the network has striven to professionalize foundation management, convene the excellent
minds of the sector, clarify the guiding values behind foundation activities, and contribute to capacity
building in the field. The 68 members of the INSP are representatives of foundations and support
organizations, consultants and researchers from the US, Europe and other countries of the world that
operate along the lines of strategic philanthropy.

The network now presents a number of high'quality papers on a range of important subjects regarding
strategic philanthropy. These include topics such as the role of philanthropy in globalization, new
innovative instruments for philanthropy, promoting philanthropy, the role of evaluation in foundations
and effective board management. The papers are available for free download at the INSP´s Web site at
www.insp.efc.be.

INSP is an initiative of the Bertelsmann Stiftung in collaboration with Atlantic Philanthropies, the Charles
Stewart Mott Foundation, the Compagnia di San Paolo, the Ford Foundation, the German Marshall Fund
of the United States, and the King Baudouin Foundation. Along with the Bertelsmann Stiftung, three
institutions – The Philanthropic Initiative, Inc., The Hauser Center for Nonprofit Organizations at Harvard
University, and The Center for Civil Society at the University of California Los Angeles – help to coordinate
the work of approximately 70 network members.

The INSP working groups are advised and coordinated by representatives of leading academic and
consulting institutions:
Prof. Helmut K. Anheier, Director, Center for Civil Society, University of California
Joe C. K. Breiteneicher, President, The Philanthropic Initiative
Prof. Christine W. Letts, Associate Director, Hauser Center for Nonprofit Organizations, Harvard University

For more information, please contact:

Dirk Eilinghoff
Philanthropy and Foundations
Bertelsmann Foundation
Carl'Bertelsmann'Strasse 256
33311 Gütersloh
(0049) – (0) 5241–81 81391
[email protected]

ABOUT THE BERTELSMANN FOUNDATION

The Bertelsmann Foundation is Germany´s largest foundation established by a private donor. In keeping
with the longstanding social commitment of its founder, Reinhard Mohn, the Bertelsmann Stiftung is
dedicated to serving the common good by encouraging social change and contributing to society’s long'
term viability. To achieve this, it maintains an ongoing dialog with all of society’s stakeholders. The belief
that competition and civic involvement form an essential basis for social progress is central to the
foundation’s work. In order to apply its expertise as effectively as possible, the Bertelsmann Stiftung is
structured according to subject areas. The foundation's 280 employees focus on Education, Health,
Economics and Social Affairs, International Relations, Corporate Culture and Promoting Philanthropy.

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Theories of Social Change

CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION 4

BROAD THEORIES OF CHANGE 4

STEPS TOWARD ACHIEVING SUSTAINABLE CHANGE 7

APPROACHES TO CHANGE VIA POLICY INFLUENCE 10

BIBLIOGRAPHY 14

ABOUT THE AUTHOR 15

INSP TITLES 16

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Theories of Social Change

INTRODUCTION

The aim of this paper is to begin to lay out theories, models and applications of societal,
organisational/institutional, individual and group change. Given that most foundation encouraged
change takes place in or via organisations it was agreed that organisational change and
implementation would be the main focus of the paper. We are also concerned not primarily with
theories of how change happens ‘naturally’ but rather with how foundations can ‘engineer’ or
intervene to make change happen. The goal is to enable foundations to think more clearly about
their assumptions and to make better informed choices. The sort of tool we have in mind would
identify key questions for foundations, including: What do we want to achieve? What is the nature
of the problem we want to address/change? Who or what needs to change? In what ways? How
could we achieve that change? What assets do we have to apply to that? What externally or
internally imposed constraints are we operating under?
In Section Two, we briefly outline key perspectives on change at the individual, group,
organisational, institutional, societal levels. In Section Three we look at approaches to planned
change, from problem identification through to programme implementation. Section Four considers
approaches to change via policy influence.

BROAD THEORIES OF CHANGE

Theories of Societal Change

Factors in societal change may be summarised under three main headings: economic, political and
cultural. Marx is perhaps the most famous proponent of the notion that societies/forms of social
organisation are largely determined by economic factors, and in particular the impact of industrial
capitalism. Among political influences the state – government – now plays a very large role in social
life and change in industrial societies. Cultural influences clearly play an important part in social
change. For example, secularization and the development of science have had major effects on the
way in which we think, attitudes to legitimacy and authority, and have thus also influenced social
structures, systems and values (Giddens and Duneier, 2000).

If these are the key factors in societal change, foundations wanting to effect change at this level
need to focus on changing economic, political or cultural structures and processes. This macro
approach to social change is adopted by some international foundations aiming to change economic
and political conditions. These fundamental themes of resources, power/politics, and cultural factors
reappear, in a sense, in theories of organizational change.

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Theories of Social Change

Theories of Organisational Change

Very broadly, there are four main approaches to organizations and organizational change:
classical/early modernist, modernist, symbolic interpretive and post modern. Classical and early
modernist theorists are more concerned with stability than change. Early modernists see change as
planned change in which a change agent introduced change in a deliberate way. In contrast, for the
modernists organisational change stems from changes in the environment and is outside the
organisation’s direct control. More recently, population ecology, organizational life cycle and
learning organization theories have seen organizations as not just adapting to external pressures but
creating their own internal dynamics.
Symbolic Interpretive theories of organizational change are essentially dynamic insofar as
because the processes of social construction are seen as both reproducing existing structures and
leading to their alteration. The post modern approach explores the paradox of stability/change in
organizations. Post modernist theory sees planned organisational change as rhetoric and change
processes as discourse. Both theories reject the notion of organization, as some sort of definable,
discrete entity, focusing instead on organizing as an on'going dynamic process.

Depending on which approach to organizational change is adopted, a foundation wanting to effect

change at this level would need to recruit top management or consultants to introduce change from
within; attempt to change the organization via changes in its environment; encourage change from
within by creating learning organizations; change the rhetoric and discourse of the
organization/management.

Theories of Individual and

and Group Change
The themes of organizational change have parallels in theories of individual and group change.
According to Backer (2001), behavior is more likely to change if: the person forms a strong positive
intention, or makes a commitment, to perform the behavior; there are no environmental constraints
that make it impossible for the behavior to occur; the person possess the skills necessary to perform
the behavior; the person perceives that the advantages of performing the behavior outweigh the
disadvantages; the person perceives more normative pressure to perform the behavior than not to
perform it; the person believes that performance of the behavior is more consistent than inconsistent
with his or her self'image or that it does not violate personal standards; the person’s emotional
reaction to performing the behavior more positive than negative; and the person perceives that he or
she has the ability to perform the behavior under a number of different circumstances.(Backer, 2001)

Foundations wanting to encourage change at this level might work to reduce environmental
constraints on changing particular behaviors, and/or try to alter the advantage/disadvantage
calculus by attempting to strengthen normative pressures.

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Theories of Social Change

Theories of Social Movement

It is worth highlighting an approach to economic, cultural and political change which stresses the
role of individuals, groups and organizing in effecting social change. Groups can attempt to
encourage or discourage social change via social movements.
The conditions under which social movements occur have been the subject a long and vigorous
debate. Marx believed that social movements/revolution occurs as a result of the contradictions or
unresolvable tension in societies, in particular related to economic changes. But contrary to Marx’s
expectations revolutions did not occur in all advanced industrial societies. This led Davies (1962) to
theorise that social protest movements are more likely to occur not when people are in dire poverty
but when there is some improvement in their living conditions and their expectations start to rise i.e.
relative deprivation. But Tilly (1978) pointed out that Davies’ theory does not explain how and why
different groups mobilize to achieve change. Tilly distinguishes 4 components of collective action:
the organization, mobilization of resources, common interests, and opportunity. Collective action is a
means of mobilizing group resources when people have no institutionalised means of making their
voices heard, or when their voices are repressed by government.
Smelser (1963) identified six conditions for the development of social movements: structural
conduciveness; structural strain; spread of generalized beliefs and suggested ways of remedying
them; precipitating factors – trigger factors. These four conditions do not lead to development of
social movements unless there is leadership, a means of regular communication, funding and
material resources. The way in which a social movement develops is strongly influenced by the
operation of social control.
Touraine’s (1977, 1981) analysis differs from Smelser’s principally in allowing that social
movements may develop spontaneously to achieve desired social changes rather than being
responses to situations. His ideas include: historicity – there are more social movements today
because people know that social activism can be used to achieve change; rational objectives and
strategies regarding how injustices can be overcome; interaction in the shaping of social movements
i.e. movements develop in deliberate antagonism with established organisations and with rival
social movements. He emphasises the way in social movements occur in the context of fields of
action i.e. the connections between a social movement and the forces or influences against it.

Foundations adopting a social movement approach to achieving societal change would obviously
work to foster the development of (selected) social movements. How exactly a foundation might do
this depends in large part on the particular theory of social movements it favours. For example,
Smelser’s theory would suggest a focus on promoting leadership, means of communication, funding
and material resources. Touraine’s theory might suggest a focus on promoting the idea of social
activism and interactions between social movements.

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STEPS TOWARD ACHIEVING SUSTAINABLE CHANGE

Working Step by Step

Step 1. Defining the problem

The theory of the problem is significant for two main reasons. First, it helps to explain why some
issues get onto the foundation, and the public policy, agenda. Second, the way in which the problem
is defined and its causal story will in effect highlight some people, groups or institutions and
disregard others, or treat them as insignificant.
Problems are socially or politically constructed. The key questions then are: by what processes
are problems defined? What are the generic elements of problem definition? How are some
problems chosen to be on the political/policy agenda while others remain obscure or invisible? What
impact does problem definition have on subsequent stages of the policy process? Rochefort and
Cobb (1994) try to capture the key elements of problem definition: casuality, severity, incidence,
novelty, proximity, crisis, problem populations, instrumental vs. expressive orientation, and
solutions. These factors in problem definition may also be used as a guide to encouraging the
definition of some condition as a problem.

Step 2. Formulating a theory of the desired outcome

This involves identifying a social outcome that is preferable to the current condition, including what
the outcome would look like in practice, and identifying social actors who have some control over
behaviour related to the preferred outcome. Note that any intervention has to be based on a theory
‘that locates at least partial control over the outcome in the hands of some actors and makes causal
attributions that certain actors and behaviours will make desired outcomes more likely’ (Weiss,
2000, 85).

Step 3. Formulating a theory of intervention

The theory of intervention lays out the plan for exercising influence. Ideally it specifies the agents
(who should intervene), the target (whose actions are to be changed), the mechanism (how to
intervene) and the time and place (when and where an intervention takes place). Identifying the
agents of intervention can be difficult for foundations and for governments. Agents of intervention
are assumed to have the power and the capability/resources to intervene. In reality, choice of such
agents may be limited, not least by existing structures and distribution of power and resources.
Selection of targets – those whose actions are to be changed – also presents problems. When
targets are powerful, numerous and very different from one another it is likely to be more difficult to
find a way of getting all of them to change, and the costs are likely to be higher than when the
targets are small in number and/or homogeneous. Moreover, if the target actors themselves have
limited control over their behaviour, developing an effective theory of intervention may also be
difficult. In some cases, for example, it may be necessary to target/change structures and practices

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before it is possible to change individual/group behaviour.

Foundations need to devise theories of intervention in full awareness of not just their own past,
present and future actions, but also those past, present and future interventions by others including
government, business and other foundations. They need to be aware of competing and
complementary/reinforcing influences from everywhere and, crucially, attempt to overcome the
potential effects of intervention fatigue, where participants in the process come to regard every
intervention as just another passing fad of little consequence.
The theory of intervention also needs to specify the mechanisms or tools to change behaviours in
line with the desired outcome. Choice of tools will depend in part on the theory of the problem and
desired outcome, the agencies and the targets, as well as the assumptions about how organisations
work and respond to implement or block planned change. Foundations and other policy makers are,
of course, constrained by the tools available to them. We discuss intervention tools in more detail
below.

Step 4. Designing effective interventions: theories

theories of programme implementation
If foundations are to design effective interventions they need to be aware of the often large gap
between theories of intervention and implementation in practice. To begin with, Hogwood and Gunn
(1984) argue that for successful implementation of policy the rational model requires: no
insurmountable external constraints, adequate time and sufficient resources, required combinations,
valid theory, good design, especially cause'and'effect relationships, causal connections that are
reasonable, clear and direct, minimal dependency relationships, agreed objectives, correct sequence
of tasks, clear communication and understanding, as well as compliance.
Similarly, Hood (1983) suggests that the dominant rational model of policy and administration
assumes that the administrative system is unitary with a single line of authority, that objectives are
given, clear, uniform and known to all, that implementation requires perfect obedience or perfect
control, that ideally there is perfect information and communication with all tasks unambiguously
specified and precisely coordinated, and that there is adequate time and resources to fulfil
conditions and objectives.
Sabatier and Mazmanian (1981, 21'22) pick up many of the same variables but incorporate some
system level considerations. In sum, the chances of successful implementation are maximised if the
statute stipulates unambiguous objectives; if implementation is assigned to sympathetic agencies
who gives it high priority; if the number of veto points is minimised and sufficient incentives are
provided to overcome resistance among recalcitrant officials, if sufficient financial resources are
available to conduct the technical analyis and process individual cases , and if the constituent groups
have the ability to intervene actively in the process to supplement the agency’s resources and to
counter resistance from target groups.
Looking at implementation at the level of the organisation, there are 4 basic organisational
models of social programme implementation (Elmore, 1997).

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1. Implementation as systems management:

management: This model assumes that programme success can be
achieved via good management. Lack of clear lines of authority and limited control/influence are
likely to be problems for grantmaking foundations who work via independent organisations with
other accountabilities. Maximising control over implementation is one reason why some foundations
prefer to operate programmes themselves rather than make grants to others to do so.

2. Implementation
Implementation as bureaucratic process: Foundations adopting this model would have to pay
particular attention to the existing coping mechanisms of those required to actually implement the
programme, and the obstacles to change these may create. Again this is likely to be a particular
problem for grantmaking foundations because of their distance and lack of control.

3. Implementation as organisational development:

development: This approach raises questions about
grantmaking foundations’ application processes. If foundations were operating with this or the
previous model of implementation they would pay much more attention in the proposal process and
information required to the ‘bottom’ of the organisation rather than the top. Similar considerations
would apply in the management of operating foundations.

4. Implementation as conflict and bargaining: Operating foundations need to be aware of the

bargaining which goes on within the organisation and with others with whom it works to implement
change programmes. A grantmaking foundation needs to be aware of both its own relationships
with grantees as well as relationships within the grantee organisation and with others with whom
the grantee organisation does, or does not, work.
These four approaches are not necessarily alternatives. They may help foundations understand
why initiatives may fail, as well as helping them to design their structures, processes and
relationships in ways more likely to achieve effective implementation.

Tools for Intervention and Change

Attempts to classify policy instruments or tools have a long history. Hood (1983) identifies 4 broad
groups of ‘power tools’ available to government ranked strong to weak as follows1:

1. Effectors (for producing changes in culture or behaviour): direct government provision;

government owned corporations; regulation, mandation, permission, prohibition; rights and systems
of redress; contract purchasing; loan guarantees*; grants'in'aid, matching grants*; tax expenditures;
information delivery: persuasion*; propaganda example, demonstration projects, education,
training*.
2. Collectors (for obtaining money and other resources): Taxation direct and indirect; levies; service
fees and charges; appeals *.

1
Only those marked * seem likely to be available to foundations, and even those may only be powerful under certain
circumstances. However, all of the other tools may be indirectly of use to foundations

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3. Detectors (for acquiring information): requisition; inspection; purchasing or barter*;appeals

(including rewards for information)*.
4. Selectors (for managing, selecting, analysing, presenting information): audit*; cost'benefit
analysis*; performance indicators and measurement*; cost measurement, resource budgeting*;
management review*; scenario'building, risk assessment*.

A different way of looking at tools for change is in terms of authority, incentives and ideas
(Weiss 2000). Authority is defined as permission from the target individuals to the authority figure to
make decisions for them for some category of acts. Foundations have very limited direct authority
but they may be able to operate in the context within which authority is exercised. They may also be
able to work on or with those who have authority. Incentives are defined as the direct or indirect use
of sanctions or inducements to alter the calculus of costs and benefits associated with given
behaviour for the target individuals. Identification and removal of disincentives can be a powerful
tool in overcoming obstacles to change. Incentives, especially financial incentives, are more
obviously available to foundations.
Ideas are used to try to persuade target actors to change their behaviour by trying to change
what they think. The key question is how this instrument can make a difference in the mix of
competing constraints and influences that shape the behaviour that policy makers seek to influence.
Ideas are another category of key change tools available to foundations. However, even knowledge
via demonstration projects plus active dissemination may not be sufficient to achieve change. First,
facts rarely speak for themselves, they have to be interpreted in the ‘right’ ways. Second, knowledge
alone will not overcome obstacles to change including self'interest and the power of the status quo.
Some argue that those required to change need to ‘own’ the problem and want to change; others
maintain that even ownership and commitment may be insufficient without positive incentives,
removal of disincentives, and sometimes penalties for lack of change.
Resources are one often powerful incentive to change, just as lack of resources can be a
powerful disincentive. Again, however, it is vital to identify the ‘right’ targets. Focusing change
efforts, via incentives and penalties, at the individual/group level is unlikely to be effective if the
organisation/structure continues to encourage and reward other practices. Few foundations have the
resources or tools or staying power directly to achieve major sustainable change beyond
group/individual organisational level. Thus some foundations with such aims attempt to achieve
change via influence over public policy. In what follows we look at theories of policy making and,
picking up an earlier discussion, how issues get onto the public policy agenda.

APPROACHES TO CHANGE VIA POLICY INFLUENCE

In many countries there are legal limitations restricting foundations’ attempts to influence public
policy. The extent to which legal limitations constrain influence on policy and implementation

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depends in part on how the policy making process is seen.

Rational and Political Theories of Policy Making

The dominant approach to policy making sees it as a rational process based on a series of steps from
problem formulation and evaluation of alternatives through to policy implementation. The rational
model sees the policy system as having clear boundaries; people identified as policy makers make
policy (Gordon, Lewis and Young, 1997). One alternative model sees policy making as an essentially
political process in which interests and perceptions of actors enter at all stages. Policy making
involves negotiating within the organisation and with a variety of others whose cooperation may be
necessary for successful policy implementation (Ibid).
Whereas the rational model of policy making assumes that policy makers have clear objectives,
the political/bargaining process approach suggests that governments rarely have clearly defined
objectives. Furthermore, the rational model assumes that necessary and sufficient information is
available to the decision maker. In reality, however, information is often not available. In addition,
information may be seen as a resource to be used and manipulated. According to the political
process approach, too much information may be an embarrassment because the system needs
ambiguity if bargains are to be negotiated. Besides, the rational model assumes that choices
between competing objectives can be made on the basis of accurate knowledge. However, people
who have the direct first'hand knowledge of problems don’t have power to make decisions and vice
versa. In contrast, the political process theorists argue that most choices are political not rational.
Such choices are made through bargaining and trade'off. Information is useful, but only if it accords
with some strong interest in the decision'making arena.
Even if policy making were a rational process, Hood and others argue, that rational
implementation systems do not and could not exist. There are limited resources, ambiguous
objectives, internal and external organisational competition, as well as political limits... (Minogue,
1997) Moreover, it could be argued that the time scale required for the construction and operation
of major policy is so great that it is highly likely that the problem to be addressed has already
changed – and policies are likely to have unintended consequences. Taken together, if policy making
is seen as something done by politicians, foundation influence may be more constrained. If policy is
viewed as a bargained outcome of the interactions of a wide range of actors and factors, then the
space for foundations to operate may be greater.

Re'
Re'Thinking the Policy Process
Kingdon (1995) portrays the policy process as involving three largely independent streams:
problems, politics and policies. The problem stream concerns how and why states of affairs come to
be considered problematic and involves factors such as the availability of systemic indicators,
focusing events including crises and disasters, and feedback from the operations of current
programmes. The policy stream is analogous to biological natural selection: ideas float between

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communities of specialists and those proposals which meet certain criteria including technical
feasibility and budgetary workability, are ones that survive. The politics stream is affected by swings
in the national mood, turnover of elected officials and interest from pressure groups. For Kingdon
the all important coupling of these streams ‘is most likely when policy windows – opportunities for
pushing pet proposals or conceptions of problems – are open. Policy entrepreneurs… are
responsible not only for promoting important people to pay attention, but also for coupling solutions
to problems and for coupling problems and solutions to politics’ (Kingdon 1995, 20).
Adopting this approach gives foundations various points of intervention in the policy process.
They may attempt to influence the problem stream by carrying out and publicising research which
highlights particular issues, re'conceptualises them, presents them as at crisis level, and/or provides
feedback from operations of current programmes. They may attempt to influence the policy stream
by promoting ideas and discussion, bringing together communities of specialists and others, and
demonstrating the feasibility and workability of particular proposals. They may attempt to influence
the politics stream by working on the national mood and/or by working directly or indirectly with
other coalitions of interests. Besides, foundations need to have a set of issues which are long'term,
and retaining sufficient spare capacity to be opportunistic in responding to policy windows as and
when they open.

Working On and With Others: Conceptualising Interests in Policy Making

Foundations need to work on and with other interests to influence policy. The following list
(adapted from Pal, 1997) outlines the variety of ways in which interests in the policy process have
been analysed in the literature2. The Iron triangle sees interests in the policy process as a stable and
cosy relationships among congressional committees, executive agencies (primarily regulatory), and
economic interest groups, insulated from the rest of the policy process. By contrast, Issue network
approaches see political systems as fluid, with actors coalescing as necessary around issues, not
policy sectors. More generally, the notion of Subgovernment emphasises the idea that policy does
not get made in a single system but in subsystems that consist of microcosms of all the relevant
political and institutional actors.
Advocacy coalition approaches see policy fields as marked by competing advocacy coalitions,
made up of a wide range of actors, who share a belief system about a policy area and over time
demonstrate some degree of coordinated activity. Discourse coalitions are similar but there is a
stronger emphasis on language and meaning. Again the notion of a Policy community is similar but
includes everyone active in a field who share at least some common language, but who may be
opponents on the issue. Policy Network approaches emphasise the particular pattern of interactions
and relationships that have consequences for the development and delivery of policy. The notion of
an Epistemic Community was originally developed in the field of international relations,

2
For detailed references regarding these approaches please read the complete version of this article.

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emphasising the power of ideas and expertise, as expressed through professional organisations or
individuals.
Other key ways of analysing interests in policy making include Public Interest Groups that
advocate for ‘causes’ and the public interest rather than economic lobbying and Social Movement
Organisations discussed above. In attempting to influence (Kingdon’s) policy and politics streams in
particular foundations need to be aware of groupings of potential policy interests and partners, as
potential obstacles to and allies in change.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY

Backer, T.E. Increasing participation means changing behavior: What can be learned from behavioral
science? Grantmakers in the Arts Reader, 12(1), 18'22, 2001.
Davies, JC. Towards a theory of revolution, American Socilogical Review, vol 27., 1962.
Giddens,A. and Duneier, M. Introduction to Sociology (3rd edition), New York and London: W.W.
Norton and Company,Inc., 2000.
Hogwood, B. W. and Gunn, L. A. Policy Analysis for the Real World. Oxford: Oxford University Press,
1984.
Hood, C. The Tools of government. London: Macmillan, 1983.
Kingdon, J.W. Agendas, Alternatives, and Public Policies, New York: Harper Collins, 1995.
Mazmanian, Daniel A ; Sabatier, Paul. Effective Policy Implementation, Lexington, Massachusetts:
Lexington Books, 1981.
Minogue, K. Democracy and the welfare state, Sydney: Centre for Independent Studies, 1997.
Pal, Leslie. Beyond Policy Analysis: Public Issue Management in Turbulent Times, Scarborough,
Ontario: International Thompson Publishing, 1997.
Rochefort, David; Cobb, Roger. The Politics of Problem Definition: Shaping the Policy Agenda,
Lawrence: University of Kansas Press, 1994.
Smelser, N.J. Theory of Collective Behavior, New York: Free Press, 1963.
Tilly, C. From Mobilization to Revolution, Reading, MA: Addison'Wesley, 1986.
Touraine, A. The Self'Production of Society, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1977.
Touraine, A. The Voice and the Eye: An Analysis of Social Movements, New York: Cambridge
University Press,1981.

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ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Diana Leat

Visiting Research Fellow, Centre for Civil Society (CCS), London School of Economics. Before joining
CCS as a Visiting Research Fellow, Diana Leat was Visiting Professor at City University Business
School. In addition to academic appointments, Diana has been a consultant to various grantmaking
foundations in the UK and Australia reviewing their policies and practices. Diana has spent various
periods in Australia, most recently as Senior Research Fellow at Deakin University working on a
study of foundation stakeholders, governance and accountability. Diana has published extensively
on the voluntary sector, foundations and social policy. Dr Diana Leat was Senior Research Fellow in a
research project jointly sponsored by the Centre for Citizenship and Human Rights and Philanthropy
Australia. She has been Senior Fellow at the Policy Studies Institute, London. Diana has extensive
research experience in the philanthropic sector, citizenship and in policy development (particularly
working as a consultant for Demos, a leading edge British policy think tank).

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Theories of Social Change

INSP TITLES

The Role of Philanthropy in Globalization

Helmut Anheier, Adele Simmons

Promoting Philanthropy: Global Challenges and Approaches

Paula D. Johnson, Stephen P. Johnson, Andrew Kingman

Effective Foundation Boards – The Importance of Roles

Christine W. Letts

Theories of Change
Theories of Social Change: Background Paper
Diana Leat
The INSP Theory Of Change Tool Manual

Philanthropy Program Design

Richard Mittenthal

The Role of Evaluation in the 21st Century Foundation

Edward Pauly

Who Comes to the Table? Stakeholder Interactions in Philanthropy

Tomas E. Backer, Ira Barbell, Ralph Smith

Management Practices surrounding Program Professionals in US and European Foundations

Nadya K. Shmavonian

Innovations in Strategic Philanthropy – Lessons from Africa, Asia, Central and Eastern Europe, and
Latin America
Helmut Anheier, David Winder

Tools for Good: A Guide to Vehicles for Philanthropy and Charitable Giving
Paula D. Johnson and Stephen P. Johnson

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