Social Exclusion

Social Exclusion describes a situation where not everyone has equal access to
the opportunities and services that allow them to lead a decent life. This includes not
being able to give input and have their voice heard on the rules of the society in which
they live. Social exclusion can happen in many ways and on different levels. Often,
however, there is a link that connects being socially excluded in one area of life to
being excluded in other. People can be excluded from society for a number of reasons.
Often it is because they belong to a certain ethnic or minority group that faces
discrimination in their society.
Social Exclusion in Indian Context
In Indian Context, exclusion is embedded in societal interrelations and
institutions that exclude, discriminate, isolate and deprive some groups on the basis of
the groups’ identities such as caste and ethnicity. In civil and cultural spheres, the
untouchables may face discrimination and exclusion in the use of public services such
as public roads, temples, water bodies and institutions delivering services like
education, health and other public services in the political spheres, the untouchables
can face discrimination in the use of political rights, an in a participation in decision
making process1.

General Introduction of Dalit

Dalit, as a category is a modern construct.

Etymologically the word Dalit derived from ʻcrushed, ground, destroyedʼ
which leads to the meaning of ʻdepressedʼ . The word was used since the
early 20th century, the beginning of the Dalit social movement.
1
V. Subramanyam, K. Sekhar, “Social Exclusion, Integration and Inclusive Policies”, (Rawat
Publications: Jaipur, 2010), 37-39.
Ambedkar1 was using the word himself, and later, The Dalit Panthers
expanded the meaning of it by including not only Scheduled Tribes (STs),
Scheduled Castes (SCs), Other Backward classes (OBCs)2 and all
groups, that are “oppressed” (e.g. women) (Webster, 1999 (1995), p. 68).
Thus, it has always referred to a group of people that are contentious with
their state of being. The word Dalit is used to refer to the untouchables, or
the SCs (as it is mostly used nowadays) . Dalit is a new category chosen
by untouchables themselves ”to indicate their lack of belief in being
pollution, their sense that their condition was the fault of the caste
system, and their inclusion in the Ambedkar movement of all those
subordinated by their religious, social and economic status” . It thus
reverses the negative connotation in the identity into a positive one . One
must be well aware of the problem of the categorizing of the SCs.
Gandhi, for example, used the term harijan (“Child of God”), which was
critically met by the Dalits and has now negative meaning4 . To avoid
further confusion, it is first appropriate to explain what is the caste
system. In India, subcontinent it has been traditionally perceived as varṇa
system. It comprises of four varṇas (Sanskrit - “colours”): brahman (the
priests), kṣatriya (the warriors and the king), vaiṥiya 1 Dr. B. R.
Ambedkar was famous Dalit leader and activist during the pre- and post-
independence period in India. He was one of the first Dalits to achieve
high education status. 2 SCs, STs and OBCs are categories scheduled in
the Indian constitution and given there reservations for jobs in the state
sector or educational institutions. 3 According to the 2001 Census of
India, SCs constitute 16.2% of the Indian population (Census of India,
2001). They are varied and dispersed through the entire country.
However, one should note, in this thesis I do not refer to all Dalits of
India, but representations of particular movements of Dalit activists, as it
will be shown further. 4 For Dalits, harijan had a protective and
humiliating meaning (as a God's child would mean a person that does not
have parents . This argument also reflects the disagreement of the
Ambedkar and Gandhi. Anyone outside the varna system is an
untouchable. Within varṇas and the untouchable groups there are
numerous jatis, or castes (e.g. rajput is jati within the kṣatriya varṇa).
Even traditionally, the system is far more complicated, and each category
is debatable. Also, the same categories can hold different status in
different regions, and many jatis can be found in only one particular
region. There have been numerous writings on the caste system by
authors from different disciplines in social sciences in India and outside
the country. Most of the classical approaches looked to the caste system
as a hierarchical social entity that contains features like division of
labour, rules for food, marriage, etc. Bouglé and that this division is
determined by the purity and impurity categories . Many authors have
attempted to explain the caste system by combining methods from social
sciences and anthropology and using classical Sanskrit texts, such as the
laws of Manu or Jātaka5 . Terms like "dominance" and "sanskritization"6
were of much importance in describing the relationship between different
castes. Some authors like Gupta tend to adopt different methods by
analysing subaltern literature instead of brahmanic texts . For Gupta,
castes are discrete categories that have discrete ideologies . In this way,
Dumont's concept of hierarchy is challenged. Other bottom-up
approaches to the caste system put more stress on the subaltern Dalit
literature. In the recent decades, because of the politicization of caste,
writings from the political and social science disciplines have
mushroomed. The Dalit mobilization from social movement perspective
is discussed by Gorringe (2005, 2009), whose articles focus principally
on Dalit Panthers and movements in Tamil Nadu, particularly their
rhetoric. A recent book, based on the doctoral dissertation by Hardtmann
(2009) which is an attempt to provide a holistic picture of Dalit social
movement and the discourses that it forms, is, an important source for this
thesis. Political aspects of Dalit mobilization are discussed by Sudha Pai
and Anupama Rao (2009).Some authors have described and provided a
picture of Dalit human rights movements and their attempts to make the
Dalit issue international .

Definition of Dalit

Dalit is a member of the lowest class in traditional Indian society , falling

all together outside the Hindu caste categories and subject to extensive
social restrictions.

Who are the Dalits

Dalit, meaning "oppressed" in South Asia, is the self-chosen political name of

castes in the  SAARC  region which the varna system considers
"unctoucable". Though the name Dalit has been in existence since the
nineteenth century, the economist and reformer B.R Ambedkar (1891–1956)
popularised the term. Dalits were excluded from the four-fold Varna system
and formed the unmentioned fifth varna; they were also called Panchama.
While "scheduled castes" (SC) is the legal name for those who were formerly
considered "untouchable," the term Dalit also encompasses scheduled tribes
(ST) and other historically disadvantaged communities who were traditionally
excluded from society.

Dalits are a mixed population, consisting of groups across South Asia. They
speak a variety of languages and practice various religions. With the
Scheduled Castes at 16.6% and Scheduled Tribes at 8.6%, the Scheduled
Castes and Scheduled Tribes together make up 25% of Indian's population
according to the 2011 census.

To prevent harassment, assault, discrimination and other criminal acts on

Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, the Indian government enacted
the Prevention of Atrocity (POA) act on March 31, 1995.

In 1932, the British Raj recommended separate electorates to select leaders

for Dalits in the communal Award . When Mohandas Gandhi opposed this,
negotiations produced the Punna Pact  with B.R Ambedkar.

From its Independence in 1947 and expanded in 1974, India provided jobs
and educational opportunities for Dalits. By 1995, 17.2% of Government
sector IVth class jobs were held by Dalits. In 1997, India elected Dalit K.R
Narayanan as the nation's President. Many social organizations have
promoted better conditions for Dalits through education, healthcare and
employment. While caste-based discrimination was prohibited and
untouchability abolished by the Constitution of India, such practices
continued.

Dalits and similar groups are found throughout South Asia, in

India ,Nepal ,Pakistan, Sri Lanka and Bangladesh Dalits immigrated to
the United States, United Kingdom, Singapure, Malaysia, South
Africa, Canada and the Caribbean.

Dalits have been oppressed, culturally subjugated, and politically

marginalized.  The principals of untouchability and “purity and
pollution” dictate what Dalits are and are not allowed to do; where
they are and are not allowed to live, go, or sit; who they can and
cannot give water to, eat with, or marry; extending into the minutia
of all aspects of daily life. 

Moreover, discrimination for Dalits does not end if they convert

from Hinduism to another religion.  In India, Islam, Sikhism, and
Christianity (among other religions) maintain some form of
caste despite the fact that this contradicts their religious precepts. 
As a result, dominant castes maintain leadership positions while
Dalit members of these religions are often marginalized and
flagrantly discriminated against.  For example, Dalit Christians are
provided separate burial areas from non-Dalit Christians. 

India's caste system assigns individuals a certain hierarchical status

according to Hindu beliefs. Traditionally, there are four principal
castes (divided into many sub-categories) and one category of
people who fall outside the caste system—the Dalits. As members of
the lowest rank of Indian society, Dalits face discrimination at
almost every level: from access to education and medical facilities
to restrictions on where they can live and what jobs they can have.
The discrimination against the Dalits is especially significant
because of the number of people affected; there are approximately
167 million Dalits in India, constituting over 16 percent of the total
population.

Within the Dalit community, there are many divisions into sub-
castes. Dalits are divided into leather workers, street sweepers,
cobblers, agricultural workers, and manual "scavengers". The latter
group, considered the lowest of the low and officially estimated at
one million, traditionally are responsible for digging village graves,
disposing of dead animals, and cleaning human excreta.
Approximately three-quarters of the Dalit workforce are in the
agricultural sector of the economy. A majority of the country’s forty
million people who are bonded laborers are Dalits. These jobs rarely
provide enough income for Dalits to feed their families or to send
their children to school. As a result, many Dalits are impoverished,
uneducated, and illiterate.

Dalits have been oppressed, culturally subjugated, and politically

marginalized.  The principles of untouchability and “purity and
pollution” dictate what Dalits are and are not allowed to do; where
they are and are not allowed to live, go, or sit; who they can and
cannot give water to, eat with, or marry; extending into the minutia
of all aspects of daily life. 

Moreover, discrimination for Dalits does not end if they convert

from Hinduism to another religion.  In India, Islam, Sikhism, and
Christianity (among other religions) maintain some form of
caste despite the fact that this contradicts their religious precepts. 
As a result, dominant castes maintain leadership positions while
Dalit members of these religions are often marginalized and
flagrantly discriminated against.  For example, Dalit Christians are
provided separate burial areas from non-Dalit Christians. 

IMPOR
TANCE OF THE RESEARCH TOPIC

Dalits have had similar experiences of historical marginalization which

gave rise to their cumulative shame as well as anger. The contribution of
Dalit literature has been immense: (i) First and foremost, it effectively
threatened the Brahmanic hegemony from literature (ii) Second, is
concentrated Dalit masses for assertion, protest and mobilization. (iii)
Third is stirred up thinking in Dalit intellectuals and catalyzed creation of
organic intellectuals of Dalits. (iv) Fourth, given that the level of literacy
been particularly low among Dalits, the emergence of Dalit literature
where both the writers and readers are mostly Dalits, is itself an evidence
of a profound change taking place in Indian society. Similarly, the ever
changing nature of American life and the vigorous versatility and all
encompassing spread of a written record are the marks of American
literature. It is an accepted fact that social forces do make a distinct
imprint on literature, especially in America where the democratic
processes bring the people into immediate familiarity with cultural forces
and American literature has responded admirably to such pressures.
SIGNI
FICANCE OF STUDY IN PRESENT ERA

Concepts like ‘race’ and ‘caste’ are as old as the history of civilization.
Here are some grounds to compare and contrast. Both are marginalized
literature- one arising out of the ‘literature of Slaves’ and the other from
the ‘literature of untouchables’. Similarity is extended to the Black
American Writings for whom the history of slave hood is not illusionary
or unreal. The liveliness and authenticity of their expressions are
captured all across their writings. Shame, anger, sorrow and indomitable
hope are the trademarks of this marginalized people and literature created
by them. As the world moves toward becoming a global village, some
past experiences and lessons learnt become precious and crucial to
understand the common sensitivity and sensibilities. This research would
provide a base for the common ground of discussion for the
marginalization of various communities in two different parts of the
world and some of the commonalities to deal with them in long run.

SOCIAL HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF DALITS

The contradictions of socio-economic order in India remain

almost the same even after 63 years of independence. Half a
century is a considerable period of time for a society, state and
nation to realize its mistakes and imbalances. But even at the
beginning of the 21st century neither the society nor the state in
India has been able to resolve its contradictions. Despite the
Constitutional commitment of the post-colonial state towards the
goal of equality, liberty and justice, the age old structure of
inequality has not been dismantled. Social and economic inequality
still occupies the centre-stage of Indian reality. The ideals of social
democracy and distributive justice, in their essence, remain elusive.
On the contrary, the vast majority of the Indian population is
deprived socially, economically, politically and educationally. The
social opportunities, offered to the citizens by the state, are
confined to the privileged sections of society. The deprived and
disadvantage groups are still exposed to the experiences of
cumulative inequality. These marginalized groups have yet to

experience fully the so-called fruits of modern development. There

is a tremendous gap between the population of the upper castes
and the Dalits who constitutes more than 16 per cent of the Indian
population. The upwardly mobile other backward castes have, of
course, challenged the hegemonic structure of the upper castes
(Brahminical) order and they have crystallized themselves as a
major economic and political power in independent India. But as far
as the social status of Dalits is concerned, no substantial changes
have taken place during the six decades of development planning.
They are still rated at the underside in the socio economic structure.

It is widely acknowledged that traditional Indian society was based

on varna and jati. This system is very ancient in origin and through
the passage of time it has undergone profound changes, but caste
still a very powerful institution in our socio-economic , religious
and political organization. The most disquietening and disturbing
feature connected with the caste system has been the concept of
untouchability. Those who were engaged in unclean occupation
were considered as polluted persons and had to go with this stigma
in the prevailing reality and had to accept for themselves the status
ofuntouchables.
Over the period of time, the various social and religious movements
strived to make a dent in the social system in favour of the Dalits.
Several saints, social reformers and political leaders from both the
Dalits and non-Dalits had tried their best for the eradication of
untouchability from the social fabric. But the impact of some reform
movements was short-lived because the reformers fought within the
caste system. However, their attempt was to facilitate certain caste
groups simply to move up within the caste hierarchy through
sanskritization. In fact, these movements were reform oriented
rather than providing protection against the existing inequality in
the social system. In this regard, the efforts by Ambedkar and
Gandhi, before and after independence in India, are important. The
difference between the two leaders, were on the basis of their
approaches in tackling the problem of untouchability and upliftment
of the untouchables. Gandhi who described himself as an
untouchable by choice1 attempted to solve the problem within the
framework of caste system. But he could neither change the
attitude of caste Hindus nor satisfy the untouchables as the practice
of untouchability and discrimination continued to operate against
the Dalits. On the other hand Ambedkar was totally opposed to
Gandhi's philosophy and programme for the removal of
untouchability. He stated "to the untouchables Hinduism is a
veritable chamber of horrors. The sanctity and infallibility of the
Vedas, Smiritis, Shastra, the Iron law of caste, the heartless law of
Karma and the senseless low status by birth are to the
untouchable's veritable instruments of torture which Hinduism has
forged against the untouchables. These very instruments which
have multilated, blasted and blighted the life of the untouchables,
are to be found intact and untarnished in the blossom of
Gandhism". Ambedkar felt that the problem of the untouchables
was economic, social and political as well as religious that widely
prevailed in India even then.

Caste system and Dalits

Indian social structure has its unique place in the world,
because of its caste system. Several social scientists have made in-
depth studies on this Indian social system. Although the social
scientists have done much work on the Indian caste system, but
they have found it difficult to define it. Some scholars hold that
caste is a particular rigid form of class and think its existence to be
world wide while others believe it is to be a system peculiar to India
and its environs. The English word caste is probably derived from
the Portuguese word casta (race). It is especially used by
Europeans to denote the different classes into which the Hindus are
divided. Varna, colour, jati, race, are Indian names. The word
seems to have applied to India by the Portuguese in the middle of
15th century . The word 'caste' is used in everyday life and we use
it to distinguish from one person to another. The first literary traces
of the caste system were found in Rigveda and Pursasukta hymn.10
In the Bhagavad Gita the caste system is sought to be justified on
the basis of the idea of Guna Karma (deed) and Dharma (Religion).
In the age of Simritis and Sutras, the society had been divided into
various castes. They had framed hard and fast rules regarding
occupation, food conduct and marriage. In the same age, these
castes became so diversified that they could not meet together in
course of time. The feeling of untouchability also grew in this age.
Untouchability is undoubtedly the most pernicious aspect of the
caste system. Its origin is obscure and is a matter of controversy to
this day. To Iravati Karve it is a sub-caste of Shudras, whereas
Ambedkar regarded it as a bye product of the caste system. There
is however general unanimity of opinion as to non-existence of
untouchability during the Vedic period.16 Words such as Varna, Jati,
biradri and samaj are used interchangeably with the term caste . All
of these terms refer to ranked groups of various size and breadth.
Varna meaning colour, actually refers in large divisions that include
various castes; the other terms include caste and sub divisions of
castes, sometimes called sub-cates. There is some correlation
between ritual rank in the caste hierarchy and economic prosperity.
Member of higher castes tend, on the whole, to be more prosperous
than members of lower ranking castes. Most of the castes are
traditionally associated with an occupation, such as high ranking-
Brahmins, middle ranking - farmers and Artisan groups, and very
low ranking- Dalits: leatherworkers, butcher, latrine cleaners. These
low ranking jobs are low paid, therefore, many lower caste people
live in conditions of poverty and social disadvantage. Caste
dominate people's lives from birth to death in India.

The understanding of the caste system which controls and regulates

social, economic, political and religious life in India is absolutely
essential while interpreting the Indian reality. It is true that social
and racial differences in some form or the other do prevail in other
parts of the world, but the kind of system found In India is
characterized more by its specific unique features like the
complexity, elaboration and rigidity than by such features which
share with caste structures elsewhere. The stratification of Indian
population into groups is defined by caste, which is determined by
birth. An individual is born into a caste and his status in society
depends largely upon the caste to which he/she belongs and not on
his/her personal success or failure. The reason of the permanence
of caste system in India is the unity of social and religious rules. No
rule of social order is distinct from the religious rules. Considering
the background of social change, some people believe that the
system of caste is on the way out, others believe that inspite of
external features, the caste has retained most of its essential
functions. Many social reformers, political and social scientists have
expressed their concerns about the increasing influence of caste on
politics and many other spheres of social life.

M.N. Srinivas, the well known anthropologist, is a major proponent

of the view that 'the caste system in India is not declining but
growing more powerful. Modern means of communication, the
spread of education and an increase in prosperity have contributed
to the strengthening of the caste system, especially through the
formation of caste associations which cover large area and utilize
the means of communication and organization made available
through technological progress in order to strengthen their hold
upon members of the caste and to mould their activities. More and
more is being written on the caste system by scholars. Although
scholars have done much work on the Indian caste system, they
find difficult to define it. They also differ on the meaning of caste ,
Ketkar defines a caste as ' a social group having two charactericts
(i) membership is confined to those who are includes all persons so
born (ii) the members are forbidden by an inexorable social law to
marry outside the group. Each one of such groups has a special
name by which it is called several of such small aggregates are
grouped together under a common name, while these larger groups
are but subdivisions of groups still larger which have independent
names.
A.R. Desai has described the social structure stratified into the
divisions identified as castes. He that writes the castes constituting
the series were hierarchically graded and each caste being
considered inferior to those above it and superior to those below it.
The status of a man born in a particular caste was determined by
the rank of that caste in this hierarchy. Once born in that caste his
status was predetermined and immutable. His birth decided his
status which could not be altered by any talent he might show or
wealth he might accumulate. However, we need not go into a
detailed discussion regarding the origin of caste system and the
different theories put forth by the scholars regarding it. The
different theories, mentioned above, show that only one or two
factors cannot be contributing to the emergence and development
of the caste system in India. Caste. The caste system divided the
whole society into a large number of hereditary groups,
distinguished from one another and connected together by three
characteristics i.e.

(i) separation in matters of marriage and contact whether

direct or indirect;

(ii) division of labour, each group having, in theory or by

tradition, a profession; and
(iii) finally hierarchy, which ranks the group as relatively
superior or inferior to one another.
.
Shudras were considered clearly inferior to the other three castes
and were constrained to perform only menial jobs. Those doing
menial jobs obviously had low status. A person who had a low
status in the caste hierarchy also had low status in other hierarchy
of the society such as economic or political. Since Dalits were
assigned the duties of serving the other three Varnas, they were
deprived of higher training of mind and were denied social status.
Although in the beginning, the caste system was merely based upon
division of labour for the purpose of fixing responsibility and duty,
yet with the passage of time, it degenerated into pathogenic affairs
where occupations changed into castes. The higher castes of the
society looked down upon the Shudras. It was a general belief that
the Dalits are part of the lowest of low Varnas. Thus for centuries
Dalits have been positioned at the bottom of the rigid Indian caste
society. People from other castes, who considered themselves to be
higher, believe that Dalits are impure by birth and that their touch
or sheer presence could be polluting hence, they are assumed to be
untouchable. For centuries, Dalits were excluded from the
mainstream society and were only allowed to pursue menial
occupations like cleaning dry latrines, sweeping, tanning or working
as landless labour for meager daily wages. Almost in whole of the
ancient period, they were the people who cultivated the land,
mended the shoes, washed the clothes, made the ropes, cleaned
the streets and did all types of menial works. Dalits were
discriminated in every sense. They lived in the Hindu villages hence
did not have advantage of geographical isolation like tribes. They

were to serve all classes of people around and had to do all the
dirty jobs. They were barred to enter in society in every sense, they
were prohibited to wear decent dress and ornaments besides being
untouchable in every sense.. The first three upper castes were
subsequently designated "dvija"- twice born, and were entitled to
wear a sacred thread across the chest and over one shoulder as a
badge of their nobility. They also enjoyed the exclusive privilege of
studying the holy Vedas, the Sudras being permitted neither to
open a page of sacred book, nor even to listen to the reading
thereof. Many of the atrocities were committed in the name of
religion, like pouring molten lead into the ears of a Dalit, who
happened to listen to some mantra. To retain the stronghold on
people, education, especially religious education, was the monopoly
of the Brahmins.

The two great epics, the Ramayana and the Mahabharata, describe
further deterioration of the Dalits' condition. Indeed, a story from
the Ramayana shows how even to the Sudras had become degraded
in the Rama's time only. The three upper castes were allowed to do
Tapasya (Penance and meditation), when one Sudras by the name
of Samvuka nevertheless undertook penance in order to attain
divinity, a 15 year old Brahmin boy died as a result. When lord
Rama came to know about this, he went to meet him. The ascetic
replied. "O King ! I am born of Shudra caste. I want to attain
divinity by such penance. Because I want to attain divinity, I will not
tell lies. I am a Sudra by caste and my name is Samvuka."As soon
as the ascetic uttered these words Lord Rama drew his sword and
severed Samvuka's head. Another story of the Mahabharata also
illustrates the degraded status of the Dalits. Ekalavya, an
indigenous boy, had to have his right thumb cut off because he had
learnt archery so well that his skill equaled that of Arjuna." The
point is that Dalits in the past had no access to education. The road
to knowledge was closed for them. As a consequence, these castes
remained socially, economically and educationally backward. The
higher castes of society looked down upon the Dalits. They gave
them the title of untouchables because of their total exclusion. They
did not allowed Dalits to enter in the temples and barred them from
fetching the water from the common well and from using the
common facilities. Thus, for years, the Dalits suffered from social
injustices and exploitations so as to prevent them from rising above
the social status fixed for them. The Dalits being on the lowest rung
of the social ladder were denied entry into several occupations
which were relatively cleaner. They were associated with a variety
of specialized traditional occupations such as scavenging, cobbling
and disposal of carcasses etc.

While discussing the low position of these groups Blunt says 'At all
times, the Brahmin priesthood has endeavoured to keep them
segregated, not only from the society, but from the Hindu religion
and the Hindu ceremonies; they were not allowed to hear, much
less study the Vedas; they must not enter the temples; they must
carry on all ceremonies without using the mantras and no Brahmin
would carry out any domestic ceremony for them.Thus, we can
conclude that Dalits suffered oppression at the hands of the upper
castes for centuries; their economic condition remained bad, they
were educationally backward and they lacked political skills to hold
their own self against the upper caste leadership of the country. In
brief, the low rank of the Dalits resulted from cumulative
inequalities in economic, political and cultural system.

Dalit Movements and Organizations in India

The problem of untouchability and exploitation of Dalits in social,

economic and political areas has been a stark reality of Indian
society. Various efforts have been made so far by visionaries in this
direction by launching movements and forming organizations to
highlight and find solution of the problems of the Dalits in India. As
a result we can see a constant growth of awareness among the
Dalits who have started asserting their identity and demanding their
due share in power. Here an attempt has been made to give an
account of various Dalits movements and organizations in India.
If we look at the history of Dalit movements organized in different
parts of the country, it becomes clear that a number of socio-
political organizations, struggles and various types of activities of
the Dalits had emerged out of different socio-economic and political
conditions in the past to ameliorate their wretched condition.51
These movements have led to some alleviation in the plight of the
Dalits and resulted in breaking of various social barriers.

A number of leaders raised their voice against the upper caste

exploitation of the Dalits. Jyotiba Phule, E.K. Nayar, B.R.
Ambedkar, M.K.Gandhi , Mangoo Ram etc. were particularly
noticeable for their struggle for the Dalits. Mahatama Jyotiba Phule
was the first leader of notice to emerge, who worked to uplift the
Dalits and fought for their rights. After Mahatama Jyotiba Phule,
B.R. Ambedkar, well known as Constitution maker and ‘MESSIAH’ of
Dalits, represented the Dalits at Round Table Conference in London.
It is to be noted that before Ambedkar the personalities who raised
their voice against the society did that from the social aspect but
Ambedkar did the same from the social as well as political aspect.
In 1932, British Government presented the ‘Communal Award’
concerning the depressed classes. In this Award two types of vote
system and separate electoral was awarded. Ambedkar wanted a
guarantee for Dalits as a pre-condition of self rule. But M.K. Gandhi
was against the separate representation of Dalits and he had to
resort to fast unto death. Initially, Ambedkar was against Gandhi’s
proposition. But later on they agreed with each other and reached
at the connivance which is known as ‘Poona Pact'. This pact was
similar to Communal Award, more seats were reserved for the
Dalits. But candidates were left to be chosen by joint electorates of
both Hindu and Dalits. In the annals of Indian politics there have
been a few independent Dalit movements and parties. Some of the
important movements are chronicled below:

Ad-Dharm Movement

The beginning of the 20th Century witnessed a series of political

developments which interalia led to the formation of movements in
different parts of colonial India. The main objective of these
movements was to liberate the so called untouchables so that they
could lead a life of dignity and equality with the so called twice
born. The Ad-Dharm movement which was one of the most
important movements of the Dalits started in 1925 under the
direction of Mangoo Ram and other depressed class leaders. The
first organizational meeting of the Ad-Dharm occurred in Jallandhar
in 1925.55 Speeches were made by Swami Shudranand, Vasant
Rai, Thakur Chand and other lower caste leaders. The AdDharm was
contemporary to the Mahar Movement in Maharashtra led by B.R.
Ambedkar. It was a movement which rejected Hinduism, Sikhism,
Islam and made efforts to establish a distinct identity of Dalit
castes. The main objectives of the Ad-Dharm movement were to
carve out an independent identity for the untouchables and to blot
out the stigma of untouchability. Within a short period, it became
popular in the Dalits of Punjab. However, in 1929, the Ad-Dharm
split into two factions, one the All India Ad-Dharm Mandal which
was headed by Vasant Rai and other Ad-Dharm Mandal which was
headed by Mangoo Ram.56 Infact, Vasant Rai was lured back by
Arya Samaj in 1929, but the Mangoo Ram’s group played an active
part in the politics of Punjab for more than two decades. The
contribution of Ad-Dharm movement was crucial.
It helped the Dalits to seek social recognition through the process
of cultural transformation on the one hand and spiritual
regeneration on the other hand. It carved out a new identity and
gave them a new name. The Ad-Dharm movement succeeded in
raising the consciousness among the down trodden people of the
Doaba region in particular and of the entire state in general. But
Ad-Dharm movement failed to change the attitude of the upper
castes. Dalits continued to face discrimination and oppression.
Inde
pendent Labour Party (ILP)

B.R. Ambedkar himself tried to wrest space for Dalit emancipation

at religious, social, economic and political realms. In 1936, he gave
the political movement a specific focus by establishing the
‘Independent Labour Party’.58 This was the first political party of
Dalits. This was necessary because the existing political parties,
dominated primarily by upper castes, were capable neither of
representing the interests of the Scheduled Castes nor fighting for
their cause.59 The absence of any political party which could
represent Dalits in first election of 1937 encouraged B.R. Ambedkar
to establish Independent Labour party. It was intended to champion
the cause of the workers and to advance the welfare of labouring
classes and of depressed classes also.

All India Scheduled Caste Federation (AISCF)

Caste Federation, a political organization for the Dalits. He

reformulated his political plans. He formed a new political party the
AISCF and In 1942, B.R. Ambedkar founded the All India Scheduled
limited it to the untouchables in the hope of uniting all the
untouchables in a new battle for political power.60 With the
objectives of securing political rights and representation for the
Dalit people, he established the AISCF at an All India depressed
classes Conference in Nagpur in July 1942.61 The AISCF, being a
rival organization to the Congress, it used to constantly challenge
the Congress claim to represent the Dalit interest. In the initial
period, its main area was Bombay but in a very short period it was
spread all over India. The main purpose of AISCF was to unite the
Dalits and fight against the untouchability.
Republ
ican Party of India (RPI)

The Republican Party of India’ came into existence out of the All
India Scheduled Caste Federation by changing latter’s name.62 The
RPI was the first political party formed by the post Ambedkar
leadership in India on October 03, 1957. The RPI accorded
acceptance to the fundamental principles of the Indian Constitution
such as justice, freedom, equality and brotherhood for the citizens
of India. The objective of the party was to organize the oppressed
and to fight against the atrocities committed on the Dalits and to
get their disabilities removed. It took up many issues that appealed
to the Dalits. It lobbyed for installing the portrait of B.R. Ambedkar
- the Constitution maker, in the Central Hall of the Parliament.It
also argued that idle and wasteland must go to the landless
labourers and full justice be done under the untouchability Act to
them. The RPI initially did some good work and tried to get the
problems of Dalits resolved. RPI played an important role in the
formation of workers organizations, students’ organizations, women
organizations, etc. Unfortunately the tempo and the revolutionary
zeal of the party leaders got lost in mutual conflicts as every leader
was posing as a junior Ambedkar. In this competition, they failed
to carry forward the momentum of the Dalit movement which led to
party's decline. After some time the party split in many groups. The
splits in RPI had no ideological basis but they were due to clash of
personalities and personal political ambitions. So, the party failed to
recognize and address the root cause of the problems of the Dalits.

Dalit Panther Movement

The disintegration of the ‘Republican Party of India’ created

discontentment among the Dalits and Dalit youth in particular. The
Dalit youth came forward and took up the task of bringing all the
Dalits on a single platform and mobilize them for the struggle for
their civil rights and justice. This gave rise to the Dalit Panther
Movement in Maharashtra, 1970. The most fundamental factor
responsible for the rise of Dalit Panthar Movement was, the
repression and terror under which the oppressed Dalits continued to
live in the rural area. The programmes of the Dalit Panther
Movement was incorporated into the manifesto published nearly one
year after the formation of the Dalit Panther Movement. Their
Manifesto stated: "All those who are victims of political, social and
economic suppression are our allies; power, money and prestige are
our enemies." The Panther Movement was based on the ideology of
B.R. Ambadkar. But in later stages, at least a faction of the
Panthers was found inclined to the leftist, especially the Marxist
ideology. So, the Dalit Panther Movement split and got divided into
two parts. The Panther leaders failed to provide proper leadership to
the movement and their slogans and aims remained glued to paper
only. Further, no serious efforts were made by either of the two
factions to follow the significance of issues mentioned in their
manifesto and programmes. After the split in the movement, in
1974, some Panthers again united and continued the Dalit Panther
Movement under the leadership of Arun Kamble and Gangadhar
Gade, S.L. Virdi etc. They took initiative on the problems of
reservation and other concessions granted to the Dalits in various
parts of the country. But the whole leadership of Panther Movement
has in mobilizing the Dalits at large.

Backward And Minority Communities Employees

Federation
(BAMCEF)

In the early 1970s, Kanshi Ram emerged as a dynamic leader after

B.R. Ambedkar who gained all India significance by establishing the
Dalit organizations. With a handful of educated employees from
Pune and Delhi, he set up the All India Backward and Minority
Community Employees Federation (BAMCEF) in 1973 and aspired to
give it an all India dimension in the next five years. For some years
the BAMCEF was working informally until Kanshi Ram launched it
formally on 6 Dec. 1978 in Delhi. Kanshi Ram made the BAMCEF ‘A
Pool of Brains, Talents and Funds’. The basic object of this
organization, which consisted of educated Dalits who had been able
to make use of the fruits of government policies, was to pay back to
the more oppressed and exploited section of the society to which
they belonged. The BAMCEF, consisting of government employees
did not launch rallies but only held seminars. In the political field
the main function of the BAMCEF was to supply the funds and
dedicated workers to the Bahujan Samaj Party, which was founded
in the early eighties.
Dal
it Soshit Samaj Sangharash Samiti (DS-4)

Although BAMCEF was regarded by some as a pool of Brains, talents

and funds, it kept a low profile because of service rules restrictions
on public employees. For the furtherance of its objective, Kanshi
Ram proceeded to set up a new organization known as Dalit Soshit
Samaj Sangharash Samiti on Dec. 6 1981,73 as a non political
agitational arm of his movement. It’s primary purpose was to create
awareness among the Dalits. The DS-4 consisted mostly of
students, unemploymed professionals like engineers, lawyers etc.
who provided local leadership.74 The DS-4 was initially conceived
as a non-political body, but it soon became a political organization.
The DS-4 tested the political water by contesting the election of
Haryana Assembly in 1982, Delhi Metropolitan Council and
Corporation in 1982 and also of Jammu & Kashmir Assembly
election in 1983.75 None of the DS-4 candidates won in these
elections. But it encouraged the Dalits and Dalit leaders to strive for
getting their share in political power.

Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP)

The rise in the political standing of any party can be equated with
the rise of the political fortunes of its leaders.76 Having gained
political experience and using the BAMCEF and DS-4 as base
organization, Kanshi Ram decided to lay the foundation of political
party, the BSP on April 14, 1984 on the birth anniversary of B.R.
Ambedkar to fulfil the political aspirations of the Dalit people. The
party adopted Ambedkar’s ideology and soon became the political
voice of the Dalits in India. BSP gave a new hope to Scheduled
Castes and Scheduled Tribes in creating a strong platform in Indian
politics under the leadership of their own community leaders. In
Punjab, the influence of the BSP as a political force was felt during
the February 1992 Assembly elections when it managed to capture
9 seats, thus becoming the main opposition party in the Vidhan
Sabha. The BSP candidates were runner up in 34 seats. It also won
a Lok Sabha seat in February 1992 elections. With the November
1993 assembly elections in Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh,
Himachal Pradesh and Rajasthan, Kanshi Ram led BSP emerged as
a political force at the national level to be reckoned with. Especially
in Uttar Pradesh the BSP-SP alliance who won a majority of the
seats to form the government. These elections showed an upward
mobility among the downtrodden of India. It raised the prospects of
BSP to further strengthen its influence. The BSP leaders in the
beginning believed that any seat sharing arrangement with its rival
political parties might weaken its stance on the depressed
classes.80 But in the later years, it has done exactly the opposite.
The BSP unhesitatingly indulged in compromises for the sake of
maximizing their political gains. The 1993 Uttar Pradesh state
elections, the formation of BSP-SP coalition government and its
subsequent demise and BSP-BJP combine are vivid examples of
such a flexible political strategy.

BSP has been successful in a rather short span of time in arousing a

marked socio-political consciousness among the backward and
depressed classes about their degrading status. The BSP commands
considerable influence among the Dalits living in urban and rural
areas of North India. Dalits were the traditional vote bank of the
Congress and now they seem to have shifted the affiliation from the
Congress and other upper caste parties.These were some
movements and parties who raised their voice against the upper
caste and against the social and political exploitation of the Dalits.
But at the same time there have been other numerous small and
large organizations of Dalits all over the country such as: Self
Respect Movement, the Dalit Sangharsh Samiti in Karnataka, Indian
Dalit Federation in Kerala, Dalit Maha Sabha and Dalit Sena in
Andhra Pradesh etc. which have been playing significant role to
raise the consciousness among the Dalits. However, none of these
could make a recognizable impact.
 Con
stitutional Safeguards for the Dalits

During the British rule in India, the problem of the Dalit became of
focus of law and politics, and soon after Independence, avigorous
campaign was launched to bring an end to the age old problem and
ensure the enforcement of equality and justice both in law and fact.

The Constituent Assembly, prepared the Indian Constitution with

the hope that it would bring about social revolution in the country.
The social revolution hoped to get India out of the medievalism
based on birth, religion, custom and community and reconstruct
social structure on modern foundations of law, individual merit and
secular education.The main aim of our Constitution is to provide
equality and justice. Although, India is a country of institutionalized
inequalities but our Constitution abolished any discrimination to any
class. The principle of equality in a democracy indeed, can work
only if the nation as a whole is brought on the same level.84 Our
Constitution therefore, provides certain temporary measures to help
the backward sections to come up to the same level with the rest of
the nation, as well as certain permanent safeguards for the
protection of the cultural, linguistic and similar rights of any section
of the community who might be said to constitute minority from the
numerical, not communal, point of view.85 To accord protection to
the needy, the Constitution provides mechanism in the form of
reservation. By providing reservation the state can take positive
action to uplift the down-trodden and remove unequal treatment
arising from social, economic and political conditions of the society.

Our Constitution has provided many securities and protections to

the Dalits. It was done with a view to ensure social progress to
those sections of people who were kept under conditions of
backwardness and oppression in all spheres of life due to some
historic reasons. Article-14 of Indian Constitution which provides
equality before law - The state shall not deny to any person equality
before the law or the equal protection of the law within the territory
of India. Further, in Article 15, the state prohibits the discrimination
on the grounds of religion, race, caste, sex, or place of birth. This
Article seems to be the first Article which indicates the
reservationfor Dalits. It provides that the state can make special
provisions for the upliftment of any socially and educationally
backward classes of citizens or for the Scheduled Castes and
Scheduled Tribes some selected people and nothing in the
Constitution comes incontradiction to this provision. Thus Article 15
provides the foundation for incorporating Reservation in the
Constitutions framework.

We all know how, due to distinct historical happenings, a major

group of our society has been left behind in the race for
development that the Indian community, in general, has achieved
so far. A large section of people of the India have been regarded as
untouchables. It is well known fact that Dalits had to suffer
generation after generation, apart from all other factors, the social
venum of untouchabilty. The Constitution of India abolished
untouchabilty with a stroke of the pen through Article 17.According
to Article 17 of the Constitution untouchability abolished and the
practice of untouchability in any form is forbidden. This Article really
provides a big support for the Dalits to proclaim their equality to
others.
Articles 29 is no less important, while either provision provide
upliftment to the downtrodden. This Article provides them the
freedom to conserve their own ways of living. Any section of the
citizens residing in the territory of India or any part thereof having a
distinct language, script or culture of its own shall have the right to
conserve the same. This is the Article which gives India its prime
cultural feature-the "unity within diversity". Clause (2) of Article 29
says that no citizen shall be denied admission to any educational
institution maintained by the State or receiving aid out of State
funds on grounds only of religion, race, caste, language or any of
them.
Article 46 has been framed with the particular attention paid to the
promotion of educational and economic interests of Scheduled
Castes, Scheduled Tribes and the weaker sections. It says: The
state shall promote with special care the educational and economic
interests of the weaker section of the people, and in particular of
the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, and shall protect them
from social injustice and all forms of exploitation. Political
reservation as a means to emancipate the backward sections of
Indian society from the age old bondage was not given recognition
during the 19th century. It was only after the Act of 1919 that the
depressed classes acquired the status of an important political
entity.
After Independence, it was thought that the interests of the Dalits
could be secured by their representatives in the State Legislative
Assemblies and Parliament–which is the supreme law making body
of the country. Article 330 & 332 were incorporated with this view in
the mind. These Articles provide for the reservation of seats for
Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in the House of People (Lok
Sabha) and State Legislative Assemblies.
The reservation of seats in the Parliament and State Assemblies are
given as per the population of the Dalits. But It is noted that there
is no reservation of seats in the indirectly elected upper Houses
i.e.Rajya Sabha in the Centre and Vidhan Parisad (wherever they
are present) in the States.
However, Article 334 of the Constitution provided that the
reservation of seats for Dalits in the House of the People and in the
Legislative Assembly of each state shall cease to have any effect on
the expiration of a period of ten years from the commencement of
the Constitution. Though the reservation of seats in Parliament and
state legislative Assemblies was to come to an end in the year 1960
but the politically motivated decisions of political bosses were
successful in getting Articles 330,332 and 334 amended after ever
ten years.Each amendment in these Articles extended the period of

reservation of seats in the House of People and Legislative Assemblies

for a further period of ten years without giving a thought whether the
really down trodden have been able to get any representation or not.To
secure their position in the administration, the claims ofthe Dalits for the
service of the posts in the administration have been made acceptable
under Article 335. The Constitution makes the people belonging to these
classes able to influence each and every part of the governance system so
as to make them able to guard their interest.
There shall be special officer for SC, and STs to be appointed
by the President. It should be the duty to the officer to investigate all
maters relating to the safeguards provided for the SCs and STs under the
Constitution. It has been provided in Article 338 of the Constitution that
all matters relating to the safeguards provided to SCs will be reported to
this officer, who, in turn, will report the same to the President. Further,
Article 340 provides for the appointment of a Commission which will
investigate the conditions of backward classes in the country. The
President can as he thinks fit, appoint such a Commission which shall
exercise the powers and the Jurisdictions as given by the President.
After Independence and proclamation of the Constitution,
the list of Scheduled Castes in India was notified by the President, in
accordance with the provisions of Articles 366 and 341 of the
Constitution. Article 366 of the Constitution gives the meaning of the
word 'Scheduled Castes'. Scheduled Castes means such castes, races or
tribes or parts of groups within sub-castes races or tribes as are deemed
under Article 341 to be Scheduled Castes for the purpose of this
Constitution.
Thus, the Constitution of India deals minutely with each and
every aspect of the life and problems of the people belonging to
Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes or the Dalits. Basically,the Indian
Constitution does not recognize any religion or caste. It aims at creating
equality among all Indians. Provisions were made for the upliftment of
the weaker sections of the society so that they may be brought at par with
other sections of the society and they do not feel handicapped.
Reservation of seats, right from village Panchayat upto the level of the
Parliament has integrated the Scheduled Castes into the political
mainstream of the nation.
The efforts of social reformers and the adoption of various Constitutional
measures, legal and governmental policies and programmes, have helped
to bring about a certain amount of primarily introduced to give adequate
representation to the Dalits society had ignored this section for countries.
In other words, this is a protective or positive discrimination to create
equality. This was all together a new approach to the problem. True, these
efforts positively contributed to the welfare of Dalits community. But if
seen in relation to the overall development of our economy, polity and
societal progress, they are yet to come on par with the rest of the society.
We speak of democracy equality, etc. but even today about 24 per cent of
downtrodden people in our country are deprived of real freedom and
equality. Members of the this section are living as untouchables and like
second class citizens, and at many places they are worse than animals. At
some places, even today, they are prohibited to draw water from the
common wells and visit temples or places of worship.When India attained
freedom and a new era began in the history of our nation, it was but
natural for all the people, particularly the Dalits, to feel that life would be
much better for them in a free India. But no freedom from poverty,
discrimination and social castigation came to them. When the
Constitution of an independent India was framed; social economic and
religious freedom was the right of every citizen. There was to be no
discrimination on the basis of caste or religion. All are equal in the eyes
of law. Most of the provisions of the Constitution have remained only on
paper because their implementation has been faulty, half hearted and
inadequate. Inequality, discrimination, exclusion and stigmatization can
jointly contribute to the utter marginalization of scavengers in India.93
Thus, Dalits got freedom from the bondage of the British Raj but they are
still slaves of tradition.
No doubt, India has a rich and glorious cultural legacy to
feel proud of. But there is no doubt, that it is the only county in the world
where the social discrimination is perpetuated on the lower castes by the
higher castes on caste and religious grounds. Most members of the lower
castes, share the stigma of untouchability they are frequently denied the
chance to eat, smoke or even sit with members of the upper castes, and
they often must use separate wells from those maintained for the use of
others. These injustices are sanctioned more or less by religion, but there
are others, more extreme, that go entirely beyond religious
approval;begar-forced labour for instance, and the sexual abuse to which
many lower caste wives and daughters are subjected. Caste based
discrimination and atrocities against Dalit communities have increased all
over India that lead to the bloody and brutal killing of Dalits many a
times.
The Constitutional safeguards and legislation in pursuit of
positive discrimination in favour of the Dalits have made some dent into
the malpractices in the society but only marginally. The caste based
discriminations ranging from untouchability to sexual exploitation of
Dalit women are still containing. The Dalit organizations and political
parties like the BSP have played a role in organizing Dalits to assert their
separate political identity but not all sections of the Dalits have been
benefited socially, economically and politically. The next chapter tries to
highlight the status of the Dalits in one of the economically better off
states of India i.e. Punjab.

Repercussion faced by the Dalits

Along with the curse of untouchability, the dalits had no right to have
any property. They had to eat the foulest food, including leftovers thrown
away by the higher varnas; they were not allowed to draw water from the
common well; they were prohibited from entering temples; they were
barred from the right to education and knowledge; they had to perform
menial jobs for the higher castes; they were not allowed to use the
common burial ground; they were not allowed to live in the main village
inhabited by the upper varnas; and they were deprived of ownership
rights to land and property, leading to the lack of access to all sources of
economic mobility. Thus, dalits were subjected to both social exclusion
and economic discrimination over the centuries. In one form or the other,
this continues even today in most parts of the country.
 While dalit women share common problems of gender discrimination
with their high caste counterparts, they also suffer from problems specific
to them. Dalit women are the worst affected and suffer the three forms
oppression -- caste, class and gender. As some of the above figures show,
these relate to extremely low literacy and education levels, heavy
dependence on wage labour, discrimination in employment and wages,
heavy concentration in unskilled, low-paid and hazardous manual jobs,
violence and sexual exploitation, being the victims of various forms of
superstitions (like the devadasi system) etc.
 

ATROCITIES, UNTOUCHABILITY AND DISCRIMINATION:

During 16 years between 1981 to 2000 for which records are available, a
total of 3,57,945 cases of crime and atrocities were committed against the
SCs. This comes to an annual average of about 22,371 crimes and
atrocities per year. The break-up of the atrocities and violence for the
year 2000 is as follows: 486 cases of murder, 3298 grievous hurt, 260 of
arson, 1034 cases of rape and 18,664 cases of other offences. The practice
of untouchability and social discrimination in the matter of use of public
water bodies, water taps, temples, tea stalls, restaurants, community bath,
roads and other social services continues to be of high magnitude.

"Dalits are not allowed to drink from the same wells, attend the same
temples, wear shoes in the presence of an upper caste, or drink from the
same cups in tea stalls," said Smita Narula, a senior researcher with
Human Rights Watch, and author of Broken People: Caste Violence
Against India's "Untouchables."
 Untouchables are relegated to the lowest jobs, and live in constant fear of
being publicly humiliated, paraded naked, beaten, and raped with
impunity by upper-caste Hindus seeking to keep them in their place.
Merely walking through an upper-caste neighborhood is a life-threatening
offense.

Nearly 90 percent of all the poor Indians and 95 percent of all the
illiterate Indians are Dalits, according to figures presented at the
International Dalit Conference that took place May 16 to 18 in
Vancouver, Canada.

Despite the fact that untouchability was officially banned when India
adopted its constitution in 1950, discrimination against Dalits remained
so pervasive that in 1989 the government passed legislation known as
The Prevention of Atrocities Act. The act specifically made it illegal to
parade people naked through the streets, force them to eat feces, take
away their land, foul their water, interfere with their right to vote, and
burn down their homes.

Hindus believe a person is born into one of four castes based on karma
and "purity"—how he or she lived their past lives. Those born as
Brahmans are priests and teachers; Kshatriyas are rulers and soldiers;
Vaisyas are merchants and traders; and Sudras are laborers. Within the
four castes, there are thousands of sub-castes, defined by profession,
region, dialect, and other factors.
Untouchables are literally outcastes; a fifth group that is so unworthy it
doesn't fall within the caste system.

Although based on religious principles practiced for some 1,500 years,

the system persists today for economic as much as religious reasons.

Because they are considered impure from birth, Untouchables perform

jobs that are traditionally considered "unclean" or exceedingly menial,
and for very little pay. One million Dalits work as manual scavengers,
cleaning latrines and sewers by hand and clearing away dead animals.
Millions more are agricultural workers trapped in an inescapable cycle of
extreme poverty, illiteracy, and oppression.

Although illegal, 40 million people in India, most of them Dalits, are

bonded workers, many working to pay off debts that were incurred
generations ago, according to a report by Human Rights Watch published
in 1999. These people, 15 million of whom are children, work under
slave-like conditions hauling rocks, or working in fields or factories for
less than 100 Rs a day.

DalitLiterature:

Dalit writing is a post-Independence literary phenomenon The emergence

of Dalit literature has a great historical significance. The causes and
effects
leading to the age -old
existence
of oppression and despair of the lives of marginalized class of nation’s
vast population are also observed in many other parts of the world.
Arjun Dangle has defined Dalit literature as: “Dalit literature is one
which acquaints people with the caste system and untouchability in
India… It matures with a sociological point of view and is related to the
principles of negativity, rebellion and loyalty to science , thus finally
ending as revolutionary .”Most of the marginalized groups all over the
world have a similar system of oppression but the titles are different as
per the class and class divide. In India it was under the pretext of the
Caste and in the western World it was under the name of the Race.
Inequality was the main source of this marginality which led to
insecurity, injustice and exploitation. Marginalized sections were always
on the periphery and distanced from the power centers. In this research
work the main objective is to draw similarities between the politics of
Caste and Race in Indian Dalits and the American Blacks. Dalits were
always on the marginalized ‘other’ side of the Indian society. So when
they started voicing after centuries of silence, about themselves, we have
the literature depicting assertion of human rights, self-pride, revolt
against social injustice, chronicles of personal and collective suffering,
and hopes and aspirations for a new society devoid of discrimination.
Dalit Literature is literature about Dalits that are about Dalits. Dalit
(Oppressed or broken) is not a new word. It was used in the 1930s as a
Hindi and Marathi translation of ‘depressed classes’, a term the British
used for what are now called the Scheduled Castes. In 1970s the ‘Dalit
Panthers exploited politically, economically and in the name of religion.
So Dalit is not a caste. It is a symbol of change and revolution. The
Primary motive of Dalit literature is the liberation of dalits, the struggle
against casteist tradition has a long history. Some of the important writers
whose writings will find a place are: Mahasweta Devi, Namdeo Dhasal,
Daya Pawar, Arjun Dangle, Sachi Rautray, Rabi Singh, Basudev Sunani,
Bama, Abhimani, Poomani, Imayam Marku, Mangal Rathod, Neerave
Patel, Perumal Murugan, Palamalai, Sudhakar, D. Gopi and others.
Sha
rankumar Limbale has stated, “Dalit literature is precisely that literature
which artistically portrays the sorrows, tribulations, slavery, degradation,
ridicule and poverty endured by Dalits. This literature is but a lofty
image of grief.” This trend started in 1873 when Jyotirao Phule, a
Marathi Dalit (then known as an Untouchable), published his book
Gulamgiri (Slavery) and dedicated the treatise to the then Negroes in
America as a ‘token of admiration for their sublime disinterestedness and
self sacrificing devotion in the cause of Negro Slavery’. In the year 1992,
Indian Literature virtually started a new chapter, with the publication of
Arjun Dangle’s Poisoned Bread , which was the first ever attempt to
anthologize Dalit writings in English. He involved all the genre available
in Marathi Dalit literature-poetry, short stories, essays, autobiographical
excerpts and public speeches. As a result, today we have several
collections of Dalit writings coming out in both Indian languages and
English. Following are some of the most widely read writers of Dalit
literature that are available in English translation- Bama's Karukku
DalitLiterature:
Dalit writing is a post-Independence literary phenomenon The emergence
of Dalit literature has a great historical significance. The causes and
effects leading to the age -old existence
of oppression and despair of the lives of marginalized class of nation’s
vast population are also observed in many other parts of the world.
Arjun Dangle has defined Dalit literature as: “Dalit literature is one
which acquaints people with the caste system and untouchability in
India… It matures with a sociological point of view and is related to the
principles of negativity, rebellion and loyalty to science , thus finally
ending as revolutionary .”Most of the marginalized groups all over the
world have a similar system of oppression but the titles are different as
per the class and class divide. In India it was under the pretext of the
Caste and in the western World it was under the name of the Race.
Inequality was the main source of this marginality which led to
insecurity, injustice and exploitation. Marginalized sections were always
on the periphery and distanced from the power centers. In this research
work the main objective is to draw similarities between the politics of
Caste and Race in Indian Dalits and the American Blacks. Dalits were
always on the marginalized ‘other’ side of the Indian society. So when
they started voicing after centuries of silence, about themselves, we have
the literature depicting assertion of human rights, self-pride, revolt
against social injustice, chronicles of personal and collective suffering,
and hopes and aspirations for a new society devoid of discrimination.
Dalit Literature is literature about Dalits that are about Dalits. Dalit
(Oppressed or broken) is not a new word. It was used in the 1930s as a
Hindi and Marathi translation of ‘depressed classes’, a term the British
used for what are now called the Scheduled Castes. In 1970s the ‘Dalit
Panthers exploited politically, economically and in the name of religion.
So Dalit is not a caste. It is a symbol of change and revolution. The
Primary motive of Dalit literature is the liberation of dalits, the struggle
against casteist tradition has a long history. Some of the important writers
whose writings will find a place are: Mahasweta Devi, Namdeo Dhasal,
Daya Pawar, Arjun Dangle, Sachi Rautray, Rabi Singh, Basudev Sunani,
Bama, Abhimani, Poomani, Imayam Marku, Mangal Rathod, Neerave
Patel, Perumal Murugan, Palamalai, Sudhakar, D. Gopi and others.
Sha
rankumar Limbale has stated, “Dalit literature is precisely that literature
which artistically portrays the sorrows, tribulations, slavery, degradation,
ridicule and poverty endured by Dalits. This literature is but a lofty
image of grief.” This trend started in 1873 when Jyotirao Phule, a
Marathi Dalit (then known as an Untouchable), published his book
Gulamgiri (Slavery) and dedicated the treatise to the then Negroes in
America as a ‘token of admiration for their sublime disinterestedness and
self sacrificing devotion in the cause of Negro Slavery’. In the year 1992,
Indian Literature virtually started a new chapter, with the publication of
Arjun Dangle’s Poisoned Bread , which was the first ever attempt to
anthologize Dalit writings in English. He involved all the genre available
in Marathi Dalit literature-poetry, short stories, essays, autobiographical
excerpts and public speeches. As a result, today we have several
collections of Dalit writings coming out in both Indian languages and
English. Following are some of the most widely read writers of Dalit
literature that are available in English translation- Bama's Karukku and
Sangati, Dr. Narendra Jadhav's Untouchables: My Family's Triumphant
Journey Out of the Caste System in Modern India, Sharankumar
Limbale's The Outside: Akkarmashi, Joseph Macwan's The Stepchild,
Om Prakash Valmiki's Joothan: A Dalit·s Life, Baby Kamble's Our
Existence and Imayam Beats of Burden, Urmila Pawar's The Weave of
My Life. Some of the prominent Dalit writers are Daya Pawar, Arjun
Dangle, Baburao Bagul, Rabi Singh, Namdeo Dhasal, Dutta Bhagat,
Lakshman Mane, Neerave Patel, Palamalai, Sudhakar . There are number
of other writers writing Dalit literature but do not share the Dalit writers'
category as the latter are not Dalit by birth as the other Dalit writers by
birth. Mahasweta Devi, Sara Joseph, Kumaran Asan, Mulkraj Anand and
Premchand are some of the well known names writing in diverse Indian
languages.

Today’s Dalit Literature that occpies a pride of place is actually born

out of the heinous system of untouchability and caste discrimination that
have been practised in India for the past millennia . Outside the caste-
Hindu chaturvarna-order came ‘ untouchables’ or the Panchamas , who
are the present –day Dalits. The concepts of purity and pollution,
dreamed to their logical extremes ,made life a living hell for some people
of the same land. This religiously sanctioned inequality called the caste
system ,in the words of Ambedkhar ,was “not just a division of labour, it
was a division of labourers”. And for ages, they have been peddling a
comlpacement justification of the caste system through the belief of
Karma and sins of the previous births. In fact , the Hindu tale of the
creation of human beings and castes, shows the oppressive workings of
the system . The gods are not only content with creation a society, but
they create a wretched social order too.
Because the caste system denied education to Shudras and
Panchamas ,anti- caste writing was a way in which the oppressed were
retaliating against for a person who believed that they were there “ not to
break ourselves ,but to break the system” . In fact, systematic exploration
of anti –caste ideas is included in Buddhist works. Later ,the Bhakti
poetry of the 14th century ,attemped an amalgamation of the castes and
the out cates. The Bhakti poetry was anti- orthodox, mostly inclusive and
highly radical. While this was the story of the mainstream ,the outcastes
always had their own flok forms of expression like Kooththu, but these
works were anonymous and dined literary resoectability.

Mahatma Jotirao Phule was the first to use the word Dalit in connection
with caste .However ,the word Dalit came into popular currency with the
advent of the militant Dalit Panthers . In Marathi ,the word Dalit means
ground crushed ,broken down and reduced to pieces. This name was
chosen by the group itself, and it contained in it an inherent denial of
pollution ,Karma and caste hierarchy . The Dalit Panther movement ,was
a self-concious movement among the Depressed classes who sought to
follow the militant and revolutionary Black Panthers of America .Dalit
literature grew out of the Dalit Panther movement which was established
by two writers Namdeo Dhasal and Raja Dhale in Aprial 1972 . Like
Black Literature ,Dalit writing was characterized by a new level of pride,
militancy , sophisticated creativity and above all sought to use writing as
a weapon.

Dalit writers were quick to point out that the 2000 year old history of
oppression has not been documented at all: it is a literal holocaust that has
slipped by without being put into words!. Marathi Dalit literature is the
forerunner of all modern Dalit literature .It was essentially against
exploitation and made use of writing as a method of propaganda for the
movement. It was not immediately recognized by the mainstream which
was obsessed with middle class issues.

and Sangati, Dr. Narendra Jadhav's Untouchables: My Family's

Triumphant Journey Out of the Caste System in Modern India,
Sharankumar Limbale's The Outside: Akkarmashi, Joseph Macwan's The
Stepchild, Om Prakash Valmiki's Joothan: A Dalit·s Life, Baby Kamble's
Our Existence and Imayam Beats of Burden, Urmila Pawar's The Weave
of My Life. Some of the prominent Dalit writers are Daya Pawar, Arjun
Dangle, Baburao Bagul, Rabi Singh, Namdeo Dhasal, Dutta Bhagat,
Lakshman Mane, Neerave Patel, Palamalai, Sudhakar . There are number
of other writers writing Dalit literature but do not share the Dalit writers'
category as the latter are not Dalit by birth as the other Dalit writers by
birth. Mahasweta Devi, Sara Joseph, Kumaran Asan, Mulkraj Anand and
Premchand are some of the well known names writing in diverse Indian
languages.

Today’s Dalit Literature that occpies a pride of place is actually born

out of the heinous system of untouchability and caste discrimination that
have been practised in India for the past millennia . Outside the caste-
Hindu chaturvarna-order came ‘ untouchables’ or the Panchamas , who
are the present –day Dalits. The concepts of purity and pollution,
dreamed to their logical extremes ,made life a living hell for some people
of the same land. This religiously sanctioned inequality called the caste
system ,in the words of Ambedkhar ,was “not just a division of labour, it
was a division of labourers”. And for ages, they have been peddling a
comlpacement justification of the caste system through the belief of
Karma and sins of the previous births. In fact , the Hindu tale of the
creation of human beings and castes, shows the oppressive workings of
the system . The gods are not only content with creation a society, but
they create a wretched social order too.

Because the caste system denied education to Shudras and

Panchamas ,anti- caste writing was a way in which the oppressed were
retaliating against for a person who believed that they were there “ not to
break ourselves ,but to break the system” . In fact, systematic exploration
of anti –caste ideas is included in Buddhist works. Later ,the Bhakti
poetry of the 14th century ,attemped an amalgamation of the castes and
the outcates. The Bhakti poetry was anti- orthodox, mostly inclusive and
highly radical. While this was the story of the mainstream ,the outcastes
always had their own flok forms of expression like Kooththu, but these
works were anonymous and dined literary resoectability.

Mahatma Jotirao Phule was the first to use the word Dalit in connection
with caste .However ,the word Dalit came into popular currency with the
advent of the militant Dalit Panthers . In Marathi ,the word Dalit means
ground crushed ,broken down and reduced to pieces. This name was
chosen by the group itself, and it contained in it an inherent denial of
pollution ,Karma and caste hierarchy . The Dalit Panther movement ,was
a self-concious movement among the Depressed classes who sought to
follow the militant and revolutionary Black Panthers of America .Dalit
literature grew out of the Dalit Panther movement which was established
by two writers Namdeo Dhasal and Raja Dhale in Aprial 1972 . Like
Black Literature ,Dalit writing was characterized by a new level of pride,
militancy , sophisticated creativity and above all sought to use writing as
a weapon.

Dalit writers were quick to point out that the 2000 year old history of
oppression has not been documented at all: it is a literal holocaust that has
slipped by without being put into words!. Marathi Dalit literature is the
forerunner of all modern Dalit literature .It was essentially against
exploitation and made use of writing as a method of propaganda for the
movement. It was not immediately recognized by the mainstream which
was obsessed with middle class issues.

Dalit literature verse main stream

The mainstream writer’s thousands of books present the life and culture
to which they familiar and belong. They have presented imagination,
romances, mysticism, beauty of nature, philosophy and so on. So they
have established criteria to evaluate their literature on the basis of
pleasure and beauty. The mainstream literature is following Sanskrit and
English aesthetics of beauty and pleasure. Therefore, upper caste writings
present ‘Satyam (truth), Shivam (goodness) and Sundaram (beauty)’
(Trivedi. Literature. 6) and ‘Art for Art’s sake’ in their writings.Their
writings move around art and beauty.

Thus, mainstream writers evaluate

literature on the basis of beauty and pleasure. Under the impression of
these aesthetics, the upper caste writers have depicted reality which is
dominated by imagination. Dalit writers have presented faithfully Dalit
life, Dalit milieu, and Dalit culture in their writings. Human being and
humanity is the base of Dalit literature. The Dalit writings are dominated
by realism. Society and surroundings come first then individual in Dalit
writings. So, Dalit writers and critics have presented rational and
sociological aesthetics for Dalit literature. It is because the foundation of
Dalit literature is entirely different from the mainstream literature.
Because of this reason the mainstream writers cannot judge genuinely the
Dalit literature and Dalit aesthetics. 241 Dalit literature and aesthetics are
unique. They have different taste than that of mainstream literature. So,
aesthetics of mainstream literature cannot apply to the Dalit literature;
just as Dalit aesthetics cannot apply to the mainstream literature. This is
the chief reason that Sharankumar Limbale, Arjun Dangle, Omvedt Gail,
Om Prakash Valmiki, Harish Mangalam, and other Dalit writers, critics
and scholars have rejected the aesthetics of the mainstream literature.
These Dalit literati elites have presented new rational and socio cultural
based aesthetics for Dalit literature. The Dalit writers and critics have
depicted their rational facts to justify Dalit aesthetics. According to
Sharankumar Limbale, the scholar Dalit writer and critic: Equality,
freedom, justice and love are the basic sentiments of people and society.

They are many times more important than pleasure and beauty.
There has never been a revolution in the world for the sake of pleasure
and beauty. Many governments have been overturned for equality,
freedom and justice. This is history. . . The literature that promotes
equality, freedom and justice is revolutionary, and emphasizes the
centrality of the human being and society. Dalit writers and critics firmly
and strongly deny Dalit literature to be evaluated by the aesthetics criteria
of the mainstream literature. Sharankumar Limbale has rationally
presented his viewpoint for denial of aesthetics of mainstream literature
for evaluation of Dalit literature: Dalit literature is a new literary stream
of the post-independent period. Not only it is new, its form and purpose
too are different from those of savarna Marathi literature. Therefore, it
cannot be appraised using traditional aesthetics. Sharankumar Limbale
has presented aesthetics of Dalit writings in his critical work Towards an
Aesthetics of Dalit Literature: History, Controversies, and
Considerations. They are: Materialistic Aesthetics: ‘Dalit literature rejects
spiritualism and abstraction, its aesthetics is materialist rather than
spiritualist.’ (Towards 116) And Ambedkarite Thought: ‘Values of
equality, freedom, justice and solidarity are inherent to this [Dalit]
literature.’ (Towards 120) It is absolutely right that Dalit literature has its
own features which are quite different than that of the mainstream
literature. Similarly, Dalit aesthetics also differs from the mainstream
literature. Sharatchandra Muktibodh has presented the unique
characteristics of Dalit literature and aesthetics in his essay What is Dalit
Literature? He has carefully explained the distinctive elements of Dalit
aesthetics and Dalit literature in it: Dalit literature is the literature
produced by the Dalit consciousness. Human freedom is the inspiration
behind it. . . As Dalit sensibility seeks to bring about compatible changes
in the social consciousness, it is rebellious as well as fundamentally
optimistic and revolutionary. The nature of Dalit consciousness is
obviously not subjective. . . .the sufferings of the Dalits are common and
are attributable to common reasons. Hence their content is essentially
social. . . . The Dalit sensibility show . . . an outstanding work of Dalit
literature would be born only when Dalit life would present itself from
the Dalit point of view.

Arjun Dangle, a well-known Marathi Dalit writer, has

remarked about features of Dalit aesthetics in his Poisoned Bread, an
edited work of Marathi Dalit literature. In it he has presented the elements
of Dalit literature. The writer has presented his viewpoint regarding the
writings of Dalit and non-Dalit writers. Further, he has tried to explain
how Dalit literature and its aesthetics are different from the mainstream
literature: Dalit is not a caste but a realization . . . . It matures with a
sociological point of view and is related to the principles of negativity,
rebellion and loyalty to science, thus finally ending as revolutionary. As a
result of this realization, experiences are not simply stated but their
meaning is also explained. . . . The difference between the two kinds of
writers (Dalit and non-Dalit writers) is not just because of their castes but
also due to differing experiences and their ways of interpreting them.

The orthodox Hindus have looked upon Dalits with disgust and hatred.
So they do not over come of their superior complex being upper castes.
As a result they cannot consider literature written by Dalits as worthy for
reading. According to shallow-minded upper castes, Dalit literature does
not fulfil the aesthetics criteria of mainstream literature. The basic
difference one can notice in the literature of the non-Dalit writers and the
Dalit writers is that the first presents the romantic view of the life and the
later realistic view of the life. Arjun Dangle in his article Dalit Literature:
Past, Present and Future, has noted that ‘this literature of the Dalits is
intimately related to social reality and is not imaginary or
entertainmentoriented.’ Similarly, in an interview Harish Mangalam, a
Dalit writer and a critic remarks: Non-Dalit writers describe the beloved’s
cheeks by comparing them with roses and liken the beloved’s lips to rose
petals. Further he said that unlike the non-Dalit writers’ imaginative
concept of beauty, the Dalit writers present it with realistic approach: The
beloved’s cheeks were like hardened lumps of jaggery and her lips were
like wrinkled black clay.

The non-Dalit writers use imagination to present beauty of beloved.

Unlike, the mainstream writers, the Dalit writers use reality to present
beauty of beloved. Daya Pawar, a famous Marathi Dalit writer has
criticised the indifferent mentality of the non-Dalits. Remark of Pawar is
quoted by Sharankumar Limbale in his critical work: Our entire society is
not on the same cultural level. Due to the mentality formed by different
cultural categories, caste system and customs in society, social life and
world-views were divided. Because of the pressure of false morality, even
the process of tasting a literary creation did not remain uncontaminated.
The indifferent attitudes of the upper caste writers are because of their
superiority complex. They cannot bring themselves to the level of Dalit
writers because to be inferior is alien to them. Further, to bring
themselves to the low level is below their dignity. Hence, they observe
and judge Dalit writings with a viewpoint of upper caste mentality. As a
result, they cannot justify Dalit literature and Dalit aesthetics. Since
ancient time to the second half of the 20th century the history of
mainstream Indian literature has not presented any thing serious about
Dalits’ issues or Dalits’ world. Thus, the mainstream literature is the
literature of non-Dalits. It presents everything about the non-Dalits; and
from the view point of the non-Dalits. A few glimpses are found
superficially when the upper caste literary writers have presented Dalits
in their literary works. In an interview, Bama, a well-known Dalit writer
has said, ‘. . . other writers have always looked down upon us. They have
written about us as good for nothing . . .’ So the mainstream writers’
presentation of Dalits and their issues in their literary works are good for
nothing: Indian literary history and theory, as well as the teaching of the
Indian literatures, are spectacularly silent about Dalit literature. Yet, Dalit
cultural and critical productions make a significant critical intervention in
the thinking and writing about Indian society, history, culture and
literature.
 The non-Dalit writers can present Dalits and Dalits’ world, but not as
authentic as by the Dalit writers. As a result, Dalits are not satisfied with
the literature of the mainstream writers. It is because the mainstream
literature presents the picture of the non-Dalits’ world. In the mainstream
literature, the real world of the Dalits with their centuries old pains,
humiliations, agonies, traumas, miseries, atrocities, alienation, sufferings
etc. have not ever been justified. What the best the mainstream authors
can do is to feel pity and sympathy. Further, they can offer some minor
changes within the existing unequal framework of Indian caste-system.
So, Dalits want representation of the real world of theirs in the literature.
And it is one of the desires which have given birth to the Dalit literature.

In an interview Harish Mangalam, a Gujarati Dalit writer has aptly

defined the taste of the Dalit writings: The exploited and oppressed
community is at the centre of all Dalit literature. . . . Dalit literature is
expressive of the plight of the downtrodden. It is therefore natural that a
writer from a Dalit background will recreate his experiences in his works.
Dalit folks and life are not justified in mainstream literature. So Dalit
writers have presented themselves, their culture, community and life the
way they are. As a result a new kind of literature known as the “Dalit
Literature” comes into existence. The aim of Dalit writers is to expose the
Dalit world which is neglected in mainstream society: The view of life
conveyed in Dalit literature is different from the world of experience
expressed hitherto. A new world, a new society and a new human being
have been revealed in literature, for the first time. The reality of Dalit
literature is distinct, and so is the language of this reality. Towards.
Language is also distinctly used in the writings by the Dalit writers. The
Dalit writers use regional vernaculars to present Dalit life and Dalit
world. Over all, the purpose of the Dalit literature is to give voice to a
culture that had been silenced for centuries. The Dalit writers portray the
real pictures of the milieu in which they live. Their own language,
culture, and life are fully narrated authentically by the Dalit writers. The
realistic depiction of the wrongs which are happening right before their
eyes on them and on their community gives it a touch of realism. The
soul of Dalit literature is ‘Dalit life’. This very concept is rightly observed
by Ajit Thakor: Dalit fiction differs from mainstream fiction from
thematic point of view; Dalit fiction gives voice to untouchability,
rebellion, anger and anguish which are characteristic of Dalit life. The
above mentioned definitions and notions for the Dalit literature are seen
in most of all Dalit literary creation.

One of the examples of it is presented in the form of Hindi Dalit short

story by Omprakash V162)
Non-Dalit writers have certainly presented Dalits but in a mild
presentation i.e. sympathetic and piteous. Thus, their concentration is on
the wretched inhuman conditions of the Dalits. They never presented
Dalits with Ambedkarite ideology. In the hands of mainstream writers,
Dalits are noting but tragic lots. The centuries old pains, traumas, and
sufferings, cannot be presented realistically by the non-Dalits in their
literature because they are the viewers and doers and not the victims and
sufferers the village but are not a part of the village. An Untouchable
must not own and cultivate land and lead an independent life. An
Untouchable should not take to such services as would give him an
authority and power over caste Hindus.

The Dalits were worse than the worst sufferers throughout past centuries
by the non-Dalits. The orthodox Hindus, even, did not want to give the
Dalits the status of human. But Dalits are proud of being Dalit. culture,
Dalit milieu, Dalit life, Dalit sensibility and Dalit language as it is; which
are quite different than that of the non-Dalits’. So, Dalit literature is also
different from the mainstream literature. As a result, the aesthetics of
Dalit literature is different than that of the non-Dalits’ literature.
Therefore, until the rise of Dalit literature, the non-Dalit writers and
critics have evaluated literature from aesthetics of the mainstream
literature. Emergence of Dalit literature is out of cry for freedom,
equality, justice and love. So it is different from the mainstream literature.
In Dalit literature imagination is replaced by reality, pleasure by pain and
suffering, beauty by struggle for identity and dignity, and love by quest
for equality. Aim of Dalit literature is quite different from the non-Dalits’
literature. Likewise, aesthetics of Dalit literature are different and unique
from mainstream’s literature.