Kendriya Vidyalaya Tiruvannamalai: Term II English Asl Project
Kendriya Vidyalaya Tiruvannamalai: Term II English Asl Project
Kendriya Vidyalaya Tiruvannamalai: Term II English Asl Project
Term II
ENGLISH ASL PROJECT
I would like to extend my sincere and heartfelt obligation towards all those who have helped me in
making this project.
Without their active guidance, help, cooperation and encouragement, I would not have been able to
present the project on time. I am extremely thankful and pay my sincere gratitude to my
teacher____KANNAN.P____________ for her valuable guidance and support for completion of this
project.
Place: Tiruvannamalai
CERTIFICATE
This is to certify that the project work on CHILD LABOUR IN INDIA based on the curriculum
of CBSE has been completed by ___RAGHAV . S___________ of Class-XII Section __A__ of
Kendriya Vidyalaya Tiruvannamalai. The above mentioned project work has been
completed under my guidance during the academic year 2021-22.
Objective
1. Introduction
INTRODUCTION
Causes:
Poverty and its related problems are some of the main causes
of child labour in Ethiopia. The 2001 survey reported that
about 90 per cent of the children working in productive
activities replied that they were working to either supplement
family income (23.8 per cent) or to improve it (66.0 per cent).
Poverty in Ethiopia is chronic due
to, among others, population
pressure, land degradation,
unemployment and under-
employment among adults and
school leavers (youth). Children are
paid lower wages than adults, not
unionized, and do not demand
workers’ rights. They are also
thought by some to be more
efficient in certain types of work,
though this has not been
demonstrated. Thus, these people
tend to prefer child workers to adults.
The other main cause of child labour is cultural values. The
Ethiopian culture encourages children to work to develop
skills. Children are considered as assets to generate income in
time of poverty. Children should, therefore, be given work at
home early in life and be obliged to assist parents.
Other reasons include educational problems, like distance
from school, poor quality of education, over-crowding,
inability to support schooling (food, uniforms, exercise books,
school fees, etc.); family disintegration due to divorce; various
conflicts, war and civil strife; drought and resettlement;
orphanhood due to AIDS; and rapid urbanization.
Consequences:
India has a vibrant recycling industry with 56 per cent of its recyclable
waste being recovered. This dynamic and surprisingly efficient system
of waste management stands solid on the shoulders of ragpickers and
kabadiwalas who belong informal sector. Despite their crucial service
of keeping urban waste management in place, India’s ragpickers
continue to struggle for survival in dire conditions—exposure to
harmful substances, poor wages and
lack of basic civic amenities.
Sheikh Abdul, a ragpicker from New
Seemapuri in east Delhi, shares, “Rag
picking as a profession comes with
its own set of utterly inhuman
challenges.” Abdul is a part of a
community of ragpickers who live in
the New Seemapuri slum, making up
about 800 of the 1,700-odd
households of the locality. They
struggle for basic sanitation, water
supply and power supply as the
neighbourhood is an unauthorised
settlement disconnected from the city’s basic services.
The collection and segregation of waste is carried out by the
community together. Once the waste has been collected from
households and colonies, it is brought to one of the segregation
centres in Seemapuri. “My entire family takes part in the collection,
segregation and selling of scrap materials, a profession that has been
endured for many generations in my family,” Abdul says.
He continues, “During segregation we often come in contact with
hazardous materials, including soiled clothes, needles, broken glass,
sanitary waste and batteries. In fact, much of the hazardous waste is
in the form of medicine bottles, insecticide spray bottles, toilet
cleaners, and injections. This mixed waste segregation subjects us to
several health issues like fever and skin rashes.”
After segregation, any recyclable item is
sold to the kabadiwala while the wet
waste is sold as cattle feed at Rs 3 per
kilogram. Marginalistation of the
community and systemic corruption
worsens their prospects, as another
ragpicker Archana explains, “One of the
major problems we are facing in our work nowadays is the underlying
bribing and outsourcing arrangements that have formed in the
neighbourhood. Having access to waste has become a challenge, as
MCD has started collecting waste from residential societies around
Seemapuri. So now, we have to pay the
MCD officials to buy waste from them in
order to collect valuable scraps, and even
when we go to collect from
the dhalaos (open waste bins), the MCD
officials on the ground don’t let go without
their commission.
That is not it, she continues, “Policemen and
even the cleanliness workers of the
residential societies take commissions from
us. If we collect the waste without paying
MCD officials, policemen and sanitation workers, then we are called
thieves for collecting and cleaning discarded waste from streets!”
To add to this, a heavy Goods and Services Tax (GST) was imposed on
scrap, which slashed the prices these items fetch for ragpickers by
half. The most profitable recycling item – PET bottles -- came down
from Rs 35 to Rs 23. Other recyclables like glass bottles, old slippers,
tetra packs, egg packs made of
cardboards, are now being thrown
off as it has become unprofitable
to recycle them. Although the GST
rates have been revised, the
effects will take time to reflect on
ground.
As a cumulative result of such
changes, ragpickers' incomes have
reduced from Rs 400-500 to a
meagre Rs 100-200 per day.
Their source of income is also
shrinking because many houses
give their waste to MCD and the
recyclables separately to the
kabadiwalas. This, along with
limited social mobility, keeps the
ragpickers bound in a vicious
cycle. “We are ill-treated and marginalised by every tier of society.
Households in the residential areas do not want to employ us as we
are considered filthy,” adds Archana.
Despite the economic, social and institutionalised challenges the
ragpicker community of New Seemapuri faces, they have expressed
interest in working with non-profit Chetnalaya for better living
conditions and integration in the formal waste collection. In the
formal system, ragpickers want to ensure waste segregation at the
source, collecting dry, wet and hazardous waste separately. This will
generate additional income from composting. Allan Anderson,
programme manager from Chetnalaya, says, “One cannot undermine
the resilient nature of these ragpicking communities who are actually
experts in waste segregation and recovery. In them lies great
potential for improved waste management in the capital city, and
then the entire nation.”