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extend access to The International Journal of African Historical Studies
Richard Pankhurst
Jimma, Gondar, Debra Markos, Adowa, Makale, and Selale.1 The three
decades or so prior to the Italian war had thus witnessed significant edu-
cational strides which were primarily designed to equip a growing num-
ber of Ethiopian government officials with the skills required both for
the preservation of the country's independence and for the all-important
task of modernization.2
Education in Eritrea, the Italian colony from which Mussolini was
later to launch his invasion, had begun soon after the coming of the
Italians, and was designed to meet the requirements of a colonial situa-
tion in which there was a race of rulers and of ruled. Schooling from the
outset was based on the principle of different schools for Italian and
Ethiopian children. This principle was affirmed in the first royal decree
on education in Eritrea of January 31, 1909. Article I stated that "ele-
mentary education is compulsory for nationals in the colony," and was to
be based on "the programmes of the Kingdom" with such modifications
as might seem desirable in the light of "local conditions," while education
for "subjects" had to be regulated, according to Article II, by the gov-
ernor, whol was responsible for laying down attendance requirements and
programs to include the Italian language, arts, crafts, and agriculture.3
A subsequent decree of September 12, 1921 stated that there should be
three types of schools for "natives," elementary, arts and crafts, and
secondary.4
Education in the colony prior to fascism, and indeed during the first
decade of Mussolini's regime, was almost entirely in the hands of Protes-
tant and Roman Catholic missionaries. The former, originally the more
important, were by now regarded with disfavor by the Italian govern-
ment, however; they found their activities increasingly circumscribed
while Catholic missionaries were eventually encouraged to, run the gov-
ernment schools which came into existence. Schooling in the late 1920s
was carried oin by two, Swedish groups, the Evangelical Missionary Society,
which established schools in eight centers, Asmara, Zazega, Baleza, Adi
Ugri, Keren, Gheleb, Kulluko, and Suso-Kunama, and had over eleven
hundred children at school, and the Missionary Society of True Friends
of the Bible at Asmara, Addis Kunzi, and Koazen. Roman Catholic edu-
The basic difficulty, the report concluded, was that the Italian government
"objected that the type of instruction given does not appear 'to educate
the people to become obedient Italian subjects.' "8 The missions' schools,
described by G. N. K. Trevaskis, a member of the subsequent British ad-
ministration o'f the colony, as the only educational establishments for
Eritreans which aspired to "normal standards," were finally closed by
order of the Italian government in 1932.9
Complaints of interference with Protestant missionaries throughout
this period were later made to the post-war Four Power Commission of
Enquiry on Eritrea. Axel Jonsson of the Swedish Evangelical Mission re-
ported that the mission had "enjoyed freedom in its work" until 1920,
5 World Dominion Survey, Light and Darkness in East Africa (London, 1927), 181-
184; see also Four Power Commission of Investigation for the Former Italian Colonies,
Report on Eritrea (London, 1948), appendices to vol. I, appendix 86.
6 A. Festa, "Le istituzioni educative in Eritrea," Atti del Secondo Congresso di Studi
Coloniali (Firenze, 1936), II, 288.
7 World Dominion Survey, Light and Darkness, 185-186.
8 Ibid., 184.
9 G. K. N. Trevaskis, Eritrea, a Colony in Transition, 1940-1952 (London, 1960), 33.
but that thereafter "freedom was curtailed" until December 1935, when
"all its missionaries were expelled and the properties of the Mission
taken by the Italian Government."'1 Clarence Duff of the American
Evangelical Mission of the Presbyterian Church noted that he had ex-
perienced "Italy's intolerance of Protestant missions" when his mission
"had all its property expropriated by the Italian Government and was
forced out of Eritrea along with all other Protestant missions."1"
In November 1932 the Italian government established a central office
for primary education in Eritrea, the purpose of which as defined by its
director, Andrea Festa, was to exercise technical and disciplinary super-
vision to, ensure that education accorded with the principles of the fascist
regime.o2 "Native schools" were now divided into three groups: ordinary
elementary schools providing teaching for four years; arts and crafts
schools, also, based on a four year course, to, be taken wherever possible
by pupils who had already completed two years in elementary school and
had thus acquired "the first elements of the Italian language"; and a com-
plementary school offering a two year course "to complete and integrate
the modest learning" gained by the pupils in their first four years of
elementary school. Education for Ethiopians following either the ele-
mentary or technical courses was thus restricted to, six years, since the
Italians deliberately desired, as Festa noted, to "suppress" the then exist-
ing "medium schools," the "pompous name" of which, he claimed, had
created by "no, means few misunderstandings" among the "natives" whose
aspirations were "many times in excess o,f their status."13 Only one com-
plementary school was in fact established, and it had but the poorest of
attendance. According to the subsequent Four Power Commission report,
"not many students" attended, their number varying from none in 1928/
1929 to 38 in 1933/1934, and only ten in 1939/1940.14
Italian educational policy on the eve of the Ethiopian war was summed
up by Festa who, addressing the Second Italian Congress of Colonial
Studies held in Florence in April 1934, declared that schools for Ethio-
pians aimed at "forming the new generation" and had "well defined aims."
The "native child," he declared, had to be "acquainted with a little of
our civilisation" in order to, become a "conscious propagandist" for Italian
culture. He had therefore to "know Italy, its glories, and ancient history,
in order to, become a conscious militia man in the shade of our flag."
Emphasizing the importance of instruction in "hygiene, geography and
ancient history," he reported the "complete abolition" in the "native"
syllabus of the teaching of the history of the Italian struggle for inde-
pendence and national unity, and "all such ideas" as were "unnecessary
or in any way unsuited to the modest possibilities of the native." He
added that "the school thus conceived and circumscribed cannot but assure
an effective benefit to the children, future soldiers of Italy, without cre-
ating for the Government political preoccupations; which could perhaps
result from an education designed with more ample aims and with pro-
grammes consonent with those in force for compatriots," that is, Italians.15
Such ideas were not surprisingly unacceptable to many Eritrean youths,
a number of whom succeeded in making their way, largely for educa-
tional reasons, to, Ethiopia where they received schooling. Several subse-
quently sent abroad for study by Emperor Haile Sellassie were tol play
an important role in Ethiopian government affairs.
After the occupation of Ethiopia the invaders took fairly prompt action
to define their overall educational policy. They attended to, such questions
as the race of the students, content of the curriculum, and the language
or languages of instruction. The principles of fascist educational policy
in Africa were officially defined in an educational ordinance for the col-
onies issued on July 24, 1936, Article I of which reiterated the principle
that in the newly conquered empire, as in the older colonies, there were
to be two, different types of educational institutions, namely "Italian type
schools" and schools for "colonial subjects."16 This distinction, which was
basic to the fascist conception of empire-building, enabled the creation of
two, entirely different curricula and educational systems, one for Italians,
or members olf the "dominant race," and the other for "subject peoples."
Italian children, mainly offspring of officials and settlers, were consid-
ered to, require what they were already receiving in Eritrea, that is, an
essentially Italian fascist education broadly acceptable in Italy, although
with such modifications as might be deemed useful in view of the local
situation. Article VI specified that Italian citizens in the empire were
subject to the same rules for the compulsory education of their children
as were in force; in, metropolitan Italy,17 while Article XIV stated that the
programs and regulations of "Italian type" schools should "conform to
those of the same grade in the Kingdom," except where "special local
conditions" required "modifications which would be promulgated by the
Minister for the Colonies."18 Half-caste children formerly in Italian
schools were later denied admission, after which they could be enrolled
only in institutions for "natives."19
Education for "natives," which was conceived of as much more rudi-
mentary than that for Italians, received far less attention in the edict of
1936, which nonetheless stated in Article VI that the governor could
issue a decree for their compulsory school attendance, but that this would
apply only to' children actually enrolled in the first grade of elementary
school.20 This hypothetical rule was thus intended not, as in the case of
Italian children, toi ensure that they should all go to school, but merely
that "native" children already in an educational establishment should not
be allowed to drop, out. The edict also, laid down in Article IX that
schools for "colonial subjects" should be inspected by officials who, ac-
cording to' Article XX had to be nominated by the governor from among
"colonial subjects" considered worthy because of their "learning, moral-
ity, and political conduct."21
Education for "natives" was to; equip them to, serve more efficiently in
a variety of semi-menial tasks, to indoctrinate them with feelings of
loyalty and subservience toward the fascist establishment, to give them
an understanding of hygiene in part at least to reduce the dangers of
contaminatioln to Italians resident among them, and to prevent them
from. acquiring professional or political aspirations out of harmony with
the fascist ethos. Italian policy, as proclaimed in an article in the official
publication Gli Annali dell' Africa Italiana, was "to! give to our compa-
triots an education not different from what they would have had in the
Motherland," and to achieve "the moral conquest, through the school, of
the native population."22 As far as the latter was concerned the journal
declared it a "fundamental and undiscussed axiom" of fascist policy that
"the school must be a political instrument for the peaceful penetration
and moral conquest of the, native population."23
The philosophy of fascist education for "natives" was further explained
by Festa, one of its architects, who told the Third Colonial Congress in
18 Ibid., 610.
19 Four Power Commission, Report on Eritrea, 69.
20 Ministero delle Colonie, Bollettino Ufficiale, 'XIV, 609.
21 Ibid., 609, 611.
22 "Le scuola e le istituzioni educative," Gli Annali dell' Africa Italiana, III, 1 (1940),
690.
23 Ibid., 692.
April 1937 that "the school in our Eastern Africa must have an essen-
tially practical aim." Reiterating his earlier theses he added,
claimed: "It is above all good to, bear in mind that complex courses of
study too, similar to those of metropolitan schools would lead to a fals
interpretation of the function of civilisation, creating social and mora
disharmony among the native masses induced by higher education re-
ceived but not substantially assimilated." This in turn, it was argued,
would cause the Ethiopians to, "search for employment little suited to
their race and unrelated to local conditions."
The "prime function" of Italian elementary education for Ethiopians,
the article continued, was to "civilise" them, and this involved "above
all" the issue of "rules of hygiene that would raise the sanitary conditions
of the population, also for the defence of metropolitan persons living in
the territories of Italian East Africa. No less important," the author con-
tinued, was the "economic and social amelioration of the native masses"
which was required "as much for their material welfare as fo,r our colo-
nisation." He added that "the best way to educate the native masses" was
to "call them, without the weight of excessive education," to work accord-
ing to their "aptitudes" and with due consideration of "traditions, existing
conditions, the social structure, and local economic possibilities." There
was, the article conceded, an obvious need for "a large mass of qualified"
persons in the empire, but they should be Italians, "not specialised native
labourers," for Africans should be employed only in fields where "for
the prestige of the race, climatic reasons or because of the character
of the work itself the employment of national man-power was not
possible." The employment of natives was alsot required as an "auxil-
liary function of national manpower": where it could assist colonization.
Fascist policy toward "colonial subjects," the author concluded, was "thus
essentially contained within the limits of elementary educatio,n" in which
work was the "predominant element." The type of employment available
to the Ethiopians would, however, vary from region to region, and de-
pend on the extent of agricultural, mineral, forestry, or other activity in
any area, though the government would also need to, employ them as
interpreters as well as teachers in indigenous schools. The Italian govern-
ment's interest in the education of its subjects, the article concluded, was
therefore concentrated in six areas: teaching through work, diffusion of
ideas on hygiene, teaching of the Italian language, imparting of the basic
ideas of geography and mathematics, imprinting ideas of discipline "to
inspire in the young masses the sense of duty, obedience and loyalty,"
and physical education.28
areas were combined. They show that elementary schools for Italian
children were instituted in 1938 at Adigrat, Adowa, Aksum, Makale,
Amba Alagi, then known as Toselli, and Qoram. By 1938/1939 schools
for Italians in the areas comprised 107 classes, and had a student popula-
tion of 2554, 1793 of whom were in Asmara.37
Educational changes in Addis Ababa began shortly after the capture
of the city when the old Tafari Makonnen School was converted into
two "Italian type" schools, the Liceo-Ginnasio Vittorio Emanuele III and
the Istituto Tecnico Benito Mussolini, both reserved for European chil-
dren, while the prewar Empress Menen School for girls was converted
into the Regina Elena military hospital.38 The Liceo-Ginnasio, an aca-
demic secondary school, was run by twelve teachers and had 57 students
in 1936/1937 and 235 by 1938/1939,39 and the Istituto Tecnico, a
technical school with a teaching staff of eight, started in 1937/1938 with
some 30 students who increased by the following year to 77.40 Steps were
later taken to expand the original buildings by erecting a new wing, six
additional classrooms, a library building, and several smaller structures.4'
At the elementary level the prewar Italian Consolata Mission School
was likewise expanded. By 1936/1937 it had 143 pupils, all of them
European, 73 of them Italian; these figures rose by 1937/1938 to 161
and 91 respectively, with a total enrollment of 151 in 1938/1939.42
Another elementary school for Italians, the Vittorio Emanuele III School,
was established in January 1937. Originally housed in part of the old
Tafari Makonnen School, it had five classes with 54 pupils, all of them
Italian, and was later transferred to the premises of the prewar Armenian
school. By 1938/1939 it comprised 15 classes and was attended by 547
students, half of them Italian, the remainder mainly Armenian.43 The
settlement of Italian agriculturalists at Holetta to the west of the capital
There were about 300 boys at first, but the number has now decreased
to 150, the reason being that some of them died of typhus and others
had to leave the school owing to starvation. It is said that the food given
daily is scanty and unsuitable, and it is only the boys who have no place
to go that stay in school. Time is spent in singing the National hymn of
Italy, and "Giovinezza," and in training of a military nature.64
Turning to the management of the school the same observer added: "No
attention is paid to the progress of the school. It is left in the hands of a
few Eritrean teachers. The work of the school is described as childish. It
is only on occasions when visitors go to the school that the Italian teachers
are present."67
Efforts were also made to organize groups of young people outside the
school and to educate them, on the example of a similar organization in
Zoli writing of this time told of "special evening courses" being set up
for Ethiopian adults,69 but Roberts declared that though some 2500 men
registered they did so "to escape imprisonment for minor offences and
evade compulsory enlistment for military services. But after a month or
two they were forced to go to the various military quarters to train as
soldiers, or as auxiliaries to the carabineers."70 L. Diel, though a Nazi
propagandist, admitted that the project was a failure, and that "very soon
it became evident that these endeavours were premature, whereupon in-
structions came from Rome to suspend them until new general lines
could be laid down."71 The official attitude to such organizations was de-
fined in September 1937 when Graziani warned Achille Starace, secretary
of the fascist party, against the enrollment of Ethiopians into fascist
organizations, and declared that the activities of the indigenous youth
"must be strictly limited to premilitary instruction if even that is neces-
sary." The, Viceroy subsequently reported on September 25 that he had
on that day spoken on the matter with the Duce by telephone and that
Mussolini was "fully of the same opinion" on "the necessity of excluding
natives from fascist organisations."72
Another attempt at indigenous education began, according to Gli
Annali dell' Africa Italiana, at the end of June 1936 when the fascist
federation and the Italian Military Co'mmand opened a school which was
partially filled by abandoned children found in the city on the arrival of
the Italian troops.73 The establishment, which had two, sections, one for
boys and one for girls,74 was placed under a master from the Italian Na-
tional School in Asmara,75 its "double objective," according to, Lischi,
being to teach the Italian language and Italian customs, and thus to
familiarize the children with Italians.76 This project, however, was also
by no means a success. Gli Annali dell' Africa Italiana states that in the
boys' section attendance fluctuated between only 50 and 200, but that no
more than five attended regularly. Many children abandoned the institu-
tion to wander the streets once they acquired their school clothes, while
others left to become interpreters on learning a few words of Italian. The
school was accordingly closed in 1937 and the orphans and abandoned
children were handed over to an Italian missionary group, the Sisters
of Canossa.77
Italian government actioin in the capital began for practical purposes
only toward the end of 1937, therefore, but was limited in scope, with
instruction largely left to the missionaries. In October 1937 the Addis
Ababa authorities, concerned at the high incidence of eye disease, estab-
lished a school for children suffering from trachoma.78 This institution,
situated near the Santa Vicenzo de Paola mission, was entrusted to the
Sisters oif Canossa, and again had two sections separating boys and girls.
Sixty-eight pupils attended in 1937/1938 and 116 in the following year.79
In November 1937 the prewar Muslim school was reorganized as a gov-
ernment school, with Italian added to Arabic as a language of instruc-
tion; by 1937/1938 the school had five classes with a total enrollment
of 118.80 The Italian Department of Political Affairs later conceived the
idea of setting up a special convent school for the children of "native
notables," and premises near the Consolata mission were constructed in
1.940 for some sixty pupils who on completing their studies were to serve
as minor officials, interpreters, and language instructors.81 The fascist
empire collapsed before the first students could graduate.
Education in the city throughout the occupation period was mainly in
Teaching, Polson Newman recalled, was "given in Italian and the native
language or languages . .. and there is nearly always an interpreter. ...
The school-teachers are chiefly Eritreans supervised by Italians, who are
in many cases priests or nuns."94
The fascists deliberately decided to employ Italian Roman Catholic
missionaries in an effort to! exclude non-Italian Catholics as well as mis-
sionaries of other denominatio,ns.95 Discussions with the Papacy on this
matter began in the summer of 1936. The Daily Telegraph's Vatican
correspondent reported on 15 July that "plans for important and far-
reaching collaboration between the Holy See and the Fascist State" were
being studied, and that "all foreign priests" would be excluded from
missionary work in Ethiopia.96 A week later, on 21 July, the Church of
England chaplain in Addis Ababa, the Reverend A. F. Matthew, was in-
formed by a commandant of carabinieri "that Marshal Graziani wished
him to; leave the country as he was not a friend of Italy." The British
legation, however, reported that Matthew was "a most harmless person
who, could not possibly give offence to the Italians either by word or
deed."97 Further expulsions followed. In September it was announced that
M. E. Palm of the Seventh Day Adventist Missio,n had been ordered to
leave,98 and a subsequent publication of the Sudan Interior Mission re-
lated that "gradually ... it became clear that the attitude of the Italian
Government towards Protestant missionary work would not be one of
toleration, but of opposition." In December 1936 the mission was in-
formed that their buildings in Addis Ababa were tot be expropriated.
This news, E. R. Rice explained, "came as a terrible shock," for "if the
buildings were taken away and no alternative site were granted, it would
be impossible for the missionaries to remain at the capital." Representa-
tions, he said, "were made by the Mission to! the Italian authorities,
to the British and American consuls in Addis Ababa, and to, the Foreign
Office in. London, but it seemed that nothing could be done." Early in
March 1937, the mission was told that it would be unable to continue
work in the Galla and Sidama regions, and that all stations south of
Addis Ababa would likewise be expropriated. At about the same time the
two S.I.M. missionaries at Lalibela were ordered to leave. "It became
clear," Rice commented, "that the Italian Government was pursuing a
definite policy, and that nothing was to be gained by trying to fight it."99
The Papal authorities meanwhile had agreed to remove non-Italian
Roman Catholics from the empire. The Morning Post correspondent
noted on March 11 that as a part of "a vast plan for developing the work
of the Catholic Church in Abyssinia," Pope Pius XI had decided that
"non-Italian missio,naries of the Catholic Church already in these parts of
Africa are to be recalled and sent elsewhere."100 Later in the month the
veteran French missionary Monsigneur Andre Jarousseau was replaced
by an Italian who, the British consul commented, was "obviously a polit-
ical bishop,"10' while early in April H. C. Bartleet of the Bible Church-
men's Missionary Society and five other Protestant missionaries were
expelled. The Italian government spokesman, Virginio Gayda, often re-
ferred to as Mussolini's mouthpiece, claimed in the Giornale d'Itali that
the Protestant missionaries were spies and agents provocateurs who "en-
cumbered Ethiopia with their intolerable methods and programmes," and
added, "The missionaries are revealed either as the agents of espionage
and crooked business or as the exponents of dangerous fanaticism of
which the Protestant world today gives such abundant proof."102 A month
or so later, on June 10, the Italian foreign minister, Count Ciano, in-
formed Sir Eric Drummond, the British ambassador in Rome, that the
matter had been referred to the Duce, who had decided that it was not
the Italian government's intention "now or ever to entrust any religious
denomination of a foreign country with the task o,f setting up any schools
in Abyssinia." Reporting this to the House of Commons, Anthony Eden
commented, "The Government regret this decision. They consider it is a
wrong principle on which to proceed."'03 Lessona, apparently wishing to
99 E. R. Rice, Eclipse in Ethiopia and its Corona Glory (London, 1938), 115-117;
see also Svensson, Abessinien, 56.
100 Morning Post, 11 March 1937.
101 Foreign Office, F. 0. 371/22021/13, P.R.O.; Foreign Office, F. 0. 371/22025/
170-172, 190-192, P.R.O.
102Daily Telegraph, 9 and 10 April 1937; Morning Post, 9 and 10 April 1937;
News Chronicle, 10 April 1937; Sunday Times, 11 April 1937; New Times and Ethio-
pia News, 15 May 1937; see also N. Grubb, Alfred Buxton of Abyssinia and Congo
(London, 1942), 152-155.
103 Italy, Archivio storico dell' ex-Ministero dell' Africa Italiana, cart 75, fasc. 205,
no. 220757, Rome; see also no. 220459; Evening Standard, 14 June 1937; Oxford Mail,
14 and 15 June 1937.
104 Morning Post, 24 May 1937.
105 Foreign Office, F. 0. 371/20928/30, P.R.O.; Foreign Office, F. 0. 371/20928/
134, passim, 174-175, P.R.O.; Foreign Office, F. 0. 371/20939, passim, P.R.O.; Foreign
Office, F. 0. 371/23378/302-304, 315-320, P.R.O.; C. Zoli, La conquista dell' Impero
(Bologna, 1937), 406; Hanson, For God and Emperor, 53, 61-62; Grubb, Alfred Bux-
ton, 152-154; see also Giornale Ufficiale del Governo Generale dell' Africa Orientale
Italiana, IV (1939), 862.
106 U.S.N.A., 468/1087-1091, 472/747.
107 U.S.N.A., 472/253.
Such views were shared by most of the top level Italian rulers in East
Africa. On 5 June 1938, General Guglielmo Nasi, the governor of Harar,
complained in a memorandum on the "Direction of Native Education"
that he had noticed commissars and residents who had "an ambition to
extend elementary education for natives, and to teach our language to as
many children as possible. This," he commented,
108 Ethiopia, Ministry of Justice, Documents on Italian War Crimes submitted to the
United Nations War Crimes Commission by the Imperial Ethiopian Government (Addis
Ababa, 1949), I, 30, 65-66.
at the last meeting of the Governors full assent was given to the prin-
ciple .. . that the schools of all kinds established for the subject peoples
of Italian East Africa ought above all to, aim at this goal: to train the
pupils in the cultivation of the soil or to, become qualified (not special-
ised) in order to create gradually native skilled craftsmanship for all
fields of labour where, for reasons of climate, surroundings, or race pres-
tige, the use of Italian labour is not admissible or convenient and for
the purpose of reducing the cost of labour and production in general by
making use of native labour. Consequently it is important that the re-
spective Governors, taking into account the special conditions of their
own territories, the native attitude to work and the demands of the local
industries, should organise the schools for colonial natives, assigning to
each of them the specialisation that will most easily lead to the goal
indicated above.
It is also understood that, with the exception of the schools for agri-
cultural instruction, where the greater the number of pupils the greater
will be the economic and social advantages derived from these schools,
for all the others, vocational schools and the cultural schools reserved for
the sons of native notabilities, the number of students should be decided,
year by year, with regard to, the employment possibilities in the indus-
tries and local occupations that can be held out to the students leaving
each school. .... To the training planned in those programs should be
added gymnastic military exercises, in the form and with the teaching
staff that each Government judges most convenient.109
fine of up to, three thousand lire, and any offending institution was liable
to closure.1"
Throughout the occupation the fascist authorities took steps to strictly
control the diffusion of information. Foreign press correspondents in
Addis Ababa, including British, Greek, Belgian, French, and German na-
tionals, were expelled within the first few weeks of the occupation of the
city."2 The local Italian press published only officially acceptable infor-
mation,1t3 which was often little more than a caricature of real news.
The Swedish missionary A. B. Svensson, recording his impressions of the
fascist Addis Ababa daily, Corriere dell' Impero, commented that it gave
a "queer picture" of the international situation. Italy was presented as the
strongest power, and the Duce as the most important statesman who
determined the fate of the world. There were two other important states,
Germany and Japan, who followed the Duce. The United States was
described as a country with money and oil, while England was sometimes
mentioned with respect and sometimes joked about. There were occa-
sional references to France, likewise Moscow, a terrible place; several
other countries were also mentioned, but only if some Italian was honored
there, while crimes if they occurred in the sanctionist countries were
often reported.14 Import of foreign papers was at the same time strictly
controlled; a decree put out by the Governor General on 1 July 1936
prohibited the import into Addis Ababa and Shoa of all foreign news-
papers except those especially authorized. The sole British newspaper on
the list was the pro-Italian Daily Mail, and no American papers at all
were permitted."5 Access to foreign broadcasts was likewise curtailed.
G. L. Steer reported in 1941 that no more than forty Ethiopians were
allowed to have radio sets.116
111 Giornale Ufflciale del Governo Generale dell' Africa Orientale Italiana, V (1940),
606; see also R. Pankhurst, "Fascist Racial Policies in Ethiopia, 1922-1941," Ethiopia
Observer, XII (1969), 270-286.
112 Foreign Office, F. 0. 371/20210/159, 163, 203, P.R.O.
113Diel, Mussolini, 101; Foreign Office, F. 0. 371/23377/420, P.R.O.
114 Svensson, Abessinien, 548-549.
115 Giornale UIficiale del Governo Generale dell' Africa Orientale Italiana, II (1937),
207, 216-217.
116 G. L. Steer, Sealed and Delivered (London, 1942), 202.
117 Four Power Commission, Report on Eritrea, 69-70.
118 Italy, Ministero dell' Africa Italiana, Scuole elementari di tipo metropolitano,
Sillibario e prima lettura (Firenze, 1938), 92.
119 Ibid., 101.
120 Ibid., 138.
12 Ibid., o15.
and "I wish well to the Duce who struggles to make Italy always stronger
and more respected."122
First year Italian children also used ordinary textbooks primarily in-
tended for schools in Italy, such as the Libro delle prima classe published
by the Libreria dello Stato. Written by Maria Zanetti, it contained nu-
merous illustrations of fascist and nationalist themes, such as the Italian
flag accompanied by the slogan "Soldiers do not abandon the, flag, not
even if they die,"123 a group of fascists in their blackshirt uniforms, the
house where the Duce was born, a child carrying the Italian flag, Musso-
lini embracing a schoolboy, crowds greeting the King Emperor with the
declaration "King Vittorio Emanuele the Italian people love you great-
ly,"124 a boy and girl giving the fascist salute with the slogan "Long live
the Fascio,"125 and a portrait of Mussolini with the words "Children,
love Benito Mussolini. Benito Mussolini has worked and works for the
Fatherland and the Italian people."126 Many pages were also, devoted to
the empire, with passages on the life of Italian children in the colonies,
a film showing Mussolini on horseback and warfare in the mountains of
Ethiopia, and a speech of the Duce's in which he is quoted as proclaiming
"the war is finished. Ethiopia is Italian."127
In their second year Italian pupils received the Ministry of Italian
Africa's Libro dell II Classe, which was written by Signora O. Quercia
Tanzarella and maintained its predecessor's propagandist tone. The primer
included chapters on fascist ideology, photographs of the Duce, King
Vittorio Emanuele, and various fascist processions, and scenes from an-
cient Rome interspersed with short stories and fables, several of them
with an African setting. One characteristic chapter introduced the child
to the city of Rome and in particular to the Colosseum, the Pantheon,
St. Peter's, and Mussolini's office at the Palazzo Venezia, where a conver-
sation is reported in which the teacher exclaims of the Duce, "'I would
like to see Him.' 'Me too! me too!' replied all the students."128 Other
laudatory chapters were devoted to Mussolini's march on Rome in 1922
and the annual commemoration thereof, as well as to the affection which
122Ibid., 132-133.
123 La Libreria dello Stato, II libro dell prima classe (Rome, 1937), 58.
124 Ibid., 45.
125 bid., 106-107.
126 Ibid., 61.
127 Ibid., 138-139; see also A. Vezzani, Via agrese. Sillabario e piccole ad uso della
prima classe elementare machile e femminile. Ediziono speciale per le scuole elementare
dell' A.O.I. (Torino, 1937).
128 Ministero dell' Africa Italiana, Scuole elementari di tipo metropolitano, II libro
dell II classe (Firenze, 1939), 13.
all good Italians were supposed to feel for the dictator, tol whom the text-
book attributed almost divine qualities and a passionate concern for the
welfare of overseas Italians and their children:
The Italian people, confident in the word of the Chief, prepared itself
for the great enterprise with cheerful enthusiasm, as if they had been
treated to a feast. Their confidence was not misplaced, despite the coali-
tion of as many as 52 nations which revenged themselves o,n the initia-
tive taken by our Fatherland . . . in only seven monthsi the Empire of
Ethiopia was conquered, an Empire three times as large as Italy! On
May 9 of the following year the Duce, from the balcony of the Piazza
Venezia, announced to the world that the great undertaking was accom-
plished, and proclaimed the Roman Empire restored, after fifteen cen-
turies, under the insignia o'f the victors' fascio.'34
Another chapter outlined the course of the campaign and told of the
heroism of the Duce's two, sons, Bruno and Vito, Mussolini, who had re-
ceived medals of valor on the field of battle. The author declared:
131 Scuole Italiane all' Estero, Lettura classe Seconda (Rome, 1932); see also L.
Fiordi, T. Trento, and F. Mariani, Sulle vie del sapere (Rome, 1938).
134 Ministero dell' Africa Italiana, Scuole elementari di tipo metropolitano, I1 libro
della terza classe (Firenze, 1939), 149-150.
and imperishable as the, souls of those who know how to die for the
Fatherland.
Glory to you, soldiers of Italy! Glory to you, blackshirts! Glory to you,
heroic askari and dubat who adopted Italy as your Fatherland!
Glory to you, invincible Duce, and to you, our King and Emperor!
The line of Savoy will endure for centuries! 35
139 La Libreria dello Stato, II libro della IV classe elementare. Letture (Rome, 1939);
see also La Libreria dello Stato, II libro della IV classe elementare. Letture (Rome,
1936); La Libreria dello Stato, II libro della V classe elementare. II balilla Vittorio
(Rome, 1936); La Libreria dello Stato, II libro dello quinta classe elementare. Letture
(Rome, n.d.).
140 La Libreria dello Stato, II libro della quinta classe. Testo di letture per le alunne.
Amor di Patria (Rome, 1939); see also La Libreria dello Stato, II libro della V Classe
elementare. Religione. Stor?a. Geografico. Aritmetica. Scienze (Rome, 1937).
1,1 C. Paperini, II mio libro di temi d'Italiano (Torino, 1938), 138.
When you enter class in the morning, child, salute your King. He is
the supreme Head of the Nation, the first citizen of Italy ....
Salute, child, the Victorious King, citizen and soldier, whenever you
enter your class.146
My little Mohammed, when you enter school, lift your purest heart to
the Majesty of the King Soldier, and repeat the promise of your faithful
love.
142 Ministero dell' Africa Italiana, Scuole elementari per indigeni dell' Africa Ori-
entale Italiana, II Libro della seconda classe (Firenze, 1939), 34.
143 Ibid., 42, 55.
144 Ibid., 46.
145 Ibid., 25.
146 Ministero dell' Africa Italiana, Scuole elementari per indigeni, II libro delta terza
classe (Firenze, 1937), 28.
To the Duce who watches you with his profound, immovable and
scrutinising eyes, you must say, raising the arm and stretching out the
hand: "If I cannot myself be a Balilla I will nevertheless always be at
your orders."147
154 Ministero delle Colonie, Scuole elementari per indigeni, Libro succidario per l
terza classe elementare (Firenze, 1939), passim.
155 Hanson, For God and Emperor, 62.
156 Diel, Mussolini, 137.
157 Poison Newman, New Abyssinia, 30, 37, 110.
158Ibid., 110-111.
159 Ibid., 18-19.
the youth of the empire made little contribution in the time of crisis
which followed Mussolini's entry into the European war in June 1940,
the local inhabitants in particular displaying only the most perfunctory
loyalty to their Italian masters. The rigid racial discrimination proclaimed
by fascism, the attempt to develop the empire with Italian skilled labor
alone, and the stultifying policy of providing only the most limited
schooling to the indigenous population were likewise detrimental. After
the fascist collapse the country found itself largely destitute of the skilled
personnel required to face the problems of independence.