KEMANUSIAAN Vol. 22, No.

1, (2015), 27–52

Kunlun and Kunlun Slaves as Buddhists in

the Eyes of the Tang Chinese
KANG HEEJUNG
Sogang University, Seoul, Korea
[email protected]

Abstract. As the entries on Kunluns and Kunlunnus increased in the historical

records of Tang, art pieces depicting them also increased. The people of Tang
wrote mystical tales about the Kunlunnu, who possessed supernatural powers.
Kunlun was not a word that indicated a specific country in Southeast Asia.
Kunluns are represented in the historical records as having "wavy hair and dark
skin". Even if Hinduism was more prevalent than Buddhism in Southeast Asia
from the third century to the seventh century, Kunluns were often presented as
followers of the Buddhist faith in Chinese art, which likely resulted from the fact
that the Southeast Asians brought in Buddhist goods as items with which to pay
tribute to China. This is why the Chinese presumed that the Southeast Asians
were fervent Buddhists. Within the tributary system, the Kunlunnus from a
certain region in Southeast Asia were strangers to the Chinese, but they became
regarded as Buddhists with magical powers, which departed from their real
existence.

Keywords and phrases: Kunlun, Kunlunnu, Tang China, Southeast Asia,

Buddhism

Introduction

The Southeast Asian historian, O. W. Wolters (1967, 153) wrote that the Chinese
called the Southeast Asian maritime people and region "the Kunlun" 崑崙 from
the beginning of their acquaintance with them. Kunlun was also written as
Kunlun 昆侖 and Juelun 掘倫 in Chinese records. The Southeast Asian people who
engaged in maritime commerce with China during the fifth and sixth centuries
CE were known as Kunlun, but from the seventh century onward, the term was
limited to the people of Indonesia. Wolters claims that the Chinese referred to all
of the people who were involved in maritime commerce with themselves as
Kunlun.

However, in the historical records from the period of the Southern and Northern
Dynasties, such as the Book of Jin (Jinshu 晉書), the Book of Southern Qi
(Nanqishu 南齊書), the Book of Liang (Liangshu 梁書) and the History of Southern
Dynasties (Nanshi 南史), the word Kunlun does not appear as a name that refers
to the region or people of Southeast Asia in its entirety. Rather, Kunlun was used
vaguely to indicate a region south of China. It was a new word used in a

© Penerbit Universiti Sains Malaysia, 2015

28 Kang Heejung

completely different context from the Kunlunshan 崑崙山 (Mount Kunlun) being
the residence of the Xiwangmu 西王母 (Queen Mother of the West and the
Goddess of Death), as had been recorded in Shanhaijing 山海經 (Classic of the
Mountains and Seas). During the Southern and Northern Dynasties of China, the
differences between the numerous states in Southeast Asia were recognised, and
the Chinese people distinguished them as individual countries. Records relevant
to Southeast Asia were greatly increasing in number and continued to do so into
the era of the Tang Dynasty, when the Southeast Asian states repeatedly
separated and reorganised themselves, and maritime commerce between these
states and China expanded considerably. From the seventh century onwards,
along with the rise of Srivijaya, the word Kunlun was used to indicate an island
kingdom situated near the equator. In A Record of the Buddhist Religion as
Practised in India and the Malay Archipelago (Nanhai Guiji Neifadian
南海寄歸內法傳) by I-Tsing (Yijing 義淨), Kunlun meant Indonesia, precisely
Srivijaya, where I-Tsing stayed for a while. When Kunlun appeared in the
Chinese records, it was initially used to indicate parts of Southeast Asia,
excluding the Champa region, but its meaning later shifted so that it referred to
Indonesia and parts of Southeast Asia. The Kunlun region used in Chinese
records did not mark a specific country, but rather, its extent was continuously
modified as a result of events in Southeast Asian history.

Kunlun, the dwelling place of the Xiwangmu, is a fictitious mountain that exists
only in the imagination. However, the Kunlun that appears in the historical
records after the period of the Southern and Northern Dynasties seems to have
been a real and definite location, although it is difficult to be precise about where
exactly this location was. Further complicating the matter is that in the eyes of
the Tang Chinese, the term Kunlun referred to some of the Southern Barbarians
(Nanman 南蠻). The Southern Barbarians were the people living in a vast area
covering the entirety of Southeast Asia and the region south of the River Yangtze
in present-day southern China, all the way down to Yunnan 雲南 Province.
Furthermore, many Korean and foreign academics have held the view that a
specific region in Southeast Asia was called Kunlun by the Chinese and that the
Kunlunnus 崑崙奴 were slaves from that region.

This paper reviews these past outlooks on previously existing artistic and literary
materials about Kunlun alongside evidence of newly found artefacts and historic
records from China to enrich our understanding of the ancient culture of
Southeast Asia. In particular, it focuses on the region known as Kunlun and on
reconstituting the dual image of the Kunlun people as Chinese society perceived
them in the Tang dynasty. The Chinese maintained a guarded yet interested view
of the Kunlun, who served as a source of literary imagination and artistic
expression. Focusing on the Tang dynasty, the research investigates the concept
and image of Kunlunnu. The concrete representation of Kunlunnu, including the
 Kunlun and Kunlun as Buddhists 29

newly excavated figurines, and the texts, needless to say, came out from Tang
dynasty, indicating that the Tang Chinese began to imagine some of the
Southeast Asian people as Kunlunnu. This paper will aid in reconstructing the
ancient times of Southeast Asia, for which artefacts and documentation are not
sufficient.

Kunlun, Kunlun Ships and Kunlun Slaves

If Kunlun and the Kunlun people as terms are completely unrelated to the
legendary Mount Kunlun, where the Xiwangmu lives, then where is Kunlun, and
who are the Kunlun people? In this section, we will look into the Kunlun, Kunlun
Bo 崑崙舶 (Kunlun Ship) and Kunlunnu as they appear in written documentation,
especially in official historic records. Whichever place and group of people it was
used to indicate, Kunlun was a term and description that was used in China.
Therefore, attempting an explanation of who is included under the term Kunlun,
wherever they may be, requires viewing them and understanding them as
strangers and "others" from the perspective of the Chinese. Where is Kunlun? It
is possible to infer the answer to this question from the occasional entries found
in Chinese records. The following section offers a concise description of these
entries.

First, the "Records of Foreign Countries" (Waiguo chuan 外國傳) in the history
books of China chose the method of defining the many Southeast Asian states by
enumerating their specific names. For example, the book mentions the name of a
country, such as Pan-pan 盤盤 or Tan-tan 丹丹, and proceeds to explain that "(this
country) can be reached by sailing for this number of days in this direction",
indicating its direction and distance from China. The size and characteristics, the
culture of the country, and whether the country had paid tribute to the Chinese
imperial court will be further examined. However, neither the Old Book of Tang
(Jiu Tangshu 舊唐書) nor the New Book of Tang (Xin Tangshu 新唐書) mentions
Kunlun as a specific country. The following two entries found in the Documents
on Tang State Matters (Tanghuiyao 唐會要) need further attention.

"On dingmao day in October, 665 (second year of Linde), the Emperor was
starting from the capital of the eastern trying to Dongyue… many camps lined up
in the yard. They are chiefs from Tujue, Yutian, Persia, Tianzhu guo, Jibin,
Wuchang, Kunlun, Woguo, and Silla, Baekje, Koryo".1

"Four kinds of barbarians from everywhere and Qianghu came to offer their
valuables of nation, (they were) Jielifa from Tujue, king of Xiqidan. Dashi visited
to appreciate. The envoys from major tribes in the world, Kunlun, Riben, Silla,
Meihe came to visit (with offerings)".2
30 Kang Heejung

In this example, Kunlun is included in the list of country names. It appears that
Kunlun was recognised as an individual country, just like that of the Turks (Tujue
突厥), Yutian 于闐, Wuhuan 烏桓 and Baekje 百濟. However, this is the only
example of where it is identified as an actual country. The term Kunlun was not
generally used to represent a country or a community with a certain level of
political structure. It has been noted that the country known as Chitu 赤土 could
well be the place that is indicated by the term Kunlun, but this is uncertain (Wang
1968, 63–64). In 636 CE, Emperor Taizong 太宗 of Tang received an envoy from
a country called Gantangguo 甘棠國 (country of Gantang), the location of which
has not been specified. The New Book of Tang only offers that Gantangguo was
located south of the sea 海南, and it can be conjectured to be situated on the
border of Vietnam. However, the record states that Gantangguo was also "one of
the Kunlun" (Wolters 1967, 234). Another similar example can be found in the
descriptions of Pan-pan and Lankasuka (Langyaxiu 狼牙脩) in the "Records of the
Southern Barbarians" (Nanman chuan 南蠻傳) in the New Book of Tang. All of
these are conjectured to have been located in the central regions of the Malay
Peninsula. The "Records of the Southern Barbarians" in the New Book of Tang
states that the king of Pan-pan was called Yangsushi 楊粟翨, or Kunlun, and
"amongst those terms that indicate the king's subjects, there are names such as
'Kunlundi' 崑崙帝 and 'Kunlunbohe' 崑崙勃和". This reveals the possibility that
Kunlun was a transliteration of a word used in this region. These cases hint that
the word Kunlun was a modifier rather than a proper noun in and of itself.

Where is Kunlun as a place? Did the term indicate a specific location or refer to
the entire Southeast Asian region? In I-Tsing's A Record of the Buddhist Religion
as Practised in India and the Malay Archipelago, the Kunlun people are
described as having "wavy hair and dark skin" (Toujuan tihei 頭捲體黑). However,
it is difficult to assume that the physical characteristics of having wavy hair and
dark skin specify a certain group of people from a specific country. One research
paper estimates that Kunlun was in present day Gorong in Indonesia.3 Gorong is
a small island in the southern part of the sea in between the Watubela
Archipelago and Ceram. The pronunciation of Gorong and Kunlun are indeed
quite similar. However, because Gorong is only a group of small islands, it seems
that Gorong lacked not only enough people or ships to do large-scale trade but
also enough fame for Tang Chinese to notice it.

As another opinion of where Kunlun is, in the introduction inside the English-
translated publication of I-Tsing's A Record of the Buddhist Religion as Practiced
in India and the Malay Archipelago, Takakusu Junjiro 高楠順次朗 (1982, xxxix–
xl) speculated that Poulo Condore Island, in the south of Vietnam, could be
Kunlun. This is because the island that is currently called Con Dao is translated
as Kunlundao 崑崙島 (island of Kunlun) in Chinese characters. This concurs with
 Kunlun and Kunlun as Buddhists 31

the records from the Old Book of Tang, which indicates that Kunlun was located
south of Hanoi, but it is unlikely that the record intended to specify just one
island. Preceding Takakusu, E. Chavannes suggested that the origin of the word
Kunlun came from the Chinese word Gulong 古龍, a Chinese transliteration for
Kou-long. Judging from the fact that people of Funan were dark-skinned and
naked, the royal family was named Kou-long, and the king of Pan-pan was called
Koulongdi, Chavannes was convinced that the Kunlun referred to by I-Tsing was
actually present-day Thailand and Malacca (Takakusu 1982, 11). However, the
basis of this assumption is also rather frail. Chavannes claimed that this finding
was the result of comparing the entries of the Old Book of Tang and the New
Book of Tang, but there is no record in either book of a king named Gulong.

It is difficult to confirm the exact location of Kunlun because the references

found in the Chinese documents are not consistent. The French academic Gabriel
Ferrand, who focused on Kunlun, described the following possible locations (re-
quoted from Shi Dongchu 釋東初 et al. 1985, 452–454):

1. East of the Ganges River and the numerous archipelagos on

the Malay Peninsula;
2. Mount Kunlun in Pulaw Kundur (Pulo Condore);
3. Culao Cham (Zhan Bi Luo 占筆羅 or Zhan Bu Lao 占不牢) southeast
from Tourane;
4. Champa, Zhenla, Myanmar, Malay Peninsula (Tunson [Dun Xun 頓遜]
and Pan-pan);
5. Kunlunguo near Nan Zhao 南詔;
6. Kunlun Pass (Kunlun Guan 崑崙關) of Guangxi 廣西;
7. Eastern mountains of Fiji (Feizhou Donglun 斐洲東崙) and Madagascar.

Ferrand claims that beginning in approximately 1,000 BCE, people moved to

wherever Kunlun was from the highlands of Asia, travelling along the Irawadi
River, the Salouen River, the Menam River and the Mekong River. As these
people moved into the Malay Peninsula and the archipelago, the native people
disappeared and later, the Indian culture was diffused. Ferrand's opinion is based
on seeing the Kunlun as a single ethnic entity. Although there are many places
that are identified as Kunlun in Chinese records, it is questionable whether it is
realistic to regard the present-day regional names as the same as the names used
during the Tang Dynasty.

A very descriptive explanation of Pyu (Biao 驃) appears in the New Book of

Tang, apparently not in the Old Book of Tang. This appearance possibly reflects
the circumstances at the time when the New Book of Tang was compiled: The
32 Kang Heejung

compilers were likely affected by the powerful rise of the Pyu tribe, which
prospered after the 800s. Kunlun appears in a passage that describes the vassal
states and villages of the Pyu Country (Biaoguo 驃國, Myanmar).

"In between Michen 彌臣 and Kunlang 坤郞, a village called Xiaokunlun 小崑崙
(Lesser Kunlun) is located. The name of the King is Mangxiyue 茫悉越 and the
customs are the same as in Michen. In between Kunlang and Luyu 祿羽, the
Dakunlun 大崑崙 (Greater Kunlun) Kingdom can be found, and the King's name
is Silipoponanduoshan 思利泊婆難多珊. About a half-day journey away from the
place where the Xiaokunlun King lives, one can reach Modeboshan 磨地勃柵…
There is a river in Fudaiguo 佛代國 with 360 tributaries… This land produces
many unusual spices. A market sits to the north where commerce ships from
many countries gather. Across the sea is Dupo".

The Michen and Kunlang in this text are all names of regions, but because they
are transliterations, it is difficult to know their exact locations. Xiaokunlun that
appears in this text is presumed to be Datong 達通 or Bago of present-day
Myanmar. Dakunlun could either be Bago, downstream on the Irawadi River, or
Tenasserim (Northeast Asian History Foundation 2011, 1021). Myanmar is a
long way from the Gorong Archipelago of the Moluccas, and they have nothing
in common. Because there is a great geographical distance between them, the
vegetation and specialty products in these two places are also very different. It is
unlikely that both the Gorong Archipelago and Bago Bay were called Kunlun.
However, there was undoubtedly a certain principle during the Tang era under
which it was presumed that many areas and regions could be referred to as
Kunlun.

Moving into the Tang era, the area called "Kunlun" became limited primarily to
Indonesia near the equator.4 This is because with the advent of the Tang era, the
meaning of Kunlun expanded to include the subcategories of Kunlunnu (Kunlun
slaves) and Kunlun Bo (Kunlun ships). Srivijaya was known as a country rich
and politically stable enough to produce and own Kunlun ships. Few examples of
Kunlun Ships are mentioned in the written records of China. The story of the
Kunlun Bo is featured in the biographical section of the Book of Southern Qi, the
Book of Northern Qi and the New Book of Tang.5

In the Book of Southern Qi, Jiang Jingxuan 江景玄 (479–502) mentions that large
Kunlun ships are called Kunlun Bo 崑崙舶. He writes that foreigners call their
ships "Bo" 舶 and that these ships were much larger than those of China (Book of
Southern Qi, Vol. 31). According to Wang Gungwu (1968, 60–62), in
Nanchouiwuchih 南州異物志, written by Wan Zhen 万震 at Wu 吳 China, it is
mentioned that the foreigners called their own ships "Bo" in approximately the
 Kunlun and Kunlun as Buddhists 33

third century CE. Since "Bo" refers to foreign vessels that are suitable for sailing
long distances, it implies that China's shipbuilding skills were less developed
than those of the Kunlun at the time. From the Eastern Jin (Dong Jin 東晉) period
onward, China imported Kunlun slaves from the Southeast Asian region, and
Kunlun Bo could have multiple meanings, including "ships from Kunlun", "ships
carrying Kunlun slaves" and "ships made in Kunlun". Whatever the term actually
meant, it is clear that the ships were from the southern maritime countries. The
name Kunlun Bo could have been given because the ships transported the Kunlun
slaves or because the ships were operated by the Kunlun slaves. The ships could
also have been described as Kunlun Bo because they were made, owned and
sailed by the Kunlun people or because they transported the Kunlun merchants.
The name was probably a general name that referred to all of these situations.

It is difficult to verify the exact country from which the Kunlun Bo came. There
are records that say that trading ships that came to China across the South Sea of
China were first from Linyi, Funan and Persia, and then India. However, to travel
to China from India or Sri Lanka, a ship would have to come through numerous
seas and bays, including the Bay of Bengal, the Arabian Sea, the Indian Ocean
and the South China Sea, so it would be difficult to identify the original point of
departure. It is not easy to differentiate the ships that could have originated from
India and travelled to China via Southeast Asia from those that travelled straight
to China from Southeast Asia. Therefore, it is hard to identify the country to
which the fleet of commerce ships belonged. It is important to note that Tun-son
(Dun Xun 頓遜) in the Malay Peninsula played an essential role in this East-West
commerce. Because Tun-son was involved in trading with Jiazhou, India and
Persia, it was written that "the East and West meet in the markets of Tun-son and
there are more than 10,000 people" (Wang 1968, 48–50). This statement indicates
that well developed harbour cities in Southeast Asia, particularly in the Malay
Peninsula, functioned as stopover points in maritime commerce and operated as
transit points in re-exporting and re-importing goods traded between China and
India. It is highly unlikely that Kunlun Bo referred to ships that came from India,
Sri Lanka or Persia. Because a single long-distance journey was not possible,
they would have had to change ships at transit points such as Tun-son. Kunlun
slaves who were made captive and sold from Southeast Asia were likely confined
to the ships to work as sailors, so even if the owner of the ship was Indian or
Persian, it seems unlikely that the Kunlun Bo were made in those countries. The
skills to build a ship that could endure long-distance travel were most likely
found in Southeast Asia.

Written records on Kunlun ships from the Tang period are more numerous. From
the studies of Wang and Tansen (2003), it is possible to see which Southeast
Asian countries traded with China. Before the Tang period, trade routes between
Indochina, Malay Peninsula and the Southern Dynasties were more important
34 Kang Heejung

than those with Java-Sumatra. This was closely related to the existence of a
central political power, which had the skills and ability to overlook and manage
the building of vessels that were capable of long-distance voyages. After the
beginning of the Tang period, the changes in maritime traffic, the development of
ship-building skills that enabled long-distance voyages, and developments in
navigation resulted in changes in the centre of trade. As ships began to undergo
longer voyages, the utilisation of the maritime routes by Chinese people boarding
on these ships also increased. I-Tsing stayed in Srivijaya, and the esoteric
Buddhist monk Amoghajiva also went to Horing (Heling 訶陵) on board a Kunlun
Bo from the South Sea (Songgaosen-zhuan 宋高僧傳 1987, 7; Iketaka 1999, 78–
80). The places that these two people visited reveal the rise of Indonesia. Horing
is conjectured to be present-day Java, and the Horing Kingdom that Amoghajiva
(Bu Kong 不空), an Indian Buddhist monk of the eighth century, visited is
possibly the ancient kingdom of the Sailendra Dynasty in central Java or the
ancient kingdom of Mataram. It is certain that a kingdom that was powerful
enough to construct an enormous monument such as the Borobudur would have
played an important role in maritime commerce with Tang China. Amoghajiva
would have travelled aboard their Kunlun Bo.

Finally, let us turn to the use of Kunlun as a term during the Tang to designate a
people. It has been noted that Kunlun refers to people with dark skin. Wilensky
(2002, 1–9) believes that Kunlun of the Tang era were slaves from Africa.
However, "dark skin" was not the only characteristic that identified a Kunlun
person. One description following the word Kunlun was "wavy hair and dark
skin" (Quanfa Heishen 鬈髮黑身), which makes it clear that wavy hair was also a
strong characteristic of Kunlun people. All of those with "wavy hair and dark
skin" could be called Kunlun regardless of their origin, whether it was Southeast
Asia or Africa. In the entry for Zhenla 眞臘 found in the "Records of Foreign
Countries" in the Old Book of Tang, Zhenla is described as "a vassal state of
Funan 扶南". 6 The record immediately states that "it belongs to the group of
Kunlun (Kunlun zhi lei 崑崙之類)".7

This record implies that the term of Kunlun by the Tang era was a method of
identifying an ethnic or racial group. Therefore, Kunlun appears to be an ethnic
distinction based on people's appearance. However, in the New Book of Tang,
written approximately 100 years later than the Old Book of Tang, which was
compiled during 940–945 CE, the name Kunlun is not specified in relation to this
group, and only the characteristics of dark skin and wavy hair are recorded.
For example, Zhenla was not identified as part of the Kunlun group in the New
Book of Tang. It seems that a considerable change in identifying "Kunlun"
occurred during the 100-year interval in between the Old Book of Tang and the
New Book of Tang. Both Chitu 赤土 and Zhenla were described as Kunlun in the
 Kunlun and Kunlun as Buddhists 35

Old Book of Tang, so what does this show us? It indicates that Kunlun was not a
word used to identify a certain region in Southeast Asia but a name of an ethnic
and racial group. The Kunlun characteristics of "wavy hair and dark skin" might
have been generalised to include all those with the same characteristics.
Therefore, it was a name not used to indicate a specific place but to refer to all
people with wavy hair and dark skin. However, it is also difficult to perceive
Kunlun as a general noun that indicates the entire Southeast Asian region.

Therefore, it is difficult to consider the Kunlun as a single ethnic entity or a racial

category. It cannot be confirmed whether the Han Chinese actually differentiated
the ethnic groups in Southeast Asia, and it is even more doubtful that they needed
to do so. It is more logical to see Kunlun as a general name that referred to people
from particular regions. Within the history records, it is presented that countries
that were considered "the same as Kunlun" included the Southeast Asian region
except Jiaozhou 交州 (Viet Nam), Linyi 林邑 (Champa), Pan-pan, parts of Zhenla
眞臘 and a few areas in the Malay Peninsula.

Kunlunnu, "Others" in the Eyes of Tang

Nevertheless, who were "the Kunluns", the Kunlun people, and how did the
people of the Tang come to connect them with Buddhism? A type of Glossary of
Buddhism, Pronunciation and Meaning in the Tripitaka (Yiqiejingyiniy
一切經音義) describes the Kunluns as barbarians with mystical powers.8 They are
described as foreigners with dark-skinned bodies from islands of the South Sea
who were capable of staying under water for a long time. How did the image of
"Kunlun with mystical powers" come into being?

Until the Southern and Northern Dynasties, Kunlun referred to people from the
south of China who brought in rare and precious goods through maritime
commerce. However, moving into the Tang period, although the increase in
maritime commerce resulted in the accumulation of great wealth, the power of
the central government to control that wealth had become increasingly weak. In
harbour cities such as Guangdong 廣東, the local administrative officials abused
their authority, and riots broke out against them (Wang 1968). The most
representative riot case is the revolt that took place in 684 CE, which is described
in Book 89 of the Old Book of Tang. Particularly after the outbreak of the An Shi
安史 rebellion in 755, the central government's grasp of the local regions became
weaker. Regions such as Guangdong, which became affluent due to the
development of commerce, saw the erection of regional governments that sought
a share in wealth become immensely corrupt and unaffected by the control of the
central government. Rebellions posed problems not only to the Chinese but also
to the Kunluns who worked on the commerce ships. As a collateral result of
maritime commerce, some of the Kunluns had settled in Guangdong, but when
36 Kang Heejung

the Chinese officials became coercive, they counterattacked fiercely and ran
away to the ships. The damage caused during this confusion was detrimental to
both the Kunluns and the Chinese. It appears that the novel Kunlunnu 崑崙奴 was
written on the basis of these historical backgrounds.

The short fiction "Kunlunnu", which is included in the Extensive Records of the
Taiping Era (Taipingguangji 太平廣記) compiled in 977, features a Kunlun slave
named Mo Le 摩勒.9 In this narrative, based around the years of Dali (大曆: 766–
779), a Kunlun slave called Mo Le, who was extremely intelligent, had
extraordinary super powers and was capable of magic, lived in the residence of
Cui Sheng 崔生. He was initially loyal to his master, but when his master betrayed
him, he immediately ran away to a ship. The plot of fiction such as this has its
basis in the rebellions that took place in Guangdong during the eighth century.
The mystical super powers of Mo Le were undoubtedly added to make the story
more appealing, but Mo Le's being described as strong and running away to sea
on a ship reflects the Tang Chinese thoughts on Kunlun slaves. The actual cases
of Kunlun bravery, which were spread by word of mouth, resulted in the
appearance of such mystical stories of Kunlun slaves in classic Chinese
supernatural fiction writing in the Tang era.10

This indicates that the people's perception of the Kunluns had expanded over
time. The increased importing of people and commodities from the South Sea
naturally raised awareness about the people of Southeast Asia with "wavy hair
and dark skin". The Kunluns who had been captured and sold as slaves from
early times, and those who worked on the Kunlun Bo, were also Kunlun people,
making it possible to come up with fictitious characters featured in the novels
found in the Extensive Records of the Taiping Era. The dramatically increasing
interest in Kunlun can be found in the form of "the Kunluns" 崑崙人, Kunlun
Bo崑崙舶, and Kunlunnu 崑崙奴, which appear in many types of novels.

It is not appropriate to describe the dark-skinned clay figures or pictures recently

found in China as simply "clay figures of black people" (Heiren taoyong
黑人陶俑) from Africa. Wyatt (2009) asserts that African blacks likely came into
China in earlier periods. However, entries on such envoys from Africa or tributes
paid by African countries are very rare in the Chinese official historical records in
general and absent from those of the Tang, which makes it difficult to believe that
these figures do indeed represent African people. The physical appearance of the
Southeast Asian people from countries such as Linyi and Funan, found in pictures
such as the "Exotic Tributes of Envoys in Liang" (Liangzhigong-tu 梁職貢圖) and
"Foreign Envoys Arriving with Tributes" (Fankeruchao-tu 蕃客入朝圖), is similar
to the appearance of many Tang-era clay figures. The features are characterised
by their naked bodies, wavy hair with large curls and dark skin, and they are
labelled in ink as representing people from "Linyi" 林邑 (Linyi, Champa) or
 Kunlun and Kunlun as Buddhists 37

"Langyaxiu" 狼牙脩 (Lankasuka; Figure 9). Therefore, the dark-skinned people

who appear in the paintings and sculptures produced during the Southern and
Northern Dynasties and the Tang Dynasty can be seen as the Kunluns who came
from Southeast Asia. The description of people from Lankasuka, written in the
"Exotic Tributes of Envoys in Liang", also refers to people who are "dark-
skinned with wavy hair." The description written here regarding their physical
appearance and attire concurs with the records found in the history records of
China and the descriptions found in works of fiction. Therefore, it is certain that
the dark skin, wavy hair with large curls, and naked body depiction in the
paintings and sculptures were intended to portray the image of Kunluns.

Kunluns performed various other duties apart from being sailors on ships or
slaves of affluent households. In the "Report of Southern Barbarians" in the New
Book of Tang (1024–1036), there is a passage that describes the music and dance
of Nan Zhao 南詔 and Pyuguo 驃國 (Myanmar).

"During the Zhenyuan 貞元 years (785–804 CE) of the reign of Emperor Dezong
德宗, Nanzhao King Yi Mou Xun 異牟尋 send Yang Jiaming 楊嘉明 with song and
dance troupe of more than 200 people to Changan 長安 to offer the 'Nan Zhao
music' to the Tang Emperor (Fengsheng yue 奉聖樂). Wei Gao 韋皋 (746–806
CE), the Jiedushi 節度使 of Jiannan 檢南 Xichuan, processed the temperament of
the music and compiled Nan Zhao fengsheng yue 南詔奉聖樂 (Nan Zhao Music to
the Emperor). The symbolic signs in Nan Zhao fengsheng yue manifest the Nan
Zhao's loyalty to the Tang".11

Around the same period, the king of Pyu, Yong Qiang 雍羌 sent his brother Shu
Nantuo 舒難陀 to present his country's music to the Tang Emperor. This music is
also recorded as a manuscript in Nan zhao fengsheng yue by Wei Gao and named
"Biaoguo yue" 驃國樂 (Pyu Music to the Emperor). The most notable part of this
is the description of the instruments. A "dragon head mandolin" (Longshou pipa
龍首琵琶) with two dragons facing each other is described. Hanbo 捍撥, the end
decoration of the mandolin, is described as being shaped like a dancing Kunlun
painted in beautiful colours. Information on the 12 songs continues afterwards.
The musicians playing the instruments were all dark-skinned Kunluns wearing
dark red cotton clothes with zhaoxiabu 朝霞布 cloth called geman 裓襔 draped over
their knees, going around their shoulders and tied under their armpits.12 This
passage appears to be describing the Kunlun mode of dressing. The Kunlun
musicians decorated themselves with rings and bracelets made of gold and gems
and wore golden crowns and earrings. They had wide flat straps fixed to their
heads in the shape of a flower bouquet adjusted with two hairpins. These
musicians danced while they played songs and followed directions given by their
leader. Dances were conducted in groups of even numbers, such as 2, 4, 6, 8 and
38 Kang Heejung

10, and they all wore hats made of beads while they bowed on the floor and
danced. In response, Emperor Dezong offered Shu Nantuo 舒難陀 the post of
Taipuqing 太僕卿, and Tang Ci 唐次, who was given the post of Kaizhou cishi
開州刺史, composed the song "Biaoguo xianle song" 驃國獻樂頌 (Pyu Music to the
Emperor) and presented it to the emperor.13

This entry shows that a specific region in Myanmar was known as Kunlun around
the end of the eighth century and that they brought an unusual type of music to
Tang China, which aroused the interest of the Tang imperial court and regional
officials.

The method of describing the "Kunlun of Pyu" makes it possible to infer that
Kunlun may be a region. It is regrettable that so far, there is no artistic evidence
that can be connected to the shape of the Kunlunnu who was decorating the
musical instrument. However, if the figure of the people from Xiyu 西域 (the
Western Regions) portrayed in the mandolin housed at the Shosoin 正倉院, Japan
could be slightly modified into having wavy hair and dark skin, it would be
similar. The reason that portrayals of Kunlun people are harder to find than those
of people from Xiyu is due to the difference in the sheer number of people. There
were essentially fewer Kunluns than Xiyus in Tang China, and the Xiyus had
entered Tang China much earlier in history. After the mission of Zhang Qian 張騫
to Xiyu, the Silk Roads were explored, and people from Xiyu came into Tang.
They were more prominent as mercenaries or dancers than the Kunluns, who
were primarily contained within the Jiangnan region, and it was therefore more
convenient to portray the Xiyu people.

The Kunluns were described of having "wavy hair and dark skin". Thus, even if
they were neither named nor inscribed as such, those figures with wavy hair and
dark skin could be seen as Kunluns. It is not so easy to find a figure with dark
skin and wavy hair in Chinese art. People from Xiyu with "deep eyes and a high
nose" (Shenmugaobi 深目高鼻) are more common, but dark-skinned and wavy-
haired figures only appear from the Tang Dynasty onwards. The Kunlun clay
figures excavated from tombs can be examined first. The boy clay figure found
from the tomb of Zheng Rentai 鄭仁泰, estimated to be from 664 CE, is an early
example of a Kunlunnu represented in art. This Tangsanci 唐三彩 (Tang Dynasty
tri-coloured glazed pottery) clay figure, currently housed in the Shaanxi History
Museum (Shanxilishibowuguan 陝西歷史博物館), is not dark-skinned but is
certainly a Kunlunnu (Figure 1). The wavy hair with large curls shows the efforts
of the artist to express "wavy hair". However, the exaggerated curls show that
this trait is not easy to portray. The reason that this boy is considered a Kunlun is
because of his unique dress. The upper body is kept naked, but the lower body is
wrapped in an unusual type of trousers made from rolling up a piece of cloth.
 Kunlun and Kunlun as Buddhists 39

This method of wearing a lower garment is reminiscent of that mentioned in the

Book of Southern Qi as the unique attire of Southeast Asia, utilising a single
piece of fabric. In the present day, the people of Indonesia and Malaysia wear
long skirts called sarongs, but in continental areas, a long rectangular fabric is
wrapped around the waist. The ends meet in the middle and are rolled up together
to be pulled behind in between the legs and tucked into the waist line (Figure 2).
The women in Cambodia still wear clothes in this way. Therefore, the form of the
lower garment with the fabric gathered up in the middle and sent behind indicates
that this boy figure is a Kunlunnu originating from Zhenla.14 The boy is not
simply standing up straight. His back is slightly leaning backwards, and his body
expresses a rhythm. His hands are placed vertically in the air without meeting,
suggesting that he might have been holding something.

Figure 1. Tangsancai clay figure from Tang Dynasty, 664 CE found at Zheng Rentai's
tomb, currently housed in the Shaanxi History Museum
40 Kang Heejung

Figure 2. Man dressed in traditional way in Cambodia (Bunker and Latchford 2004)

A similar example can be found in the Shaanxi History Museum (Figure 3). A
clay figure of unknown provenance is smaller and darker than the figure from
Zheng Rentai's tomb. It cannot be called a finely made Tangsanci, but it looks
more like a coloured clay figure. It is also dark-skinned with wavy hair, and the
disproportionate arms and legs, along with the awkward expression of the human
body, implying that it was not intended to be buried in a tomb of high status. The
bulging eyes and tightly closed lips suggest an unusual strength. It is interesting
to note the arms, which are placed vertically holding a long wooden pole. This
artwork is probably portraying a rowing scene, and the clay figure from Zheng
Rentai's tomb could also have been rowing like this. Kunlunnus were often
captured as slaves in Southeast Asia even before they were sold to China, and this
is connected to the fact that they were used as man power to row the ships on
long-distance journeys. These clay figures would have been made because the
Kunlunnus were the essential resource in all sorts of maritime operations. This
reminds us of the written records that describe the Kunluns as having the
mystical power of being able to "hold their breath for a long time under water".
 Kunlun and Kunlun as Buddhists 41

Figure 3. A clay figure from Tang Dynasty in the Shaanxi History Museum

The clay figure in the Shaanxi History Museum is dark-skinned with wavy hair
(Figure 4). However, the clothes are different, being in the toga style, falling
down from the top. The irregular U-shaped folds of the brick coloured clothes
contrast unusually with the dark skin. This coloured clay figure was excavated
from Dizhangwan 底張灣 in Shenyang 咸陽. The left arm is by the waist, and
although the right arm is severed, it would have been held up. Clay Kunlun
figures were also made as burial goods, much like other clay figures, and
therefore, they have primarily been found in tombs (Figure 5). Compared to other
burial goods, the Kunlun clay figures are considered very unusual.

Other clay figures found previously were mostly portrayals of Chinese or people
from Xiyu. Whether their nationalities were Sogdian or Scythian, these people
had a larger build and a lighter skin colour than the average Chinese person, and
they were normally described as having "deep eyes and a high nose". The deep-
eyed, high-nosed barbarian referred to white Caucasians who came from Xiyu or
the Semites from Arabia with distinct facial features. However, as maritime
commerce increased during the Tang Dynasty, the unfamiliar foreigners who
caught the eyes of the craftsmen were the dark-skinned Kunlunnus from
Southeast Asia. As they were featured in the mystical tales compiled in the
Extensive Records of the Taiping Era (Taiping guangji 太平廣記), the Kunlunnu
 42 Kang Heejung

became the object of newly found curiosity as humans gifted with mystical power
(Choi 2007, 373–383). Kunluns were perceived as being capable of performing
magic and having insight, and they were thus represented by the Chinese artists
in Changan. However, Kunlunnus were not often found, and just like Mo Le from
the Extensive Records of the Taiping Era, they could "just vanish" if it became
necessary. Historically, some Kunluns settled in the southern harbour cities of
China, such as Guangdong, for commercial purposes, and some were sold as
slaves. Therefore, Kunluns would have often been seen in the southern regions of
China but not in Changan, in the far inland areas. The period during which these
southern regions were under the control of the central government in Changan
was fairly short during the overall history of Tang (Wang 1986, 75–77).
Therefore, it would have been unusual to encounter Kunlunnus in the central
regions of China, a long way from the southern ports; this likely would have
added to their mysterious image among the Chinese people.

Figure 4. A clay figure from Tang Dynasty, excavated from Dizhangwan, housed in the
Shaanxi History Museum
 Kunlun and Kunlun as Buddhists 43

Figure 5. A clay figure from Tang Dynasty currently housed in the Shaanxi History
Museum

The image that Tang China held of the Kunlun country can be seen in a "six-
paneled silver case with the names of the seven countries of the Protectorate
General" (Douguanqigeguo mingliubanyinhe 都管七箇國銘六瓣銀盒) (Figure 6).
This silver case with inscription is one of three silver cases excavated from the
north side of the Shanghai Jiatong University 上海交通大学 site in 1979.15 On each
of the six petals on the outside, the names of the countries such as Gaoli 高麗
(Goryŏ), Poluomenguo 婆羅門國, Tufan 土蕃, Shulei 疎勒, Baita□guo 白拓□國,
Wumanguo 烏蠻國 are inscribed. All of these countries were areas where Tang
established the Office of the Protectorate General (Douhufu 都護府) whilst they
unified China and kept expanding their territory. This appears to be describing
the "world" centring on Tang by including countries that corresponded to the
Tang outlook of the world. However, the detail that draws attention is the figure
engraved in the centre. A Kunlunnu figure carrying the śarīra (sheli 舍利, small
crystals sometimes found among cremated remains of monks, and regarded as
sacred relics) stands in front of a figure riding an elephant. The words Kunlun
wangguo 崑崙王國 (Kunlun Kingdom) and Jianglai 將來 (bringing in from) are
also engraved. This silver case appears to have been made to honour the event of
bringing in the śarīra from a region called Kunlun (Tanaka 1993, 25–30). The
reason that it consists of six petals and seven scenes is to indicate that the other
44 Kang Heejung

six countries shared the śarīra brought in from the Kunlun Kingdom, which is
placed in the centre. It is plausible that this is a distinctly Chinese version of
sharing the śarīra, following the Buddhist motif of dividing the śarīra of the
Buddha into eight parts (Tanaka 1993, 25–30; Roh 2003, 38–41).

Figure 6. Six-panelled silver case with the names of the seven countries of the
Protectorate General (part) from Tang Dynasty (Xian Wenwuyuanlinju)

It is difficult to identify where Kunlun was located within Southeast Asia. It is

clear that the event of bringing in the śarīra from Kunlun was considered
important to Tang, but it is not clear where the śarīra was being taken. The
important thing to note is that the śarīra of Śakyamuni Buddha was sent to China
from a "Kunlun Kingdom" rather than from India. It is therefore possible to
surmise that Tang China considered Kunlun to be an important Buddhist country.
In the History of the Southern Dynasties, Book of Liang and Records of
Renowned Monks (Gaoseng chuan 高僧傳), there are numerous entries that
testify that the śarīra of the Buddha's tooth and the Buddha's skull was sent from
Southeast Asia to China. It is not clear how or from where the Buddha's tooth or
skull śarīra arrived in Southeast Asia in the first place. The Chinese were not
interested in whether these śarīra were the real body śarīras of the Buddha from
India. They were content with their being a "śarīra". Although the Old Book of
Tang describes Zhenla as "worshipping the teachings of Buddha and the gods of
 Kunlun and Kunlun as Buddhists 45

heaven, with the gods of heaven worshipped more widely and Buddhism coming
in second", the Tang Chinese arbitrarily considered Zhenla to be an important
Buddhist country.16 The status of the envoys from Southeast Asia gained more
importance and prominence, like those from Xiyu and other countries in
Northeast Asia, as the material value and importance of the goods they brought
with them increased. The "Kunlun Kingdom" that is engraved in the silver case
could well refer to Srivijaya. In the Record of the Buddhist Religion as Practised
in India and the Malay Archipelago, I-Tsing strongly voiced his opinion that it
was necessary to study Buddhist doctrines and Sanskrit whilst staying in
Srivijaya.17

The visual representations of Kunlun can be divided into two forms. One is a
Kunlun in a crowd, as seen in the illustration of the Vimalakirti Sutra, and the
other is in the form of a Kunlunnu pulling the vehicle of the Bodhisattvas
Manjuśri and Samantabhadra. The illustration of the Vimalakirti Sutra was a
popular motif from the Southern and Northern Dynasties period to the Tang
Dynasty period. It depicts a scene from The Consolation of the Invalid, where
Vimalakirti and Manjusri converse with each other (Figure 7). Here, a dark-
skinned Kunlun is featured at the front, attracting attention. The figure at the
front of the crowd, holding onto holy relics of Buddhism, is no doubt a very
important person. The people lined up behind the Kunlun are known to be princes
from other countries who came to Tang to pay tribute on behalf of their countries.
If this is the case, the Kunlun standing at the very front and depicted on the same
size scale can also be presumed to be a person of high status from the Kingdom
of Kunlun.
46 Kang Heejung

Figure 7. Illustration of Vimalakirti Sutra, found at the eastern wall of Mogaoku Cave
103, from the 8th century (王軼猛 1988, 『敦煌藝術寶庫』, 敦煌文物硏究所,
155).

On the contrary, the Kunlunnu featured as the coach driver of the Bodhisattvas
Manjuśri and Samantabhadra is depicted as considerably smaller in size, showing
his status as a slave (Figure 8). This reminds us of the slave Mo Le from the
Extensive Records of the Taiping Era, who has the supernatural ability to
communicate with animals. The illustration of the Vimalakirti Sutra became less
popular after the Tang Dynasty, but the portrayal of a Kunlunnu as the helper of
the Bodhisattvas Manjuśri and Samantabhadra increased dramatically after the
eighth century. Although they are not still extant, it would at one time have been
easy to find wall paintings and sculptures of Kunlunnus in the Buddhist temples
of large cities such as Xi'an and Luoyang 洛陽. It is important to note that unlike
the Kunlunnu clay figures, these pictorial depictions were all included within a
Buddhist motif and context. Despite recognising the worship of the gods of
heavens, the Kunlun motif was always interpreted and expressed in a Buddhist
context in China. To the Chinese, Kunlun was perceived to be a Buddhist nation,
and Kunlunnus were followers of Buddhism who could perform magical powers
for the safeguarding of the Buddhist doctrines.
 Kunlun and Kunlun as Buddhists 47

Figure 8. Buddhist Triad with Manjusri and Samantabhadra from 8th century of Tang
Dynasty, found at Songkwangsa, Korea

Figure 9. Location of the ancient kingdoms in South East Asia

48 Kang Heejung

Conclusion

As the entries on Kunluns and Kunlunnus increased in the historical records of

Tang, art pieces depicting them also increased in number. However, the name
"Kunlun" alone does not provide information about where Kunlun was and who
the Kunlunnus were. The people of Tang wrote mystical novels about the
Kunlunnu because they thought that the Kunlunnu possessed supernatural
powers. From the records that are still extant, it is possible to conjecture the
following.

First, Kunlun is not a term that indicates a specific country or the territorial
borders of a country. Second, Kunlun is not a specific region and did not have a
literary culture that the Chinese could respect. This can be seen in the varying
ways that the Chinese wrote about different foreign tribes or ethnic groups. As
seen in the examples of Kangju 康居 or India, the Chinese records recognised the
different ethnic groups according to their origin or by labelling them with
surnames in relation to their origin, which does not apply to the records of
Kunlun. Third, although Kunlun and Kunlunnu were names related to the place
of origin, the Chinese did not have accurate knowledge of them because they
believed that the Kunluns had mystical powers. Fourth, the Kunluns did not form
communities or live in groups that could be classified as separate ethnic groups
or countries.

The artistic depictions of the Kunluns truthfully portray the historical records that
describe them as having "wavy hair and dark skin", almost always appearing in
the Buddhist context. Because the Kunlunnu was described as having "wavy hair
and dark skin", the figures with dark skin and wavy hair in Chinese art should be
various types of Kunlunnus. Chinese people traditionally used specific words for
the designation of foreign people. Any people portrayed in art as having deep
eyes and a high nose can be classified as Xiyu people because they described the
people from Xiyu "deep eyes and a high nose". Thus, we can also conclude that
the figures with dark skin and wavy hair might have been created as Kunlunnus
in Tang.

In Buddhist art, Kunluns are presented as adherents to the Buddhist faith,

carrying an incense burner or śarīra. This shows a certain gap between the
artistic representations and the reality of Southeast Asia, where Hinduism was
more prevalent than Buddhism from the fifth century to the seventh century.
Those representations of Kunlus are related to the fact that the Southeast Asians
brought in Buddhist goods as items with which to pay tribute to China and show
their respect for the Chinese Buddhist faith. Not only did they bring in stupas,
Buddhist statutes, and śarīra, but they also brought in important items such as
Chinaberry trees needed for Buddhist rituals, spices and sugar. It was as a result
 Kunlun and Kunlun as Buddhists 49

of these gifts that the Chinese presumed that the Southeast Asians were fervent
and devout Buddhists. One image that reflects this Chinese presumption is the
Kunlunnu pulling forward the elephant and lion, on which the Manjuśri and
Samantabhadra are riding. Although the Chinese were afraid of the Kunluns,
because they were portrayed as powerful barbaric beings in the novels, they also
tried to calm this fear by artistically depicting them as devout believers in the
Buddhist faith.

These literary works and artworks show the duality of how the Tang Chinese
perceived the Kunluns. Within the power structure of the tributary system, the
Kunlunnus from a certain region in Southeast Asia were strangers to the Chinese,
but in Tang culture, they became thoroughly imaginary Buddhists and separated
from their real existence.

Notes
1. "麟德二年十月丁卯 帝發東都 赴東嶽 從駕文武兵士 及儀仗法物 相繼數百里 列營置幕
彌亙郊原 突厥 於闐 波斯 天竺國 罽賓 烏萇 崑崙 倭國 及新羅 百濟 高麗等諸蕃酋長" Cefu
Yuangui 冊府元龜 (Prime Tortoise of the Record Bureau).
2. "戎狄夷蠻羌胡朝獻之國 突厥詰利發 奚契丹等王 大食謝 五天十姓 崑崙 日本 新羅 韎鞨之侍子
及使內臣之蕃" - Jiu Tangshu 舊唐書, "Liyizhi" 禮儀志.
3. This is because I-Tsing mentions that "cloves of two colours are produced from the
country of Kunlun". Cloves are widely produced in the present-day Moluccas
Archipelago. Li, D. 2007. "Funan minzu zushu tantao" 扶南民族族屬探討. Dongnanya
yanjiu 東南亞硏究 5: 72–77.
4. However, presentations of a community called the Kunlun in Myanmar are exceptionally
rare. Traditionally in China, Kunlun was considered the mystical mountain where the
Xiwangmu lives, and there actually was a mountain called the Kunlunsan. This fact might
be connected to the fact that Myanmar is located fairly close to the Everest Mountains.
5. "景真於南澗寺捨身齋，有元徽紫皮袴褶，餘物稱是。於樂遊設會，伎人皆著御衣。又度絲錦
與崑崙舶營貨" (Book of Southern Qi, Vol. 31); "旣而趙郡。
公。增年獲免，收知而過之，事發除名。其年又以托附陳使封孝琰，牒令其門客與
行，遇崑崙舶至，得奇貨猓然褥表、美玉盈尺等數十件" (Book of Northern Qi, Vol.
37). The same entry can be found in the History of the Northern Dynasties.
"又以託附陳使封孝琰，牒令其門客與行， 遇崐崙舶至，得奇貨：
猓然褥表、美玉盈尺等數十件" "Liezhuan" 列傳 History of the Northern
Dynasties 北史 88 Juan 卷. "就卒其業。武后時，遷累廣州都督。
南海歲有崑崙舶市外區琛琲，前都督路元叡冒取其貨，舶酋不" (New Book of Tang,
Vol. 150).
6. Zhenla is present-day Cambodia and matches the records of being designated as Kunlun,
as found in the Old Book of Tang.
7. A similar passage can be found in the Documents on Tang State Matters. "殊柰 崑崙人也
在林邑南 去交趾海行三月餘日 習俗文字與婆羅門同 絕遠未嘗朝中國 貞觀二年十月
使至朝貢". However, the name of the country does not appear in the Old Book of Tang or
the New Book of Tang.
8. "崑崙語:上音昆下音論時俗語便亦曰骨論南海洲島中夷人也
甚黑裸形能馴伏猛獸犀象等種類數般即有僧祇突彌骨堂閤蔑等皆鄙賤人也國無禮義
50 Kang Heejung

抄劫為活愛啖食人如羅剎惡鬼之類也言語不正異於諸蕃善入水 竟曰不死" (Yiqiejing

yiniy 一切經音義 T2128, 54: 0835c18).
9. There are more stories that feature Kunluns in the Extensive Records of the Taiping Era
such as Yan Jingli 閻敬立 and Lu Xu 盧頊. However, they do not constitute a significant
proportion of the overall volume of the records, reaching almost 500 books in total.
10. Pei Xing 裵鉶 Chŏngi 傳奇, trans. Choe, J., 2006. Pei Xing's original Chinese book
Chuanqi 傳奇 is a compilation of the more famous stories that appear in the Extensive
Records of the Taiping Era and can be consulted for the various biographical fictions of
the Tang era, including the Kunlunnu stories.
11. "Report of the Foreign Countries" in the New Book of Tang, 1038–1039.
12. "Report of the Foreign Countries" in the New Book of Tang, 1038–1039. Zhaoxia wei bixi
朝霞爲蔽膝 refers to a cloth made of zhaoxiabu, which is cut out widely, like an apron,
to be draped over the knees.
13. Not long thereafter, in 832 CE, during the reign of Emperor Wenzong 文宗, Nanzhao
attacked Pyu and moved 3,000 people from Pyu to Zhedong (柘東, present day
Kunming). "Report of the Foreign Countries" in the New Book of Tang, 1038–1040.
14. Zhenla, the ancient kingdom of Cambodia, was often designated as Kunlun in the Old
Book of Tang.
15. This silver case is shaped like a six-petal lotus flower on the exterior with a parrot-design
silver case and tortoise shell-design silver case placed inside the outer case. Zhang and
Wang. 1984. "Xianshi wenguankuai shoucang de jijian zhenguì wenwu"
西安市文管會收藏的幾件珍貴文物. Kaogu yu wenwu 考古與文物 4: 22–24; Kazumi
Tanaka. 1993. "Miyakokan nanahokoku huta no juzou to sono yoto"
都管七箇國盒の圖像とその用途. Bukkyō bijutsu 佛敎美術 210: 15–30.
16. Hindu god statues are predominant motifs amongst the artefacts that have been found or
excavated from the Southeast Asian region and date from the seventh to the eighth
centuries; therefore, this passage seems to reflect reality.
17. I-Tsing, translated by Takakusu Junjiro, ibid., 14–18.

References

Bunker, E. C. and Latchford, D. 2004. Adoration and glory: The golden age of Khmer
art. Chicago: Art Media Resources.
China, C. 2007. Kunlunnu, others, fantasy. The Journal of Chinese Language and
Literature 25: 373–383.
Ferrand, G. 1923. Relations de voyages et textes géographiques arabes, persans et turks
relatifs à l'Extreme-Orient du 8e au 18e siècles; traduits, revus et annotés, vol.
1–2, repr. Paris: Ulan Press, 2012.
I-Tsing. 1896. Nanhai Guiji Neifadian 南海寄歸內法傳 (A record of the Buddhist
religion as practised in India and the Malay archipelago). Trans. Junjiro, T.
London: The Clarendon Press.
Ikehata, S. 1999. Tonan Aajiashi II Toshobu (東南アジア史 II 島嶼部). Tokyo:
Yamakawa Shuppansha.
Li, D. 2007. Funan minzu zushu tantao (扶南民族族屬探討). Dongnanya yanjiu
(東南亞硏究) 5: 72–77.
 Kunlun and Kunlun as Buddhists 51

Northeast Asian History Foundation (東北亞歷史財團). 2011. Yŏkju Chungguk chŏngsa

oegukchŏn: Sindangsŏ oegukchŏon yŏkchu ha (譯註 中國正史 外國傳: 新唐書
外國傳 譯註·下). Seoul: Northeast Asian History Foundation.
Pei, X. 2006. Chŏngi (傳奇). Trans. Choi, J. Seoul: Prunsoup.
Roh, T. 2003. Yŏbindo e poin Koguryŏ: Tang Yi Hyŏn Myo ŭi chouguan ŭl ssŭn sajŏl e
taehayŏ. Seoul: Seoul National University Press.
Shi, D. et al. 1985. Zhongyin fujiao jiaotongshi (中印佛敎交通史). Taipei: Dongchu
Chubanshe.
Tanaka, K. 1993. "Miyakokan nanahokoku huta no juzou to sono yoto"
都管七箇國盒の圖像とその用途. Bukkyō bijutsu 佛敎美術 210: 15–30.
Tansen, S. 2003. Buddhism, diplomacy and trade: The realignment of Sino-Indian
relations, 600–1400. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press.
Wang, G. 1968. Nanhai trade: The early history of Chinese trade in the South China Sea.
Singapore: Times Academic Press.
Wilensky, J. 2002. The magical Kunlun and devil slaves: Chinese perceptions of dark-
skinned people and Africa before 1500. Sino-Platonic Papers No. 122.
Department of East Asian Languages and Civilizations, University of
Pennsylvania, Philadelphia.
Wolters, O. W. 1967. Early Indonesian commerce: A study of the origins of Srivijaya.
Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.
Wyatt, D. J. 2009. The blacks of premodern China. Pennsylvania: University of
Pennsylvania Press.
Zhang, D. and Wang, Z. 1984. Xianshi wenguankuai shoucang de jijian zhenguì wenwu
西安市文管會收藏的幾件珍貴文物. Kaogu yu wenwu 考古與文物 4: 22–24.

The following are references involving old books/manuscript whose bibliographic details
are incomplete:

Cefu Yuangui 冊府元龜 (Prime tortoise of the record bureau).

Hangŭl Taechanggyŏng: Yumahil sosŏlgyŏng 維摩詰所說經. Tŏngguk yŏkkyŏngwon.
http://ebti.dongguk.ac.kr/h_tripitaka/kyoung.
I-Tsing and Junjiro, T., trans. 1982. Nanhai Guiji Neifadian 南海寄歸內法傳 (A record
of the Buddhist religion as practised in India and the Malay Archipelago).
Jinshu 晉書 (Book of Jin).
Jiu Tangshu 舊唐書 (Old book of Tang).
Liangshu 梁書 (Book of Liang).
Nanshi 南史 (History of southern dynasties).
Nanqishu 南齊書 (Book of Southern Qi).
Shanhaijing 山海經 (Classic of the mountains and seas).
Song gaoseng zhuan 宋高僧傳 (Biographies of eminent monks compiled during the Song
period).
Taiping guangji 太平廣記 (The extensive records of the Taiping era).
Tanghuiyao 唐會要 (Documents on Tang state matters).
52 Kang Heejung

Vimalakirti Nirdesa Sutra (Yumahil sosŏlgyŏng 維摩詰所說經) 14: 537.

Xin Tangshu 新唐書 (New book of Tang).
Yiqiejing yiniy 一切經音義 (Pronunciation and meaning in the Tripitaka).