Cambridge International AS & A Level: Sociology 9699/42 March 2021
Cambridge International AS & A Level: Sociology 9699/42 March 2021
Cambridge International AS & A Level: Sociology 9699/42 March 2021
SOCIOLOGY 9699/42
Paper 4 Globalisation, Media, Religion March 2021
MARK SCHEME
Maximum Mark: 70
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of response marking.
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will be understood by all examiners who marked that paper.
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Indicative content is provided as a guide. Inevitably, the mark scheme cannot cover all responses that
candidates may make for all of the questions. In some cases candidates may make some responses
which the mark scheme has not predicted. These answers should nevertheless be credited according
to their quality.
Indicative content
For:
• There are many different types of global crime, each arising from
different social circumstances and relationships.
• People trafficking and modern-day slavery has been facilitated by the
increase in international migration which has created opportunities for
criminal gangs to establish networks of associates in other countries.
• Money laundering among criminals and elite groups may have been
facilitated by the growth of the international banking system. For
example, the opportunity to move beyond tax jurisdictions has enabled
wealthy individuals to conceal illicit gains from government officials.
• Transnational Corporations may also be seen as another cause of the
growth in global crime; for example, TNCs have often been found to
break laws in low-income countries, especially those relating to the
health and safety of migrant workers.
• International tourism has led to an increase in sexual crimes with some
poorer countries being viewed as a safe haven for sexual predators
who visit as tourists and exploit women and children in the local sex
industry.
• Wars and poverty have led some farmers in the developing world to
abandon conventional crops and grow plants to produce illicit drugs.
War-lords also use global criminal networks to generate funds to buy
armaments and pay their soldiers.
Against:
• Marxist accounts focus on a single cause for the growth of global crime,
namely the spread of global capitalism. Castells, for example, argues
that globalisation resulted in the development of physical, digital and
financial networks that cut across national borders and which led to
knowledge as well as goods and people moving quickly, easily and
cheaply across the world. While this facilitated the development of
global capitalism, it also created opportunities for the development of
global criminal networks.
1 • While it may appear that there are many different causes for global
crime, a deeper analysis reveals that there are some common factors.
International migration, in particular, has created fertile for the
enactment of many different examples of global crime, from people
trafficking to slavery, sexploitation, and money laundering.
• Global crime is rapidly evolving with the spread of globalisation and
there are relatively few studies of the causes at this stage; it is hard to
be certain, therefore, whether global crime has multiple causes or is the
product of a single underlying cause.
Indicative content
For:
2 Against:
• Modernisation theorists argue that certain cultural values are essential
for successful economic development in poorer countries, including the
values of democracy, entrepreneurship, individual freedom, and
meritocracy. Countries that adopt these values and follow the model of
development that proved successful in Western societies can escape
poverty through their own efforts.
• Marxist theories of development (Dependency Theory and Wallerstein’s
World Systems Theory) are guilty of economic reductionism, arguing
that poorer countries are trapped in a position of exploitation and
inequality by the logic of capitalism. Social, cultural, political, and
environmental factors are attributed little value in explaining the causes
of global inequalities.
• Evidence exists that poorer countries can resist capitalist dependency
includes the case of Cuba which resisted a 36-year trade embargo by
the USA at the same time as raising standards of living and improving
rates of literacy, mortality, and life expectancy.
• Dependency is a difficult concept to operationalise and therefore to test
or measure empirically.
• It may be incorrect to assume that colonialism, TNCs and aid are simply
exploitative and that they have brought no benefits to the less
industrialised world.
• Dependency theory offers no realistic alternative to capitalism or
solutions to global inequality.
3 ‘The media successfully controls the way people think and behave.’ 35
Evaluate this view.
This is a question about the power of the media to influence thought and
behaviour. Good answers will consider how far, and in what ways, the
media shape the way people think and behave. Marxist theories of the
media broadly agree with the view expressed in the question. The mass
manipulation model sees the media as an extremely powerful agent of
social control through disseminating ideas favourable to the capitalist ruling
class in ways that gain immediate and uncritical acceptance from the
populace. Likewise, the hypodermic-syringe model of media effects sees
the media as having a direct and controlling influence on behaviour. By
contrast, other models of media effects, such as the neo-Marxist hegemonic
model and the uses and gratifications model, see the influence of the media
in shaping the way people think and behave as longer-term and/or more
indirect. Similarly, functionalist and pluralist theories would see the media as
reflecting the values and attitudes of society more than shaping them. They
would reject the idea of the media as a monolithic force manipulating the
way people think and behave. Interactionist would point out that media
content can be interpreted in different ways and various factors affect the
way particular audiences respond to the messages transmitted by the
media. Feminists would agree that the media exercise a very powerful
influence on how women see themselves and are perceived by men, but
would also note how feminists have been successful in resisting those
media influences and campaigning against negative representations of
women in the media. Postmodernists have been particularly interested in
how the new digital media operate and whether they provide a platform from
which ordinary citizens can challenge the power of established authorities
such as the powerful conglomerates that own the traditional media.
Indicative content
For:
• The Frankfurt School highlighted some features of mass society that
create a conducive background for media manipulation of the way
people think and behave.
• The media dominate the flow of information in society today.
• The media are heavily dependent on support from advertisers, and the
latter have an interest in manipulating consumer behaviour and more
broadly in shaping social identities in ways that support a vibrant
capitalist economy.
• Celebrities are seen as important opinion formers and role models
today and, to some extent, they can be seen as a product of the media.
3 Against:
• People are not passive consumers of the media; they actively choose
how to use the media to suit their own needs, according to the uses and
gratifications model of media effects.
• The way media messages are interpreted by different individuals and
groups can vary, and the factors influencing this are not all within the
control of the media.
• The new media have provided people with the means to generate their
own media content rather than be reliant on the content produced for
them by the traditional media. In this sense, democratisation of the
media can be said to have occurred (although digital pessimists would
disagree with this optimistic view of the impact of the new media).
• Rather than being manipulated by the media into accepting particular
ways of thinking and behaving, people often challenge media content
and seek to change the way media operators work. Examples include
campaigns against sexism in the media, the alt- right’s efforts to expose
so-called fake news among established media outlets, and the work of
the ‘underground press’ in challenging the state-controlled media in
many oppressive, authoritarian regimes.
The focus of the question is who controls the new media and, specifically,
whether national governments are able to exercise any influence over the
new media. Candidates may distinguish between different types of political
regime: authoritarian versus democratic, for example. Authoritarian regimes
usually exercise greater direct control over the media than is the case in
democratic countries. Different means through which governments can seek
to control the new media may be discussed (censorship, funding, publishing
and broadcasting laws, regulation, parliamentary scrutiny of media
activities). Evaluating how effective these means are in helping
governments control the new media could form part of a good analytical
response to the question. Evaluation might be supported by considering
cases of where national governments have attempted to control the new
media, such as examples of countries seeking to restrict internet access or
the attempts by various Western governments to limit the powers of new
media operators such as Facebook and Google. Attempts by national
governments to work together (through supra-national organisations, for
example) in regulating the new media might also be discussed. Good
answers will draw conclusions about whether national governments are
powerless to control the new media, perhaps noting that the situation is still
unfolding and it may be too early to draw definitive conclusions on this
subject.
Indicative content
For:
• Media conglomerates tend to operate on a global scale today and that
makes it easier for them to avoid detailed control by particular nation-
states, if they so wish. This is particularly the case with the new media,
which is based on open-access systems and technology that operates
across national borders quite readily.
• Control over media content is highly fragmented in the case of the new
media, with individual citizens being able to influence that content in
myriad ways. This makes it harder for national governments to police
and restrict content than is the case with the traditional media.
• Democratic governments are accountable to the electorate and
measures such as censorship have not always proven popular with the
wider population in countries where there is a high degree of support for
media freedom. Opposition to censorship in some respects has become
stronger with the emergence of the new media, as many people see the
open access afforded by the new media as highly democratic and they
would resent government attempts to control or restrict that freedom.
4 • Regulating the new media has so far proved challenging for national
governments, partly because global networks (such as the internet)
take control of the new media beyond national frontiers. The speed at
which the relevant technology evolves also makes it hard for
governments to keep pace with developments. Some technologies are
being used by individuals and groups who specifically want to avoid
restrictions imposed on media use by national governments; these
technologies include virtual private networks (VPNs), blockchain,
cryptocurrency, and the dark web.
Against:
• Examples suggest that authoritarian regimes have often been
successful in controlling access to the new media.
• Democratic regimes usually show greater respect for media rights and
freedoms and, up to a point, are happy to accept a free market in media
content. Nevertheless, many direct and indirect means are available to
democratic governments to control the media, including censorship,
allocation of state funding, regulatory supervision, and fines for media
organisations that fail to conform to government regulations. Many of
these means have been applied successfully to the new media.
• The threat of government censure or attempts at punitive action may be
sufficient to ensure that new media organisations take care to avoid
displeasing the authorities. For example, government criticism of
various aspects of social media has resulted in increased efforts at self-
regulation by owners of social media platforms.
• Governments are an important source of information for the media
generally and that is another consideration encouraging media
organisations (including the new media) to align themselves with
government ideas about how the media should operate.
• Organisations that own the traditional media also control large parts of
the new media. National governments may be able to use their powers
over the traditional media where they want to restrict or limit the powers
of the new media.
The focus of this question is the relationship between religion and social
solidarity. Good answers are likely to develop the contrast between
sociological theories that view religion as a conservative force that promotes
social cohesion/solidarity and theories that recognise some role for religion
in challenging the status quo and bringing about social change.
Functionalist and Marxist theories would agree in seeing religion as a
conservative force, though the two perspective differ in how they explain the
role of religion in supporting the status quo. For functionalists, religion
encourages social solidarity through involvement in collective worship and
acceptance of shared values. By contrast, Marxists view religion as an
ideological force that contributes to false consciousness and the
manipulation of people into accepting a social order that supports the
interests of only the privileged few. Evaluation of the idea that religion
creates social solidarity might draw on examples of where religion appears
to have had the opposite effect, such as religious wars, schisms within
particular religions, and the use of religion to defend privileged interests
against marginalised or otherwise disadvantaged groups. The analysis
might also be developed by considering examples of where religion has
challenged the status quo and opposed the dominant value system in
society. Examples include the Iranian revolution and liberal theology.
Indeed, it can be argued that the role of religion in bringing about social
change has been just as important as its role in creating social solidarity.
Good evaluative responses might also consider what social solidarity means
and how it differs from related concepts such as social order, social control,
and ideological domination/hegemony.
Indicative content
For:
• Functionalists claim that religion contributes to a sense of collective
identity and social solidarity; it helps bind people together in support for
the existing social order and value system.
• Marxist sociologists argue that religion is a form of ideology that deters
the working class from rising up and overthrowing the capitalist
economic system. Religion makes people passive and disinterested in
radical social change; it contributes to a ‘false’ sense of social solidarity
and togetherness.
• There are many examples of where religion supports and reinforces
civil culture, such as involvement in national ceremonies and events
that are designed to celebrate a common culture and national way of
life.
• Most religions emphasise the importance of shared values and ethical
principles that encourage people to respect and support each other.
Against:
• Not all functionalists agree that the main role of religion is to create
social solidarity. Some, like Malinowski, emphasise the role of religion
in supporting individual needs (for example, helping people cope with
life crises).
• Religion has often been a source of conflict and division between
people and its effectiveness in contributing to social solidarity can
therefore be questioned.
• Some religions have been quite radical in their opposition to poverty
and exploitation, speaking out against perceived deficiencies in the
capitalist economic system and seeking to bring about social change
rather than focusing on promoting social solidarity.
• Liberation Theology in Latin America is an example of where religion
has been used directly to oppose the status quo and to side with those
who are socially deprived in their quest to achieve social change.
• Supporters of the secularisation thesis would argue that the declining
social significance of religion means that any power that religious
organisations have to promote social solidarity is considerably
diminished.
• Postmodernists see religion today as serving individual needs primarily.
They refer to ‘spiritual shopping’ as part of a search for meaning and
personal identity on the part of the individual.
Supporters of the secularisation thesis claim that religion has lost its social
significance in modern industrial societies. The question therefore provides
an opportunity to consider the arguments for and against this thesis. Good
answers will examine the evidence for secularisation, perhaps referring to
church attendance records, surveys of religious belief, and statistics relating
to participation in religious ceremonies. The arguments of theorists such as
Wilson, Wallis, and Bruce who have contributed to sociological debates
about secularisation are also likely to feature in well-informed answers.
There are various counter arguments to the secularisation thesis that
candidates could be expected to use in responding to the question. The
concept of religious revival might be used to suggest that many people are
returning to religion as a source of guidance and moral authority today.
Postmodernist ideas about the importance of religion in the search for
meaning and identity might also be considered. The difficulties of measuring
religiosity and/or acquiring reliable evidence about religious participation
(today and in the past) are further areas of discussion that could be
explored in a sound analytical response.
Indicative content
For:
• Growing support for new religious movements helps challenge claims
associated with the secularisation thesis that membership of religious
organisations is declining and people are becoming less religious.
• Growth in new religious movements can be seen as part of a broader
trend that has seen an increase interest in spirituality (a religious
revival) among people in Western societies in recent years; the growth
in new age movements and privatised worship provide further examples
of this trend.
• Although it is thought that people were more religious in the past, this
may be a myth. For one thing, it is hard to know how much influence
religion had in earlier times. For example, evidence about the
involvement of people in religious practices in the past is limited.
Furthermore, historical records about church attendance, participation
in religious ceremonies, and membership of religions groups tell us little
about the extent to which the people involved were religious. Rather
than being an indicator of religious belief, for instance, social pressure
may have led people to attend religious ceremonies.
• Established religious organisations are still very powerful in many
countries and they retain some roles in public life. For example,
religious lobby groups have a strong influence on US politics, illustrating
the ongoing social significance of religion in Western society.
6 Against:
• Growth in new religious movements can be seen as evidence that
established religions have lost their social significance. Wilson sees the
decline of established religions, together with fragmentation in religious
belief systems, as defining characteristics of secularisation. In a secular
society, Wilson argues, centralised spiritual authority is replaced by
support for competing religious beliefs (new religious movements, for
example) and other sources of moral guidance.
• Difficult to measure religiosity and therefore to know whether people are
as religious today as they were in the past.
• Interest in spirituality may have picked up in Western societies in recent
years, but studies suggest it is driven by individualistic concerns with
discovering meaning and personal fulfilment rather than any desire to
return to a form of society based on religious control and traditional
values.
• Even if the growth in support for new religious movements is seen as
an indicator of religious revival, there is still a lot of evidence to support
the secularisation thesis; for example, evidence about the declining role
of religion in public life, increasing number of people who reject
marriage or marry without a religious ceremony, increasing number of
people identifying as atheists, and so on.
3 • Good knowledge and understanding of the view on which the question 7–9
is based.
• The response contains a range of detailed points with good use of
concepts and theory/research evidence.
1 • Basic knowledge and understanding of the view on which the question 1–3
is based.
• The response contains a narrow range of underdeveloped points with
some references to concepts or theory or research evidence.