Temple Exile and Identity in 1 Peter

library of new testament studies
TEMPLE, EXILE AND

IDENTITY IN 1 PETER
ANDREW M. MBUVI
LIBRARY OF NEW TESTAMENT STUDIES
345
Formerly the Journal for the Study of the New Testament Supplement series
Editor
Mark Goodacre
Editorial Board
John M. G. Barclay, Craig Blomberg, Kathleen E. Corley,
R. Alan Culpepper, James D. G. Dunn, Craig A. Evans, Stephen Fowl,
Robert Fowler, Simon J. Gathercole, John S. Kloppenborg, Michael Labahn,
Robert Wall, Steve Walton, Robert L Webb, Catrin H. Williams
TEMPLE, EXILE AND IDENTITY
IN 1 PETER
ANDREW M.MBUVI
t&tclark
Copyright © Andrew M. Mbuvi
Published by T&T Clark International

A Continuum imprint
The Tower Building, 11 York Road, London SE1 7NX
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First published 2007

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any
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information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.
Andrew M. Mbuvi has asserted his right under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act,
1988, to be identified as the Author of this work.
British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data

A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
EISBN 9780567031426
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CONTENTS
Preface ix
Abbreviations xi
1. INTRODUCTION 1
1.1. Brief Survey of Previous Studies on Temple
in 1 Peter 1
1.2. Structure of Study 8
2. 'EXILE AND RESTORATION OF ISRAEL'

AS A BACKGROUND FOR READING 1 PETER 10
2.1. Introductory Comments 10
2.2. The Event of Exile and Its Historical
Significance 12
2.3. Second Temple Literature and the Lingering
'Exile' 14
2.4. Peter Ackroyd's 'Idea of Exile' 20
2.5. 'Idea of Exile' as a Controlling Metaphor 22
2.5.1. Earlier Proposals
2.5.2. Idea of Exile' in 1 Peter
2.6. 'Idea of Exile' and Select OT Passages in 1 Peter 33
2.6.1. Exod. 24 in 1 Pet. 1.2b
2.6.2. Isa. 40.6-8; in 1 Pet. 1.21-25
and echo of Isa. 43.14-21 in 1 Pet. 1.13-25)
2.6.3. Exod. 19.6; Isa. 28.16; 42.20; 43.20-21;
Hos. 1; 6.9 in 1 Pet. 2.6-10
2.6.4. Isa. 53 in 1 Pet. 2.21-25
2.6.5. Ps. 34.12-16 in 1 Pet. 3.10-13
2.6.6. Ezek. 9.7 in 1 Pet. 4.16-17
2.7. Exile and Identity in 1 Peter 39
2.8. Temple and Restoration from Exile 44
3. TEMPLE', 'EXILE', AND 'IDENTITY' IN SECOND TEMPLE

LITERATURE 47
vi Contents
3.2. Biblical Writings 48

3.2.1. Daniel 9
3.2.2 Zechariah, Haggai, Malachi -
Second Temple and the Apocalyptic Uprising
3.3. Extra-Canonical Jewish Writings 50
3.3.1. 1 Enoch 83-90: Dream Visions/
Animal Apocalypse
3.3.2. Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs
3.3.3. Jubilees
3.3.4. Qumran and Dead Sea Scrolls:
Community as Temple
3.3.5. Philosophical Judaism: The Ambulatory
Temple
3.3.5.1. Positive and Negative views of
the Temple in Philo, Josephus
and Jubilees
3.3.5.2. Tabernacle/Temple in Philo
3.3.5.3. Josephus and the Mobile Temple
3.3.6. The Targumim
3.4. Summary and Conclusion 68
4. EXEGEHCAL ANALYSIS OF TEMPLE IMAGERY IN 1 PETER 70

4.2. Tabernacle/Temple Imagery in 1 Peter 71
4.2.1. Tabernacle' Imagery and Sprinkling
of Blood (1 Pet. 1.2b) pavzio\iw oofurax; Ivpov Xpiotoi)
4.2.2. Temple Rites: Purity, Holiness, and Identity
in 1 Peter (1 Pet. 1.15-16)
4.2.2.1. Y^YPaât OTL "Ayioi toto&L,
OTL 4yd) ayioc; €1411
(1 Pet. 1.16)
4.2.3. Some Petrine Vocabulary on Holiness
and Purity
4.2.3.1 ayicx; (1.2; 1.15-16; 2.5, 9; 3.5-7)
4.2.3.2. nvviKOTec I KaGapag (1.22)
4 . 2 . 3 . 3 . a><; dqivou 04x04101) Kal &OTti)jo\) (1.19)
4.2.4. AutpocS and Temple Sacral Manumission
(1 Pet. 1.18-19)
4.2.5. Living Temple: 'Living Stones'
Built into a 'Spiritual House' (1 Pet. 2.4-5, 9-10)
4.2.5.1. OIKCX; m/aîaTuccx;: Spirit and Temple
in 1 Peter
4.2.5.2. Aifcx;: Temple Building Blocks
4.2.5.2.1. Absence of 0€|1€A.€LCX; in
1 Pet. 2.4-10
Contents vii
4.2.5.2.2. oKpoycovLalov as the

Foundation Concept in 1 Peter
4.3. Royal/Holy Priesthood and Temple Imagery 104
4.3.1 UpaTcuna ayiov (2.5)/ paaiteiov Upaictyia (2.9)
4.3.2. Trv€i)|iauKa<; 9uoux<; (2.5): Priesthood and Sacrifice
4.4. Worship, Prayer and Ethics: 4Amc ODYKA.TIPOV6M.OC
TTpooeuxii (1 Pet. 3.7, 9; 4.7) 110
4.5. The Prototype Temple: Noah's KipcoK*; (1 Pet. 3.20) 112
4.6. Temple and Sekinah (1 Pet. 4.14) 115
4.7. Temple and Judgment (1 Pet. 4.14-17 [4.5-7]) 118
4.8. Temple and Restoration of 'Israel' (1 Pet. 5.10) 122
4.9. Conclusion 125
5. IMPLICATIONS AND CONCLUSIONS 127

5.1. Introductory Remarks: Temple Imagery and the
Central Themes of 1 Peter 127
5.2. Suffering, A Sign of The End Times: Suffering, Temple,
and Eschaton 127
5.3. Faith and Hope In God 129
5.4. Hope and Restoration of Israel 130
5.4.1 Hope and the Fiery Testing
5.5. Imitation of the Suffering Christ 137
5.6. Holiness, Temple and Christian Suffering 138
APPENDIX 140
Literary Structure of 1 Peter: A Proposal
Bibliography 143
Index of References 163
Index of Authors 173

PREFACE
This book marks a significant point in a long journey that started in my home
country, Kenya, where I began my theological training at Nairobi Evangelical
Graduate School of Theology (NEGST) before coming to America to pursue
further education at Westminster Seminary. Throughout, my life has been
touched and enriched by teachers, students, church communities and family
members who prodded me on and encouraged my endeavors even when they
did not fully comprehend them. And so, as much as the book is my own
product - including any shortcomings therein - it is an inspiration of a
community of believers.
The primary focus of this work is on exegetical analysis of the temple
imagery in 1 Peter in light of the Second Temple Jewish framework of the
"lingering exile" as an interpretive matrix. Consequently, 1 Peter's use of cultk
language in constituting the new identity of the Petrine community is scruti-
nized with the resultant conclusion that temple imagery in 1 Peter undergirds
the entire epistle. This concern with the temple is then placed within the larger
Second Temple rubric of restoration eschatology that anticipated the estab-
lishment of the eschatological temple, hope for the regathering of the scattered
of Israel, the conversion (or destruction) of the Gentiles, and the establishment
of God's universal reign, all of which are reflected in 1 Peter's discourse.
We anticipate that such a reading of 1 Peter would generate a fresh under-
standing of the main themes of 1 Peter, which include questions of identity,
suffering, hope, holiness, and judgment Central to 1 Peter's message is the
assurance of hope that comes in light of the person of Jesus Christ, who in
some mysterious way is the fulfillment of the Second Temple Jewish hope for
national restoration.
Thanks are due to Mustard Seed Foundation, Africa Theological Initiative
and Westminster Seminary for financial support. Earlier editorial assistance
with the manuscript was offered by Melvin Peters of Duke University and my
father-in-law Myron Beckenstein. My mother-in-law Charlotte Beckenstein
organized a prayer group that kept bombarding heaven on my behalf. My
parents, Jacob and Jane Musyoka, have always been supportive of my
academic endeavors even when such dreams seemed daunting. My grand-
parents, Elisavethi Ngong'u andfendeleaNdumu have been lasting pillars of
inspiration to my faith having faithfully served the Lord for over seven
decades.
Finally, one person has borne the brunt of the whole process of earning
a Ph.D. and now, getting a first book published - my beloved wife
x Preface
Amanda! A scholar in her own right, her invaluable help in editing,

focusing and encouragement throughout enabled me to finish the task with
some sanity left in me. And now, even as I take my maiden step into the
world of publication, she carries our first child who we pray will grow to
come to appreciate the truth of the Gospel. To both, 'mother and child',
this book is lovingly dedicated.
Soli Deo Gloria!
Andrew M. Mbuvi
Durham, NC
2006
ABBREVIATIONS
1 Clem. 1 Clement
1QH Hodayot (Thanksgiving Hymns) from Qumran
Cave 1
1QM Milhdmdh (War Scroll)
lQpHab Pesher Habakkuk from Qumran Cave 1
1QS Serek hayyahad (Manual of Discipline, Rule of
Community)
lQSa Appendix A (Rule of Congregation) to 1QS
4Q161-165 (4QpIsa) Isaiah Pesher
4Q166-167 (4QpHos) Hosea Pesher
4Q174 (4QFlor) Florilegium9 also Midrash on Eschatology
4Q390 (4Qps Moses) Pseudo-Moses
4Q400-407 (4QShirshabb) Songs of the Sabbath Sacrifice
4Q434 BarkhiNaphshi
4Q504-506 (4QDibHam) Words of the Luminaries
4Q522 (4QapocrJosue) Prophecy of Joshua
4QMMT Miqsat Maaseh ha-Torah
4QpIsa Pesher Isaiah from Qumran Cave 4
4QpPs Pesher Psalms from Qumran Cave4
4QShirShabb Songs of the Sabbath SacrificefromQumran Cave 4
4QTest Testimonia text from Qumran Cave 4
HQMel Melchizedek Scroll from Qumran Cave 11
HQTemp Temple Scroll from Qumran Cave 11
AB Anchor Bible
ABD D. N. Freedman (ed.), Anchor Bible Dictionary, 6 vols.
Abot R. Nat. Abot de-Rabbi Natan
AJBI Annual of the Japanese Biblical Institute
ANRW Aufstieg und Niedergang der romishen Welt:
Geschichte und Kultur Roms im
Spiegel der Neueren Forschung (Berlin: W. de
Gruyter, 1 9 7 2 - )
ANYAS Annual of New York Academy of Sciences
Ant. Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews
AOAT Alter Orient und Altes Testament
2-3 Apoc. Bar. Syriac, Greek Apocalypse ofBaruch
ASNU Acta seminarii neotestamentici upsaliensis
AsSeign Assemblies du Seigneur
Xll Abbreviations
b. Babylonian Talmud
b. Ber. Babylonian Talmudic Tractate Berishit
b. Ketub. Babylonian Talmudic Tractate Ketubbot
b. Sanh. Babylonian Talmudic Tractate Sanhedrin
b. Shab. Babylonian Talmudic Tractate Shabbat
b. Sot Babylonian Talmudic Tractate Sotah
b. Yoma Babylonian Talmudic Tractate Yoma
BAGD Bauer, Walter, W. F. Arndt, F. W. Gingrich, R W.
Gingich (2d. ed.: and, F. W. Danker, Greek-English
Lexicon of the New Testament
BDF F. Blass, A. Debrunner, and R. W. Funk, A Greek
Grammar of the New Testament
Bar. Baruch
Barn. Barnabas
BASOR Bulletin of the American School of Oriental
Research
BCE Before Common Era
Bib Biblica
BT The Bible Translator
BTB Biblical Theological Bulletin
B VC Bible et vie chretienne
BZAW Beihefte zur ZAW
ca. circa, around
C. Ap. Josephus, Contra Apionem (Against Apion)
CBQ Catholic Biblical Quarterly
CBQMS Catholic Biblical Quarterly Monograph Series
CD Damascus Document (Cairo Geniza text)
CE Common Era
DBSup Supplement au Dictionnaire de la Bible
DJG Dictionary of Jesus and the Gospels
DSS Dead Sea Scrolls
DUB Die Uhrchristliche Botschaft
EKKNT Evangelisch-Katholischer Kommentar zum Neuen
Testament
1-2-3 Enoch Ethiopic, Slavonic, Hebrew Enoch
EQ Evangelical Quarterly
Exod. Rab. Exodus Rabbah
FOTL Forms of the Old Testament Literature
Frag. Tg. Fragmentary Targum
FRLANT Forschungen zur Religion und Literatur des Alten
und Neuen Testaments
Hey] Heythrop Journal
HTR Harvard Theological Review
HUCA Hebrew Union College Annual
ICC International Critical Commentary
Abbreviations Xlll
IEJ Israel Exploration Journal

Int Interpretation
h Jerusalem Talmud
j . Sot. Jerusalem Talmudic Tractate Sota
JAAR Journal of the American Academy of Religion
JBL Journal of Biblical Literature
JETS Journal for the Evangelical Theological Society
JJS Journal of Jewish Studies
JNES Journal of Near Eastern Studies
JR Journal of Religion
JSNT Journal for the Study of the New Testament
JSNTSup Journal for the Study of the New Testament
Supplement Series
JSOT Journal for the study of the Old Testament
JSTS Journal for the Study of Theology Supplememts
JTS Journal of Theological Studies
Jub. Jubilees
KLIO Klio: Beitrdge zur Alten Geschichte (Akademie der
Wissenschaften der DDR
Zentralintitiut fiir Alte Geschichte und Archdologie)
LXX Septuagint
1-2-3-4 Mace. 1-2-3-4 Maccabees
m. Mishnah
Midr. Midrash
MT Masoretic Text
NCBC New Century Bible Commentary
NEA Near Eastern Archeology
NedTT Nederlands Theologisch Tijdschrift
Neot Neotestamentica
NICNT New International Commentary on the New
Testament
NIDNTT G Bromiley, ed., The New International Dictionary of
New Testament Theology, 3 vols. (Grand Rapids:
Zondervan, 1975-8)
NT New Testament
NovT Novum Testamentum
NovTSup Novum Testamentum Supplement Series
NthT Neue theologishe tijdschrift
NTS New Testament Studies
OTL Old Testament Library
OTP James H. Charlesworth, ed., Old Testament
Pseudepigrapha, 2 vols. (Garden City, NY.:
Doubleday, 1983)
Pesiqta
xiv Abbreviations
Philo
Abr. De Abrahamo
Conf. Ling. De Confusione Linguarutn
De Sob. De Sobrietate
Flac. In Flaccium
Leg. Gai. De Legatio ad Gaium
Leg. All. Legum Allegoriae
Migr. Abr. De migratione Abrahami
Plant. De Plantatione
Praem. Praemis et Poenis
Provid. De Providentia
QE Questionies et Solutiones in Exodum
Spec. Leg. De Specialibus Legibus
Vit. Mos. De Vita Mosis
Pss. Sol. Psalms of Solomon
Rab. Rabbah
RB Revue biblique
RE Review Expositor
RestQ Restoration Quarterly
RevQ Revue de Qumran
RSPT Review des sciences philosophique et theologique
RSR Religious Studies Review
RTP Revue de theologie et philosophic
SANT Studien zum Alten und Neuen Testament
SBFLA Studii biblici franciscani liber annus
SBL Studies in Biblical Literature Series
SBLASP Society of Biblical Literature Abstracts and Seminar
Papers
SBLEJL Society of Biblical Literature Early Judaism and its
Literature
SBLMS Society of Biblical Literature Monograph Series
SBLDS Society of Biblical Literature Dissertation Series
SBS Stuttgarter Bibelstudien
ScEccl Sciences Ecclesistiques
Sib. Or. Sibylline Oracles
Sir. Sirach
SJ Studia Judaica
SNTSMS Society for New Testament Studies Monograph
Series
SPB Studia postbiblica
ST Studia Theologica
SUNT Studien zur Umwelt des Neuen Testament
TD Theology Digest
TDNT Theological Dictionary of the New Testament
T. Levi Testament of Levi
Abbreviations x
T. Benj. Testament of Benjamin
T. Sol. Testament of Solomon
Tg. Neb. Targum of the Minor Prophets
Tg. Onq. Targum Ongelos
Tg.Ps.-J. Targum Pseudo-Jonathan
THNT Theologischer Handkommentar zum Neuen
Testament
TL Theologie de Louvain
TLZ Theologische Literaturzeitung
Tob. Tobit
TynBul Tyndale Bulletin
VT Vetus Testamentum
War Josephus, The Jewish War
WBC Word Biblical Commentary
WUNT Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen
Testament
ZAW Zeitschrift fur die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft
ZNW Zeitschrift fur die neuetestamentliche Wissenschaft
All Scripture references, unless otherwise stated, are from the New Revised
Standard Version, copyright 1989 by the Division of Christian Education
of the National Council of Churches of Christ in the USA. Use by
Permission. All rights reserved.
Unless otherwise noted, the Greek from the Apocryphal and Septuagintal
texts is drawn from A. Ralfs, Septuaginta, 8th edn (Stuttgart:
Wurttenbergische Bibelanstalt, 1965) reproduced in the Bible Works for
Windows: Hermeneutica Software (© Mark Bushnel; Big Fork, Mont.:
Hermeneutica, 1996)
MT refers to Biblia Hebraica Stiittgartensia (BHS) reproduced in Bible

Works for Windows: Hermeneutica Software (© Mark Bushnel; Big Fork,
Mont.: Hermeneutica, 1996).
Unless otherwise stated all quotations of Josephus, Philo, Epictetus and

Seneca are from the Loeb Classical Library (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard
University Press, 1926-79).
Translation of Greek, Hebrew, and German and French works, by the

author.
Chapter 1
iNTRODUCnON
1.1. Brief Survey of Previous Studies on Temple in 1 Peter
While the clearest application of the temple imagery is found in 1 Pet. 2.4-10, 1
it is the aim of this study to investigate other possible temple allusions and
imagery in the rest of the epistle, and their significance in the Petrine reinter-
pretation of the Israelite sanctuaries (e.g. 1.2; 4.17: 5.10). 2 Scot McKnight
points out that
1 Peter uses a host of words to describe what has happened to those who enter the family
of God. In particular, he draws deeply from the imagery of the temple with its rituals and
worship to express this matter. They have been sprinkled with blood (1:2), they have been
ransomed (1:18-19), they have been purified {1-22), they have tasted God (2:3), they have
been healed (2:24), and they have been presented before God (3:18).3
1. The use of stone testimonia in 1 Peter 2.4-10 has been identified as the largest of its kind
in the NT, which has also been used to argue for Petrine authorship of the epistle. See C. F. D.
Moule, 'Some Reflections of the Stone Testimonia in Relation to the Name of Peter*, NTS 2
(1955/6) 56-9; Ceslas Spicq, 'La la Petri et k temoignage evangelique de saint Pierre', StTh 20
(1966) 37-61,57,56; Klyne Snodgrass, '1 Peter IL1-10: Its Formation and Literary Affinities',
NTS 24 (1977) 97-106,97; Thomas Lea, H o w Peter Learned the Old Testament', Southwestern
Journal of Theology 21 (1980) 96-102,101. Paul J. Achtemeiei; 1 Peter: A Commentary on First
Peter (Hermeneia; Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1996) 150, n. 18, dismisses die argument simply
as an 'interesting suggestion, but it can be no more than that*.
2. Allusion to Greek temple practices will also be investigated especially in the appropri-
ation of the imagery of temple sacral manumission in 1 Pet. 1.18. Wider implications may be
adduced for the Greek temple analogy at least from the point of view of the targeted recipients
of the epistle who as we argue are made up of a majority of Gentile converts (who already have
had connections to Jewish synagogues - God-fearers), and a minority group of Jewish converts.
See the forceful and spirited argument for the role of the Judaizing Gentiles (God-fearers) in the
life of the early church, especially in the Dispersion, by Irina Levinskaya, The Book of Acts:
Diaspora Setting, vol. v (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans; and Carlisle: Paternoster, 1996). The variety
of the God-fearers rangedfromthose who were one stepfromfull conversion to those who simply
added the Jewish God to their pantheon (78). Cf. also John J. Collins, Between Athens and
Jerusalem: Jewish Identity in the Hellenistic Diaspora (2nd edn; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans,
2000) 264-72, who independently comes to the same conclusion as Levinskaya concerning the
range of spectrum of the God-fearers infirst-centuryJudaism.
3. ScotMcKn^t, 1 Peter: The NWAppUcatxynCom^
1996) 30.
2 Temple, Exile and Identity in 1 Peter
While not meant to be comprehensive, McKnight's list omits what we

consider the most important of temple imagery passages, including 2.4-10,
4.17, and 5.10. The prevalence of Exodus motifs, especially in the first two
chapters of the epistle, also provides for the plausibility of the tabernacle
imagery in the epistle (e.g. pai/Tiqiov oa|iaTO<;, dîvou d|i(4iou).4 We will
further propose that a structural development of the epistle, very roughly
along the lines of the history of Israel (i.e. tabernacle, temple, judgment/
destruction, restoration/rebuilding), can be envisioned.5
Outside of commentaries, studies that have focused on the temple in 1 Peter
are not that many. In fact, they tend to be part of broader studies of the temple
in the New Testament or something of that nature. Bertil Gartner's seminal
study, perhaps the most important of the works we will be dealing with,
compares the looming presence of temple symbolism both in the NT and
Qumran writings, focusing on the eschatological reinterpretation and actual-
ization in both communities.6 The language and theology of both are shown
to have been significantly shaped and colored by temple imagery. It probably
stems from Gartner's work that a common view has been presented concerning
the Qumran community's view of itself as the new eschatological temple.7 It
is Gartner's contention that the commonalities between 1 Peter's and Qumran's
reinterpretation of the temple are 'so striking ... that we are compelled to
assume the existence of some common tradition'.8 Without downplaying the
significance of Gartner's study, his focus was limited in scope, primarily
engaging only Qumran literature and its relationship with the NT. A wider
scope of the Second Templefieldis needed in order to have a better idea of how
1 Peter's conceptualizationfitswithin the largerframeworkof Jewish thought.
4. It will be obvious from this observation that the reading of the text is different from that
of McKnight, who perceives all the references to be to the temple.
5. See Chapter 3 and Appendix below.
6. Bertil Gartner, The Temple and the Community in Qumran and the New Testament: A
Comparative Study in the Qumran Texts and the New Testament (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1965) 72-88.
7. Gartner's argument has not gone unchallenged and J. Baumgarten, Studies in Qumran
Law (Leiden: Brill, 1977) 62-3, 67, holds an opposing view that the community did not hold
their purity rituals at the same level as the temple sacrifices as evidenced by the lack of an altar
in Qumran. However, most studies have continued to support the views espoused by Gartner.
See, for example, Hermann Iichtenberger, 'Atonement and Sacrifice in die Qumran Community5,
in W. S. Green, ed., Approaches to Ancient Judaism, U (Chico, Calif.: Scholars Press, 1980)
159-71.
8. Gartner, Temple, 78. Contra David Flusser, 'The Dead Sea Sect and Pre-Pauline
Christianity', in C. Rabin and Y. Yadin, eds., Aspects of the Dead Sea Scrolls (Scripta
Hierosolymintana 4; Jerusalem: Magnes, 1958) 215-66, esp. 233-66, who perceived possible
literary dependence by 1 Peter on some Hebrew text very much like 1QS 8.4-11, Gartner is not
willing to go that far (72 n. 2). See William L. Schuttei; Hermeneutic and Composition in 1 Peter
(WUNT 2.30; Tubingen: J. C. B. Mohr, 1989) 122.
1. Introduction 3
Several years later, Georg Klinzing took the argument one step further
when he argued that the NT derives its notion of the community as the
temple from the Qumran community: 'If the Christian community speaks of
itself as the temple, no doubt about it can exist, that the conception originates
from the Qumran community'.9 Basically, arguing against the cleft between
cultic and more spiritual forms, as maintained by Hans Wenschkewitz,10
Klinzing found this distinction not exhibited in Qumran material which he
envisioned to have subsequently influenced Christian theology on temple
imagery. He perceived both groups as interpreting the temple from the point
of realized eschatology such that the tendency in both is to elevate cultic motifs
to a higher plane.11
Subsequently, both Gartner's and Klinzing's conclusions were called into
question by Elisabeth Schiissler Fiorenza, who maintains that the NT writers
'do not so much reinterpret the cultic institutions and terminology but express
a new reality in cultic language'.12 For Schiissler Fiorenza, any sense of inter-
pretive equation between the Qumran understanding of the temple and cultic
material, and the NT, is highly questionable. For the NT writers, including 1
Peter, the emphasis is on the use of language to describe a new reality premised
on the person of Jesus Christ while for Qumran the expectation for the old
reality is still at the center of their hermeneutic.
R. McKelvey's work does a commendable but brief analysis of the Temple
imagery in 1 Peter showing awareness of the fact that the image/symbolism
is present in more than just 1 Peter 2.4-10 (e.g. also in 1 Pet. 4.17), on which
McKelvey primarily focuses.13 He briefly notes the significance of the
priesthood and sacrifice language but does not incorporate the role of the
wdjua and language of the 66&x (4.14), or the imperishable inheritance (1.4)
as it relates to sacrifice (1.2), in his discussion, elements we perceive to be
crucial in embracing the full scope of Temple imagery in 1 Peter. Significant
though his study is, McKelvey's dealing with 1 Peter is understandably brief
given that the focus of his monograph is on the temple in the entire NT. For
this reason, it certainly appears that much more could be said on the matter
of temple imagery in 1 Peter than is covered by McKelvey.
Another useful, but equally brief, analysis of the temple in 1 Peter is found
in Marie-Joseph Congar's The Mystery of the Temple.14 This study tends more
9. Georg Klinzing, Die Umdeutung die Kultus in des Qumrangemeinde und hn Neuen
Testament (SUNT 7; Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1971) 210.
10. Hans Wenschkewitz, "Die Spiritualisierung der Kultusbegriffe Temple, Priester und
Opfer im Neuen Testament", Angelas 4 (1932) 70-230.
11. Klinzing, Die Umdeutung, 210.
12. Elisabeth Schiissler Fiorenza, 'Cultic Language in Qumran and in the N T , CBQ 38
(1976) 159-77,162 n. 12.
13. Robert J. McKelvey, The New Temple: The Church in the New Testament (London:
Oxford University Press, 1969).
14 Marie-Joseph Congar, The Mystery of the Temple (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1968).
towards a systematic theological approach to the temple in the NT with limited

focus on exegetical appraisal of the passages. It is, therefore, not very helpful
in terms of determining exegetical issues on temple imagery in 1 Peter.
The same can also be said of Craig Koester's The Dwelling of God, which
is a significant study on the sanctuary.15 It primarily focuses on the tabernacle
and its imagery in the NT. Since it views the sanctuary imagery of 1 Peter as
primarily temple imagery without any substantive reference to the taber-
nacle, little attention has been given to 1 Peter in this work. 16
The otherwise extremely useful Lord of the Temple by Ernest Lohmeyer is
primarily focused on the Gospel tradition and, therefore, pays no attention
to the temple imagery of 1 Peter in its discussion.17 However, significant
points raised in the book are deemed to have a bearing in the study of the
temple in 1 Peter, and so it is pertinent for our study.
Given the paucity of studies on the subject, it is our conviction that a
comprehensive analysis of how the temple imagery functions in the epistle of
1 Peter, especially as it relates to the main concerns of suffering and identity
within the matrix of Israel's restoration, has yet to be fully undertaken. The
role that the concept of 'exile' plays in providing an interpretive background
for the entire epistle (1.1,17; 1.21-25; cf. Isa. 40.6-8), is another aspect of this
study whose benefits have not previously been fully mined. The connection
of the exile and the temple in the OT and in other Jewish literature prior to
Christianity is an acknowledged fact but its significance for understanding the
language of 1 Peter has yet to be fully realized. This is the lacuna in 1 Peter's
studies that this work hopes to fill.
In essential accord with Schussler Fiorenza, we intend to argue that the
pervasive use of cultic language in 1 Peter is driven not simply by a reinter-
pretation of cultic institutions, but the use of cultic language in the description
of a new reality.18 The temple is no longer a physical structure awaiting re-
establishment in Jerusalem; it is spiritual and cosmic.19 The restoration of Israel
is no longer political but of greater magnitude - it encompasses forgiveness
of sin. The inheritance is no longer land, it is a heavenly inheritance (1.4).
15. Craig Koester, The Dwelling of God: The Tabernacle in the Old Testament,
Intertestamental Jewish Literature and the New Testament (CBQMS 22; Washington, D.C.:
Catholic Biblical Association of America, 1989).
16. In this study we intend to argue that the tabernacle imagery could be alluded to in 1
Peter's utilization of the exodus motif.
17. Ernst Lohmeyer, Lord of the Temple: A Study of the Relation between Cult and the
Gospel (trans. Stewart Todd; Richmond: John Knox Press, 1962).
18. Schussler Fiorenza, 'Cultic', 162 n. 12.
19. David Hill, "To Offer Spiritual Sacrifices..." (1 Peter 2:5): Liturgical Formulations and
Christians Paraenesis in 1 Peter', JSNT16 (1982) 45-63, [59] commenting on this aspect of 1
Peter notes that it is by the 'means of a mythic language' that 1 Peter universalizes the message
that was specific to Israel in the OT. And so the nations that were 'once relegated to inferior status
now have access by faith to the dignity of the people of God' (2.10).
1. Introduction 5
Cultic language thus provides the vehicle to communicate the active presence
of God in the midst of the Christian community's struggles with ostracization,
persecution and self-identity. Similar concerns facing the Jews at the time of
exile had concretized a certain outlook on life that subsequently interpreted
new adversities in light of the exile experience.20 The language of exile then
formed a matrix of self-expression that articulated a continuing psycho-
logical state of mind in the Second Temple Jewish communities that perpet-
uated what has been called an 'exile mentality'.21
Closely related to this 'exile mentality' was another metaphor that was born
in the exile - the self-understanding of the community as the dwelling of God
- the 'temple' (1 Pet. 2.5; 1QS 8.4). Estranged from the temple, the exiled
community reinterpreted the function of the temple in their midst. To them,
cultic language became a framework of articulating hope for restoration and
also providing a vehicle for worship in the interim. Therefore, the imagery
shifted the conception of the temple from that of a physical structure to one
of, for a lack of a better term, a spiritual nature. This not only became a
language of formulating or replacing the role of the cultic elements among the
exile community, but it also became the means to articulate self-identity, in light
of the old realities.22 Language then becomes crucial not only in articulating
the community's connection with the cultic elements of the past, but also in
reconstituting a new reality in light of the old.23
Previous studies on 1 Peter such as Gartner's, Klinzing's and McKelvey's
listed above have rightly focused on the imagery of the temple as a most
decisive imagery in the letter, and also have recognized the importance of the
language of exile in the epistle. But to our knowledge, none of these studies
have sought to read the epistle in light of the larger concerns of Israel's
restoration eschatology as it is characterized by the concerns for'... a renewed,
restored, or rebuilt temple... restoration of the people of Israel,.. .[and the]
beginning of God's reign on Mt. Zion,.. .\ 2 4 It is the intent of this study to
20. N. T. Wright, The New Testament and the People of God, Christian Origins and the
Question of God, 1 (Minneapolis: Fortress, 1992) 268-72,299-301; idem, Jesus and the Victory
of God, Christian Origins and the Question of God, 2 (Minneapolis: Fortress, 1996) xvii-xviii,
126-27,203-4,248-50.
21. Wright, People, 268-72.
22. Schussler Fiorenza, 'Cultic', 162.
23. Espousing a similar understanding of the use of language John Land, A New Temple For
Corinth: Rhetorical and Archeological Approaches to Pauline Imagery (SBL1; New York: Peter
Lang, 1997) 124, while discussing the temple imagery in 1 Corinthians 3, explains that a 'metaphor
... was an important oratorical tool to grab the attention of an audience so that it attended to a
rhetorical argument. A distinct, unusual metaphor couldfixan image in the mind that would engage
the audience's emotions and could powerfully anchor the speaker's developing claims'.
24. E. P. Sanders, Judaism: Practice and Belief, 63 BCE-66 CE (London: SCM Press; and
Philadelphia: Trinity Press International, 1994) 279-303; idem, Jesus and Judaism (Philadelphia:
Fortress, 1985) 91-119; Andrew Brunson, Psalm 118 in the Gospel of John (WUNT 2 Reihe
158; Tubingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2003) 68.
subject the reading of 1 Peter, with its special focus on the temple (2.4-10; 4.14-
17; 5.10), election and identity (1.1; 2.1-3,4-10), holiness (1.6-7,16; 4.12),
and hope (1.3,13,21; 3.15) to these concerns.
1 Peter is said to have the highest concentration, relative to its size, of OT
references in the entire NT, leaving little doubt as to the writer's intentionality
in appropriating the current experience of his audience with that of the OT
nation of Israel.25 David Hill notes, without further explanation, that, The
true Israel is formed by those who belong to the "spiritual temple" which is
built upon Christ, the living stone.'26 Paul J. Achtemeier explains further that,
'within the overall thought-world of the letter ... the identification of the
readers with the history of Israel is best understood in terms of a metaphorical
use of that material in relation to the Christian faith, whereby the Christian
community has assumed the mantle of chosen people formerly worn by
Israel'.27
The striking element is the fact that, as most recent commentators maintain,
1 Peter's epistle is addressed to a largely Gentile audience made up mostly of
earlier Gentile converts to Judaism.28 These Gentile 'God-fearers' had closely
associated themselves with the Jewish faith and synagogues, but never quite
went the distance of full proselytism, most likely for reasons of being averse
to circumcision.29 According to Acts, this category of mostly Gentile adherents
to Judaism made up the largest portion of initial Gentile converts to Christianity
(Acts 10.2, 22, 35; 13.6, 26; o&yevoi xbv feov - 13.50; 16.14; 18.6-7;
otftywoi -17.4,17;0€(3otiQ/oi Trpoar)A.uroL - 13.43).30The advent of the Jewish
sect of Christianity (Acts 9.2; 18.25, 26; 19.9, 23) with its abolition of the
requirement of circumcision (e.g. Acts 15; Gal. 5.6\ was able to attract large
numbers of the Gentile 'God-fearers' into its ranks.31 Consequently, it is
25. Schutter, Hermeneutic, 43, counts approximately 46 quotations and allusions 'not
counting iterative allusions that would boost the total'.
26. Hill, 'Sacrifices', 59.
27. Achtemeier, 1 Peter, 51.
28. So Achtemeier, 1 Peter, 51; Wayne Grudem, The First Epistle of Peter: An Introduction
and Commentary (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1988) 38; John H. Elliott, A Home For the
Homeless: A Sociological Exegesis ofl Peter, Its Situation and Strategy (Philadelphia: Fortress,
1981); Ceslas Spicq, Us tpftres de Saint Pierre (Paris: J. Gabalda & Cie, 1966) 13,65; J. N. D.
Kelly, The Epistles of Peter andjude (BNTC; London: Adam & Charles Black, 1969) 4; Hill,
'Sacrifices', 59; F. H. Chase, 'Peter, First Epistle', in J. Hastings, ed., Dictionary of the Bible
(Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1900) 783; Scot McKnight, A Light Among the Gentiles: Jewish
Missionary Activity in the Second Temple Period (Minneapolis: Fortress, 1991).
30. Frederick W. Danker, '1 Peter 1:24-2:17 - A Consolatory Pericope', ZNW 58 (1967)
93-102, 95. I agree with Danker without assenting to his conclusion on pseudepigraphic
authorship of 1 Peter. Danker, correctly in my opinion, identifies the ol ({wpotyKvoi of Ps. 118
(117).4 as proselytes equivalent to the proselytes in 1 Peter.
1. Introduction 7
reasonable to assume that the vast majority of the recipients of the encyclical
1 Peter would have originatedfromthis group.32 Accordingly, all the references
to Gentiles (&HT|) in 1 Peter (2.12, 4.3) do not mean non-Jews, rather, it is a
stock-phrase for non-Christian.33
1 Peter also connects the identity of his audience with the commencement
of the national restoration of Israel (2.9 quoting Exod. 19.6; 23.22). However,
the contrast with old Israel is that, while for old Israel suffering was understood
as 'motivated by their national and private sins,' in 1 Peter suffering is presented
as God's purifying process (1.6-7; 4.11-12).34 Therefore, in spite of their
suffering, their calling as God's priestly community is assured.35
With the commencement of the Herodian persecution (Acts 12.1) the
Christians in Jerusalem had been scattered to different regions separating
them from the Temple and its cultus. It is, perhaps, with this removefromthe
Temple and the subsequent lingering desire for pilgrimage to Jerusalem in the
background, that 1 Peter is written. Writing to those in 6iacnTopa; (^Dispersion')
distanced from the Jerusalem Temple and its cultus, 1 Peter communicates his
confidence in the fact that the temple is not simply a physical building found
in Jerusalem.36 This is not to suggest that 1 Peter's audience were necessarily
32. See further arguments in Achtemeier, 1 Peter, 51-4. John H. Elliott, 1 Peter (AB 37B; New
York: Doubleday, 2000) 466, notes that'... it is appropriated especially from Israelite usage where
"Gentiles" (ethne for Heb. goyhn in contrast to 'am/laos) is not merely a neutral term for
"peoples" but, especially from the post-exilic period onward, designates all non Israelites, often
as enemies (Isa. 24-27; Ezek. 38-39; Zech. 9-14; Dan 3:7,37; 7:14; 8:22; 9:26...).... However, in
some cases, as here in 1 Peter, when ta ethne/hoi etbnikoi is a foil to followers of Jesus, it becomes
a designation for all non-Christians....'
33. Francis Wright, The First Epistle of Peter: The Greek Text with Introduction and Notes
(3rd edn; Oxford: Blackwell, 1947) 101; Ernest Best, 1 Peter (New Century Bible; London:
Oliphants, 1971; repr. by Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1982) 111; Achtemeier, 1 Peter, 177;contra
J. W. C. Wand, The General Epistles of St. Peter and St. Jude (Westminster Commentaries:
London: Methuen, 1934) 74-5, who maintains that the word must mean that 'the readers by
contrast were Jews'. While indeed we acknowledge that some of the Petrine believers were Jewish,
use of word eOiri is not dependent on such an understanding in 1 Peter.
34. Danker,'1 Peter 1:24-2:17,97:'... a further association is made with Isa. 43:14-21, where
the deliverance of Israel is treated under the figure of the Exodus with stress on the declaration of
God's (iperai by the people of God's own mpvnoivpiz (vs. 21)'.
35. Danker, '1 Peter 1:24-2:17,97: Given their geographical proximity (Asia Minor), 1 Peter's
audience are dislocated from the Temple and possibly find themselves in the awkward position
of desiring to fulfill their cultic roles at the Jerusalem Temple (in light of Jewish religious practice)
but cannot because of, i) distance from Jerusalem, and/or, ii) persecution in their local areas, and
iii) persecution of the Christians in Jerusalem not allowing them the possibility of making a
pilgrimage. These possible reasons for the state of concern in relation to the matters of purity in
1 Peter can be deduced from the letter itself. 1 Peter writes both to warn about the dangers of negli-
gence and the impending judgment, but also to encourage them not to be discouraged in spite of
their present trials (1.6-7; 4.12).
36. Victor A. Furnish, 'Elect Sojourners in Christ: An Approach to me Theology of 1 Peter',
Perkins Journal 28 (1975) 1-11, esp. 2-3, recognizes that the term 6iaorrop&; was used of the entire
literal exiles from Jerusalem, or Palestine in general, as E Lapham has

suggested,37 yet it is plausible that within their numbers there might have been
some Jewish people who literally were themselves in exile. However, they
would compose a small minority.
1.2. Structure of Study
The primary focus of this book is an exegetical analysis of the metaphor of

temple imagery (2.4-10) and other possible allusions to the temple imagery
in the epistle of 1 Peter (1.18-19; 3.19-20; 4.14-17; 5.10) in light of the
Second Temple Jewish framework of the 'lingering exile' as an interpretive
matrix. 38 1 Peter directly connects the community's identity with the temple
when he describes them in vocabulary reminiscent of the temple structure as
'living stones' formulating an image that has been categorized as a 'Temple-
Community'.39 Such an image, as we will contend, would be best understood
within the framework of other elements that characterize what has been
referred to as a Second Temple Jewish anticipation of eschatological restoration
of Israel from 'exile'.
We anticipate that such a reading of 1 Peter would generate a fresh and, even
perhaps, a new understanding of the main themes of 1 Peter. Central to 1
Peter's message is to assure his audience of the hope that comes in light of the
person of Jesus Christ who, according to 1 Peter, is in some mysterious way
the fulfillment of the Second Temple Jewish hope for national restoration.
The overall structure of the study is thus to first establish the milieu out of
which 1 Peter was writing. This will be done in the following chapter and is
characterized by a number of things: the 'idea of exile' as a controlling
metaphor, 'exile and the new exodus' as the background for reading 1 Peter,
dispersed community of Jews scattered in the Gentile world since the Babylonian exile. Haraki
Hegemann, 'The Diaspora in the Hellenistic Age', in W. D. Davies and Louis Finkelstein, eds, The
Cambridge History of Judaism (3 vols; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), 2.115-66.
37. F. Lapham, Peter: The Myth, the Man and the Writings (Sheffield: Sheffield University
Press, 2003) 127. He interprets the reference to 'she who is in Babylon' (5.13) as literal reference
to sojourning in Asia Minor, understanding the reference to sojourning as literal migration of
Christians from Palestine to Asia Minor. Therefore, the fact of their homelessness is in relation
to the proximity to their Palestinian homeland. This forces Lapham to downplay such passages
as 1 Pet. 1.4 and as such to see little significance in the metaphor. Thus, while he acknowledges
the likelihood of a 'heavenly analogy' in 1 Peter 1.4 (128), it can only be used by the author if it
reflects the true experience of the readers.
38. Peter R. Ackroyd, Exile and Restoration: A Study of Hebrew Thought of the Sixth
Century B.C. (Philadelphia: Westminster, 1968); Sandersjesws and Judaism, 91-113.
39. Gartner, Temple, 78; Best, '1 Peter', 111.
1. Introduction 9
the question of immanence and transcendence of God in the OT taber-

nacle/temple, development of the perception of the sanctuary in the history
of Israel beginning with the prototypical Jewish sanctuary, Noah's ark,
and culminating with the subsequent dissatisfaction with the so-called
second temple within Judaism which partly spurred the anticipation of the
eschatological temple in Jewish thought. We will also take a look at
Qumran's development of the idea of community as the venerable temple
(1QS 8.4) and Judaism's reaction to the destruction of the Herodian temple
(e.g. Avot de-Rabbi Natan 4).
Chapter 3 will analyze the different understandings of the temple tradition
in the Second Temple period with the hope of tracing the different streams of
traditions from which the author of 1 Peter is most likely to have drawn, in
the development of his temple imagery. We will also investigate how the
larger context of exile can be brought to bear in our understanding of 1 Peter's
development of temple imagery within the Second Temple milieu.
Chapter 4 then highlights how 1 Peter appropriates the elements that had
been developed in the Jewish background of the temple into his own devel-
opment and appropriation of temple imagery in relation to the Christian
community. This involves 1 Peter's reinterpretation of the Jewish eschatological
temple in light of the person of Jesus Christ, and Christian community as the
Temple-Community'. 1 Peter also seems to have allowed for the historical
development of the sanctuary in Israel to loosely structure the content of his
epistle. 1 Peter's temple imagery is therefore investigated in light of the
language of 'blood sprinkling' (1.2), 'holiness' (1.16), 'spiritual house' (2.5),
'Noah's sanctuary' (3.19), 'judgment that begins in God's house' (4.14-17),
and 'restoration' (5.10).
Chapter 5 examines the implications of our investigation into 1 Peter's
appropriation of temple imagery in light of the major themes of the epistle.
This also involves a look at how temple imagery shaped the identity that 1
Peter constructs for his audience as the 'new Israel' that also comprises the 'new
temple' (spiritual house) and a 'new priesthood' (holy and royal). The message
of restoration (5.10) maintains the theme of hope in the epistle especially in
light of the current state of the audience's persecution and ostracization. The
study concludes with a section that surveys the overall significance of this study
of temple imagery for subsequent studies of 1 Peter.
Chapter 2
'EXILE AND RESTORATION OF ISRAEL'
AS A BACKGROUND FOR READING 1 PETER
2.1. Introductory Comments
Julius Wellhausen perceived two major periods in the history of Israel - pre-
exilic Israel and post-exilic Israel1 - and he regarded with disdain the latter,
primarily because of the limiting of the 'uncommon freshness of their impulses'
by the institutionalizing of the Laws of Israel which had hitherto been free of
the reigns of outward norms and establishments.2 The exile, according to
Wellhausen, marked the decline in Israelite religion, the demise of prophecy,
and the narrowing of religious concerns to the temple and its cultus. This, he
thought, was an unfortunate but necessary shift 'that changed the very
character of the religion but at the same time helped to preserve the
community'.3 However, subsequent scholarship has shown the vitality and
creativity of the exilic period to be significant and crucial for understanding
Second Temple Judaism.4
Before the exile, Israelite social identity was based on clans and family ties,
as well as on the monarchy.5 With the return from exile, Jewish identity was
1. John Barton, *Wellhausen's Prolegomena to the History of Israel: Influences and Effects',
in Daniel L Smith-Christophei; ed., Text and Experience: Toward a Cultural Exegesis of the Bible
(Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1995) 316-29 (328), even suggests that Wellhausen might
have, in fact, 'discovered the exile' which helped him ground the late date of P, a central element
of Wellhausen's redefinition of the Documentary Hypothesis.
2. Julius Wellhausen, Prolegomena to the History of Israel (London: A & C Black, 1885;
repr. Grand Rapids: Baker, 1993) 412.
3. Ibid., 424-5; cf. Douglas A. Knight, 'Foreword to the Scholars Edition' of Julius
Wellhausen's Prolegomena, xiv. As Abraham Kaplan, 'Identity and Alienation: Zionism For the
West*, in fitan Levine, ed., Diaspora: Exile and the Contemporary Jewish Condition (New York:
Steimatzky, 1986) 327-52, 328-9, explains regarding the situation of the exile: 'The lesson had
been learnt in the First Exile. The Babylonian captives carried with them a book and a tradition
which could endure as long as the Jews, however widely dispersed, would cherish them.'
4. See David. N. Freedman, The Unity of the Hebrew Bible (Ann Arbor: University of
Michigan, 1991) 1-40, for a discussion of scholarship from Wellhausen to the present.
5. Norman K. Gottwald, The Tribes of Yahweh (New York: Maryknoll, 1979) 285ff;
Daniel L. Smith, The Religion of the Landless: The Social Context of the Babylonian Exile
2. fExile and Restoration of Israel3 11
tied to the Torah and faithful adherence to it (Nehemiah 8.2ff). So significant

were the events of the exile that they became paradigmatic for the description
of the later spiritual journey of the post-exilic Jewish community.6 These
matrices of distinction became so ingrained within the psyche of post-exilic
Jews that they became the primary determinants of who the 'true' Jew was. 7
As it turns out then, the very acts of institutionalization that Wellhausen was
negatively inclined towards seem to have been the very means for the Jewish
community to reconstitute itself and re-imagine its existence, not only in
terms of the past (Exodus) but also in terms of a future (eschatological apoca-
lypticism). Such reformulation created new possibilities within a renewed
understanding of the community's relationship with YHWH. 8 And while some
of the biblical writings seem to suggest that the full restoration from exile came
dissatisfaction persists in many documents from the period (Ezra-Nehemiah;

Philo, Provid. 2.64; Josephus, War 6.267; m. Baba Bathra 4a).
(Bloomington, Ind.: Meyer Stone, 1989) 93-126. While some level of continuity was maintained
in certain areas (e.g., continuous presence of elders in the pre-exilic Bet Ab and post-Be? Abot)
there were profound alterations in the social structures of the community where criteria other
than 'blood' lineage were used in organizing society. For example, the pre-exilic structure of the
society, according to Josh. 7.16ff, was three-tier with the smallest unit being the family unit (Bet
Ab) several of which made up each of the Mishpeh6t (Clans?) and several of the Mishp'hot made
up a tribe. The post-exilic structure was primarily based on the Bet Abot which included more
than family units. Determination of the 'true Israelite' (or the 'purified sons of Exile') then
shifted from a family unit base to 'social adaptation to the conditions of the group', an example
of which can be seen in the Golan List of Ezra 2.59-63. For example, the Hakkoz priests initially
could not find their names on the list, but later on appear functioning as priests, meaning that
at some point they were incorporated into society on a criterion other than family 'blood'
relations. Daniel L. Smith (aka Smith-Christopher) adopts the 'Citizen-Temple-Community'
model laid out by the Latvian historian Joel Weinberg, 'Das Beit Avot im 6-4 Jh. v. u. Z.', VT 23
(1973) 400-14; idem, 'Der 'am ha*ares des 6.-4. Jh. v. u. Z.', KLIO 22 (1974) 325-35, who argues
that 'combination of Temple concerns with the Bet Abot, as a "collective of the returnees from
exile", (hdottm, habbdxm, hassdbttn misTbt haggolaf allows him to postulate the existence of a
post-exilic 'Citizen-Temple-Community' based on the leadership of the various Bdttim 'Abot,
which are distinct and larger social units than the pre-exilic Bet Ab, and so essentially a post-
exilic development which was quite distinct from the pre-exilic Bet Ab.
6. See Michael A. Knibb, The Exile in the Literature of the Intertestamental Period', Hey]
17 (1976) 253-72, and Donald E. Gowan, The Exile in Jewish Apocalyptic', in Arthur L. Merrill
and Thomas W. Overholt, eds., Scripture in History and Theology: Essays in Honour ofj. Coert
Rylaarsdam (Pittsburgh, Pa.: Pickwick, 1977) 205-22, who built on the concept of the 'idea of
exile' to investigate intertestamental literature and Jewish apocalyptic literature, respectively.
7. D. L. Smith-Christopher in Translator's Foreword' to Joel Weinberg, The Citizen-
Temple Community (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1992) 4.
8. Knibb, 'Exile', 253-72; Gowan, 'Exile', 205-22. According to Knight, 'Foreword', xiv,
it is also clear that Wellhausen did not have in his purview the later Jewish literature of the
Talmudic period.
12 Temple, Exile and Identity in I Peter
2.2. The Event of Exile and Its Historical Significance
The period of exile has been characterized as one of 'unparalleled importance

for Israel. It was a period that witnessed the death and resurrection of a
nation.'9 It was a disruptive event in the life of the Jewish community with a
significant impact on all spheres of life.10 The event of exile involved
geographical, spiritual, psychological, moral, social, and cultural displace-
ments.11
The institutions and frameworks of Israel (and Judah) were transformed,
interrupted and eradicated by the exile event. Some examples include,
(a) the political structure witnessing the disappearance of sovereignty;

(b) religious life being dealt a blow by the ending of the cultic life following destruction of
the Jerusalem temple - the seat of God amidst the people;
(c) the people being displaced from the homeland of God's promise;
(d) the exiles especially, losing their Jewish Hebrew language and replacing it with Persian
Aramaic (e.g. 2 Kgs 18:26; Ezra 4:7; Isa. 36:11; Daniel);
(e) the Israelite culture being greatly reconfigured from the way the pre-exilic society was
ordered into a structure that had to incorporate the scattering abroad of the peoples.
All these elements were central to the national identity of the 'people of
God', and with the demise of their political independence came what one could
refer to simply as an identity crisis, especially for the exiles.12 Myriad questions
germinated: Were they still considered the chosen people of God or had God
abandoned them? Was God ever going to accept them back, and restore them
to their promised land? Would the temple be rebuilt and the Sekinah presence
of God inhabit the sanctuary as in days of old? These, and other concerns,
became the primary focus of the exilic and the post-exilic prophets.13
9. Carol L. Meyers and Eric M. Meyers, Zechariah 9-14 (AB 25C; New York: DouWeday,
1993) 18. We use the term 'exile' in this work to presuppose the whole period from 587/5 BCE
to the restoration that commenced in 538 BCE. Thus, it incorporates the notions of 'judgment*
and 'restoration'.
10. Joel Weinberg's works show the exile's serious impact on the Jewish community's social
life. Smith, 'Foreword', in Weinberg, Citizen-Temple, 14, notes that *[w]hether one agrees or not
with the specific line of the "temple community" concept when applied to the post-exilic Judean
community, Weinberg argues convincingly that the post-exilic community underwent significant
social and ideological changes, and the basic social formation... is in fact an entirely new social
structure in the Persian period that is helpfully outlined in the "temple community" concept'.
11. Ralph W. Klein, Israel in Exile: A Theological Interpretation (Philadelphia: Fortress,
1979) 2, explains that exile 'meant death, deportation, destruction, and devastation'.
12. Smith, landless, 50-68.
13. Bustenay Oded, 'Judah and the Exile', in Israelite and Judean History (John H. Hayes
and J. Maxwell Miller; eds.; Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1977) 485, points out: 'Without
doubt, the prophetic activity in the diaspora and particularly die prophetic explanations and
reinterpretation of the difficult national and ideological issues raised by the massive national
2. 'Exile and Restoration of Israel9 13
In short, almost all of the old system symbols had been rendered useless. Almost all of the
old institutions no longer functioned. What kind of future was possible for a people which
traced its unique election to a God who had just lost a war to other deities? What kind of
future was possible for a people who had so alienated their God that categorical rejection
was his necessary response?14
To these questions of identity and God's sovereignty the prophets sought to

reassure the people that YHWH was still God and that the exile was only a
temporary measure out of which God would redeem a more pure people
following the divinely allotted period of exile. In this regard, Bustenay Oded
reasons:
The national religious identity survived because of the celebration of such traditional
customs as Sabbath observance (see ha. 56.2-4; 58.13; Ezek. 44-6) and circumcision, and
because of the activities of prophets like Jeremiah, Ezekiel and the so called Second Isaiah
or Deutero-Isaiah (fea. 40-55). Hie prophets preached that the tragedies that befell the people
- the destruction of the temple and Jerusalem, the destruction of the land of Judah, the loss
of political independence, and the exile - were not a result of the triumph of the Babylonian
over the Israelite religion. Rather, everything stemmed from the will of the God of Israel,
the one and only God on earth....The prophets encouraged the people's belief in the God
of Israel and cultivated among the exiles a hope in future redemption and salvation (i.e. Jer.
23:7f.).15
With the destruction of the city of Jerusalem and the temple, resulting in the
cessation of the sacrificial cult and bringing an end to the monarchy, these
events began to effect a transformation in the Israelite religion. This trans-
formation provided various contours and frameworks within which the
different forms of Judaism, including Christianity, were to emerge.16
Nickelsburg's view provides further evidence of the centrality of the exile as
a formative element of all the subsequent developments in Israel. He puts it
thus:
The destruction of Jerusalem and die exile meant the disruption of life and the breaking up
of institutions whose original form was never fully restored. Much of post-biblical Jewish
theology and literature was influenced and sometimes governed by the hope for such a
calamity ... saved the people from complete despair ... and prevented complete assimilation of
the exiles which would have led to the loss of national identity and religious uniqueness... . \ Cf.
also Enno Janssen, Juda in ExilzeH: ein Beitrag zur Frage der Entstehung des Judentums
(FRLANT 69; Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1956) 57-71.
14. Klein, Israel in Exile, 5.
15. Oded,'Judah', 435-538,484.
16. Rosenburg, Roy A. 'Exile, Mysticism and Reality', in £tan Levine, Diaspora: Exile and
the Contemporary Jewish Condition (New York: Steimatzky, 1986) 37-42,41. A. Kraabel, IJnity
and Diversity among Diaspora Synagogues', in Lee L Levine, ed., The Synagogue in Later
Antiquity (Philadelphia: American Schools of Oriental Research, 1987) 49-60, 49; Ralph W.
Klein, Israel m Exile: A Theological Interpretation (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1979) 6.
restoration; a return of the dispersed: the appearance of a Davidic heir to throw off the
shackles of foreign domination and restore Israel's sovereignty-, the gathering of one people
around a new and glorified temple}7
As James Sanders observes,'... it was the Exile that had formed the crucible
from which Judaism arose as God's New Israel, no matter what expression
one form of Judaism, or another, eventually gave it thereafter'.18
Thus, the event of exile marks a significant turning point in the history and
welfare of the nation of Israel, and the Jewish people's self-perception vis-a-
vis their relationship to God and to the surrounding nations. As Norman
Gottwald states, 'there can be no doubt that the sequence of happenings from
597-538 were among the most fateful in all Hebrew-Jewish history', enforcing
new matrices for articulating reality.19
2.3. Second Temple Literature and the Lingering 'Exile'
N. T. Wright has recently argued that in the Second Temple period the general
prevailing perception in the national psyche of Israel was of a persistent
'exile'.20 Pinkhos Churgin had pointed out the significant premise of the
17. George W. E. Nickelsburg, Jewish Literature Between the Bible and the Mishnah: A
Historical and Literary Introduction (London: SCM Press, 1981) 18 (emphasis added).
18. James Sanders, 'The Exile and Canon Formation', in James M. Scott, ed., Exile: Old
Testament, Jewish and Christian Conceptions (Leiden: Brill, 1997) 37-61, 61.
19. Norman Gottwald, Studies in the Book of Lamentations (London: SCM Press, 1954)
19.
20. Wright, People, 268-72,299-301; idem, Victory, xvii-xviii, 126-7,203-4,248-50. This
is analogous to what Ackroyd earlier perceived in his development of the 'idea' of exile (Ackroyd,
Exile, 237-47). Craig A. Evans, 'Aspects of the Exile and Restoration in the Proclamation of Jesus
and the Gospels', in Scott, ed., Exile, 305-12; idem., 'Jesus and the Continuing Exile of Israel',
in C. C. Newman, ed., Jesus and the Restoration of Israel: A Critical Assessment of N. T.
Wright's Jesus and the Victory of God (Downers Grove: Inter-Varsity Press, 1999) 77-100; D.
J. Verseput, 'The Davidic Messiah and Matthew's Jewish Christianity', SBLASP 34 (1995)
105-16; Daniel G. Reid, 'Jesus: New Exodus, New Conquest', in Tremper Longman HI and
Daniel G. Reid, God is a Warrior (Studies in Old Testament Biblical Theology; Grand Rapids:
Zondervan, 1995) 91-118; all espouse agreement on the significance of the concept of 'exile' in
the Second Temple period and its relevance to understanding the New Testament. Opposition
to this perspective has recently been articulated by Steven Bryan, Jesus and Israel's Traditions of
Judgement and Restoration (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002) 12-20, and by
Maurice Casey, 'Where Wright is Wrong: A Critical review of N. T. Wright's Jesus and the Victory
of God', JSNT 69 (1998) 95-103. Klyne Snodgrass, 'Reading and Overreading the Parables in
Jesus and the Victory of God* and Richard Hays, 'Victory Over Violence: The Significance of N.
T. Wright's Jesus for New Testament Ethics', in Newman, ed., Jesus and Israel, 142-58, also
expresses caution concerning the exile theory, feeling that Wright might have overstated his case
on this point. In the same volume ('In Grateful Dialogue: A Response', 252-61), Wright responds
to these objections.
theory of persistent exile as the absence of an official festival to mark the end
of exile.21 Swamp forthrightly states that, 'Even after Israel had returned from
exile physically, the promises of restoration seemed to have been only partially
fulfilled.'22 Michael Knibb surmises that, 'According to this pattern, Israel
remained in a state of exile long after the return in the last decades of the sixth
century', constantly anticipating a regathering.23 Even, with a good amount
of the 'exilic' literature actually produced in Palestine,24 Wright elaborates
further that the 'exile' persisted as an ingrained state of mind that governed
the outlook of the reality of first-century Jews, basically designating the
present an 'evil age' which anticipated 'the age to come' - the 'Kingdom of
God'.25 Such a perspective of 'exile' has less to do with provision of exact dates
of the exile than with the articulation of its theological significance and impli-
cations.26
Otto Ploger's articulation of the optimism of eschatological hope in Second
Temple Judaism is apt in this regard:
Insofar as it was not possible to determine the exact significance of the eschatological hope
in die exilic and early post-exilic period because of the uncertainty as to what was to become
of the defeated Israel in the future, it was probably chiefly the picture of restoration escha-
tology, a restitutio in integrum, that exercised an attractive and formative influence The
transmission and arrangement of hopes of a restoration of the old Israel, hopes which histor-
ically belong to an earlier epoch, not only implies that surviving pieces of tradition should
not be rejected, but it is also the expression of opposition to the view that the present position
was definitive and final.27
The general trend in the Second Temple period continued to be one of dissat-
isfaction or unenthusiastic cultic involvement The result was a predisposition
21. Pinkhos Churgin, 'The Period of the Second Temple: An Era of Exile' [Hebrew], Horeb
8 (1944) 1-66, in Paul R. Eddy, 'Tlie (W)right Jesus: Eschatological Prophet, Israel's Messiah,
Yahweh Embodied', in Newman, ed.9 Jesus and Israel^ 45 n. 2.
22. Paul N. W. Swarup, 'An Eternal Planting, a House of Holiness: The Self Understanding
of the Dead Sea Scroll Community', synopsis of a Ph.D. thesis, University of Cambridge, 2002,
in TynBul 54 (2003) 151-6.
23. Michael Knibb, The Quntran Community (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
1987) 20 (emphasis added).
24. Janssen, Exikeit, 20-22. According to Janssen's construction Ezra/Nehemiah, Zechariah
1-8, Haggai, Isaiah 56-66, Malachi, etc., are all products of Palestine while Isaiah 1-55, Jeremiah,
Ezekiel, Daniel, are exilic books.
25. Wright, 'Dialogue', 260.
26. Wright, 'Dialogue', 259: 'When I use the word exile in this sense, then, it refers to a period
of history with certain characteristics, not to a geographical situation. To the objection that this
is somewhat misleading, since exile inalienably refers to geography, I reply that our task as histo-
rians is not to dictate to our subjects how they ought to have thought and spoken, but to think
ourselves into the thoughts of the period' (emphasis original).
27. Otto Ploga; Theocracy and Eschatology (trans. S. Rudman; Richmond, Va.: John
Knox, 1968) 115-16.
to articulate a future that would abound with God's action of restoration and
blessing culminating with the reestablishment of Zion as the center of the
World. It is in this regard that E. P. Sanders opines:
In general the visionaries looked forward to the fuU restoration of Israel. Just what that meant
would have varied from group to group and even from person to person, but there was a
lot of common ground, and the main lines can be clearly discerned. The chief hopes were
for the re-establishment of twelve tribes; for the subjugation or conversion of the Gentiles;
for a new, purified, or renewed and glorious temple; and for purity and righteousness in both
worship and morals ... These hopes ... were widely held among Jews ... The general hope
for the restoration of the people of Israel is the most ubiquitous hope of all... in any case
the reassembly of the people of Israel was generally expected.28
Thus, 'failure' of the second temple to live up to expectation only served to

fuel the eschatological apocalyptic outlook reflecting the lack of enthusiasm
with which reports on the restoration of the second temple in the Jewish apoca-
lyptic literature betray dissatisfaction with the restoration experienced thus far
- the problem of the exile was still perceived as unresolved.29 Such a general
trend of thought undoubtedly spearheaded the articulation of a superior
resolution within apocalyptic literature seeking to reconstitute a final resolution
in light of a restoration eschatology30
According to Knibb, restoration eschatology is characterized as the "situation
where the exile is understood as a state that is to be ended only by the inter-
vention of God and the inauguration of the eschatological era'.31 A brief survey
of Second Temple literature helps solidify this outlook.
The prayer of Daniel in Babylon (Dan. 9) reinterprets the prophecy of
Jeremiah such that 'the exile is extended beyond the time of Israel's actual
sojourn in Babylon9. This happened when Daniel interpreted Jeremiah's
seventy years of exile as seventy 'weeks of years, subdivided into seven, sixty
two, and one (Dan. 9.24-27)... [which meant that] the Babylonian exile was
simply the beginning of a longer period of history, one in which the same
political and theological conditions applied to which the same word - exile
- could therefore appropriately be given'.32 Therefore, in spite of the rebuilding
of the temple, the return of some of the exiles to the homeland, and the re-
institution of cultic life - including the Hasmonean establishment of some
aspects of independent monarchy - the full extent of the promises of YHWH
was not perceived to have been fulfilled in the Second Temple period.33
28. Sanders, Judaism, 289-90, 294. Daniel R. Schwartz, 'Introduction: On the Jewish
Background of Christianity', in Studies in the Jewish Background of Christianity (Tubingen:
Mohr, 1992), 5.
29. Gowan, 'Exile', 205-23.
30. Sanders, Judaism, 279-303; idem, Jesus, 81-113.
31. Knibb, 'Exile', 253-72.
32. Wright, 'Dialogue', 258-9 (emphasis original).
33. Ibid., 259.
Ben Sira (ca. 180 BCE) maintains that Israel is still under oppression,
particularly those in the 8iaom)pa who are still in literal exile (Sir. 36.6,11,14-
16; 48.10); Tobit (2nd century BCE) pictures in chapter 13 the present state
of die scattering of the Jewish people and articulates a futuristic hope of regath-
ering that is tinged with apocalyptic expectation (Tob. 13.5,10-11,13; 14.5-
7) 34 - the Song of Moses (Deut. 31-32) at the end of Tobit reflects the expec-
tation of an imminent return to the promised land, just as it happened to the
biblical ancestors before;35 Baruch 2.7-10 (160-150 BCE) reflects the same
perspective as Ben Sira and Tobit in its interpretation of the current state of
Israel with a clear picture of restoration hope reflected in its address (cf. Ban
4.36-37; 5.5).36 O. H. Steck concludes that for Baruch, the 'present Israel
should see itself still in a condition of exile';37 and 2 Maccabees sees little hope
of the recovery of the tabernacle, the ark, and the altar before the gathering
of the scattered people by God (2.7). In a passage that clearly alludes to Exod.
19.6 (cf. 1 Pet. 1.4; 3.4-5,9), 2 Mace. 2.17 describes the Kkxpovoîxt ('inher-
itance')/ paoiteux; ('reign'), lepdrcuna ('priesthood'), and 6 ayLaona; ('holiness')
in light of later Hasmonean rulership.38
Although, according to Maccabees, thefirefromthe Solomonic temple was
miraculously kept burning in the second temple - allowing for the under-
standing of a continued presence of God even during the time of the temple's
desecration - the second temple marked only 'an important abatement of
God's wrath' but definitely not the end of the exile.39 As Jonathan Goldstein
explains, 'the writer correctly refrainedfromhaving Judas Maccabeus and his
contemporaries claim that in their time God had restored the three attributes
promised at Exodus 19.6. Rather, he made them express their confidence,
using the future tense, that the attributes would be restored in the near
future'.40
This subtle but significant shift of tenses reflects the author's view of the
present state of Israel as a continuing state of bondage, which is also evidenced
in the prayer made earlier in 2 Mace 1.24-29, where the author beseeches God
34. Steve Weitzman, 'Allusion, Artifice, and Exile in the Hymn of Tobit, JBL 115 (1996)
49-61.
35. Ibid, 60.
36. Bar. 5.5: 'Arise, O Jerusalem, stand upon the height and look toward die east, and see
your children gathered from west and east, at the word of the Holy One, rejoicing that God has
remembered them'.
37. O. H. Steck, Das apokryphe Baruchbuch: Studien zu Rezeption und Konzeption
'kananischer* Oberliefenmg (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1993) 267.
38. Jonathan A. Goldstein, 'How the Authors of land 2 Maccabees Treated the "Messianic"
Promises', in Jacob Neusner et aL9 eds., Judaisms and Their Messiahs at the Turn of the Christian
Era (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987) 69-96.
39. Ibid., 83.
40. Ibid., 83-4.
to 'guard Israel', 'make her holy', 'gather her dispersed exiles', and 'free those
enslaved in the nations'. 41
3 Maccabees (6.36; 7.19) presents the new festival instituted by the Egyptian
Jews (whose self-identify as rapoiKia aligns with 1 Peter 1.1; 2.11) celebrating
the rescue and victory of God which was to become a festival for generations
to come.42 The passage is marked with a cry that clearly understands the
present condition of Israel as one of exile: 'Even if our lives have become
entangled in impieties in our exile (aiToucia), rescue us from the hand of the
enemy, and destroy us, Lord, by whatever fate you choose' (6.10). The antic-
ipation of a restoration is mixed up with a grievance over the gloating of
Gentile enemies on misfortunes of the people of God (6.11-13).43
Turning to the Dead Sea Scrolls, the Qumran covenanters viewed themselves
as the exclusive seed of Israel (CD 11.21-2), the holy remnant (CD 11.11-12;
1QH 17.14), the true biblical Israel. They appropriated the role of Babylonian
exile returnees (^"1ET T327) as found in the post-exilic biblical accounts
(Ezra-Nehemiah, 2 Chronicles, Haggai, Zechariah and Malachi)44 making
their withdrawal into the Judean desert a reenactment of 'the paradigmatic
events that had determined and enfolded Israel's history in the biblical period
of Exile - Egypt and Babylon rolled into one'. 45
41. Ibid., 84-5. Nevertheless, this is not a hopeless situation because, as he explains in 2.18,
'We have hope in God that he will soon have mercy on us and will gather us from everywhere
under heaven into his holy place, for he has rescued usfromgreat evils and has purified the place/
This is an anticipation of a quick end to the 'Age of Wrath' as part of the fulfillment of Exod.
15.17; 'i.e., a new exodus by which the exiles will return to be planted again in God's Holy place'.
Note also the centrality of the temple, 'God's holy and purified place' where the regathered would
assemble.
42. 3 Mace. 6.36: (4m iraoav TTJV mpoiKiav aurdiv €u; yevea;); 3 Mace. 7.19: (TOU; fjicpoK; em
xbv xffc trapoiKia<; auraiv j(p6vov €ixj>pooi>voix;).
43. James M. Scott, 'Exile and Self-Understanding of the Diaspora in the Greco-Roman
Period', in Scott, ed., Exile, 173-218,192, sees the anticipation of the 'ingathering of the exiles',
but Eric S. Gruen, Diaspora: Jews amidst Greeks and Romans (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard
University Press, 2002) 242 n. 84, argues that such an ingathering is not part of the purview of
this text.
44. Martin G. Abegg, Jr., 'Exile and the Dead Sea Scrolls', in Scott, ed., Exile, 111-25:
'Although it is wise not to be too dogmatic in light of the ambiguous nature of the expression,
I suggest that the translation "Israelite returnees" best satisfies the contexts of all the passages
in which it occurs and the emphasis on exile imagery in the Qumran corpus' (114). CD 8.16;
1929; 4Q166 1 i 16(?); 4Q171 1-10 iv 24; 4Q266 6 i 13 (cf. also 4Q171 1-10 iii 1 - "3E
-QHDn). Samuel Iwry, 'Was there a Migration to Damascus? The Problem of ^"ICT <IDEP,
Eretz-Israel 9 (1969) 86-8; idem., 'The Exegetical Method of the Damascus Document
Reconsidered', in Michael O. Wise et al, eds., Methods of Investigation of the Dead Sea Scrolls
and the Khibet Qumran Site: Present Realities and Future Prospects (ANYAS 722; New York:
New York Academy of Sciences, 1994) 329-38.
45. Shemaryahu Talmon, 'Waiting for the Messiah: The Spiritual Universe of the Qumran
Covenanters', in Neusner et al, eds., Judaisms, 97-137,120. Cf. also Knibb, Qumran, 20.
2. f Exile and Restoration of Israel9 19
Numerous references to the exile are appropriated by the Qumran

community to describe its present status (CD 1.3-11= Ezek. 4.4-6; CD 7.13-
14 = Zech. 6.8; CD 7.20-21= Zech. 11.11) with the sojourn in the wilderness
interpreted in light of prophetic pronouncements of the Babylonian exile. In
her analysis of the Damascus Document (CD), Ellen Christiansen discusses
the place of covenant ( t V O ) in the Qumran community and its relation to
the OT community, concluding that the exile is the point of departure for the
characteristic features of CD (1.4-12 and 6.2-11).46 In CD 2.14-16,5.20-21
and 3.10, the disobedience of Israel as a whole - in contrast to the Qumran
covenanter's obedience - is described in terms of the exilic situation where
Israel (primarily priests) have breached the covenant and thus are being
punished for it.47
As 'exiles' (in 'Damascus' - CD 6.4-5)48 anticipating the establishment of
a new covenant (CD 6.19; 8.21), the Qumran community looked forward to
a time when they would march into Jerusalem (1QM 1.2-3; 4QpIsae 5.6) and
'bring to a climax the historical cycle of the biblical days: Exile - Sojourn in
the Wilderness - Settlement'.49 Reminiscent of EzekiePs war of Gog and
Magog (Ezek. 38-39), this battle is anticipated in the War Scroll (1QM; cf.
4Q390) - a war that would shake the foundations of the universe, and in
which God would judge the nations. Afterwards, the way would be paved for
the covenanters to seize Jerusalem, rebuild the temple (note here a lack of
recognition for the legitimacy of the second temple), and reinstall the rightful
Zadokite priesthood from among the covenanters themselves.50
46. EJknQiristiansen,TTie Consciousness of Belonging to God's Covenant and What it Entails

according to the Damascus Document and the Community Rule', in Frederick H. Cryer and
Thomas L. Thompson, eds., Qumran Between the Oldandtbe New Testament (Sheffield: Sheffield
Academic Press, 1998) 69-97.
47. Ibid., 76-7: 'Hence, the motivation for keeping the law is found in God's punishment of
those who disregard the divine will. Moreover CD ties the motivation for law obedience to the
command to separate clean and unclean, holy and profane, by means of which covenant is inter-
preted narrowly as priestly covenant (CD 6.17; 7.3)' (emphasis original).
48. There are at least three different views as to the referent 'Damascus': 1) it is a reference
to 'Babylon' -Jerome Murphy-O'Connor, 'The Essenes and Their History', RB 81 (1974) 215-44;
J. A. Fitzmyer, The Dead Sea Scrolls and The New Testament after Thirty Years', TD 29 (1981)
357-8; 2) it is 'literal Damascus' - Frank Moore Cross, The Ancient Library of Qumran and
Modern Biblical Studies (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1958) 81-2 n. 46; 3), it is the 'desert of
Qumran' - Cross, Library, 81-2.
49. Shemaryahu Talmon, 'Trie "Desert Motif in the Bible and in Qumran literature', in A.
Altmann, ed., Biblical Motifs* Origins and Transformation (Study and Texts of the Philip L.
Lown Institute of Advanced Judaic Studies 3; Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1966)
31-63.
50. Yigal Yadin, The Scroll of the War ofthe Sons ofLight Againstthe Sons ofDarkness (trans.
B. and C Rabin; Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1962). That all these things are a future anticipation
(4QMMT; 4Q434 3 ii 2-3; 4Q504-506) is a clear indication that the present status of the
community in the second century BCE is viewed as a state of 'exile' awaiting eschatological
redemption.
Paul Garnet concludes as much in his study when he states that an 'exile
theology' plays an important role in Qumran's self-understanding.51 Swarup
has argued that the metaphors of 'eternal planting' and 'house of holiness'
reflect a 'deep yearning of the DSS community for a complete restoration of
Israel, for a return to Edenic conditions before the Fall, and for a temple which
is pure'. 52 The longing for restoration marks a strong perception that the
covenanters were still in exile.
In sum, a fairly widespread expectation of an eschatological restoration of
Israel in the Second Temple period, which perceived the present condition of
Israel as 'exile' awaiting God's glorious eschatological intervention, prevailed.
It encompassed the reestablishment of the temple (Isa. 11.11-17; Ezek. 29.21-
29; Hag. 1.1-5; Jub. 1.15-17; T. Ben). 9.2) and the coming of God to reign
in Zion, creation of a new community of faithful Israel (Jer. 33.31-33), the
regathering of the twelve tribes (2 Mace. 1.27ff; 2.18; Pss. Sol. 11.17-28:31;
17.50; 11QM 2.2-7; llQTemp 18.14-16; Sir. 48.10), the forgiveness of
national sin (Pss. Sol. 17.26), and the defeat of the enemies of Israel (Bar. 4-5;
Sir. 36). 53 These estimations seem to have lingered well into the NT period
influencing even the Jewish socio-political conceptualization of the Palestinian
occupation by the Greco-Roman empires.54
2.4. Peter Ackroyd's Idea of Exile'
In the Hulsean Lectures of 1960-2 at the University of Cambridge - later

published under the title Exile and Restoration - Peter Ackroyd developed his
argument about the creativity of the exilic period and its significance for under-
standing the institutions of Israel, including the temple, prophecy, and
priesthood. In Ackroyd's estimation, the events of the exile 'exerted a great
influence upon the development of theological thinking' in the Second Temple
period. 55 As detailed above, we can identify two distinct components
concerning the exile - the historical event itself and of the idea of exile.56 The
51. Paul Garnet, Salvation and Atonement in the Qumran Scrolls (WUNT 3; Tubingen:
Mohr-Siebeck, 1977).
52. Swarup, 'Planting', 152.
53. Brunson, Psalm 118,40.
54. N. H. Taylor Jerusalem and the Temple in Early Christian Life and Teaching', Neot 33
(1999) 445-61,452. While it is probably impossible to determine precisely how widespread were
any of the specific expectations identified from the surviving literature, we can nonetheless
assume a fairly widespread belief among eschatologically minded Jews during the Roman period
that Jerusalem and the temple would be the focal point of fulfillment of their hopes and expec-
tations, and the anticipated epicenter of eschatological delivery ... We need therefore to recon-
struct our understanding of Jesus and the first Christians against this background.
55. Ackroyd, Exile, 111.
56. Ibid.
2. "Exile and Restoration of Israel9 21
former (the forced removal of the Jewish people from their homeland in
Palestine and deportation to a foreign land - Northern Kingdom to Assyria
in 722 BCE and the Southern kingdom to Babylon in 587/6 BCE) forms the
premise on which the latter (the symbolic and theological articulation of it)
is built
For Ackroyd, with the 'idea' of exile, '[t]he understanding of exile is clearly
enlarged far beyond the temporal considerations of seventy years P a n . 9.24]
and the precise period covered by Babylonian captivity in the stricter sense'.57
He further points out that:
It is in this that we may see the truth of die type of interpretation of the post-exilic age which
points out that the exile came to be seen as of paramount importance, a great divide between
the earlier and later stages, but one which is necessary to traverse if the new age was to be
reached. Only those who had gone through the exile - whether actually or spiritually - could
be thought of as belonging. The rebuilt Temple was dedicated by the returned exiles and those
who, forsaking the abominations of the land, joined themselves to them.58
Several points need to be highlighted. First, the 'idea' of exile transcends the
event of exile providing a matrix within which to understand events such as
Antiochus Epiphanes' desecration of the Jerusalem temple 'as a continuation
of that desecration which belongs to the exilic age'.59 Second, the exile gained
symbolic value beyond the physical experience, so that one could experience
the exile 'spiritually'.60 Third, the temple remained the central focus of the
anticipated restoration from exile.
The 'idea' of exile is characterized by Ackroyd as the use of the concept of
'exile' in defining and shaping a literary expression that 'reflects outlooks
arising from the consideration of [their] particular situation' of displacement61
The 'idea' of exile is rooted in history, no matter how nebulous the details, for
the 'exile was a historic fact, though its precise description in detail is a
matter of great difficulty'.62 TTie exile is not simply a challenge in 'historical
reconstruction' of Israel, but also a 'matter of understanding an attitude, more
properly a variety of attitudes, taken up towards that historic fact'.63 This
57. Ibid., 243.

58. Ibid.
59. Ibid.
60. Ibid., 243-4: Ackroyd postulates that,'... the experience of the exile, the experience of
judgment, can be appropriated either by virtue of having gone through it... or by accepting its
significance by the abandonment of what belongs to it namely uncleanness, pollution of the land'.
61. Ibid., 237. Peterson describes the idea of exile as the provision of *a theological perspective
relevant to a new situation, that of Yahwism without the independent territorial state'. David
Peterson, 'Zechariah's Vision: A Hieological Perspective', VT 34 (1984) 195-206,205.
62. Ibid.,
63. Ibid., 238-9. Michael Fishbane, Biblical Interpretation In Ancient Israel (Oxford:
Clarendon Press, 1985) 19: 'Is it possible that die origins of the Jewish exegetical tradition are
reasoning accords with what Jacob Neusner articulates in relation to the

Torah, when he points out that only a minority of 'Israel' underwent the whole
experience of the 'exile, atonement, reconciliation, restoration and renewal of
the covenant'.64 The majority were those who either were never deported or
never returned from exile, who, nevertheless, 'under the Judaic system of the
Torah made normative that experience of alienation and reconciliation'.65
Thus, the experience of only a few became a defining element of the entire
community.
Even with the physical exile over for some, a majority of the Jews remained
in the 6iacnTopa (Dispersion) and the anticipation of full restoration of the
glorious prophecies remained unfulfilled (Isa. 42; 60; 61). The awesome
temple of Ezekiel (40-48) had yet to be realized. Armed with this evidence
Ackroyd concluded that the 'idea of exile' continued to dominate the thinking
of Second Temple Judaism.66 How does all this connect with the concepts of
exile in 1 Peter?
2.5. Idea of Exile' as a Controlling Metaphor
2.5.1. Earlier Proposals

Richard Earl has recently questioned the hermeneutical validity of the concept
'controlling metaphor' in explaining 1 Peter's 'view, strategy and message'.
Rather than use a 'controlling metaphor', Earl argues that instead the theme
of suffering should be considered as the primary concern in 1 Peter and the
'theology of suffering' as what 1 Peter is intent on developing.67 While Earl
native and ancient, that they developed diversely in ancient Israel, in many centres and at many
times, and that these many tributaries met in the exile and its aftermath to set a new stage for
biblical culture which was redirected, rationalized, and systematized in the lively environment
of the Graeco-Roman world? To ask the question this way is almost to answer it. What remains
are the details...'.
64. Jacob Neusner, Understanding Seeking Faith: Essays on the Case of Judaism (vol. I;
Atlanta Ga.: Scholars Press, 1986) 139.
65. Ibid., 1.137-41,138. Neusner's main point is to highlight what he perceives to have been
the 'minority view' (primarily of the priests) that assumed the privileged position of the dominant
perspective and emerged as the dominant paradigm of the self-definition for 'true Israel' *... But
we grasp the fact of the matter only when we remind ourselves that that particular experience
itself happened, to begin with, in the minds and imaginations of the authorships of Scripture*
(139-40: emphasis original) We maintain, however, contra Neusner that only the event could
have produced the idea.
66. Ackroyd, Exile, 237-47; Branson, Psalm 118,40. The universality of these expectations
in Second Temple Israel is articulated in Branson's conclusion: To sum up: End-of-exile hope,
whether it be for renewed, restored or rebuilt temple, for the restoration of the people of Israel,
and/or for the beginning of God's reign on Mount Zion, is not limited to a few sectarian groups.'
67. Richard Earl, Reading 1 Peter, ]ude and! Peter: A literary and Theological Commentary
(Macon, Ga.: Smyth and Helwys, 2000) 16ff. Karen Jobes, 1 Peter, (Baker Exegetical
2. 'Exile and Restoration of Israel' 23
may be correct about the centrality of suffering in 1 Peter, his argument

against the use of a 'controlling metaphor' misses the point. The controlling
metaphor is meant to provide a useful and meaningful mental backdrop or
context within which the author's use of certain linguistic expressions is to be
understood.68 A useful heuristic tool, a 'controlling metaphor' is helpful in
harnessing the diverse elements found within a writing such as 1 Peter, which,
on occasion, may appear disjunctive. As such, it provides the framework
within which to analyze the author's (sometimes unstated) connections and
allusions, allowing for a fuller grasp of the message.69
In the mid-twentieth century Heinrich Rendtorff published his study on 1
Peter entitled Getrostes Wandern. As seen from the title of his work, he
identified the significance of the status of the audience as 'aliens' and 'strangers'
as the central compositional element for the entire letter:70 However Rendtorff
did not seem to see the implications of this for the structure of the epistle, as
he proceeded to employ the motif of 'hope' (Hoffnung) instead of exile (Exit)
as the central organizing element for his analysis of the entire epistle. While
exile and hope are not mutually exclusive, only exile provides a suitable
background in which to understand such a hope. John Piper later also argued
for 'hope' as the final motivating fact in 1 Peter:71 Nevertheless, the relevance
of 'hope' for the structuring of the whole epistle has been called into question,
especially since it cannot explain 'how hope is designed to create willingness
to act according to the commands' in the paraenetic sections.72 Also, as we
will see, hope is only relevant when understood in light of the anticipated
eschatological restoration.
More recent scholars have chosen to focus on exile rather than hope as
central to the epistle. J. Ramsey Michaels' designation of the genre of 1 Peter,
as an 'apocalyptic Diaspora letter' addressed to Israel, combines the two
elements that most scholars have noted are the key to interpretation of the
epistle: its apocalyptic nature (1.5, 7), and the title applied to its audience as
those of the 5iacnTopa ('Dispersion').73 While highlighting the importance of
Commentary on the New Testament; Grand Rapids: Baker Books, 2005) 24-5, points at lack
of consensus on controlling metaphors in essentially agreeing with Earl.
68. Troy W. Martin, Metaphor and Composition in 1 Peter (SBLDS 131; Atlanta, Ga.:
Scholars Press, 1992) 144.
69. Our intent is to understand how 1 Peter articulated his message by utilizing the Scriptures
of Israel - like most NT writers, 1 Peter's OT quotations mostly follow the Septuagint (LXX) -
and how the Jewish milieu out of which he wrote nuanced his message.
70. Heinrich Rendtorff, Getrostes Wandern: Erne Einfiihrung in den ersten Brief des Petrus
(DUB 20; Hamburg: Furche, 1951) 7-8,10-18.
71. John Pipei; Hope as the Motivation of Love: 1 Peter 3:9-12', NTS 26 (1980) 221-31.
72. Lauri Thuren, Argument and Theology in 1 Peter: The Origins of Christian Paraenesis
QSNTSup 114; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1995) 203.
73. J. R. Michaels, 1 Peter (WBC 49; Waco, Tx.: Word, 1988) xlvi. He used the Epistle of
Barnabas 78-87 {ca. 80 CE) as the primary basis of the creation of this particular genre.
exile, Michaels does not, however incorporate the larger restoration hope and
continuing exile as a rubric for reading 1 Peter. Troy Martin, building
somewhat on Michael's work, identifies 'Diaspora' as the controlling metaphor
in the epistle of 1 Peter.74 It is introduced in the prescript (1.1) and restated
in the farewell section (5.13) with a different word 'Babylon', which, for
Martin, is simply another term for diaspora.75 Martin suggests that the
explicit use of the term 'Diaspora' (1.1) at the beginning of the epistle marks
it out as significant metaphor in the compositional structure of the letter.76
Martin's 'Diaspora' metaphor has been criticized for being too broad and
open-ended on the one hand, 77 and on the other, as too restrictive in its focus
on 'diaspora images'.78 Paul Achtemeier suggests that 1 Peter's appropri-
ation of the language of Israel for the Christian community is unique among
Christian canonical writings, so that 'Israel as a totality has become for this
letter the controlling metaphor'. 79 McKnight describes it as language of
fulfillment and replacement, in this case being more of displacement than
fulfilment.80 Yet, neither is Achtemeier's suggested metaphor any more specific
than Martin's. Indeed, not the entire history of Israel is in perspective in 1 Peter,
but rather a more specific period of instability and homelessness could be said
to characterize the concern of this epistle.81 William Schuster's theme of
74. Martin, Metaphor, 144-61. He builds on the work of Pseudo-Euthalius, 'Elenchus

Capitum septum Epistolarum Catholicarum', Patrologia Graeca, ed. J. P. Migne, vol. 85, 680,
who identified 1 Peter as 'an instructional letter written to the Diaspora Jewish converts into
Christianity'.
75. Martin, Metaphor, 144; Michaels, 1 Peter, 311. See Von Claus-Hunno Hunzinger,
'Babylon als Deckname fur Rom und die Datierung des 1 Petrusbriefes', in Graf Henning
Reventlow, ed., Gottes Wort und Gotttes Land: Hans-Wilhem Hertbergzum 70. Geburstagam
16. Januar 1965 dargebracht von Kollegen, Frueden und Schiilem (Gottingen: Vandenhoech &
Ruprecht, 1965) 67-77. Parallels to Babylon as a metaphorical reference to Rome include Sib.
Or. 5.143,149 and Rev. 14.8; 16.19; 17.5.
76. Max-Alain Chevallier, 'Condition et vocation des chretiens en diaspora: Remarques
exegetiques sur la lerfepttrede Pierre', RSR 48 (1974) 387-98, 390, notes that the three signif-
icant concepts in 1 Peter in relation to the addressees is that they are the 'new people of God',
by virtue of their 'election', and that they currently are in 'Diaspora'. Cf. Martin, hAetaphor, 144-7.
77 . Ramsey Michaels' review of Troy Martin, Metaphor and Composition in 1 Peter, in JBL
112(1993)358-60.
78. Achtemeier 1 Peter, 70 n. 709. 1 Peter simply addresses the Petrine community in
language and expressions reserved for Israel in the OT assuming a direct correspondence between
Israel and the Christian believers.
79. Achtemeier, 1 Peter, 69. Thuren, Argument, 201: *We have seen that one of die central
goals of the letter (1.1-2.10) is to make the addressees appreciate their [new] status to the degree
that they become willing to act in a way which the status implies ... Thus the description of the
new status belongs without doubt to the most important motifs in the Letter.'
80. McKnight, 1 Peter, 24.
81. Elliott, Home, 21-30.
'God's call to holiness', suffers the same fate of being too general and too broad
to help us appropriate the specificity of the Petrine OT utilization.82 Indeed, the
whole of Israel's religion could be characterized as 'God's call to holiness'. While
1 Peter selects OT language that is fully applied to Israel and applies it to the
Christian community, it seems that he also focuses on their state of 'exile' as a
defining characteristic of their current existence.83
J. N. D. Kelly points out that 'just as the Jews of the Dispersion were a
scattered people cut off from their country but with the prospect of ultimately
going back, so Christians are bound, wherever they are, to be transitory
sojourners yearning for a home'. 84 The home that Christians hope for is
heaven, which 1 Peter 1.4 describes as the locus of Christian inheritance.
However Kelly does not specifically point to the exile metaphor as central or
controlling. Francis Beare, while recognizing exile as a significant point of
departure in reading 1 Peter; like Kelly, does not bring the overarching concerns
of restoration and the continuing exile to bear on the interpretation of the
letter:85 As we will seek to show, not only is the exile specific - in light of the
use of OT passages in 1 Peter (Isa. 40-55; Hos. 6; Ezek. 9.6) - but it is also
crucial in locating 1 Peter within historical, theological, and ideological devel-
opments in Second Temple Jewish thinking.86 The focus on exile by John H.
Elliott is on the social dimension of the believers as presently living away from
their homeland, and also as a reality of their pre-conversion political status.87
Such an argument, while downplaying the metaphoric sense of 'exile', does
not necessarily eliminate it, as Elliott himself concedes.88 And as Achtemeier
maintains, the use of the comparative particle ox; in introducing the terms
irapoucog and irapem6T|A0C is characteristic of die introduction of metaphors in
1 Peter (cf. 2.2,5). 89
Marc Kohler singled out the significance of the concept of 'exile' in the inter-
pretation of 1 Peter as central to the entire message of the letter: 'For Petei; the
notion of Christians as "strangers/aliens" is not simply at the beginning and the
end [of his letter], but throughout his message.'90 Kohler argued that the use
82. Schutter, Hermeneutk, 80.

84. Kelly, Peter andjude, 41.
85. Francis Wright Beare, The First Epistle of Peter: The Greek Text with Introduction and
Notes (3rd edn; Oxford: Blackwell, 1970) 47-9. Our use of the exile motif is specifically distinct
from Beare, who perceives the concept of the Jewish Diaspora as simply 'a symbol of the Christian
Church' (48), with little or nothing to do with restoration eschatology.
86. Daniel L. Srnim-Christopher, 'Reassessing the Historical and Sociological Impact of the
Babylonian Exile (597/587-539 BCE)\ in Scott, ed, Exile, 7-36; William G. Dever, 'Will the Real
Israel Please Stand Up? Archeology and Israelite Historiography: Part V, BASOR 297 (1995) 61-80.
87. Elliott, Home, 21-100,131,226.
88. Elliott,'Peter, First Epistle', 273-4.
90. M.-E Kohler, *La Communaute chretienne sekm la premierefipitrede Pierre', RTP114
(1982)1-21,5.
of the term 'exiles' to address the community of believers in 1 Peter was a clear
contrast to the Pauline use of eacAriaia.91 This may be due to the reasoning of
the author of 1 Peter that the Hellenistic concept of batixpfa maintained the
meaning 'association' in which case it would also signify dissociationfromthe
world, i.e. those not part of the church gathering.92 A similar view was
espoused ten years later by Reinhard Feldmeier in his Habilitationschrift -
whose work investigated the metaphor of 'stranger' in 1 Peter in light of its
use in antiquity and in early Christianity93 - only for Elliot to call the study
into question for overlooking the clear use of communal collective identity and
the solidarity with the suffering Christ even if 1 Peter does not use the term
1 Peter prefers vocabulary that indicates preference for the Christians to

remain involved in the world and 'exile perfectly fits the bill. Irrespective of
the suffering this would cause, the believers are not to abandon their relation
to the world around them, for ultimately it will result into glory to God (1.6-
9; 2:12)\ 95 As the believers bear witness to the world, God's presence through
their lives is acknowledged by the nonbelievers (3.1-17).
To support his argument, Kohler references the allusion to Gen. 23.4 in 1
Peter 2.11, and the story of Abraham as arapoiKOc;ical 7rap€Ta6r|io<; (cf. also
Ps. 38.12).96 like Abraham, the Christians live a life under constant suspicion
from the surrounding peoples and face animosity as they choose to discon-
tinue the past modes of conduct (1.14), reject the sinful ways of their fathers
(1.18), and seek to live more responsible and righteous lives (2.24; 4.2-4). The
91. Ibid., 4-5. Chevallier, 'Diaspora', 390. For a general analysis of the relationship between
1 Peter and Pauline writings see Norbert Brox, Der erste Petrusbtief (EKKNT; Zurich: Benziger,
1979) 47-51, who agues that the language of 1 Peter is more Pauline than the content of the letter
is, and that the evidence is not sufficient to establish a case for dependence either way.
92. Kohler, 'Communaute', 2.
93. Reinhard Feldmeier, Die Christen als Fremde: Die Metaphor der Fremde in der antiken
Wet, in Urchristentum und im 1. Petrusbrief"(WUNT 64; Tubingen: J. C.B. Mohr Siebeck, 1992).
This remains the basic framework for his recent work on 1 Peter, Der Erste Brief des Petrus (HiHK
15/1; Leipzig: Evangelische Verlagsanstalt, 2005).
94. John H. Elliott, 'Book Review of Reinhard Feldmeier's Die Christen als Fremde9, CBQ
56/4 (1994) 792-3.
95. J. L. Villiers, 'Joy in Suffering in 1 Peter', Neot 9 (1975) 64-86; W. Nauck, 'Freude im
Leiden, Zum Problem einer urchrisdichen Verfolgungstradition', ZNW46 (1955) 68-80, argued
for a Judeo-Christian tradition of 'joy in suffering* whose origins he traced back to the Maccabees
(cf. 4 Mace. 16.Iff) and their willingness to joyfully give their lives in martyrdom for the sake of
their faithfulness to God. The believers to whom 1 Peter is writing are urged to endure suffering
with joy for the sake of being joined to Jesus who also suffered on their behalf (2.20-25). They
should count it as joy to partake of, and complete, the work started by Jesus, their redeemer (1.6-
9); David Hill, 'On suffering and Baptism in 1 Peter', NovT 18 (1976) 181-9; J. Butler, 'Grace
and Suffering: A Study in 1 Peter', Notes on Translation 10 (1996) 58-60; T. P. Osborne,
'Guidelines for Christian Suffering in 1 Peter: A Source-Critical and Theological Study of 1 Peter
2:21-25', Bib 64 (1983) 381-408.
96. Kohler, 'Communaute', 5.
2. 'Exile and Restoration of Israel" 27
assurance they have is that the God of the exodus is with them along their
pilgrimage of righteousness. For Kohler, the reference to Babylon (5.13),
irrespective of its association with Rome by commentators, maintains the idea
of exile.97
More could be added to Kohler's argument Ps. 38.12 echoes Gen. 23.4 with
the psalmist identifying himself as a foreigner and alien 'just like all my
ancestors' (KaGcbg TTCO>T€<; ol iTatcpeg ixou). By connecting himself with the
experience of Abraham the psalmist not only situates himself as a true Israelite,
but also perceives his experiences as parallel to those of the patriarch, giving
him special status. While in Genesis Abraham's state of alienation and
sojourning is related to geographical boundaries, for the psalmist the concern
is with the fleeting nature of human life before God and the encompassing
suffering that entails it. In 1 Peter the two aspects are also reflected: the
reality of social ostracism, on the one hand, and the idea of pilgrimage
towards a heavenly inheritance (1.4), on the other;
T. P. Osborne identified what he perceived to be three groupings of the
Isaianic passages in 1 Peter and classified them according to some semblance
of historical developments in Israel during the time of the Isaianic prophecies.
In thefirstgroup he saw parallels of the advance of the Assyrians upon Israel
(Isa. 8.12-13.14), in the second group, reflections on the return from the
Babylonian exile (Isa. 40.6-8; 43.20-21; 52.3), while the third group focus on
the four songs of the Suffering Servant in Isa. 53 (Isa. 53.4,5,6,9,12). 9 8 The
last set of passages are used by 1 Peter to relate to Christ's suffering, which
in turn becomes a model for the Christians in their 'justified suffering'.
However against Osborne's argument, 1 Peter does not use the OT to appeal
to its authority but to explicate Scripture. If the former was his purpose, he
would have appealed to the Pentateuch which was more authoritative for the
Jews.99 For example, rather than use Isa. 53 in 2.22-23 to prove that Jesus is
the Messiah, 1 Peter uses it to exhort the Christians to follow the example of
their Lord.100
The use of the OT in 1 Peter serves more than just exhortational purposes.
It involves the application of Scripture to a different situation which never-
theless continues themes that originate in the OT - actualization of the reality
of the 'old Israel' in the 'new Israel'. It is not strange, for example, for Paul
to address the ocKkipia, which for him is usually made up of Gentiles, as part
of the chosen race and as having inherited the promises of Israel (e.g. Rom.
97. Ibid.
98. T. P. Osborne, 'L'utilisation des citations de PAncien testament dans la premiere epitre
de Pierre', TL12 (1981) 64-77,76.
99. Ibid., 76.
100. KerreLestrifigam, F . s ^ s ^
142.
9-11; 1 Cor. 10). 101 However, Paul, in contrast to 1 Peter, would not have used
the term e9vr|. As such, the distinction between 1 Peter's use of Isa. 53 and Isa.
40 creates an artificial distinction between the Isaianic passages within the
larger section of Isa. 40-55 and its collective focus on the Babylonian exile.
Ultimately, even the application of Isa. 53 in 1 Peter has to be understood
in terms of the exile motif, keeping in mind that the suffering Servant-Messiah
of Isa. 53 is understood as a collective identity for Israel (Isa. 49.6; 52.13). 102
This aspect of the collective, in and of itself, invites 1 Peter's audience to
envision itself as the new covenant community that fulfills the Isaianic expec-
tations for a post-exilic restoration reflected in the image of the suffering
Servant.103 Alternately, the versatility of the suffering servant image in Isaiah
allows 1 Peter to apply it both to the individual (Jesus' suffering) and to the
collective (the suffering of the community of believers).104
2.5.2. 'Idea of Exile' in 1 Peter

Something of a compromise is suggested here in comparison to the positions
discussed above. It is our opinion that the controlling metaphor for the letter
should be the 'idea of exile', primarily as it also remains a useful metaphor in
delineating the contemporary state of Second Temple Judaism.
In contrast to Martin, who puts the emphasis on 'dispersion' or 'diaspora'
in the phrase GCXEKTOL; TTopeTrioiîcx; &iaam)pa<;,105 we should place the emphasis
101. Richard Hays, Echoes ofScripture in the Letters ofPaul (New Haven: Yale University Press,
1989) 95-121. Cf. James Sweeney, 'Jesus, Paul and the Temple: An Exploration of some Patterns
of Continuity'JETS 46 (2003) 605-31.
102. Isa. 52.13-53.12 refers to an individualfigurewhile, in the MT, Isa. 49.6, the servant is
addressed as 'Israel'.
103. Paul Hanson, The World of the Servant of the Lord in Isaiah 40-55', in William H.
Bellinger, Jr., and William R. Farmer, eds., Jesus and the Suffering Servant: Isaiah 53 and Christian
Origins (Harrisburg, Pa.: Trinity Press International, 1998) 9-22.
104. R. E. Cements, 'Isaiah 53 and the Restoration of Israel', in Bellinger and Farmei; eds.,
Suffering Servant, 39-54: while the NT applied the passages of the suffering servant to Jesus (an
individual) they were not original in this regard. Already, the figure of Isaiahfluctuatedbetween
individual (king, prophet, Moses) and collective (Israel) as both intercessor and victim. Cf. also Israel
Kohl, The Messiah before Jesus: the Suffering Servant of the Dead Sea Scrolls (Berkeley: University
of California Press, 2000), 19-24, who points out that the evidence supports an individual inter-
pretation of Isaianic suffering servant in Qumran, of an expected Messiah, However, whether any
link exists with the Qumran messianic figure as Kohl argues (47), is doubtful. See also Morna
Hooker, 'Did the Use of Isaiah 53 to Interpret His Mission Begin with Jesus?', in Bellinger and Farmer,
eds., Suffering Servant, 103, n. 17, who does not think the echo in 1 Peter 224 of Isa. 53 implies
a sharing of the suffering with Christ: 'The author does not say or imply that Christ shared our
human death, or that we share hisrighteousness- simply that Christ dealt with our sins by his death
so that we might live forrighteousness.'However, 1 Peter 4.13 seems to imply more than just a
connection of Christ's death and our sin. We become partakers of Christ's suffering in order to also
be recipients of his glory.
105. The use of 6UHJITOP&; in 1 Peter 1.1 can be classified as either epexegetkal or qualitative
genitive. In the LXX buxmopou; (dtooneipa), Sieorcipa) is used in relation to exile as judgment (Deut
on the concept of 'exile', 'alien' (mpeni&rptK; cf. also 1.17 - mpoucia, and 2.11-
irapoucoc KOL mtpeTTiorôg) for a number of reasons, but one is primary.106 'Exile'
conjures a state of affairs where the 'exiled' have no choice in the matter yet
somehow are intricately entwined in God's future plan for his people.107 On
the other hand, 'Diaspora' simply refers to the reality of living outside of the
homeland - whether voluntarily or forcibly - without necessarily any
theological ramifications to it.108 Given that 1 Peter deals with the suffering
28.35; 30.4; Jer. 14.14; 15.7; Ezek. 36.19; Ps. 10627), or as a promise of the eschatological
ingathering of Israel from the nations (fca. 11.12; 49.6; Ps. 147.2[146.2 - LXX], Neh. 1.8-9; Jdt
5.19; 2 Mace 127). The terminology thus captures the two dimensions of the exile - judgment and
restoration hope. In effect, without actually using the terminology, 1 Peter understands the Christian
community as the 'new Israel', elect by God through the saving work of Jesus Christ As such, die
two concepts of 'judgment' and 'restoration hope' are reflective of the Jews both as an elect people
before the exile, in toto, but more so, as the people of God who live outside the promised land.
106. Oontral^Go^t.AGonmtentarymlPeteriG^
argues that 1 Peter uses Hellenistic terms rather than Hebrew terms in presenting the imagery of
the dispersion: 'even with respect to the points of contact... [1 Peter] expresses these concepts not
according to Hebrew terminology, but in the conceptual language of the LXX, of Hellenistic
Judaism, finally in that of Hellenistic Christianity: It calls life in a foreign land Siaonopfe; and not
exile (H ^12) or residence in the desert It speaks not of repentance but of second birth... it is evident
the field of conceptual references has not been appropriated directlyfromthe Essene tradition, but
has been mediated through Christian tradition'. Nevertheless, even though use of the term HHp 71*73
(outskirts, edge, extremity; impel, drive away, banish) Deut 30.4; Zech. 1.9; Ps. 147.2 (LXX Ps.
146.2);mi?T (objectofhonor)Deut2825;Jer.34.17(LXX41.17) ; n33 (strike,smite)Ezek.32.15;
pi"l (make empty)fca.32.16; m T (scatter) Jer. 15.7; 25.16; Ezek. 2023; 22.15; f I S (scatter) Gen.
49.7; Deut 4.2O,2806;fea.24.1; 41.16; Jet 18.17; Ezek. 29.1; 3023,26; EDS (spread out, stxetch,
break to pieces) Deut 30.4 translated as 6uxanopa in LXX as a term of judgment not specifically
against Israel but even against nations that God judges, e.g. Egypt The use of the concept is more
vague and unclear in the LXX than Goppelt presumes. In Pss. Sol 8.29 and 9.1 there is specific
reference to *the dispersion of IsraF(f)6ui^
Cf. also 2 Mace. 1.27. Infea,49.6 the Hebrew is "fiB (to watdh wer Israel) while Ae LXX reads
'the diaspora of Israel', perhaps a misreading of 1H3 for m T . LXX Dan. 122 adds the term
'diaspora' to the verse where it is missing in the MI.
107. OiristianWolrVairistun^
the language of exile in 1 Peter as reflective of the dispersion of Jews and Christians alter the
destruction of the temple in 70 CE, which retrospectively reflects the Babylonian exile of 587 BCE
Wolff focuses on the metaphor of stranger (Fremde) rather than exik (Exit) as primary, patterning
the lives of the Petrine believers to that of Christ who was a stranger in the world. So Feldmeie^
Fremde.
108. Ackroyd, Exile, 234. Note, however, that the argument made by Martin, Metaphor,
212-17, based on 2 Apoc. Bar., states mat 'the Diaspora, like the Exile, was a time oi tribulation
in which God's people suffer afflictions as a punishment for their sins' (213). Scott, 'Greco-Roman',
in Scott, ed, Exile, 173-218 (in essential agreement to Kraabel, 'Unity9,49-60) refers to Thomas
Kraabel's argument that '[ajfter the return from Babylonia, "exile theology" remained a part of the
Jewish religious thought, although it was gradually transformed into a more positive 'Diaspora
theology1, as more and more Jews either voluntarily stayed outside of the Jewish homeland or
purposely moved there' (175).
of the believers vis-a-vis hostile surroundings, the term 'exile' better captures
this state of affairs.109
Abraham Kaplan, in discussion of a contemporary use of the terms, distin-
guishes between 'dispersion/diaspora' (tfutost) and 'exile' (galut) and notes that,
... diaspora is a neutral, geographical concept. Exile implies something involuntary and
undesirable. It connotes alienation and longing, a life whose meaning lies in the past or in
the future but never in the present. Diaspora is experienced as exile unless there is a
systematic self-deception or else scarcely a self to be deceived ... Exile is alienation when
the exile has become a 'marginal man'... At best, being a member of a minority is like ...
being poor: it's no shame, but it's no great honor either.110
In a similar vein, Ackroyd reasons that,
The Exile is seen as judgment upon the people's life, but more than that it is understood as
lying within the purposes of God not simply as judgement but in relation to what he is doing
in the life of the world. The response to it must be acceptance,... not merely a repentant
attitude ... [since] the effect and acceptance of disaster [bring] an understanding of restoration
in terms of God's action ... [for] only in divine action can there be hope.111
Thus, exile quite fittingly encrusts two dialectical elements central in the OT
prophetic messages which are also central in 1 Peter - judgment and
restoration hope. Both &iaoa (1.3,21) and Kpljia (4.17; cf. also OOKI^LOV -1.7;
TT€Lpao|i6g - 4.12) are key elements of the 'end-of-exile' motif that anticipated
the restoration of Israel and the judgment of the nations.112
The exile motif as used in 1 Peter also incorporates the exodus motif so that
the quotations from Exodus have to be understood in light of their reinter-
pretation within the Second Temple Jewish exile matrix, which is subse-
quently reinterpreted in light of the Christian understanding of the person of
Jesus Christ. Thus, the two elements of exodus and exile are intricately
entwined by 1 Peter into a complex utilization of OT themes and concepts to
109. Brox, Petrusbrief, uses Hoffnung as the central theme in structuring the entire letter just
like Rendtorff does. But if, as we argue, the 'exile' should be the overarching metaphor of
reading 1 Peter, then the hope becomes meaningful only under the larger interpretive matrix of
'sin-exile-restoration'. See discussion below.
110. Kaplan, 'Identity', 327-52, 328-9.
111. Ackroyd, Exile, 234; Willem Cornelius van Unnik, Das Selbstoerstandnis der judischen
Diaspora in der hellenisch-romischen Zeit (AGJU17; Leiden: Brill, 1993) 95,101, distinguishes
between Diaspora and exile where exile denotes a horrible situation while Diaspora reflects an
even worse situation (based on the use of the word 6iacrrropd by the LXX to translate mi?T -
'horror', in Deut. 28.34 and Jer. 41[34].17).
112. James Scott, '"For as many as are works of the law are under a curse* (Galatians 3.10)',
in C. A. Evans and J. A. Sanders, eds., Paul and the Scriptures of Israel QSNTSup 83; SSEJC1;
Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1992) 195-213. Branson, Psalm US, 170.
communicate the message of hope and grace that 1 Peter offers. 1 Peter,
therefore, freely mixes exile and exodus motifs so well that one author refers
to a 'deliberate theological crafting'.113
Perhaps even more telling is 1 Peter's quotations of, and allusions to, the OT
(especially Isaiah 40-55) which, apart from the allusion to Hosea 1.6, 9
(2.10), Ezekiel and Jeremiah (4.17), provides practically all the references to
the prophetic literature in 1 Peten114 Other references and allusions include,
among others, Daniel (4.1 [Theodotus 626] in 1 Pet. 1.2; 6.27 in 1 Pet 1.23),
and those that reflect the exodus theme (1 Pet. 1.2 - Exod. 24.7; 1 Pet. 1.16
- Lev. 11.44; 19.2; 20.7,26), and those that reference the Writings (1 Pet 1.17
- Ps. 89.26; 1 Pet. 2 . 7 - P s . 118.22; 1 Pet 3.10-13 - P s . 34.12-16; 1 Pet 4.18
- Prov. 11.31; 1 Pet. 5.5 - Prov. 3.34).
While identification of 1 Peter's audience with the language of the covenant
formula in 2.4-10 (Exod. 19.6 - 'you shall be for me a priestly kingdom and
a holy nation9) recalls a central point in Israelite history - the beginning of the
sojourn to Sinai115 - likewise, the reference to Isa. 40.6-8 and the use of Isaiah
53 (l.lOf, 18f; 2.21-25) also locates the readers at another significant juncture
in the history of Israel - the beginning of the Babylonian exile.116 The
Christology of the epistle, which is heavily premised on the Servant-Messiah
of Isaiah 53 (see 1 Pet 1.18-20; 2.22,24-25), adds weight to the preference
for exile imagery as the background for reading 1 Peter:117
This then situates both the author and the readers in the context of 'exile',
meaning, the author perceives himself as writing to fellow 'exiles' very much
as did the OT exilic prophets, on whom he so heavily depends and to whom
113. Mark Dubis, Messianic Woes in First Peter: Suffering and Escbatobgy in 1 Peter 4:12-
19 (New York: Peter Lang, 2002) 50. The exodus motif functioned in at least two ways in the
OT prophets:first,it connected the present experiences of Israel to the events of redemption from
Egypt, confirming God's activity in the current events, and second, it was an actualization of the
earlier events in light of the present as a basis of hope of redemption.
114. Osborne, ^'utilisation', 76. (1 Pet. 1.11= Ps. 22.1; Isa. 53; 1 Pet 1.12 - Enoch 1.2,16;
1 Pet. 1.18 -Isa. 52.3; 1 Pet. 1.24-25 -Isa. 40.6-8). Rikki Watts, 'Consolation or Confrontation:
Isa. 40-55 and the Delay of the New Exodus', TynBul 41/1 (1990) 31-59.
115. Rolf Rendtorff, 'Der Text in seiner Endgestalt: Oberlegungen zu Exodus 19', in Ersten,
was man sat: Festschrift Klaus Koch (Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neuchirkner Verlag, 1991) 459-70,461.
Exod. 19.1 begins what Rendtorff calls the 'Sinaiperikope' (Exod. 19 -Num. 10.10).
116. The meturgeman in Targum Isaiah 40.2 makes the connection to exile explicit when it
cries out: 'Speak to the heart of Jerusalem and prophesy concerning her that she will be filled with
the people of her exiles (Wim1?} DUD), that her sins have been forgiven her, that she has
received the cup of the consolations from before the Lord as if she suffered two for one for all
her sins'.
117. It is not merely that Christians are antitypes of Israel as Albeit R. Jonsen, The Moral
Theology of the First Epistle of St. Peter', ScEccl 16 (1964) 93-106,95, claims. They are, rathei;
rightfully assumed to bear the promises of Israel as the recipients of the eschatological expecta-
tions of Israel.
he appeals for prophetic vision (1.10-12).118 Such an image fits well with the
picture that emerges concerning the state of suffering of 1 Peter's audience (1.6-
7; 4.12) reinforcing the emphasis on the concept of being elect - based on
God's free will and covenant faithfulness - just like it was for OT Israel.119
This fact is clearly reflected in the prescript (1.1 -kAectou; mpemdrpjou;) and
the postscript (5.13 -e> BafMQvi ouvocXaccri) which bracket a present reality
as a transient evil anticipating a more glorious future.120
While exodus and exile remain references to two distinct events in the
story of Israel, they retain common themes - pilgrimage and restoration
hope.121 Utilizing the rubric formulated by Rikki Watts, in his analysis of the
'New Exodus' in the Gospel of Mark, the following pattern of the 'New
Exodus' in 1 Peter emerges.122
Exodus: Deliverance from Egypt Journey through the desert Sinai

IsaianicNE: Deliverance from Babylon Journey along the *way' Jerusalem
1 Peter: Deliverance from the Devil Sojourn in 'exile' Heaven
Considering 'exile' a temporary phenomenon, Second Temple Jews anticipated

the termination of the social descripta, 6uxoiTOpd, with the arrival of the
Messiah, who would unite all exiles under a united Israel.123 Reference to
Jesus' sacrificial death as an echo of the Passover sacrificial lamb (1.19 - Ajivog
a(i(4icx;) invests the death of Jesus with a 'New Exodus5 theme where Jesus'
death resolves, once and for all, the 'Sin-Exile-Restoration' conundrum.124 As
118. Walter Zimmerli, 'Der "Neue Exodus" in der Verkiindigung der beiden grossen
Exilspropheten', in Gottes Offenbarung: Gesammelte Aufsatze zum Alten Testament (Munich:
Chr. Kaiser, 1963) 192-204. Manuscript Sinaiticus as well as the Pesbitta and the Vulgate add
the word baaXxpia. or its equivalent in 5.13, which most commentators explain as a later addition
of scribes who were eager to supply the implicit term. Michaels, 1 Peter, 311, is probably
correct when he asserts that 'Babylon at the end of the epistle is simply the counterpart to Diaspora
at the beginning*.
119. Elliott, Elect, 54.
120. Watts, 'Consolation', 58-9.
121. Shmuel Safrai, 'Relations Between the Diaspora and the Land of Israel', in S. Safrai and
M. Stern, eds., The Jewish People in the First Century (2 vols.; Philadelphia: Fortress, 1974)
1.193-4, points out that there were inscriptions in Palestine that mentioned Jews from the
Diaspora buried in Palestine. This indicates the regard for the homeland that Jews of the
'Dispersion' had and it might also indicate some evidence of the practice of pilgrimage. The
Egyptian Jewish writing Sibylline Oracle 3.545-72 (2nd century BCE) equates reverence for God
with sacrifices at the Jerusalem temple.
122. Rikki E. Watts, 'Jesus' Death, Isaiah 53, and Mark 10.45: A Crux Revisited, in Bellinger
and Farmer, eds., Suffering Servant, 129. Cf. also Zimmerli, 'Der neue Exodus', in Gottes
Offenbarung, 195, who notes that 'Die Konigserweis des neuen Exodus wird in weiteren mit dem
Vokabular des alten Exodusgeschehnisses' (192).
123. Wolfson, Philo, 402. Sanders, Judaism, 279-81; idem, Jesus, 89.
124. It is this theme that was the basis for the publication of E L. Cross's 1 Peter: a Paschal
Liturgy (London: Mowbray, 1954) in which the argument is put forth that the epistle of 1 Peter
such, the exodus references in 1 Peter do not preclude our contention that the
primary framework for 1 Peter is the exile. Even passages that seem to be
dominated by the exodus motifs still have exilic parallels that they echo, e.g.
1 Pet. 1.13-25, girding up [dpaCaxiaêuoL] your loins (Exod. 12.11 = Isa.
43.11; Job 38.3; 40.7); 1 Pet. 1.17, dwelling as exiles (Exod. 15.13 = Isa.
43.14-21; Jen 1.17), and 1 Pet. 1.19, the Passover sacrificial lamb [fyixK
OM4UX;] (Exod. 19.2,22 = Isa. 57.11; Jen 11.19).
Both the author's contemporary experiences (5.13) and those of his audience
(1.1; 1.17) in 1 Petec, are portrayed in light of the exile (6uxoiropa, uapouccx; and
irccpmSiTMxx;) which colors the entire epistle, warranting the appropriation of
the exile metaphor:125 This language of exile in 1 Peter is most meaningful
when apprehended in light of Ackroyd's 'idea of exile' and of Second Temple
Jewish restoration eschatology with its anticipation of eschatological regath-
ering of the 5uxcmopa, reestablishing the temple, forgiving of national sin, eradi-
cating or converting the Gentiles, and implementing measures to maintain
purity and holiness.126 A tripartite rhetorical parallel -clg €Affl6a (1.13,21),
€u; KAipovonuxv (1.4) and clc aornpiav (1.5) - not only reinforces the
exodus/exile theme in 1 Peter but also locates primary elements of the epistle
within the largerframeworkof the Second Temple period.127
2.6. Idea of Exile' and Select OT Passages in 1 Peter
2.6.1. Exod. 24 in 1 Peter 1.2b

The clear point is that the metaphor poamoybv ocfyurax; ITIOOU Xpioxov refers
to the sacrificial death of Jesus Christ which ratified the new covenant with
the 'new Israel'.128 The combination of the genitive (ITIOOU Xpiorou) with the
objective (unaKori) and the subjective (aVrax;) is difficult to maintain since the
obedience is the human response to the divine act of redemption through the
blood of Jesus Christ. The possible OT background passages that have been
suggested for the phrase poomxybv (i\\iax<K can be split into two categories:
those within the context of atonement (Num. 19; cf. Lev. 16.11-19), and those
should be understood as a baptismal liturgical writing used in the Passover celebration, owing
to Cross's theoretical interplay between mfoxa> and moxa. The liturgical view has, however,
fallen out of favor, and Kelly, Peter andjude, 15-20, makes a sustained argument against it.
125. Lapham, Peter, 126. He agrees to as much concerning the importance of the napouca;
and iraperriSriux; terminology for the entire epistle, despite his reluctance to utilize the vocabulary
of'exile'.
126. Ackroyd, Exile, 247-9. Cf. Sanders, Judaism, 279-303; idem, Jesus, 91-119; Wright,
People, 268-72, 299-301; idem, Victory, xvii-xviii, 126-7, 203-4, 248-50; Schwartz,
'Introduction', 8-7; Evans, 'Aspects', 305-12; idem, Jesus and Judaism, 77-100.
128. 1 Peter never uses the term 'New Israel' even though the application of the promises of
Israel to the Petrine community betrays such an understanding on his part
within the context of covenant ratification (Exod. 12 and 24). The question
of whether these OT passages in any way draw a connection to the cult in the
tabernacle/temple depends on how we understand 1 Peter's use of the term.
Does he simply equate the sacrificial death of Christ with the animal sacrifices
in the OT? And if so, how? In light of the rest of the imagery in the epistle,
could this phrase be pointing beyond just the sacrificial imagery to a more
specific sacrificial event? to a cultic edifice?
Well, for the author of 1 Peter, what is true of Jesus is equally applicable to
the body of believers. They are at once 'a holy priesthood' who offer spiritual
offerings, and at the same time also the new temple cleansed with sprinkling
of the blood of Jesus Christ (1.2; 2.4-5). In light of the 'sin-exile-restoration',
the death of Jesus is presented as the fulfillment of the expectation of the escha-
tological restoration of Israel that would bring an end to exile. This language
leaves little doubt as to the significance of the sanctuary imagery, not just in
the language 1 Peter chooses to use but also in the thought frame of the entire
letter. The imagery of the sanctuary looms large in shaping Peter's under-
standing of the believers in relation to Christ (2.4-10; 4.14, 17), to each
other (2.5; 3.7), and to the world that is often hostile to them (4.12-17). It is
in this context that the pavriojiog aLjiaxcx; in 1 Pet. 1.2 has to be understood.
While we agree with Goppelt that 'these terms are not used in the few OT
passages in which the sprinkling of persons with blood is mentioned, and
consequently not even in the passages that deal with the institution of the
covenant at Sinai (Exod. 24:8; cf. Exod. 29:20f.; Lev. 14:14)', we see no need
to have recourse to the epistle to the Hebrews to explain the blood sprinkling
in 1 Peter, similarities notwithstanding.129 This is because 1 Peter's focus is on
the analogy between the tabernacle/temple image and the 'new temple' - the
believers. In this regard, the comparison of the sprinkling would be more
accurately applied, not primarily to the sprinkling of the people in the OT
passages (cf. however, Num. 19.9-10), but to the sprinkling of the tabernacle
as the consecrated sanctuary of God.
2.6.2. Isa. 40.6-8 in 1 Pet. 1.21-25 and echo o/Tsa. 43.14-21 in 1 Pet. 1.13-25
Isaiah 40, a passage of God's reassurance of hope to the exiles and out of which
these passages arise, became a classic expression of God's comfort and
salvation in Judaism and Christianity (Tg. Isa. 40.1-10; 1QS 8.12-20; Bar. 5.7;
Pesiqta Rabbati 29-33; Mk 1.2-3; Mt. 11.10; Lk. 1.17, 30-31, 76-79; 3.3-6;
7.27; 9.52; Jn 1.23; 3.28). The section of Isaiah 40.1-10 starts with
pronouncement of YHWH's comforting words to the people ('Comfort,
Comfort my people, says your God. Speak tenderly to Jerusalem.' 40.1)
129. Leonhard Goppelt, Typos: The Typological Interpretation of the Old Testament m the
New (Grand Rapids: W. B. Eerdmans, 1982) 155.
2. "Exile and Restoration of Israel' 35
followed by the announcement that the people have paid their dues (even
double)130 for their sins and now it is the time to return from the foreign land
back to the promised land. And so the majestic pronouncement to 'prepare
the way of the Lord' and to 'make straight the paths' (Isa. 40.3) is sent forth
by the prophet to indicate the way from Babylon back to Jerusalem.
Rolf Rendtorff has argued that the so-called 'Second Isaiah' (40-55) is
foundational for understanding the Isaianic corpus.131 If this is the case, then
it seems strategically expedient for 1 Peter to quote Isa. 40.6,8 early on in the
epistle (1 Pet. 1.24-25) since it helps set the 'exile' background that is crucial
in interpretation of the epistle. Note the distinctly different use of the same
Isaianic passages in Jas 1.10-12 where they function simply as illustrations
while in 1 Peter they act as texts that must be taken seriously both as proof-
texts and as exegetical texts of the OT.132
As Robert Davidson points out, Isa. 40.6-8 has had at least three possible
interpretations, especially in regard to the meaning of the phrase 'all flesh'.
These are that all flesh could be 1) the entire human race (cf. Isa. 49.22-26;
51.12-16) or 2) a more specific reference to God's enemy, e.g. Egypt or
Assyria (cf. Isa. 37.27) or 3) a specific reference to Israel (cf. Isa. 28.1, 3). 133
Davidson reports that each of these three has continued to find supporters
throughout the tradition of biblical interpretation well into the present day.
The context for the Isaianic passages being Babylon allowed for the associ-
ation of 'all flesh' with the greatness of Babylon, 'the threat to the continued
existence to the people of God'. 134
However for those who would understand 'all flesh' as the people of God
the attack would be to the transience and frailty of the institutions of Israel
which fall under the rubric of 'flesh'; 'human constructions that can no longer
bear the burden of Israel's present needs or future hope'. 135 Such a position
is adopted by Claus Westermann who concludes that:
130. 'Double' (Surtxx;; ^D3) here probably means 'corresponding quantity' rather than 'twice
as much', in spite of Tg. Isa/s interpretation of it in terms of quantity.
131. Rolf Rendtorff, 'Zur Komposition des Buches Jesajas', VT34 (1984) 295-320.
132. Peter Ackroyd, 'Isaiah 36-39: Structure and Function', in Von Kanaan bis Kerala
(Festschrift J. P. M. Van der Ploeg; AOAT 211; Neukirchen-Vlyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1982)
1-6; Christopher R. Seitz, 'The Divine Council: Temporal Transition and New Prophecy in the
Book of Isaiah'JBL 109 (1990) 229-47. F. L Cross, 'The Council of Yahweh in Second Isaiah',
PJES12 (1953) 274-323,276, takes w. 6-8 as an address to die prophet by some 'anonymous
herald' whom Christopher Seitz, 'Council', 229-47, identifies as the 'divine council' based on his
understanding of the plural imperative in Isa. 40.1. The passages quoted by 1 Pet. 1.24,25 fall
within this larger context of Isaiah (40-55), which announces the return of the exiles from
Babylon.
133. Robert Davidson, 'The Imagery of Isaiah 40.6-8 in Tradition and Interpretation', in Craig
A. Evans and Shemaryahu Talmon, eds., The Quest For Context and Meaning: Studies in
Biblical Intertextuality in Honor ofJames A. Sanders (Leiden: Brill, 1997) 37-55.
134. Ibid., 54.
135. Ibid.
The answer is that the exiles* greatest temptation... was precisely to thinking of themselves
as caught up in the general transience of all things, to believe that nothing could be done
to halt the extension of their national existence, and to say 'just like countless other nations
destroyed before our time, in our time and after our time, we are a nation that perishes: all
flesh is grass'.136
1 Peter seems to adopt thefirstinterpretation by identifying 'allflesh*with the

'perishable seed' - the human race in all itsfrailty.Nevertheless, it is hard not
to see associations with Babylon being drawn, especially considering 1 Peter's
use of the word 'Babylon' in 5.13.
A second significant element is the focus on the theme of life and death in
1 Pet. 1.24-2.4. The promise of Isaiah's prophecy was an anticipation of an
eschatological deliverance of Israel by YHWH through the death of the
servant (53.8). Out of death would spring life. For this reason, the eschato-
logical prophecy was begun with a new word of the Lord (pfvux TOU 0COU -
40.8) that brings life, in contrast to God's judgment (word) that brings death
(Isa. 53.9-10). Therefore, while Isaiah's hope for life was premised upon the
suffering servant (Isa. 51-53), 1 Peter identifies Jesus Christ with the suffering
servant, the Word of the Lord' (pf|ia Kupiou) - the Messiah.137 Note especially
the change of pfîa TOU Geou in Isa. 40.8 to pf|ux Kupiou in 1 Pet. 1.25 which
actualizes the hope of Israel within the audience of 1 Peter.138 Contra Martin
Scharlemann who thinks that the prpa Kupiou is a'specific reference to the time
when the newly baptized persons to whom this epistle addresses itself made
their confession of faith', pf|xa in 1 Peter is a terminus technicus referring specif-
ically to the preaching of the gospel of Jesus Christ (1 Pet. 1.25b).139 Similar
to its use in Heb. 6.4, it here retains eschatological ramifications that are central
to the message of salvation that 1 Peter preaches. (The synonymous AJOVOC; is
used in 3.1 to refer to the gospel message, the source of salvation.)
The exile, as separation from God, meant death. The returnfromexile then
came to be understood as a return to life - a resurrection.140 Such language
136. Claus Westermann, Isaiah 40-66 (OTL; Philadelphia: Westminster, 1969) 41.
137. Danker, 'Consolatory', 93-102. He does not relate the thought of vanity in human life
to the exile event, though this would probably be the most relevant scenario for Isaiah's words
and therefore, inferentially, the backdrop of 1 Peter's OT quotations.
138. Cf. Ernst Kasemann, The Wandering People of God: An Investigation of the Letter to
the Hebrews (trans. Ray A. Harrisville and Irving L. Sandberg; Minneapolis: Augsburg, 1984
[German 1957]) 27-37.
139. MartmScharfeniann,'WhymeKuri
3 (1959) 354.
140. R. P. Gordon, 'The Targumists as Eschatologists', in Congress Volume: Gottmgen,
1977 (VTSup 29; Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1978) 113-30. See Tg. Isa. 38.16 as the explicit targumic
statement on resurrection where only interment in the land of Israel was die guarantee for the
blessing of resurrection. As Gordon reports: 'Israel was, in an eschatological sense, "the land of
the living", the land of the everlasting life. Some obscure Hebrew in Hos. xiv 7 (Heb. 8) becomes
of life and death is echoed in 1 Peter's passages that use the language of life,
e.g. living stones, and the metaphor darkness to light (2.9). Ultimately, it is
fulfilled in Jesus Christ, who is the 'living stone' and to whom all the believers
must now be attached (2.4-9). As such, the current exile of 1 Peter's audience
(1.1; 2.11) serves only to remind them of the anticipated eschatological
transition that gives hope in spite of the unfavorable current state of affairs.
Suffering with and for the sake of Christ would only produce glory to God
and resurrection life (2.19-25).
2.6.3. Exod. 19.6; Isa. 28.16; 42.20; 43.20-21; Hos. 1.6, 9 in 1 Pet. 2.6-10
1 Peter 2.4-10 is the central passage on temple imagery and identity in 1 Peten
A mosaic of OT passages utilizing temple cultic language is presented with
intertwining elements of the exodus and exile in a formulation that captures
the imagination of the readers. The believers are given a new identity that is
premised on the temple and its function within Israel as the physical repre-
sentation of the presence of God. The OT passages affirm both the continuity
and the discontinuity of the frames and images that 1 Peter points to, reshaping
and re-appropriating the institutional elements of the OT cultus within a new
framework of Christian experience. This passage of 1 Peter is subjected to
greater exegetical analysis in Chapter 4 below.
2.6.4. Isa. 53 in 1 Pet. 2.21-25

1 Pet. 2.22-25 quotes from LXX Isa. 53 in the paraenetic context addressed
to slaves. The significant verb TTOOX^ (used in the NT 42 times) usually refers
to the suffering of Christ and in 1 Peter mioxca andmxOriia occur 16 times with
about 6-8 of the references focusing on the suffering of Christ and about 10
on the suffering of the Christians.141 Use of Trdtaxc*) in 1 Peter also reflects the
influence of Isa. 53 and the motif of suffering servant with 1 Peter simply
standing in a tradition that favored its use for Jesus' death.142 1 Petei; never-
theless, takes the tradition a step further when he equates the current sufferings
of the believers with those of Christ (2.21 ).143
die vehicle for expressing this conviction ... But it also came to be regarded as "the land of the
living" in the sense that only there could the dead entertain the hope of being raised from their
graves. Some authorities held that even a righteous Israelite could be denied a part in the resur-
rection if he had been buried beyond the borders of Israel (so R. Eleazer in b. Ketub. I l i a ) .
Conversely, the hope of resurrection was extended to the non-Israelites whose only merit was their
interment within the holy land (117)'. Tg. Ezekiel 37.1-14 seeks to 'correct the view which denied
the blessing of resurrection to those who died beyond the borders of Israel' (121).
141. Thecountmaybeupto 18 times depeixlir^
in 1 Pet. 2.21.
142. Vernon Solomon Olson, 'The Atonement in 1 Peter* (Th.D. diss., Union Theological
Seminary, 1979) 84-101,85.
143. uiwp i*u3i> in 1 Pet. 2.21 may also reflect LXX Isa. 53.4.
1 Pet. 2.22-25 recalls the innocence of the lamb whose blood saves us (1.19)
and clearly echoes Isa. 53.5-7 (remember the silence of Jesus before Caiaphas
- Mk 16.61, Pilate - Mk 15.5 and before Herod - Lk. 23.9). Rather than being
a case of passive resignation 'to one's fate', 1 Peter reworks the aspect of the
suffering servant imagery to encourage his readers to have patient confi-
dence in God just like Jesus, who when he was silent was committing himself
completely to God rather than to humans. 144 The motivation is that they
would share in the glory of God with Christ.
2.6.5. Ps. 34.12-16 in 1 Pet 3.10-13

The overall significance of the lengthy paraphrase of Psalm 34 in 1 Pet. 3.10-
13 has been exaggerated in the past. Several attempts have been made to find
in Psalm 34 an overriding biblical passage that controls the entire epistle. W.
Bornemann was the first to suggest that the whole epistle of 1 Peter is a
baptismal homily based on Psalm 34 (33).145 Retaining a positive regard for
Bornemann's hypothesis, Snodgrass toned it down somewhat when he argued
that while the Psalm may possibly have served as a 'catalyst for attraction of
other OT texts' it, nevertheless, cannot account for the use of the OT in the
whole epistle.146 Yet, Snodgrass proceeds to affirm the following:
... Ps. xxxiv does play a formative role in the composition of 1 Peter and especially of ii.l-
10.1 would go as far as to say that the author of 1 Peter attempted to convey the conso-
lation and exhortation of the righteous sufferer in Ps. xxxiv to his readers and that he used
explicit quotations, allusions, and themes from Ps. xxxiv to do so. 147
Note, however, the caution of Schutter who, following a thorough analysis

of Bornemann's theory, concludes that the purported references to Psalm 34
in 1 Peter - which are 'exactly one explicit quotation, one explicit allusion,
one very weak implicit allusion, and a handful of iterative allusions' - are not
sufficient to support the kind of claim that Snodgrass makes.148 So Danker's
144. Hill,'Sacrifices', 55.

145. W. Bornemann, 'Der erste Petrusbrief - eine Taufrede des Silvanus?' ZNW19 (1920)
143-65,146: 'It seems to me however that of ail OT sections, one that is used in 1 Pt the most
and stands in special relation to the entire epistle is indeed Psalm 34.'
146. Snodgrass, 'Affinities', 103. He identifies themes present in 1 Peter but not reflected in
Psalm 34 including the stone testimonial emphasis on election, holiness, and people of God. He
also identifies the words in Ps. 34 that are reflected in 1 Peter including irapoucta (Ps. 34.5; 1 Pet.
1.17); (j>opaa/(j)6po<; (Psa 34.10; 1 Pet. 1.15-17); xpTlotcx; 6 Kipux; (1 Pet 2.3) as a reminder of yptpTfc
6 Kupux; (Ps. 34.9).
147. Snodgrass, 'Affinities', 103, does identify some themes present in 1 Peter that are not
reflected in Psalm 34, including the stone testimonies emphasis on election, holiness, and people
of God.
148. Schutter, Hermeneutic, 48-9. For a complete listing of the passages, phrases, words or
allusions in 1 Peter identified as paralleled in Psalm 34 see the listing in Bornemann, Taufrede',
149f.
remarks make sense when he states that, The baptismal notes scattered in the
epistle are more probably the normal theological reinforcement found in
passages such as Rom. 6:1-4; Gal. 3:27; Eph 4:24; Col 2:12.'149
At this point, it is prudent to conclude that while the importance of Ps. 34
as a classic expression of OT themes for 1 Peter should be recognized - the
psalm deals with suffering and with salvation over the enemies who are the
cause of suffering (cf. 1QH 7.19-22), themes that are also present in other OT
passages that are used by 1 Peter (e.g. Isa. 53) - it should not be exaggerated,
especially not to the level of the literary dependence asserted by Bornemann
and Snodgrass.150
2.6.6. Ezek. 9Jin 1 Pet. 4.16-17

The judgment that begins in the 'house of God' (LXX - ouccx; TOU (teou ) is
central to understanding the place of the temple imagery in 1 Peter's concern
for the eschatological restoration of Israel.151 Such an understanding elicits a
transformation of the readers' understanding of their current afflictions, from
one of retribution to one of purification (1.6-7; 2.11). It is an eschatological
purification of the 'temple of God' that is part of the final judgment which,
unusual though it might seem, is not lacking in OT support (Isa. 10.11-12;
Jer. 25.29; Zech. 13.7-9).152
2.7. Exile and Identity in 1 Peter
There are only two places in the OT where the terms irapoucog and Trapeiri6r|io<;
are combined in similar fashion to 1 Peter 2.11 - Gen. 23.4 and Ps. 39.12
(LXX - 38.13). 153 Abraham applies both terms 'stranger' and 'sojourner'
(mpouccx; mi Ttapat'vbrpa; eycS €1411 |i€8' iyjuv) to himself when negotiating with
the Hittites about a place to bury his wife Sarah in their land where he had
settled (Gen. 23.4). As a foreigner he lacked inheritedrightsand did not have
a place to bury his dead wife.154 Not only were the believers in 1 Peter
149. Danker'Consolatory5,101.
150. Cf.Schuttei; Hermeneutic, 48ti.
151. Typically in the LXX, OXKOQ TOO QeoO refers to the temple or sanctuary and not the 'people
of God'. However we see that 1 Peter's transference of the imagery of the temple to the people (2.4-
10) necessitates our combining the two in this passage. Furthermore, it also precludes the idea of
social concept of 'household of God' as the primary focus.
15Z Achtemeier,! Peter, 315.
153. Eph. 2.19 combines $sx>t androxpoucotboth of which are used by LXX to translate the
Hebrew "Q. ILSpouax; is also used in the LXX to translate ^ ('Gentile') and DCnn ('resident alien').
154. Abraham is called a sojourner (Gen. 17.8; 28.4) and so are the Israelites while in exile. Paul
Achtemeier, 'John H. Elliot, 1 Peter: An Appreciation', BTB (2002) 150-3,152, has argued that
based on the fact that the words 'stranger and alien' are applied to Abraham êxclusively', the phrase
addressed as members of the lowest social stratum (foreigners/aliens and

sojourners could not own land or property), but the same terminology also
denotes the characteristic of 'exile', both literally and metaphorically (1 Pet
1.17).155
In exile, two seemingly contrasting concerns become primary: propagation
of the faith, and retaining intact national identity}56 1 Pet 1.1 anticipation
of the ingathering of the 'Dispersed exiles', reminiscent of Second Temple senti-
ments, 157 is mirrored in James 1.1 where specifically mentioned is the
restoration of the twelve tribes (Idbccopog (teou KOCI Kupiou lipou XpioTou OOUAOQ
xaix; 6c56€Ka (jwAxxu; talc; ev ifj 6iaoTrop$ xaipeiv).158 The fulfillment of previ-
ously exclusively Israelite promises in the commencement of a 'new eschato-
logical community' as anticipated by Isa. 56.7-8 also marks a turning point
- the inclusion of foreigners into the house of God, which would become the
'house of prayer for all nations'. What is presented as an Isaianic promise in
the MT ITftlJrn^D 7 ('all peoples') appears to be transposed specifically to
'all Gentiles' (TTOOLV TOU; eGveoiv) in the LXX. The Targum Isaiah makes this
interpretation even more explicit when it elaborates:
And the sons of the Gentiles who have been added to the people o/"the LORD, to minister
to him, to love the name of the Lord, and to be his servants, every one who will keep the
sabbath from profaning it, and hold fast my covenants - these I will bring to the holy
mountain, and make them joyful in my house of prayer; their burnt offerings and their holy
sacrifices will even go up for [my] pleasure on my altar; for my sanctuary uHU be a house
of prayer for all the peoples. Thus says the LORD God who is about to gather die outcasts
of Israel, yet will I bring near their exiles, to gather them.159
Two primary points can be drawn from this targumic rendering of Isaiah. First,
the meturgeman is still anticipating a future eschatological restoration of
Israel that will entail a gathering of the people from exile.160 Second, he
as used in 1 Peter has to be understood as metaphorical within what he identifies as the larger
controlling metaphor 'Israel as a chosen people5. Cf. Achtemeier, 1 Peter, 69-72,244ff.
156. Raymond S. Forster, The Restoration of Israel: A Study of Exile and Return (London:
Darton, Longman and Todd, 1970) 57.
157. The Psalms of Solomon (first century BCE) look forward to this event when Israel would
be restored by imploring God to 'Bring together the dispersed of Israel with mercy and goodness,
for your faithfulness is with us' (Pss. Sol. 8.28). See also Pss. Sol. 11.1-4; 17.4,21,26-28,44.
158. Michaels, 1 Peter, xlvii, considers the epistle of James as the second part of a doublet with
1 Peter, which parallels another doublet 2 Peter and Jude ('brother of James') forming two pairs of
letters connected to the two significant leaders of the early Church (cf. GaL 2.7-10). 1 Peter is
addressed to Jews who are in fact 'Gentiles' while James is addressed to scattered messianic Jews
(i.e. Christians) who are in fact Jews.
159. Bruce Chilton, The Isaiah Targum (The Aramaic Bible, 11; Wilmington, Del.: Michael
Glazier, 1987) 109. Cf. idem, 'Salvific Exile in the Isaiah Targum', in Scott, ed., Exile, 239-47.
160. On the notes of this passage, Chilton points out the significance of the association of the
Sekinah's house and Gentiles '... especially in the context of Jesus' reputed citation of v. 7
during his occupation of the Temple (... Lk. 19:46 ...). But the emphasis of the passage falls on
expects the ingathering to also involve Gentile proselytes in ministry to the

Lord. So while 1 Peter retains the promises of Israel on one hand, on the other
hand, it expands their application to include non-Israelites reconstituting the
basis of identity as faith in Jesus Christ.
Jews in the Dispersion found it necessary not to draw a line between one's
moral life and one's identity, so that one's Jewishness was premised on his or
her faithfulness to the Jewish moral code (cf. Josephus, Ant. 4.114; Philo, Spec.
Leg. 4.179-180; Leg. Gai. 3-5).161 This same sentiment can also be said to be
true of 1 Peter, where the emphasis on the 'moral conduct' (fowupatni) is placed
side by side with the focus on identity (1.15,17; 2.12). 162 In this respect, the
epistle continues the Jewish maxim that 'who one is' cannot be separated from
'how one lives' even as it applies it to the Gentile-inclusive Petrine community.
The first call to exercise responsibility axHtoxpo^ in 1 Peter is anchored to
the believers' identification with God. Since God is holy, they too must
exercise holiness in their conduct (Lev. 11.44). The second concern for
conduct (dvaotp€<t>G) -1.17) has to do with their status as 'exiles' (mpoiKia).
It is primarily because of their status as aliens that their conduct should help
guard their identity. It is the only way to keep themselvesfrombeing consumed
by the surrounding cultures, risking loss of their distinctive Christian
identity.163 The danger of assimilation is a constant threat that they have to
live with occasioning focused scrutiny (2.12).
Only in exercising responsible Christian conduct would they find justifi-
cation following any negative accusationsfromthe <E9VTI. This, is true not just
in the general community, with whom they must maintain a clear conscience
(ovvti&ipu; - 3.16) to avoid any traducement propagated against them, but
more so within mixed marriages where one partner is not a Christian (3.2).
the return of the "exiled* (v. 8) and on the concomitant victory of Jerusalem over die hapless
Gentile "kings9 (v. 9, cf. 54.15b)' (emphasis original).
161. Allan Bevere, Sharing in the Inheritance: Identity and the Moral Life in Colossians
(JSNTSup 226; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 2003) 29.
162. Ibid., 30.
163. See discussion in David L Balch, Lef Wa/es Be Submissive: The Domestic Code in 1 Peter
(SBLMS 26; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1981) 108-9,133-*; contra, Elliott, Home, 42,74-5,476-7.
For Bakh, the adaptation of the Hellenistic Code in 1 Peter was not because eschatological hopes
had faded and Christiansfeltmore at hoine in SCK^^
in die historical context; the paraenesis is given in light of outside criticism'. If we adopt the larger
rubric of exile to read 1 Peter, the eschatological anticipation cannot be narrowed to one of failed
expectation or fading importance within the Christian experience. Instead, it serves to reassure
the readers of God's faithfulness (that this is the eschatological restoration anticipated) which the
believers ought to feel comfortable defending against any that may question them in regard to
their exuberance (3.15). Hie dnotoyia here is not a defense but a positive counter-claim that seeks
to establish the validity of the believers' faith in light of any questioning by outsiders.
In such situations the dvaorpo^ri becomes the pf>ia (1.25) of Christian witness
to the unbelieving partner.164 And so the question of whether the purpose of
the letter is apologetic (Balch) or missionary (Elliott) becomes moot, since both
seem to be present in 1 Peter. It is no surprise since both aspects characterize
the very essence of exile concerns of maintaining faith and identity in a bid
to survive in the 'foreign' world. 165
1 Peter is able to use the Exodus 'echoes' to explain the work of Christ as
the final liberation from bondage (1-1-4,5-7,18-25) for the Christian believers.
The placing of these 'echoes' at the beginning of the epistle signifies the
centrality of the redemptive work of Christ parallel to YHWH's promise of
redemption to the nation of Israel in the midst of their travail.166 It also
reminds the readers of God's redemptive acts in the redemption of Israel from
bondage, commemorated in the Passover and now finding its eschatological
fulfillment in Jesus' death on the tree (1 Pet. 1.19-24). Coupled with this, the
pilgrimage motif in the epistle (1.1,17) enforces the Christian community's
connection to OT Israel by highlighting:167 i) the pattern of desert wanderings
(1.3-12), ii) the settlement in the land and eventual exile from the land
following God's judgment (4.17), and iii) the constant expectation of a
restoration reflected in the structure of the whole epistle (cf. 5.2-4 which
alludes to the image of wicked shepherds in Ezek. 34.16S
Such Petrine designations as 'exiles of the Dispersion' (1.1,17), 'a time of
exile' (2.11-12), and 'foreigners/aliens in exile' scattered and suffering anew
(5.10) draw comparisons with Qumran documents, which also combine
elements of election, sojourning in a foreign land, and exodus/exile motifs.169
For example, CD 3.21-4.6 opines:
The Priests are the converts of Israel who are departed from the land of Judah, and (the
Levites are) those who joined them. The sons of Zadok are the elect of Israel, die men called
by name who shall stand at the end of days. Behold, the exact list of their names according
to their generations, and the time when they lived, and the number of their trials, and the
years of their sojourn, and the exact list of their deeds ... 17 °
164. Elliott, Home, 42, 74-5,476-7.

165. Feldmeier, Fremde, 201-10, concludes that the two dimensions put forth by Elliott as
distinct ('social aspect* and the 'cosmological') cannot be held in contrast, since the hope of the
divine future {Gottes Zukunft) is based on the latter in supplanting the former.
166. Bevere, Inheritance, 30.
167. See Kasemann, Wandering, for pilgrimage in Hebrews. Similarities with 1 Peter would
venture useful comparisons, especially the use of the OT cultic symbols to interpret their
respective Christian communities.
168. Chevallier, 'Diaspora', 391. W. C. van Unnik, 'The Redemption in 1 Peter 1:18-19 and
the Problem of the First Epistle of Peter', in Sparsa CoUecta: The Collected Essays of W. C. van
Unnik (NovTSup 30; Leiden: Brill, 1980) 31, asks and responds to his own query: *How must
they behave in this world, where they are like exiles? That the author was particularly concerned
with this appears from the frequent use he makes of the word.'
169. Dubis, Woes, 48.
170. Emphasis added. Cf. also CD 6.4ff; 1QM 1.2-3.
Utilizing a hermeneutic akin to that of the Qumran covenanters (and contem-

porary Jewish literature, e.g. 2 Apoc. Bar.; Pss. SoL;Jub.)91 Peter employs the
exodus motif to recast the exilic writings by providing a matrix for under-
standing the exile experience as a 'Second/New Exodus' (Isa. 40-55; Ezek.
4(M8) rather than a reflection on the literal exodus from Egypt.171
The exodus provides the linguistic framework within which the present
situation of the believers can be reinterpreted and actualized, just as prophets
like Isaiah were able to recast the anticipated restoration from Babylonian exile
as a 'New Exodus'. Thus the exodus 'echoes' in 1 Peter are subsumed into the
exile imagery, which itself is expressed in light of the Second Temple mindset
of the 'continuing exile'.172 Note that their being 'exiles in Dispersion' does
not necessarily mean that the people of God are scattered in disorderly
fashion with no sense of unity.173 On the contrary, it is the designations of
restoration, i.e. 'spiritual house', 'new Israel', which provide the bond of
unity. That is why to simply understand the designation 'exiles' from a socio-
logical point of view obscures the spiritual/theological significance of the
metaphor's analogy of oneness - both with Israel of old and with other
believers who also suffer (5.9).174
Furthermore, for 1 Peter; the people of God can only be described in terms
of their being united by faith in Christ which provides the central element of
the imagery of the 'Temple-Community' as a chosen race and a royal
priesthood (2.4-10).175 It is only in the communal aspect, based on their
election by God, premised on their faith in their redeemer Jesus Christ, that
his audience can be pictured as the 'Temple-Community'. Their unity is a
spiritual unity which changes their status in relation to the world, making them
171. M.-E. Boismard, 'Liturgies Baptismale dans Pierre (Ire £pitre)' (DBSup 7; Paris, 1966)
col. 1431, points out that the letter is shaped by the idea of the 'nouvel Exode' with the Christians
forming the new people of God and the expectation that they are journeying through a new
exodus that would culminate at Sinai. The strength of his argument lies less with the individual
passages he discusses, some of which are questionable, than with the argument as a whole. Cf.
Goppelt, 1 Peter, 64.
172. Walter Brueggemann, 'Preaching to Exiles', Journal for Preachers 16 (1993) 3-15,8: 'It
is the need to somehow maintain the essence of the presence of the God in the midst of all the
"contrary reality" by drawing upon the imagery of wilderness wanderings of the Exodus that
are in turn recounted and actualized in the current experience of the exiles (cf. Ezekiel 40-48).
Most important, the tabernacle is an imaginative effort to form a special place where God's
holiness can be properly hosted and therefore counted upon (Exodus 25-31,35-40)' (emphasis
original).
173. Chevallier, 'Diaspora', 392.
174. Elliott, Home, 21ff.
175. The warning by Norbert Brox, 'Sara zum Beispiel...'. Israel im 1. Petrusbrief, in P.-G.
Muller and W. Stegnec, eds., Kontmuitat und Einbeit: Fur Franz Mussner (Freiburg: Herder, 1981)
484-93,489, that the OT quotes in 1 Peter do not serve as continuation of *Heilgeschichtes, needs
to be kept in mind, since for 1 Peter the promises of Israel are applied directly to the Petrine
community.
'strangers' and 'sojourners' since their heritage is 'in heaven' (1.4). They have
a shepherd of their souls (2.25) who, through the elders (the shepherds of the
flock 5.2-4), provides the rallying point for the community of believers,
uniting them into a vibrant and living community.176
2.8. Temple and Restoration from Exile
Restoration from exile was to be epitomized by the reestablishment of the

temple and the cultus (Isa. 11.11-17; Ezek. 29.21-29; Hag. 1.1-5; Jub. 1.15-
17; T. Benj, 9.2). Given that Isaiah provides the largest share of OT passages
quoted, echoed or alluded to in 1 Peter, it is significant to note that Isaiah
closely associates the eschatological temple with Gentiles who stream into the
temple, are gathered with the scattered of Israel, and bring their wealth to
adorn the temple (Isa. 2.2; 56.7; 60.4-13).177 1 Peter takes over this Isaianic
theme and not only allows for the possibility of Gentiles entering the escha-
tological temple but also goes a step further to integrate Gentiles into the
'spiritual eschatological temple' (2.4-10).178 In so doing, 1 Peter reshapes and
reconstitutes both the identity of the temple and that of the believers, merging
'... two strains of Jew and Gentile ... into a new body'. 179
Because a major part of the Jewish community lived outside of the
homeland,180 three annual pilgrimages to Jerusalem provided the oppor-
tunity for a dynamic and concrete participation in the cultic experience.181 As
McKelvey reports:
176. Chevallier, 'Diaspora', 392.

177. Notice the parallel between tou; 6ieaTTap|ia>oix; IopanA. (Isa. 56.7) and mpen\£f\}oui bwompou;
(1 Pet. 1.1). 4QFlor 1.3-4; T. Benj. 9.2; Sib. Or. 3.616-34,715-20; 1 Enoch 90.32-33 all anticipate
Gentile participation in the eschatological temple's worship. However note also Isa. 44.6-9 and Sib.
Or. 5, which only foresee the coming judgment of the Gentiles.
178. Beare, First Peter, 101.
179. Ibid.
180. L. Rost, 'Erwangen zum Kyroserlass', in A. Kuschke, ed., Verbannung und Hehnkehr
(Tubingen: J. C. B. Mohi; 1961) 305: Rose's primary point is that the temple cult had been signif-
icant to the Jews in Dispersion because it was a requirement of die Torah to make a contribution
to the temple.
181. Philo gives his own description of a personal pilgrimage to the temple in Jerusalem 'to offer
prayers and sacrifices' {Provid. 2.64). Cf. also Wolfson, Philo, 1.242 n. 28. However this positive
view must be tempered with the observation by Neusnei; 'J^Kkusni After the Destruction of the
Temple', in Neusner£#tf/.,eds., Judaisms and their Messiahs, 666, that,*... for large numbers of the
ordinary Jews outside of Palestine, as well as substantial numbers within, the temple was a remote
and, if holy, unimportant place. For them, piety was fully expressed through synagogue worship',
Elliot's objections to the use of the term pilgrim notwithstanding {Home, 47). Chi pilgrimage and
procession as two forgotten themes of the return from exile, see Merrill, 'Pilgrimage and Procession:
Motifs of Israel's Return', in G. Avraham, ed., Israel's Apostasy and Restoration; Essays in Honor
of Ronald K Harrison (Grand Rapids: Baker, 1987) 261-72.
The annual pilgrimages to Jerusalem became occasions of great sentiment. The journey
to Zion was the chief joy of life (Isa. 30.29; 35.10; Psa. 42.1ff; 43.3ff; 122.1ff; 137.6)
... One must go to Jerusalem because that is where God is. To be away from the temple
is to be away from God (Psa. 137.4; cf. 1 Sam. 26.19; Ezek. 11.15; Jonah 2.4); to go
up to the temple is to go up to God (Psa. 42.2; 63.2; 65.1f., etc.). 182
Indeed, pilgrimage to the Jerusalem temple to offer sacrifice became part

of the requirements for a proselyte to enjoy full acceptance into the Jewish
community.183 For those who could not make the pilgrimage, both Jew and
Gentile God-fearer (Acts 8.27-39.13), 1 8 4 an alternative means for
continued connection to the Jerusalem cultus, recognized both in Palestine
and the Diaspora, availed: an annual half-shekel temple tax - probably of
post-exilic provenance185 - which became a central part of diaspora Jewish
experience in the Second Temple period (cf. Neh. 10.32; 2 Chron. 10.32;
Mt. 17.24), gaining even atonement value in its identification with the
ransom money of Exod. 3.13. 186 (R. Eleazer said, 'While the temple stood,
a man paid his shekel and made atonement for himself Baba Batra 9a.187)
1 Peter's re-appropriation of the temple into a 'spiritual Temple-
Community5 (2.4-10) is likely constructed within a framework of similar
concerns. In lieu of a pilgrimage to Jerusalem, God has come to dwell in
their midst, transforming them into the cultic equivalent of the physical
182. McKelvey, Temple, 4; Harald Hegemann, 'The Diaspora in the Hellenistic Age', in W.
D. Davies and Louis Finkelstein, eds., The Cambridge History of Judaism (3 vok; Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1999) 2.115-66,154.
183. Michael Fishbane, The "Exodus* Motif/Paradigm for Renewal', in Text and Texture:
Close Reading? of Selected Biblical Texts (New York: Schocken Books, 1979) 121-51, and idem,
Biblical Interpretation, 356-68. Cf. also van Unnik, 'Redemption', 44. In the Rabbinic tradition,
three things were required for a proselyte to be considered a full Israelite: baptism, circumcision,
and sacrifice (m. Keritot 2.1; cf. Gemara of Tosefta Keritot 9a [81a]). The last requirement presup-
poses a trip to Jerusalem where the sacrifices were offered before the destruction of the temple.
Since it was the case that purification could not be complete without sacrifice, pilgrimage to
Jerusalem became mandatory for any proselyte seeking full status as an Israelite. Whether these
customs were prior to or followed the destruction of the temple is unclear.
184. See Levinskaya, Acts, 19-34,120-6; Collins, Between Athens and Jerusalem: 264-72;
Albert Bell, Jr., Exploring the NT World (Nashville, Term.: TTiomas Nelson, 1998) 21-6, on
'Diaspora*.
185. AMxedhdex&eun,TheTempte
Christ (London: F. H. Revell, 1874) 72-4.
186. Willam Horbury, 'The Temple Tax', in Ernst Bammel and C. F. D. Moule, eds., Jesus
and the Politics of His Day (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1984) 281. The ransom element
might have been part of die veiled rejection of Jesus in his response about temple tax in Mt.
1724-27.
187. Hegemann, 'Diaspora', 154. While Nehemiah's levy was regarded as temporary, that of
2 Chronicles is understood to correspond to Exod. 25. If and not the half-shekel of ransom. In
Tobit 1.6-8 and injubilees the amount is not specified. See also Horbury, Tax9, in Bammell and
Moule, eds., Jesus and Politics 265-86.
temple, where 'spiritual sacrifices' can be offered (v. 9). Not only is the
national sanctuary of Israel replaced by the eschatological sanctuary of the
'new Israel' but maintenance of national unity in the exile motif is replaced
by the eschatological unity of the Church.18
188. Fishbane, Text, 129-30.

Chapter 3
TEMPLE', 'EXILE', AND 'IDENTITY'
IN SECOND TEMPLE LITERATURE
In this chapter we examine Second Temple Jewish literature in an effort to

locate 1 Peter within the stream of theological reflection that emanated from
this period. We begin by analyzing select biblical writings (Daniel, Zechariah,
Haggai, Malachi) and then look at several non-biblical Jewish writings (1
Enoch, Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs, Jubilees, Qumran, Philo and
Josephus).
One of the reasons given in the OT - why the ten tribes were wiped out -
is their failure to honor the prescribed pilgrimage to Jerusalem for the cultic
practices (2 Kgs 17.28-34; cf. also 1 Kgs 12.1-14.31 and Jer. 25.9) resulting
in judgment that eliminated them from the history of Israel.1 Realizing, as we
have seen in the previous chapter that pilgrimage had become so central for
the Second Temple Jews in the Dispersion, it makes sense to assume that a
possible concern for some of the readers of 1 Peter was whether having
become Christians, the pilgrimage to Jerusalem still mattered. In fact, it is
plausible, that some might even have been postulating that missing the
pilgrimage might be a part of the reason for their current suffering.
As a result, suffering for 1 Peter's audience might have been interpreted as
follows:
i) that God had abandoned them, and/or
ii) that they had sinned (possibly by failing to make the pilgrimage to the
Jerusalem temple, the dwelling of God) and therefore were being punished for
their sin. With this as a plausible background for understanding the larger
concern of suffering in 1 Petei; the letter seems to be partly a response to these
kinds of interpretations of suffering by some in the Petrine community. By
relating suffering instead to purification and by re-appropriating the locus
divinitus from the physical temple to the Temple-Community (the 'spiritual
house') 1 Peter counters such sentiments. The resultant affirmation is a
reassurance of God's abiding presence even in their current 'exile' and
pilgrimage (cf. Ezek. 10-11).
1. See discussion in Tudor Parfitt, The Lost Tribes of Israel: The History of a Myth
(London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 2002) esp. 1-24.
3.2. Biblical Writings
3.2.1. Daniel 9
Daniel 9 is a difficult passage which reflects a significant reinterpretation of
the exile period as earlier presented by Jeremiah (w. 2,24-25) by placing the
reason for the exile squarely on the people's sinfulness - thus exonerating God
for this act of judgment (w. 14-15) - in refusing to entreat God. Depending
on one's dating of Daniel, this chapter might be reflective of the Second
Temple period's sense of the ongoing 'exile' with a Jerusalem provenance or
a Second Temple gloss into a sixth-century writing.2 J. J. Collins distinguishes
three attitudes to the temple in the Second Temple period, designating them
as priestly (positive, e.g. Chronicles), sectarian (negative, e.g. 1 Enoch 89.73;
93.9; T. Levi 16), and non-priestly mainstream (between the two extremes,
e.g. Dan. 9). 3 Overall, central to Daniel's prayer for the restoration of Israel
from exile is the restoration of the sanctuary (w. 16-17).4 However, that
Daniel's attitude is less positive than, say, Ezra 9 or Neh. 1.9 is questionable,
putting at stake its non-priestly designation.5 The expectation is for the people
to turn to God, love and keep his commandments (v. 4). Only on the basis of
these 'right deeds' (Plplit) would they be able to appeal to God (v. 18) and
the prayer presupposes that these expectations have not been met.6 The
'restoration and restitution are now different experiences from those envisaged
in the older expressions of covenant theology. Now, in the apocalyptic setting,
they are cosmic in scope and eternal in consequence'.7
3.2.2. Zechariah, Haggai, Malachi - Second Temple and the Apocalyptic

Uprising
These three post-exilic books give a glimpse of the lives of the returning
exiles and of the remnants in the land of Palestine. The Mishnah presents these
books together as a unified coda to the OT revelation indicating the possibility
that they circulated as a corpus in the Second Temple period. With these
prophets, a more eschatological vision of the temple, the priesthood, and the
Davidic royal line emerge. Their appropriation of the tabernacle rather than
temple motif evidences what we have seen earlier as the fascination with the
2. John. E. Goldingay, Daniel (WBC 30; Dallas, Tex.: Word Books, 1989) 237, and Andre
Lacocque, 'The Liturgical Prayer in Daniel 9', HUCA 47 (1976) 119-42, respectively.
3. John J. Collins, Daniel: With an Introduction to Apocalyptic Literature (FOIL 20; Grand
Rapids: Eerdmans, 1984) 90-5.
4. The significance of the 'holy mountain of God' (CTTp "in) is in relation to the 'sanctuary'
(EHpD) (v. 17).
5. Goldingay, Daniel, 238: 'Unlike Ezra 9; Neh. 9, however, it includes neither positive nor
negative references to the priesthood...'
6. Goldingay, Daniel, 249.
7. W. Sibley Towner, Daniel: A Bible Commentary for Teaching and Preaching
(Interpretation; Atlanta: John Knox Press, 1984) 135.
3. Temple', 'Exile' and 'Identity' 49
Mosaic tent as the ideal 'dwelling place of YHWH' in opposition to the

permanent stationary temple, which, though recognized as the legitimate
successor to the tabernacle, still remained inconclusive as to its ability to
'house' YHWH (IKgs 8.27: 'But will God indeed dwell on the earth? Even
heaven and the highest heaven cannot contain you, much less this house that
I have built!').8
Recourse to tabernacle imagery also reflects a harking to the exodus theme
as a template for analyzing the exile experience, the 'new exodus'. As such,
the designation of YHWH as 'Lord of Hosts' envisions the universal power
of YHWH over the nations and creation as a whole, ushering in a new age.9
No doubt at the center of their messages of hope and restoration was the
rebuilding of the temple that had lain in ruins for half a century or so during
the period of exile. Continued neglect of the temple by the remnants was thus
proffered as the reason for the people's continued hardships. And in spite of
the Isaianic prophecies of a glorious restoration of the temple Haggai 2.3
reports that the anticipated majesty and glory spoken of the rebuilt temple was
not in any way met by the edifice that was built under Zerubbabel;10 and
neither was the Davidic monarchy restored as expected (the glory and majesty
of the first temple had been associated with the wealth of Solomon and the
magnitude of his powei; now missing). The restoration of the temple had fallen
short of the prophetic expectations and could not be counted as the actual
fulfillment of these prophecies.11
Following this disappointment there grew an eschatological expectation that
foresaw yet a greater future time when there would be a majestic temple in
Jerusalem which would be filled with wealth from the nations (Hag. 2.6-7;
Mic. 4.1-5). Historically, however Israel neither really prospered nor was polit-
ically powerful in intervening years, enough for any nation of the world to
bring offerings to its temple. The eschatological expectations were not met by
the second temple, nor was the Davidic monarchy restored through
Zerubbabel. Therefore, it seemed clear that the prophetic words of the exilic
prophets were unfulfilled and, therefore, had to await a later fulfillment.
8. In b. Yoma 9b it is reported that, 'after the death of the last prophets Haggai, Zechariah
and Malachi the Holy Spirit (of prophecy) departed from Israel, but they still availed themselves
to die hath qot (lit. 'daughter of a voice', 'echo' - trans, 'heavenly voice'), to be the continuing
means, albeit inferior, by which God spoke in the post-exilic period.
9. Paul L. Redditt, Haggai, Zechariah, Malachi (NCBQ London: Marshall Pickering; and
Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans, 1995) 12, notes that the name appears 14 times in Haggai,
53 times in Zechariah, and 24 times in Malachi. 'Lord of Hosts' was initially connected with God
at Shiloh in the pre-monarchical period (1 Sam. 1.13).
10. According to Carol L. Meyers and Eric M. Meyers, Haggai, Zechariah 1-8 (AB 25B;
Garden City, NY: Doubkday, 1987) 73, the term TOD here carried both economic and political
connotations.
11. The LXX also evinces this tendency to downplay the significance of the second temple
by preferring to use the terms oka; (Zech. 6.9ff) to the commonly used cultk term for temple
(vaoc). a . W. von Meding, W<;>, NIDNTT 3.782. The exception is Ps. 45(44).15.
3.3. Extra-Canonical Jewish Writings
3.3.1. 1 Enoch 83-90: Dream Visions/Animal Apocalypse

The final great judgment looms large in 1 Enoch, bringing 'to full expression
the eschatological viewpoint that has been developing in the exilic and post
exilic prophets, notably Jeremiah, Ezekiel, Second and Third Isaiah, Deutero
Zechariah, Haggai and Malachi'.12 In this early eschatological apocalypse (ca.
3-2 cent. BCE), claims are made concerning the impurity of the sacrifices
offered on the altar of the temple as the basis for its destruction (89.73).13
In this '"zoomorphic" history of the world' 14 the concept of house is earlier
used of God's heavenly abode - 'a house within a house' (1 En. 14.10-17; 71.5-
9) and later, of the nation of Israel with the temple within it metaphorically
referred to as the lofty tower' (89.50):15
And that house was made large and wide; a lofty tower being built upon it by the sheep,
for the Lord of the sheep. The house was low, but the tower was elevated and very high;
and the Lord of the sheep stood on that tower and they offered a full table before him.
While it is possible to understand the reference here as epexegetical, so that

both the house and the tower refer to the same object, it is unlikely given the
distinction made in 89.76-77. All the sheep occupy 'the house', and there is
the rebuilding/repairing of 'the tower' after the initial destruction, which fits
well with the historical description of the exile (89.55-58) and the destruction
(89.72-73) and eventual reconstruction of the temple and city, as recorded in
the biblical books of Ezra-Nehemiah.16
12. George W. E. Nickelsburg, 1 Enoch 1 (Hermeneia; Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2001)

55.
13. This section contains the oldest extant mss of 1 Enoch dated as far back as 175 BCE
by J. T. Milik, The Books of Enoch, Aramaic Fragments ofQumran Cave 4 (Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 1976) 41. More recently, Patrick A. Tiller, A Commentary on the Animal
Apocalypse of\ Enoch (SBLEJL 4; Atlanta, Ga.: Scholars Press, 1993) 61-79, has argued for a
date closer to 165 BCE. Matthew Black, The Book of Enoch or 1 Enoch: A New English Edition
(Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1985) 1-23. Nickelsburg, 1 Enoch 1, 55, also dates the Dream Visions around
165 BCE, 'although a prior form may date to the end of the third century or beginning of the
second century' (emphasis original).
14. Black, Enoch, 19.
15. The identity of the lofty tower with the Jerusalem temple is in accord with August
Dillmann, Das Buch Henoch: Vbersetzt und erkldrt (Leipzig: F. C. W. Vogel, 1853; repr. New
York: Unger, 1955) 257, and Nickelsburg, 1 Enoch 1,384; contra Black, Enoch, who identifies
it as the 'Heavenly Temple', and James VanderKam, Enoch and the Growth of an Apocalyptic
Tradition (Washington, D.C.: Catholic Biblical Association of America, 1984) 169-70, who
identifies it as 'paradise'. Milik, Books of Enoch, 43, wants to combine the heavenly temple and
the mountain-throne of God.
16. Nickelsburg, 1 Enoch 1, 385.
3. Temple', 'Exile9 and Identity9 51
More poignant is the subsequent description of the problem that follows

the building of the temple after the exile.17 They [priests] began to place before
the table that stood in front of the tower 'every impure and unclean kind of
bread' (89.73; cf. Isa. 28.7-21). It would seem from this evaluation that the
priesthood and its cultus are blamed for the resultant extreme situation that
befalls the sheep.18 The defiling of the altar by the priests culminates in the
destruction of the tower and, as such, blame for the exile is placed squarely
on the priesthood of Israel.
In a 'pleasant land' (90.20), another throne is erected upon which the Lord
of the sheep sat, opening up the books before the sheep. It is the judgment
throne and the Lord of the sheep proceeds to judge the Shepherds who had
killed more sheep than they should have. And following the destruction of this
'old house' (90.28) which is described in great detail, there is a new building
which is constructed. As such, the new house that is built by 'the Lord of the
sheep' himself is the new city of Jerusalem (90.29):
And I saw until the Lord of the sheep brought a house, new and larger and loftier than the
former and he erected (it) in the place of the former one which had been rolled up. And all
of its pillars were new and its beams were new and the ornaments were new and larger than
the former old one which he had taken out. And all the sheep were in the midst of it 19
While the sheep were in this new house, other animals also came in subjection
to it - the cosmic dimension. This could indicate a reaching out to the Gentiles
to bring them into the Jewish faith or, more likely, their subjugation. Also, the
Lord of the sheep does not seem to be living above in the lofty tower like he
did in the previous temple, implying that he could be living with the sheep.
3.3.2. Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs

From its use of the LXX, this is possibly the original work of a Hellenized Jew
circa 250-150 BCE, in spite of the dozen or so Christian interpolations. The
Christian interpolations betray a close affinity to Johannine thought, while the
rest of the document evidences an openness to non-Jewish cultural insights and
influences well beyond those being laid out by Josephus, Ant. 3.171-3.20 For
17. Frederic Manns, "*La maison ou reside PEsprit"l P 2,5 et son arriere-plan juif, SBFLA
34 (1984) 207-24,209. Nickelsburg, 1 Enoch 1,47.
18. Jonathan A. Goldstein, / Maccabees: A New Commentary with Introduction and
Commentary (AB; Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1976) 42: TJnlike the author of the Testament
of Moses, the author of Enoch lxxxv-xc believed that the Second Temple was as much God's
temple as the First, though the priests of the Second Temple did not properly observe the laws
of purity, so that all offerings there were ritually impure (lxxxix 73)'.
19. M. Black, Enoch, 82, translates the last sentence: 'And the Lord of the sheep was in the
midst of it'
20. Howard Clark Kee, 'The Testaments of the Twelve: A New Translation and
Introduction', in James H. Charlesworth, ed., The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha I: Apocalyptic
Literature and Testaments (2 vols.; New York: Doubleday, 1985) 778.
example, the ethical exhortations are not presented to encoura ge obedience

to the Law as is presented in the Torah, but in terms very similar :o Stoicism.21
The emphasis in this document is on the holiness of God (T. Let i 4.1; 18.l£f)
and his wrath (X Levi 6.11). While God is the one who execul es judgment,
he is also merciful and gracious. The temple is destroyed as a juc gment of the
people's sin - particularly the priests (T Levi 10.3; 15.1; 16.4-5) z nd only later,
in T. Ben], 9.2, are we told that the temple is rebuilt.
3.3.3. Jubilees
Scholarly consensus dates Jubilees to about the second centi ry BCE and
agrees that it was originally written in Hebrew.22 Jubilees, the product of a
priestly author, is a composite work made up of history, testament, apocalyptic,
ritual law and chronology.23 Presented with the authority of tt e 'normative
orthodox position', Jubilees purports to contain the revelatic ns to Moses
during his forty days on Mount Sinai in Exod. 24.18. However, while
exercising much freedom in omitting, condensing, and enlarging the different
parts of the biblical story, the author is largely retelling the bibl cal narrative
from Genesis to the early part of Exodus.24 More importantly/ ibilees' post-
exilic retelling of Exodus in light of the Babylonian exile reflects in the former
the current experiences of the latter event. The author uses the re< urring cycles
of seven-day weeks to structure his writing with periods of seve i years being
represented by what he calls a 'week of years' or simply 'week2, e.g. 50.1-5.
The period after the seven weeks of years (forty-nine years) is d jsignated the
year of Jubilee.
Abram is presented as a sojourner in the land of Canaan aftei being called
out of Ur by God. He reaches the land around Bethel and builds an altar and
makes a burnt offering to God after a promise of receiving the la: id from God
(13.1-9). This happens again when he comes back to the area (>f Bethel and
God, once again, promises to give land to Abram and his seed. After sacri-
ficing another burnt offering, Lot separates from Abram to dw ell in Sodom
The indication seems to be that the author wants to create a clear contrast
between the symbolic House of God (Bethel) - the safe haven to which
21. Kee, 'Testaments', 779.

22. R. H. Charles, The Ethiopic Version of the Hebrew Bible ofJubilees (Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 1895) had earlier argued for the Hebrew provenance but the matter was
largely put to rest by the discovery of the Hebrew texts in Qumran and Masada. Jubilees,
whose earliest mention is in Qurnran text of CD 16.2-4 also uses the book of 1 Enoch in 7.38-
39. Nevertheless, unlike the Qumran writings, Jubilees does not reflect any significant break with
the larger Jewish establishment that viewed the temple in Jerusalem as still valid.
23. Michel Testuz, Les Idees religieuses du livre des Jubilees (Geneva: E Droz, 1960) 11.
Priestly authorship can be accounted for by the interest in festivals, sacred times andritualdetails
(e.g. 21.7-8).
24. O. S. Wintermute, 'Jubilees: A New Translation and Introduction', in OTP 2.37.
3. Temple', 'Exile9 and 'Identity' 53
Abram is brought by God 'in peace' - and Sodom, the place of sin outside of
God's presence. In Jubilees, 'sanctuary' refers to the temple since the tabernacle
is specifically named and identified (]DtDD). Only after 49.18 does the author
talk of the sanctuary being built and replacing the 'tabernacle of the Lord'
(which is in the midst of the land and also called 'house of God') built 'in the
name of the Lord in the land of their inheritance'. Thus, the instructions on
eating the Passover meal (49.16-17), which appear before the instructions
concerning the building of the temple (49.18ff), seem to be out of place.
Again, he talks of the 'house which is sanctified in the name of the Lord'
in 49.20. In 49.20 he puts the two side by side when he states that 'they
[children of Israel] shall not be able to observe the Passover in their cities or
in any district except before the Tabernacle of the Lord or before his house
in which his name dwells'.25
The author is distinguishing between the presence of God in the tabernacle
versus the presence of the 'name of the Lord' in the house or temple. The
distinction is probably dependent on the word 'tabernacle', which is the
traditional language of incarnation in Jewish texts.26 As Martin McNamara
notes, the tabernacle is God's 'dwelling-place par excellence' and is in Hebrew
called just that - ]D2JD.27 This seems to be in line with the attitude that
Chronicles has for the temple which is where the Lord causes his name to
dwell, but it is a building which cannot contain God. The tabernacle was the
dwelling of God among his people (49.19).
Hie end of all things will take place when God builds his temple and estab-
lishes his throne on Mt. Zion - die navel of the earth and the location of the
new creation (4.26; 7.19) - out of which he will rule all the nations (1.17,26-
28). This will happen because the present earthly temple has been defiled
(23.21) and must be replaced by a new one.28 According to Jubilees this escha-
tological temple is in heaven awaiting to be revealed in the Last Days (24.32).
3.3.4. Qurnran and Dead Sea Scrolls: Community as Temple

Relocating away from the temple, it was impossible for the Qumran
community to offer sacrifices and as a result they justified their religious
25. Note in 7.36 there is reference to the 'house of the Lord* in which his servants served.
It is unclear though whether the reference is to the temple or the tabernacle. The reference is in
light of the servants of the Lord who serve before the altar.
26. As areferenceto incarnation it is largely used of Wisdom. But see Prayer of Joseph (Frag.
A) 4-5, where the angel of the Lord speaks on behalf of Jacob as one who had descended to die
earth and had 'tabernacled among men*. The well known Christianreferencethat uses similar
terminology is John 1.14.
27. Martin McNamara, ed., Targum Neofiti 1: Genesis (The Aramaic Bible, 1A; ColkgeviUe,
Minn.: Liturgical Press, 1992) 36. Cf. Exod. 25.8; 29.46; Num. 5.3; Ezek. 43.9, etc., where the
verb p&? is used in the sense of 'settle down', 'abide', 'dwell'.
28. R. G. Hamerton-Kelry, 'The Temple and the Origins of Jewish Apocalyptic', VT 20
(1970) 1-15,1.
separation by viewing their community as a 'functional substitute for the

Temple'.29 The Qumran community, therefore, has a tendency to replace the
animal sacrifices with sacrifices of 'praise and thanksgiving', of a 'humble
spirit' and of 'an obedient life which is acceptable to God' (1QS 9.3-6,26). 30
Schwartz offers three historical reasons he believes made it possible for some
of the Jewish communities of the Second Temple period to move the locus of
sanctity from the temple to elsewhere: a) the spread of the Hasmonean
kingdom to include non-Jews and so the need to explain how they could rule
the Gentiles, b) criticism of the legitimacy and morality of the Jerusalem
priesthood during the same period, and c) spread of Hellenism in Palestine
where the maxim - 'If the temple is the house of God then it is where God is,
so wherever God is, is a temple' - became standardized.
The difficulty of relating Hellenistic influence on the Qumran community
based on their literature, which was mostly in Hebrew, is explained by the
premise that contextually the covenanters must have 'breathed the air of the
time'. While the reformulation of the cultus that emergedfromthis framework
of thinking helped highlight some of the developments made by the
covenanters in the realm of worship, it nevertheless created some complica-
tions in determining the nature of temple references in the DSS.
The term used for sanctuary/temple in Qumran is ETfpD, and it has both
literal and figurative usages.31 Just as it is clear that there is more than one
theology in the Qumran material, so it is difficult to find major consistency
in the variegated and large volume of materials that comprise the DSS
concerning the temple. It is quite uncertain if there existed a unified view of
the temple among the DSS where several views prevailed.
First, the community viewed itself as a replacement of the Jerusalem
temple, referring to themselves as the D*TR EHpO - 'sanctuary/temple of
Men' (4QFlor 1.6).32 Whether this was the historical temple, either the first
29. 1QS 9.5-6; 8.4-11; 11.8; CD 3.19-4.4. Cf. Gartner, Temple, 78; Klinzing, Umdeutung,
11-20; Lichtenberger, 'Atonement', 159-71; Daniel R. Schwartz, Temple and Desert: On
Religion and State in Second Temple Period Judaea', in Studies in the Jewish Background of
Christianity (Tubingen: J. C. B Mohr, 1992) 38.
30. Schwartz, Studies, 38-41.
31. There are about seven heavens acknowledged by the Qumran material, each with its own
ETTpD (4Q201 4.7; Cf. also 3 Enoch 18 ) while the term, in the literal sense, is consistently used
in the DSS to refer to the temple in Jerusalem.
32. Devorah Dimant, '4QFlorilegiwn and the Idea of the Community as Temple', in A.
Caquot et aL, eds., Hellenica etjudaica: Hommage B V Nikiprowetzky (Leuven and Paris: Peters,
1986) 165-89, who holds that the term was coined by the covenanters to distinguish it from the
other two temple concepts that share the term with it, namely, the Temple of Yahweh' (1.3) and
the Temple of Israel' (1.6) resulting in its having an "analogical function to the Solomonic
Temple' (177-8). The idea that the phrase O"TK EHpD refers to the eschatological temple made
up of the community of covenanters ('a Temple consisting of men') latent with die idea of
community as temple - later to be taken over by Christians - has been argued by Gartner, Temple,
30-42, and partly built upon by Klinzing, Umdeutung, 80-7.
3. Temple', 'Exile9 and Identity9 55
temple33 or the second temple,34 or both,35 or the future 'eschatological

temple',36 remains pretty much a matter in dispute. The publication of the
Temple Scroll (HQTemp) put some serious questions on the previous confi-
dence of the spiritual interpretation of the phrase DTK ETTpO.37 The Temple
Scroll anticipates a physical eschatological temple but it is not always clear
whether the references are to one or two temples.38 A suggestion has been put
forward that perhaps there are references to three temples - Solomon's temple,
second temple and the future eschatological temple interspersed in the Temple
Scroll.39 An alternative suggestion is that there would be an 'interim' temple,
between the contemporary Jerusalem temple and the future eschatological
temple yet to be built.40 Be that as it may, the scrolls seem to describe the expec-
tation of what the idealized present reality should be which is in contrast with
the contemporary Herodian temple.41
33. M. Ben-Yashar, <Noch zum Miqdas* ADAM in 4QFlorilegium', RevQ 10 (1981) 586-7.
34. D. Flusser, Two Notes on die Midrash on 2 Sam vii', IE] (1959) 99-109 (102), adopted
and modified by Dimant, i4QFlorilegkim\ 175, n. 21.
35. Dimant, f4QFlorilegium', 175. 'If this interpretation is correct, what the pesher is
actually saying is that God ordered a Temple of Men to be built for him because the Temple of
Israel was desolated and the eschatological Temple was yet to be built. In other words the Temple
of Men represents an interim stage between the Temple of Israel past (and present) and the escha-
tological Temple of the future.' The result would be a three-level gradation with ascending
levels of purity parallel to the 'land/city/temple' gradation.
36. Ben Zion Wacholder, The Dawn ofQumram The Sectarian Torah and the Teacher of
Righteousness (Monographs of the Hebrew Union College 8; New York: Ktav, 1983), 21-4,46-7;
Barbara Thiering, 'Mebaqqer and Episkopos in the Light of the Temple Scroll', JBL 100 (1981)
58-74 [60-1]. Gartner, Temple, 30-42, argues primarily for an eschatological temple in 4QFlor.
But this is challenged by J. M. Baumgarten, 'Sacrifice and Worship among the Jewish Sectarians
of the Dead Sea (Qumran) Scrolls', HTR 45 (1953) 141-59. A. Jaubert, 'La notion d'Alliance
dans ks judaisme aux abords de l'ere chretienne' in Patristica Sorbonensia (Paris: Editions du Seuil,
1963) 152-63, seems to find a compromise by interpreting the temple in 4QFlor 1.1-7 as a
material temple to be built in the eschatological age, but still remaining a material temple.
37. The translation remains ambiguous as to whether it should be translated as 'temple made
by men*, *a temple made up of men', or 'a temple among men'.
38. Cf. Y. Yadin, The Temple Scroll, vol. 1 (Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society, 1977)
143-4.
39. Daniel R. Schwartz, The Three Temples of 4QFlorilegium', RevQ 10 (1979) 83-91.
40. Dimant, ^QFbrigeUum9,179 n. 35, credits Schwartz with the identification of the three
temples, but questions the identification of the 'temple of men' with the Solomonic temple. Further
distinctions highlighted by Jacob Milgrom, *New Temple Festivals in the Temple Scroll', in The
Temple in Antiquity (ed. T. G. Madsen; Provo, Ut.: Brigham Young University Press, 1984), 132,
is mat while the second temple was considered by the covenanters as polluted, die temple
outlined in the Temple Scroll was to be built by men as its replacement, but it would not itself
be the messianic temple which would be built at the end of time, 'not by humans', but by God.
41. Florentino Garcia Martinez, The Temple Scrolls', NEA 66/3 (2000) 172-4, feels that
tbe Temple Scroll in particular does not describe a future eschatological temple but a present
temple because of the clear reference in HQTemp 19.9-10 that the same magnificent temple will
be replaced by another one built by God.
Second, in the Rule of the Congregation (1QS 9.5-6), the reference seems
to be to a future rather than present state; 'At that time, the men of the
community will constitute a true and distinctive temple - a veritable holy of
holies - wherein the priesthood may fitly foregather, and a true and distinctive
synagogue made up of laymen who walk in integrity'.42 At the same time, the
Damascus Document (CD) seems to preserve an anticipation for the
restoration of the cultus and the purification of the Jerusalem temple (CD 6.1-
11). Davies concludes his study by stating,
In brief, the ideology of the temple in CD is that it is no longer the seat of the law. The temple
itself is not rejected, nor has it been defiled in some specific act. Indeed, it may be suggested
that the temple as such is not really an issue in CD at all, but merely one practical problem
which is dealt with in terms of the overriding concern of CD: V,12, die observance of the
law.43
But it is hard not to see the temple as polluted even though the focus is on the
law since constant warnings are to do with those that did defile the temple in
the past (e.g. CD 5.1-11). This is exactly what Ellen Christiansen argues foi;
and concludes that '... CD ties the motivation for law obedience to the
command to separate clean and unclean, holy and profane, by means of which
covenant is interpreted narrowly as priestly covenant (CD 6.17; 7.3J'.44
Similarly, HQTemp seems to presuppose a later restoration of the present
Jerusalem temple following its present defilement by those who have entered
into it unclean by laying out a master plan of the building (or rebuilding) of
the temple.
Adjoined to these building directions are instructions on how not to defile
the temple once it has been restored (HQTemp 46.2-18; cf. also CD 4.17-18;
6.3-10). This they will be able to do partly because they will keep the law
which includes the avoidance of plundering widows, temple wealth, or murder
of orphans, and building latrines outside of the holy city. These, not surpris-
ingly, also constituted the accusations covenanters leveled against those they
42. Yadin, Scroll, 143.

43. Philip R. Davies, 'The Ideology of the Temple in the Damascus Document9,//S 33 (1982)
287-301. This is exactly what Ellen Christiansen argues for in her article 'The Consciousness of
Belonging To Gods Covenant and What it Entails According to the Damascus Document and
the Community Rule', in Frederick H. Cryer and Thomas L Thompson, eds., Between the Old
and the New, 69-97, 76-77 (emphasis original).
44. Temple defilement is constandy referred to in the Qumran documents. In CD 4.17-18
temple defilement is equated to the other 'two' nets of Belial, namely, fornication and wealth. The
defilement is blamed on sleeping with wives during the women's menstrual periods, marrying of
one's nieces (or uncles), blasphemy, and disobedience against God's statutes (CD 5.6-11).
3. Temple', 'Exile' and 'Identity' 57
accused of defiling the temple in Jerusalem. The whole community's partici-

pation in the washing rites and the ritual cleansing, in the fashion of the OT
priests, supports the idea of the community's self-perception as a priesthood,
with only the covenanters presented as able to enter the temple without
defiling it (CD 6.11).45
Therefore, interested in maintaining the cultk ceremonies, the covenanters
oscillated between interest in the concrete temple and the anticipated escha-
tological temple (1 lQTemp 19.9-10 J.46 Curiously, in spite of being extremely
critical of the concrete temple, the covenanters sometimes seemed to coalesce
the two with the anticipated purification and restoration of the existing
temple constantly mixed with the condemnations of the same temple in light
of its present desecration and pollution, as doomed for destruction.
Such tension may have led to the covenanters' self-perception as the 'temple-
like community' which, while it functionally could not replace the Jerusalem
temple, remained essentially the reconfiguration and re-appropriation of the
temple's role by the community so as to retain what it envisioned as a legit-
imate claim to being the true locus of God's presence. 47 As such, the
community's worship became analogous to (or even complementary to), and
contemporary of the actual temple's services.48
Therefore, as Carol Newsom insists, the purpose of the Songs of the Sabbath
Sacrifice (4QShirShabb) - with its angelic priesthood49 - was not to replace die
polluted temple cult but acted as a 'praxis' that connected the worshipers to the
heavenly temple in a way that the futuristic 'eschatological temple' was experi-
enced in the present 50 A. T. Lincoln, in essential agreement, points out that:
45. At die same time, the community maintained a gradation of status witb some like the
Teacher of Righteousness' assuming a more significant role in the community life and on cultic
matters, since it is a temple made of the house of Aaron (priests) and Israel (laity). Purity not only
marks out the different levels within the community, it also distinguishes between die members
of the community, and the outsiders. It is for the sake of maintaining purity that separation of
the outside world must occur for the Qumran covenanters. Cf. Raymond Brown, J. A. Fitzmyer
and J. Muiphy-O'Connor, The Jerome Biblical Commentary (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-
Hall, 1968) 2.554.
46. Garcia Martinez, 'Scrolls', 172.
47. Dimant, *4QFlorilegi$4m\ 187. Note also the Hodayot and Songs of Sabbath Sacrifice
where the community understands itself as being in the heavenly realms evidenced by the
presence of angels in their midst Cf. 4Q400 2,2-3, and 1QM 12.1-3.
48. Dimant, i4QFlorilegium\lS7. If the interest was to recreate not the temple but rather
the 'congregation of priests', as Dimant suggests, then this has obvious affinities to 1 Peter 2.6-
8, where the body of believers is identified as 'a holy priesthood'.
49. The key lies in the translation of die word D*1 HT ^ . Garcia Martinez, Dead Sea Scrolls,
translates it as 'gods' while Carol Newsom, 'Merkabah Exegesis in the Qumran Sabbath Shirot',
JJS 38 (1987) 11-30,13, understands it to refer to angels. Cf. also C. Newsom, Songs of the
Sabbath Sacrifice (Harvard Semitic Studies 27; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1985) 18-19.
50. C. Newsom, 'He has Established for Himself Priests: Human and Angelic Priesdiood
in die Qumran Sabbath Shin**, in L. H. SdaiHmm,ed^ Archeology and History m the Dead Sea
Scrolls (Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1990) 116. Margaret Barker The Gate of Heaven: The History
At Qumran the place of future fellowship with the angels was thought of not only as heaven
or the heavenly sanctuary but also as the eschatological Temple (cf. 4QF/1,4; lQSb IV, 25)
and since the community understood itself as the eschatological Temple (cf. 1QS VIII, 4ff;
XI, 3ff) it could hold that participation with the angels in worship was already taking place.51
The covenanters still anticipated the rebuilding of the eschatological temple

(following the destructionP/purification? of the present one) as evidenced by their
structural outline of the heavenly temple in the pattern of Ezek. 40-48. 52 But
what were the hymns for if there was no temple? Were they to be sung in the
future temple? Or were they sung proleptically given that the community was
the temple?
Given that no temple was actually found in Qumran, it is reasonable to assume
that the temple in view in the scrolls was the physical historical temple of
Jerusalem. Yet covenanters expected a God-made sanctuary to appear only at
the end time.53 Since Qumran eschatology maintained the perception that the
end time was the period in which they were living, it really does little to clarify
which temple is in focus.54 Self-identification of the covenanters with the temple
explains their rigorous observation of matters of purity given that the temple
has to be kept perpetually pure (4Q400 1.14-16; 4QMMT).55 While partially
explaining the reason for the polemical references to the temple and priesthood
in Jerusalem, there remains the expectation that the Qumran covenanters
would inherit the Jerusalem temple in the future (1QM 2.3; 7.11).56
In conclusion, the stipulations in the Dead Sea Scrolls concerning the temple,
priesthood and eschatology are variegated and multivalent with some of the
writings equivocating about the present Herodian temple as the temple of God
of the Temple in Jerusalem (London: SPCK, 1991) 61,'... in the Song of the Sabbath Sacrifices
the angelfigureson the Temple walls are alive because the songs describe the heavenly Temple*.
51. A. T. Lincoln, Paradise Now and Not Yet: Studies in the Role of the Heavenly Dimension
in Paul's Thought With Special Reference to his Eschatology (SNTSMS 43; Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1981) 149.
52. Pilchan Lee, The New Jerusalem in the Book of Revelation: A Study of Revelation in
Light of its Background in Jewish Tradition (WUNT 2 Reihe 129; Tubingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2001)
110.
53. Y. Yadin, 'Discussion', in Avram Biran, ed., Temples and High Places in Biblical Times:
Proceedings of the Colloquium in Honor of the Centennial Hebrew Union College - Jewish
Institute of Religion, Jerusalem, 14-16March 1977 (Jerusalem: Nelson Glueck School of Biblical
Archeology of Hebrew Union College - Jewish Institute of Religion, 1981) 29.
54. The community was living in the last days, but it also had the provision that God would
prolong these last days in His own mysterious plan (lQpHab 7.1-8).
55. See Richard Bauckham, 'Josephus' Account of the Temple in Contra Apionem 2:102-
109', in Louis H. Freedman and John R. Levison, eds.9 Josephus' Contra Apionem (Leiden: Brill,
1996) 327-47. Gradations of temple, Jerusalem, Israel, cf. Josephus, Contra Apionem^ 2.102-
104; m.Kelim 1.6-9, which expands the different levels of holiness to between 10 and 11.
56. Shemaryahu Talmon, 'Waiting for the Messiah: The Spiritual Universe of the Qumran
Covenanters', in Neusner et al., eds., Judaisms, 97-137.
3. Temple9, 'Exile' and Identity9 59
while for others it is simply a temple structure that stands on the Holy mount
that would eventually be replaced by the eschatological temple of God. In this
regard, the Temple Scroll presents the ideal temple which Solomon should
have built when he built thefirsttemple, but did not, and which still remains a
Utopian dream yet to be achieved (anticipated tofindfulfillment in the end times).
In essence, then, the realistic and the Utopian are interwoven such that the ideal
is the real.57 One is not always sure which one of the two is being referred to
in the Qumran texts. And so, rather than understanding Qumran to possess a
three-temple perspective, a la Daniel Schwartz, they actually have just two - the
Jerusalem temple, and the eschatological or ideal temple.58 The latter is variously
presented and interpreted by the community documents. The complexity is such
that the ideal was only partly realized in the first and second temples and,
therefore, the inadequacies highlighted by the covenanters are accompanied by
the anticipation of a yet more perfect structure.
3.3.5. Philosophical Judaism: The Ambulatory Temple

like the DSS, Philosophical Judaism does not seem to have had one general
opinion concerning the temple. Two contrasting views of the temple, negative
and positive, emerge from these writings held together in uneasy tension. We
will first examine how this situation looked before examining each of the
writings in its own developments.
3.3.5.1. Positive and Negative views of the Temple in Philo, Josephus and
Jubilees
Towards the end of thefirstcentury BCE - following the expansion of the temple
by Herod - a more or less positivist view of the temple was developed as seen
in Philo of Alexandria, Josephus and Jubilees.59 Philo spiritualizes and dehis-
toricizes the coming messianic age with the result that'it is God alone who moves
the people by the collective and unseen vision to give up their places and nations
in the Diaspora5.60 Philo had something of a 'realized eschatology' where
specific elements that could be nationalized and identified with certain historical
figures in Jewish thinking were made allegorical designators for the Logos.61
For Philo, the two seemingly contradictory elements could be held together
side by side because the Jews of the Dispersion couldfindfulfillment in exile (as
57. Contra Dimant, *4Fhrilegium% 177, who states that this is *an interim stage between
the Temple of Israel of the past (and present) and the eschatological Temple of the future'. Cf.
Maier, Scroll, 59, who notes that in Ezek. 40ff, there is the image of the large gulf that had
developed between die real and the ideal ritual conceptions in the First Temple.
58. Maiei;&Tofl,59.
59. The Babylonian Talmud also gives glowing tribute to the Herodian structure (Baba
Bathra 4a): 'He who has not seen the Herodian building, has never seen a beautiful thing.'
60. Richard D. Hecht, 'Philo and Messiah', in Neusner et al., eds.Judaisms, 139-68,162.
61. Ibid.
Philo himself did), yet honor and desire for the homeland remained the 'prime
legacy of all'. 62 In De Praemiis et Poenis, 29.94-97 the return of Israelite
captives from the Dispersion is only after instruction by chastisement, repentance,
and turning to virtue. Restoration of cities that once lay in ruins would be
followed by abundant prosperity.63
Josephus echoes much of what Philo says by seeing no reason to be ashamed
by the state of exile, even as it remains a reality whose end has to be desired to
with hopeful anticipation.64 The exile can be described as worse than death
because, while death ends troubles, 'banishment (cj>uyn) is not the end but the
beginning of other new misfortunes and entails in place of the one death which
puts an end to pains a thousand deaths in which we do not lose sensation' (Philo,
De Abrahamo, 14.64) While it has been observed that Josephus never uses the
term 4)i)yr| to describe the exile of Israel, it is clear that the idea is not missing in
this passage.65 On other occasions, when Josephus does refer to the Israelite exile
he usually turns to the typical LXX vocabulary of |J£TOIKLCG) andaixpaAjoxaa (e.g.
Ant. 11.1, 91; 20.231; C. Ap. 1.132; 2.38) - usually a reference to a colony
(daToiKLcc) with self-governing councils (Philo, De Vita Mosis, 2.232).
As such, and perhaps not surprisingly, both Philo and Josephus have a
glowing perspective of the temple based on its later modification and
enlargement (or rebuilding) by Herod. 66 Josephus intones;
The exterior of the building wanted nothing that could astound either mind or eye. For, being
covered on all sides with massive plates of gold, the sun was no sooner up man it radiated so
fiery a flash that persons straining to look at it were compelled to avert their eyes, as from the
solar rays. To approaching strangers it appeared from a distance like a snow-clad mountain;
for all that was not overlaid with gold was of purest white. (War 5H22-224)67
62. Philo, In Flaccum, 7.45-47: 'So populous are the Jews that no one country can hold them,
and therefore they settle in very many of the most prosperous countries in Europe and Asia both
in the islands and on the mainland, and while they hold the Holy City where stands die sacred
Temple of the Most High God to be their mother city, yet those which are theirs by inheritance
from their fathers, grandfathers, and ancestors even farther back, are in the each case accounted
by them to be their fatherland.' Cf. also Gruen, Diaspora, 252.
63. Sanders, Jesus, 86. While the temple is not explicitly mentioned, according to Sanders,
the rebuilding of the cities assumes its restoration.
64. Josephus, Ant. 10.100. Josephus perceives it wiser to give up oneself to an invading power
than let the temple and land be destroyed. Given Josephus' apologetic agenda - presenting Jewish
history and faith to the Hellenistic world - his advice and opinions must be understood in terms
of an effort to ingratiate his religion to Greco-Romans.
65. Louis H. Feldman, 'The Concept of Exile in Josephus', in Scott, ed., Exile, 145-72,147.
The word ûyn occurs in Josephus no less than 147 times but does not even once refer to
Israelite exile.
66. The Letter ofAristeas (2nd c. BCE), in line with the Chronidei; presents the temple in
positive light, perhaps a reflection of the idealization of the temple by the Jews in Dispersion.
67. Josephus, The Jewish War (Loeb Classical Library; Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard
University Press, 1976), cf. 3.269.
3. Temple', 'Exile' and Identity' 61
He also expresses strong emotion following its destruction: Deeply one must
mourn for the most marvelous edifice which we have ever seen or heard of,
whether we consider its structure, its magnitude, the richness of its every detail,
or the reputation of its Holy Places' (War 6267). However, Josephus' apolo-
getic impulse calls for the treatment of such expressions with caution since they
must be assumed to be uttered with a tinge of exaggeration for the sake of
presenting to Romans the Israelite religion in positive light.
Concurrently, Josephus conveys a positive view of the exile, encouraging his
country folk to surrender, arguing that by so doing they would win the war
(War 5.389-390; cf. C. Ap. 1.32).68 While Josephus' only use of the verb
6iaon€Lpco (Ant. 8271) is negative - making reference to it as punishment much
in the same way it is used in 1 Kgs 14.15 - he, nevertheless, still felt the need
to cater to a Jewish readership (Ant. 1.4; 4.197) necessitating his attempt to
explain his apparent contradictions.69 Philo, on the other hand, defends life
at a distance from Jerusalem (cbroiKia) as the result of over-population of the
homeland and not of transgression (Vrt. Mos. 2.232; Leg. All. 281-82; Conf.
Ling. 78). In contrast to Philo, who anticipates the ingathering of the Jewish
people from exile (Proem. 29.165), Josephus perceives the Jewish exile as a
permanent state with no anticipated end.70
Jubilees spiritualizes both the return from exile, and the land, by presup-
posing that Israel's failure to keep the covenant with God is inevitable until
the dawn of eschatological salvation (1.7-14; cf. Deut. 31.14-21).71 The
election of the descendant of Jacob, and not the return to the land, is the
primary focus with God assuring Moses of a post-exilic restoration and
eschatological spiritual transformation of Israel. Whether this has occurred
by the time of the author is not possible to tellfromthe text (1.12-26; cf. 2326,
27-31).
While Eden is in the land, a return to the land is not a return to Eden. That
has to wait for a new time Svhen the heaven and all earth shall be renewed
...', *When Zion and Jerusalem shall be holy' and 'the sanctuary of the Lord
is created in Jerusalem upon Mount Zion' (12i-29)7 1 This is further confir-
mation of JubUees9 view of its present state as one still in anticipation of
restoration - a state of bondage without the necessary purity in the temple but
anticipating the escbaton to establish this missing purity, once and for all.
The end of all things will happen when God builds his temple and estab-
lishes his throne on Mt. Zion -the navel of the earth and the location of the
68. The appeal, however, is earnest since the Babylonian exile is referenced as a negative
example of that which is undesirable.
69. Gruen, Diaspora, 252, feels that the Diaspora Jews did not see the need to reconcile the
seeming contradiction.
70. Feldman, 'Concept of Exile', in Scott, ed., Exile, 164ff.
71. Betsy Helpem-Amaru, *Exile and Return in Jubilees', in Scott, ed., Exile, 127-44.
72. Ibid, 143; John Sietze Bergsma, *Hie Jubilee: A Post-Exilic Priestly Attempt to Reclaim
Land?', Biblica 84/2 (2003) 225-46, answers the question he raises in the negative.
new creation (4.26; 7.19) - out of which he will rule all the nations (1.17,26-
28). This would happen because the present earthly temple had been defiled
(23.21) and must be replaced by a new eschatological temple in heaven
awaiting revelation in the 'last days' (23.22).73
3.3.5.2. TabernaclefTemple in Philo

Philo, who was primarily an exegete, chose to focus his apologetic writings
on Moses 'the blessed Law giver', meaning he seldom invokes other parts of
the Scriptures, and then only as they relate to the Mosaic text For this reason,
Philo does not quite deal with the Jerusalem temple except as a projection
backwards to the symbolism in the tabernacle (cf. also Josephus, Ant. 3.115-
133). In language reminiscent of 1 Peter 2.4-10, Philo makes reference of the
BuoLteiov and Upareunxx (De Sobrietate 66.1). However, in Philo, BOOIAELOC is
the adjective 'royal' used substantively to mean 'royal place' or 'royal house'
(palace). This is perhaps the only text in Philo where interpretation of the
sanctuary is in relation to the collective rather than the individual. Concerning
Jacob, the symbolic referent to the nation Israel, Philo notes:
Jacob is the source of the twelve tribes, of whom the oracles say that they are 'the palace
(BaolAjeiov) and the priesthood of God (lepareuua 0eou)' (Ex XDC: 6), thus following in due
sequence the thought originated in Shem, in whose houses it was prayed that God might
dwell (<a»oiKfpai). For surely by 'palace' is meant the King's house, which is holy indeed
and the only inviolable sanctuary (lepo;).74
While the rest of his references focus primarily on the individual, the statement
above shows that the conceptualization of the sanctuary in light of a collective
was not foreign, at least, to Hellenistic Judaism.75 And so while the ultimate
referent for Philo remains the individual, here we find an exception that
clearly shows the awareness of collective understanding in theological inter-
pretation in Hellenistic Judaism.76 However, apart from that difference with
1 Peter, Philo's other conceptions of the temple are significant in relation to
our epistle. In answering the question 'What is the tabernacle?' (QE 1.2.49-
106; cf. Exod. 26.1a; Vit. Mos. 2.73), Philo makes certain observations.
73. Hamerton-Kelly, 'Temple', 1.

74. It is significant to note that the verb evuceo) is known to Philo since as Gartner, Temple,
52-3, indicates, it is missing in the LXX.
75. Philo's was an apologetic endeavor of presenting Judaism in Greek utilizing not only the
Greek language but also Greek philosophical frameworks and paradigms. As a result of mis it
has been argued that Philo represents a distinctly different stream of Judaism from that of the
Rabbis.
76. Coppens, 'Spiritual', 63, feels that the sequence of this reference 'seems to restrict die
vision to the individual soul' and so it might not be quite the exception one may consider it to
be. See also Philo, Vit. Mos. ii: 73.
3. Temple*, 'Exile' and Identity9 63
First, 'the tabernacle is a portable temple (4>OPTTC6I> Upoy) of God and not a
stationary or fixed one' (QE 2.S3).77 The tabernacle has both a 'corporeal'
(intelligible side), and 'sense-perceptible world' (TON aloOipaioc) side. The
temple and the tabernacle are thus equated by Philo. The one is the replica
of the other with the only difference being that one is permanent and stationary
while the other is ambulatory. It is the character of mobility that is of impor-
tance for Philo since it designates, just as was experienced by the Israelites in
the wilderness, a visible presence of God that has no geographical limitations.78
Subsequently for Philo,'... every house became an altar and a temple of God
for the contemplative...' during the Passover and that is why they were
painted with blood on the door frames (QE 1.12). In so doing, Philo decen-
tralizes the place of the temple in the life of the Jews by designating the
presence of God as spread abroad in the houses of the Israelites. It would seem
that this is one of the reasons that led Baudouin Decharneux to conclude that
for Philo, the temple and the holy land of Israel were places where the spirit
blows, but were not strictly necessary for the practice of the Jewish religion.79
Yet while it is true that Philo is interested in presenting a more universally appli-
cable Judaism, the concrete elements of the temple and the land of Israel
maintain great significance.
Second, the tabernacle and temple are given a cosmic interpretation. For
Philo, the tabernacle has an allegorical function as the bodily representation
of the presence of God in the world. In Platonic fashion, he talks of 'the divine
temple of the Creator' woven of 'such things as the world is made of since
it is the 'universal temple' (TO navUpog) that was in existence before the 'holy
temple' (QE 2.85). 80 The presumption here is that the earthly temple is a
replica of the universal one and that indeed the universe becomes the temple
of God (Cf. Vit. Mos.2.88). In Spec. 1.12,66, he argues that 'the highest, and
in the truest sense the holy, temple of God is, as we must believe, the whole
universe, having for its sanctuary the most sacred part of all existence, even
heaven, for its votive ornaments the stars, for its priests the angels'.
Third, Philo regards the rational soul (oajxx;) as the sanctuary of God. QE
1.2.52: 'For the beginning and the end of happiness is to be able to see God.
But this cannot happen to him who has not made his soul, as I said before, a
sanctuary and altogether a shrine of God.' He refers to Lev. 26.12 as incul-
77. D. T. Runia, 'How to Read Philo', Nederlands Theohgisch Ttjdscbrift 4(V3 (1986),
185-98.
78. Baudouin Decharneux, 'De Israel Historique au Judaisme Universal: Histoire religieuse
de l'annexation territoriale de Punivers', in Jeanne-Francpise Vincent, Raymond Verdier, and
Daniel Dory, eds., La Construction Religieuse de Territoire (Paris: Ed. l'Harmattan, 1995)
55-65.
79. For Philo, both the physical object and the allegorical interpretation are of equal signif-
icance since the allegorical interpretation does not negate the corporeal temple.
80. Robert G. Zimmer, 'The Temple of God'JETS 18 (1975) 41-6,43. Plato's concept of
die idea as found in his Republic seems to form the background for Philo's parallel of the
heavenly temple.
eating the presence of God in the soul of the 'wise man'/'rational soul' and
goes on to talk of the human being as 'an animate/spiritual (woîaTiKoy or
îi|n)Xov) shrine of the Father', better than or of more value than the stone
structure in Jerusalem.
In this respect Philo sounds very much like the Roman Stoics of the first
century such as Seneca, the Stoic philosopher/statesman who states -
concerning man as God's dwelling - that, 'God is near you, he is with you,
he is within you...a holy spirit (sacer spiritus) indwells within us, one who
marks our good and bad deeds and is our guardian (custos). As we treat this
spirit, so are we treated.'81 The anticipated end result of this Stoic teaching is
some form of human deification as the seeker identifies with the divine via
philosophy, 'For that is what philosophy promises to me, that I shall be made
equal with God.'82
Unlike the Qumran community with the view of itself as a collective temple,
Philo's (and the Stoics') views of the body as temple remained very individu-
alistic concepts.83 However, Philo does not abandon the physical temple
building. In fact, he denounces those who with 'easy-going neglect' would
disregard the physical requirements of the Torah concerning sacrifices in the
temple (Migr. Abr. 16.89; 91-93).84 For this reason he maintains, together with
his countrymen, that he values the physical temple more than his own life (Leg.
Gal 29.192; 32.230,233-236; 39.308). So, while he admits that there is need
for the physical temple 'made by hands', he maintains that there has to be 'only
one temple'.85
3.3.5.3. Josephus and the Mobile Temple

Josephus, in his intent to ground the tabernacle in historical permanency, retro-
jects the conception of the existing temple back onto the tabernacle: 'For of
these materials did Moses build the tabernacle, which indeed was no other
than a portable and itinerant temple' (Ant. 3.102-4). It might have been
Josephus' apologetic impulse to show that the Jewish faith always had a
temple, i.e. the tabernacle, even if it did not have a permanent topos like a
temple usually does. The temple is thus equated to the tabernacle in so far as
they share commonalities.
81. Seneca, Epistulae Morales (LCL) 41.1.

82. Seneca, Epistulae Morales, 48.11. Cf. also Epictetus, Discourses I (LCL) 14.13f, 'God
is within you, and your own genius is within you'.
83. Notice that even Paul, while also understanding the individual body as the temple of the
Holy Spirit, still expresses it in light of a corporate reality (1 Cor. 6.16-19; 2 Cor. 6.16).
84. Yet, for Philo, it is the mind that is purifying itself (a noumenal experience) and not some
moral or practical holiness. In his neo-Platonic interpretation, it is the mind (voix;) beholding the
'divine light' (TOV varyrov T)XLOI>). The literal understanding is a reference to the tent, but the
deeper/allegorical meaning (TO upa; 6imx>iav) is an apprehension of the mind (QE 2.51).
85. Harry Austyn Wolfson, Philo: Foundations of Religious Philosophy in Judaism,
Christianity, and Islam (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1947) 2.247.
3. 'Temple', 'Exile9 and 'Identity' 65
The entreaty of God to send a 'portion' of his Spirit (Ant. 8.114) seems to
be reflective of Josephus' struggle to reconcile both immanence and the
transcendence of God, as we have seen to be true of other Jewish writers.86
Writing after the destruction of the temple, he was less eager to defend it as
the residence of God and rather apportions the interpretation of immanence
to others as a '... token of God's presence, and, as men thought, of his
habitation in this newly built and consecrated place'.87 For, according to
Josephus, God's abode is in heaven and therefore only a portion of his being,
i.e. his Spirit, can dwell among the people in the temple (Cf. Ant. 3.100,202,
290; 8.102, 106, 117, 131). He thus speaks of the cloud that covered the
temple as the Lord 'pitching his tabernacle' in the temple (Ant. 8.4.2).
Congruently, Josephus could also talk of the temple as the meeting point
between God, whose abode is the 'vaults of heaven', and the people who live
on earth.88 The whole tabernacle then represents the universe: 'In fact, every
one of these objects is intended to recall and represent the universe' (Ant.
3.183; cf. War 5.212-13).89
And so when he talks of the destruction of the temple in the form of
prophecy ex eventu, he puts the blame on the sinful disobedience of Israel
resulting in an act of God delivering the temple to Israel's enemies (Ant.
8.4.5). For this reason, the veil symbolically separates the heavenly tent of the
Creator and the earthly dwelling of the creation. The temple is the sacred space
where the people of God can get a glimpse of the eternal God; a place,
though poor in comparison with the majestic Creator where the mortal can
connect with the immortal.90
Josephus ultimately interprets the destruction of the temple as a sign of the
fulfillment of God's prophetic judgment which had already been passed on
the second temple years earlier( War 6.249-50), controversially noting that the
destruction of thefirsttemple occurred on the exact same date as that of the
second (10th of thefifthmonth) did under the Babylonians (somefivehundred
years earlier) intoning simply that the fateful and inevitabletimehad arrived.91
S6. John R. Levison 'The Debut of the Divine Spirit in Josephus's Antiquities', HTR 87
(1994) 123-38, argues for identification of a Stoic portrait of the Spirit in this section of Josephus.
But Mehdad Fatehi, The Spirit's Relation to the Risen Lord in Paul: An Examination of its
Christological Implications (WUNT 2 Reihe 128; Tubingen: Mohr Siebeck 2000), 125-6,
persuasively argues against Stoic influence and would rather see the identification of die Spirit
with God in Jewish terms rather than Stoic.
87. Ant. 8.4.1 (emphasis added)
88. Barker, Gate, 61.
89. Similar cosmological interpretation of the temple is evidenced in Philo (Vtt. Mos. 2.101 -
90. In Antiquities 1.13.2 Josephus notes that the mountain upon which Abraham was to
sacrifice Isaac was the same one on which David built the temple.
91. Josephus talks of 10th Lous which is equated to Abin the Syrian calendar. But in 2 Kgs
25.8 die date of the destruction of thefirsttemple is given as 7th Ab. (Thanks to Prof. Joel Marcus,
Duke University, for pointing out this reference to me!)
In essence, Josephus implies that none who would have been conversant
with the Scriptures should have been surprised by the destruction of the
second temple since it was already announced. Rather than allow for Roman
victory in destruction of the temple, Josephus formulates instead what he
perceives was a foreordained plan of YHWH that only used Romans as
divine instruments. This is the hermeneutical balancing act that Josephus
exercised throughout his work in an attempt to offend neither Jew nor
Roman, resulting in questionable historical readings.
3.3.6. The Targumim

In the targumim, the general impulse is the expectation that the Messiah would
rebuild the temple.92 Though the targumim are the products of early Judaism
(that is, before rabbinic Judaism took root) and while they are said to reflect
traditions that are much older than their late dating, they form the background
for what was to develop later as rabbinic Judaism.93 Tg. Isa.'s interpretation
of Isa. 53 replaces the Messiah's body with the temple in what seems to be a
reversal of the NT's application of the passage to Christ94 On the basis of the
restoration of the temple, the inhabitants of the earth will then be able to
partake of the joy that proceeds from the rebuilt sanctuary (24.16; 38.11).
Having both a physical and spiritual dimension to this rebuilding, the Messiah
is to restore not only the physical structure but the spiritual function of the
temple as a light to all the nations of the world.95 Only then would the
peoples of the earth be drawn to the temple (2.1-3).
Tg. Neb. renders v. 3, which in the MT reads, 'to speak to the priests who
(belong) to the house', as 'priests who were serving in the Sanctuary'. As such
since he understood the house in v. 3 as referring to the Sanctuary then it made
sense for him that bb JTD in v. 2 should be referring to the same thing, i.e.
the temple of God. Subsequently the house is equated to the sanctuary, and
Bethel in turn is interpreted as the 'house of God', even though the use of 7&
for God in the targumim is unusual.96
92. The Targum of the Minor Prophets (translated with critical introduction, apparatus, and
notes by Kevin J. Cathcart and Robert P. Gordon; Wilmington, Del.: Michael Glazier, 1989) 198
n. 13. Cf. Tg. Isa. 53.5, Tg. Zech. 6.12-13. In comparison, Sib. Or. 5.414-33, is ambiguous as
to who the builder of the new temple is (either God or the 'blessed man'). It is possible that the
better reading indicates that the messianicfigure,called the 'blessed man', is to build the new or
heavenly temple. In the Talmud {Pesachim 4.4), the Jerusalem temple, God's throne and the Law
existed before the foundation of the world.
93. The Isaiah Targum (The Aramaic Bible 1; translated with introduction, apparatus and
notes by Bruce Chilton; Wilmington, Del.: Michael Galzier, 1987) xxvii-xxviii.
94. It is not clear whether this is a polemic against Christianity's interpretation of the
passage from a christological point of view, but it is a possibility.
95. This very aspect of pollution in Israel's relation to other nations is what prompts the exile
according to Tg. Neb., Zech. 5.5-10.
96. Targum Minor Prophets, 199 n. 2-4.
3. Temple9, 'Exile' and 'Identity' 67
The Holy Spirit and the Sekinab are closely related in rabbinic Judaism and
are interchangeably used.97 Both are closely related to the temple in reference
to the dwelling presence of God in the temple, even as Sekinah shares the same
root (pE?) with the tabernacle (]D23D). Together with avoiding anthropo-
morphism, these terms also perpetuated the internal dynamic of tension
between the omnipresence and immanence of God that existed in Judaism.98
The difference lies primarily with function. Concerning this Fatehi clarifies that
'[Sjekinah and the Holy Spirit refer to the same thing when seen or eocperienced
in slightly different ways. The former denotes the immediate presence of
God with and among his people as such, the latter the inspiring activity of the
same God.'99 This is not some 'kind of hypostasis distinct from God' but rather
it is 'the immediate inspiring activity (i.e. prophetic inspiration) of the same
God whose immediate presence is referred to by the term [Sjekinah'.100
In Tg. Ps-J.9 on Gen. 44.27, the Sekinah is identified with the building of
the temple in the land of Benjamin: 'In his land the Sekinah of the ruler of the
world will dwell, and in his possession will be built the house of the sanctuary.'
Making reference to the same passage the fragmentary Targum states that:
'In his borders the house of the sanctuary will be built and in his possession
the glory of the Sekinah of the Lord will dwell.'101 Given that the Sekinah is
97. In this section I am indebted largely to Fatehi, Spirifs Relation 154-7. Note that Koester,
Dwelling, 71, following A. M. Goldberg, Untersuchungen iiber die Vorstellung von der
Schekhinah in der friihen rabbinischen Literatur (SJ 6; Berlin: de Gruyter, 1969) 1-12, is of the
opinion that the targumim that mention the Sekinah are from second century CE or later, with
the exception of the term 'the camp of the Sekinah' which may have originated earlier. I think a
case for an earlier provenance for substantial parts of the targumim can be made.
98. The general understanding has been that the concepts of 'Glory* (Yeqara, 'Iqar),
'Presence' (Sekinah) and Word' (Memra) were used by the targumim to remove any anthropo-
morphism in the biblical texts. They substituted the sections of scripture where God is described
as 'going forth', 'coming', 'revealing himself, etc. Cf. Martin McNamara, Targum and Testament:
Aramaic Paraphrases of the Hebrew Bible, A Light on the NT (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans,
1972) 98ff. But see Michael Klein, 'Anthropomorphisms and Anthropopathisms in the Targumim'
in Congress Volume, Vienna 1980 Leiden: Brill, 1981) 162-77, who argues that there is not much
consistency in the targumim on the matter.
99. Fatehi, Spirit, 156-7 (emphasis original).
100. Fatehi, Spirit, 157 (emphasis original).
101. Similar views are echoed in Num. Rab. 15.10 and Lam. Rob. 3.49, while highlighting
the five things mat are missing in the second temple. With the destruction of thefirsttemple the
presence of God (Sekinah/Holy Spirit) was withdrawn from Israel, and would only return with
the building of the eschatological temple. However, see G. I. Davies, 'The Presence of God in the
Second Temple and Rabbinic Doctrine', in William Horbury, ed., Templwn Amicitiae: Essays on
the Second Temple Presented to Ernst Bammel (Sheffield: Sheffield University Press, 1991)
32-6, who identifies at leastfivereferences in rabbinic writings to suggest a belief in God's presence
in the second temple.
not said to reside in the second temple it fails to amount to the true eschato-
logical temple (Yoma 9b). 102
3.4. Summary and Conclusion
Disappointment with the standing Jerusalem temple or with the pollution

attributed to it (Jub. 49; T. Levi 17.8-10; 1 Enoch 89.73-77) seems to have
been a widespread view in Second Temple Judaism and it led to the desire for
a cleansing or even an outright replacement of the Jerusalem temple and, in
some cases like Qumran, the priesthood also. As a result, there arose the expec-
tation of the more glorious eschatological temple and 'a future high priest who
would cleanse the earth' (llQTemp; 1QS 8.4$ 11.3$ 4QMMT; 4Q174; Jub.
23.20-23; 1 Enoch 89.50). 103 While the collection of literature identified
with the community in Qumran is rather complex and it is difficult to find a
unified expression, it seems that one of the projections of the Qumran
community was a view of themselves as a replacement of the Jerusalem
temple.104
Moreover, in Qumran, the matter becomes even more complicated. There
was the possibility of a third temple - the ideal eschatological temple
reminiscent of the visionary temple of Ezekiel.105 While this remains a viable
possibility of understanding the temple imagery in Qumran, it is our
contention, following Johann Maier and John J. Collins, that it is more likely
that in the Qumran documents the ideal and the real are constantly inter-
woven, creating a certain tension between the present temple in Jerusalem and
the expected ideal yet to be achieved.106 One is not always sure which one of
102. Peter Schafer, Die Vorstellung vom Heiligen Geist in der rabbinischen Literatur (SANT
28; Munich: Kosel, 1972) 137-9. That is partly why Shafer argues that the commonly used phrase
in Rabbinic literature - CTTpH ITn - should be translated as 'Spirit of the Sanctuary' rather than
the 'Spirit of Holiness'.
103. George W. E. Nickelsburg, Ancient Judaism and Christian Origins: Diversity, Continuity,
and Transformation (Minneapolis: Fortress, 2003) 116: 'Although the priesthood continued to
function in a postexilic temple and was accepted by many as efficacious, some considered the
priesthood to be polluted and the temple cult defunct. Some solved this problem by positing a
future high priest or an angelic high priest who would cleanse the earth.'
104. The primary proponent of the above view is Gartner, Temple, 30-42, later bolstered by
Klinzing, Umdeutung, 80-7. It continues to hold sway even with lingering concerns of the
paucity of the evidence (cf. Coppens, 'Spiritual', 53-66).
105. Schwartz,'Temples', 83-91.
106. Johann Maier, The Temple Scroll- An Introduction, Translation and Commentary
(JSOTSup 34; Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1985), 59. After examining some of the material in the Jewish
Apocalyptic literature concerning the temple, John J. Collins, 'Jerusalem and the Temple in Jewish
Apocalyptic Literature of the Second Temple Period', International Rennert Guest Lecture Series
1 (1998) 28-9, expresses doubt about an 'interim temple' and simply wants to see the heavenly
temple and its earthly replica as the two structures referred to in these documents.
3. Temple', 'Exile' and Identity' 69
the two is being referred to in the Qumran texts, they actually have just two
- the Jerusalem temple, and the eschatological temple. The latter is variously
presented and interpreted in light of the community.
In fact, Oscar Cullmann conceived of a complete split within Judaism so that
there developed two distinct and opposing groups in regard to the temple -
an anti-temple group (e.g. Qumran) and a pro-temple group (e.g. 'Jews' in the
Fourth Gospel). 10 'But Cullmann also recognized the complexity of the
situation when he pointed out that some Jews still regarded the Jerusalem
temple as the definitive center of Judaism while others looked elsewhere (e.g.
Torah, community, circumcision, food laws, etc.).108
Overall, the Jews were so influenced by the cosmology of the temple and
tabernacle that they 'carried a mental image of a neat closed world order, an
architectural complex in which they were God's only people. That shared
image enabled them to survive by separating them from others.'109 The
images were a response to mental or psychological insecurities that faced the
Jewish people, and in particular those involving the Flood (Noah's Ark),
escapefromEgypt (Moses' tabernacle), permanent presence of God beside the
Davidic palace (Solomon's temple), and hope during the exile (Ezekiel's
temple vision).
Without the physical structure, the mental structure kept up the hope in
exile. However, this mental image takes strikingly different forms between
Christianity and later Judaism, and even within Christianity itself.110 This
notwithstanding, there is still a certain level of harmony that characterizes these
Christian documents; that is, they all understand that the temple has to be
interpreted in light of the life, death and resurrection of Jesus Christ. 1 Peter
takes it one more step by incorporating, in line with the Second Temple
Jewish literature reviewed, the community's identity within the temple imagery
(priesthood, purity and exile).
107. Oscar Cullmann, ôpposition contre le Temple de Jerusalem, motif commun de la

theologie johannique et du monde ambiant*, NTS 5 (1958-9) 157-73. Cf. also idem, The
Johannine Circle: Its Place in Judaism, Among the Disciples of Jesus and in Early Christianity
(London: SCM Press, 1975) 39-56.
108. Cullmann,'Uopposition', 72.
109. John Onians, 'Tabernacle and Temple and cosmos of the Jews', in Emily Lyfe, ed., Sacred
Structure in the Traditions of India, China, Judaism and Islam (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University
Press, 1992), 147-8, 'Arguably too, unfortunately, the psychology of it induced an unspoken sense
of the valuelessness of all outside the Tabernacle or Temple court, also contributed to provoking
the cycle of persecutions. At the same time the power of the image of die building which,
whatever happens reappears, and while all around is changing, is repeatedly rebuilt in better and
better forms, only gives those who survived a greater confidence.'
110. OnecanspeakofaPauline,aPetrine,aJohanineore^
pretation of the temple.
Chapter 4
EXEGETICAL ANALYSIS OF TEMPLE IMAGERY IN 1 PETER
Temple imagery reverberates throughout 1 Peter and it is our contention that

the idea and imagery of the temple is more pervasive and intentional than is
usually acknowledged.1 Such imagery is reflected in the vocabulary of 1 Peter
and is central in elucidating the message of the epistle.2 We have so far
maintained that, overall, the second temple 'enjoyed a status which in
paradoxical fashion was both substantially higher and substantially lower than
thefirst'.3The result of this is that, in mainstream Judaism, there was increased
dissatisfaction with (or perhaps a dilemma concerning) the Jerusalem temple's
ability to function as the abode of God.4 It is into this general morass that the
temple ideas in 1 Peter present to the Christian believers a means of resolving
this conundrum.
The temple imagery in 1 Peter is closely related to the eschatological
passages of the epistle in which the understanding is entwined with an
exodus/exile motif (TrafXTTidrjuou; 6iao7rop&; - 'exiles of the Dispersion' 1.1),
establishing a mental framework that incorporates a progression of thought
that very loosely resembles the larger history of Israel.5 In essence, passages
1. Even when acknowledged, such as in McKnight's 1 Peter, 30, its ramifications for
interpretation of 1 Peter in light of the exile background are not usually taken into consideration.
2. It is the assumption of this study that the temple reference in 1 Peter is to the Jerusalem
Temple given the heavy reliance on OT imagery in the epistle. The imagery does not, however,
preclude the possible connection to Gentile temples (cf. analysis of A.urpoa> in 1 Pet. 1.18 below).
3. Shaye J. D. Cohen, From Maccabees to the Mishnah (Philadelphia: Westminster Press,
1987) 131.
4. Alan Cole, The New Temple: A Study in the Origins of the Catechetical 'Form' of the
Church in the New Testament (London: Tyndale, 1950) 11-13, elaborates on the words of Jesus
in Mt. 12.6 TOU \epou \j£\£w koxiv a)6e - 'something greater than the Temple is here', showing
that it is in Christ that the fullness of God dwells and not in the temple. We shall see mat 1 Peter
builds his argument primarily on this understanding of Jesus' words, but extends it further to the
church. In fact Cole thinks that the neuter 'something greater' could be an undertone reference
to the collective embryonic church (11-12).
5. Deterding, 'Motifs', 58-65. Cf. also Davids, 1 Peter, 15; Gartner, Temple, 72ff; E. G.
Selwyn, 'Eschatology in Peter', in W. D. Davies and David Daube, eds., The Background of the
New Testament and Its Eschatology (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1964), 374-401;
Russell, 'Eschatology', 78-84; Michaels, 'Eschatology', 394-401; Joseph William Dalton, <aSo
4. Exegetical Analysis of Temple Imagery 71
that echo or allude to temple imagery are directly related to the eschatological
concerns of the epistle, which in turn are centered around the person of Jesus
Christ.6 These include 1.3 ((Wriopxx; atyurcoc - 'sprinkling of blood', animal
sacrifices); 3.18-20 - Noah's KIPCOTOC as the prototypical sanctuary; 2.4-10 -
the construction of the temple (OIKCX; mmyâxiKoq) and offering of irvemaTiKoa
(hxnai; 4.14 -the descent of the Sekinah into the temple; 4.17-judgment that
starts within the temple; 5.10 - the temple's subsequent restoration.7 It is our
contention that, while the most explicit use of temple imagery occurs in 2.4-
10, temple imagery undergirds the entire letter of 1 Peter:8
42. Temple/Tabernacle Imagery in 1 Peter
42.1. Tabernacle9 Imagery and Sprinkling of Blood (1 Pet. 1.2b) paxnio\ibv

aifiaTOc Ivpov Xpiotoi)
Sprinkling in the OT was in order to purify the people, the tabernacle and
the vessels for service to God (Exod. 12,24; Num 19; Lev. 8,16). However,
sprinkling of people with blood was rare, being mentioned only in Exod. 24.8
and Leviticus 8, while the sprinkling of the altar and the sanctuary with
blood was more common (Exod. 12, 24; Lev.16).9 The language of purifi-
cation that runs through the first chapter of 1 Petei^ and that of (iavrioîoc
afyaTc£ ('sprinkling of blood' - 1 2 ) in particular, is a call to a cleansing that
is reminiscent of the purification undertaken before approaching the presence
of God, with the aid of pure sacrificial animals whose blood was sprinkled
on recipients.10 As such, 1 Peter's use of the phrase pavuqKx; otlyaToc; carries
with it a cultic imagery that reflects not only on sacrificial victims, but also
on the people and on the sanctuary.
that Your Faith May Also Be Your Hope in God" (1 Peter 1.21)', in Robert Banks, ed.,
Reconciliation and Hope: New Testament Essays on Atonement and Eschatology presented to
L. Morris on his 60th Birthday (Exeter: Paternoster Press, 1974), 262-74; Parker, 'Eschatology',
27-32; Reiser, 'Eschatologie', 164-81.
6. So Gartner, Temple, 72; Schutter, Hermeneutic, 168, for whom it is not simply a Jewish
milieu but a 'peculiar Jewish hermeneutic'.
7. See proposed structure of 1 Peter below: Appendix.
8. Schutter, Hermeneutic, 169-70, argues that the main point of 1 Peter is the self-identi-
fication of the church as the Temple-Community (2.9-10; 2.4-8; 3.15-16; 4.12-17) built on OT
testimonies, texts and allusions. The words of John R. Land, A New Temple 128, coined in respect
to 1 Corinthians, hold true too for 1 Peter:'... [it] contains numerous instances of imagery
associated with both Jewish and Gentile temple cults, which follow upon the temple like a wake
behind a great ship. TTiis explains die presence of so much cultic terminology unique to this letter:
it keeps the image of the temple, and cult, in the mind's eye.'
9. Walton et al.9 Background, 104.
10. Selwyn, First Peter, 120; Goppek, 1 Peter, 75 n. 1. Irrespective of whether the sprinkling
is connected to the washing of baptism (3.19-21) as it is in Heb. 1.22, die typological connection
to the sanctuary is not obscured.
The metaphor of blood sprinkling introduces the epistle's utilization of language

that relates to temple/tabernacle imagery. Appropriately, Perdelwitz's attempt to
explain 1 Peter 1.2b in terms of dipping of the initiate in the blood of the bull in
the Mithraic taurobolium (mystery religions) has found little following.11 Ample
evidence in the OT (Exod. 12, 24; Num 19) has been shown sufficiently to
account for references to blood sprinkling in 1 Peter without recourse to the
taurobolium, with the strong emphasis on eschatology in the epistle militating
against Perdelwitz's theory.12 It is our contention also that reference to pavriqia;
atiiatcx; would more aptly evoke the images of sacrifice in both the tabernacle and
the temple of Israel. Instituted in the tabernacle (Exod. 24-25; Num 19; Lev. 16;
etc.), the practice of sprinkling with blood (and water) remained significant in the
temple, though questionable in the second temple given that the kapporet might
not havefiguredas part of the temple furniture in the second temple.13 Sprinkling
was particularly significant in the annual kapporet ritmi of YomKippur described
in Lev. 16.11-19, in which blood was sprinkled before the 'mercy seat5/ 'atonement
cover' of the ark of the covenant 14
Exodus motifs, especially in the first chapter of 1 Peter, enhance the
likelihood of tabernacle background. 1 Pet 1.2 and 1.19 form an inclusio with
the phrase pavTiqicx; atiiatoc in 1.2 echoed in 1.19, where the Paschal lamb
imagery is clearly applied to Jesus (xi\xu^ OLiyaxi cog du-vou (quouoi) KOI (SKJITUJOD
Xpiotoi)). Christ's blood is like that of the Passover lamb, which was 'without
blemish or spot', and which brought life to the Israelites in the midst of
death.15 Similarly, for 1 Peter's audience, the blood of Jesus brings life in the
midst of suffering, persecution, and even possible death.
11. E. Richard Perdelwitz, Die Mysterienreligion und das Problem des 1. Petrusbriefes
(Religionsversuche und Vorarbeiten 11/3; Giessen: Topelmann, 1911) 42-4. See also Selwyn, First
Peter, 305-11, a generally negative evaluation of Perdelwitz's proposals.
12. Lapham, Peter, 134: given the eschatological predisposition of the epistle, and in light
of such a grave concern, 'it is hardly likely that the liturgical structure of the Christian initiation
ceremony would represent a major concern'. A number of indicators of how deeply eschatological
this epistle is include use of the language of drroKaA.mJfu; (1.5,7,13; 4.13; 5.1) to describe the ever
nearing end, the focus on Kpiâ (1.17; 4.14-17) and the reference to the heavenly K^rpovoula that
awaits the faithful (1.4,16-18; 4.17-18).
13. Michael Newton, The Concept of Purity at Quntran and in the Letters of Paul
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985) 9 n. 81, 75-7.
14. See, however, Joseph Gutmann, 'The Strange History of the Kapporet Ritual', ZAW112
(2000) 624-6, who argues that the annual Kapporet ritual in Lev. 16.11-19 was initially estab-
lished in the tabernacle and seemed to have faded out of the Israelite cultus until its revival in the
festival of Yotn Kippur in the second temple. Not only are the people to be atoned for but also
the altar and the sanctuary, which is also sprinkled with blood to make it clean from the
uncleanness of the people. See Paul's reference to Jesus as the kapporet, the mercy seat/cover of
the ark, in Rom. 3.25 (UOOTTPLOV). Cf. also J. Herrmann, 'Uoonpioi/, TDNT 3.318, and W.
Eichrodt, The Theology of the Old Testament (Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1961) 1.130, who
notes that this ceremony was the epitome of the sacrificial law.
15. This essentially was the Christian understanding of Jesus' death as is reflected in the use
of d^Kûx; in Acts 20.28; Eph. 1.7; Rev. 1.5, 9; 15.1-5.
All three OT passages suggested as possible background for pavrtqicx;

aujxrax; (Exod. 12,14; Num 19) seem to have a certain claim to legitimacy.
As a result, interpreters typically try to defend the suitability of one passage
over the other two. However, there is a good possibility that 1 Peter might not
have had a particular OT passage in mind. Rather he would have had in mind
the OT motif"of 'sprinkling', a collage of all the above (and possibly other)
OT passages, especially as they relate to the blood of Christ.16 Such a
conception of the OT background of 1 Peter becomes even more likely given
the fact that the complete phrase pavrioya; aVrax;, which is unique to 1 Peter,
was probably coined by the author to express his own peculiar interpretation
of the OT passages he had in mind.
Could 1 Peter be fusing the ideas of covenant and atonement by locating
them both in the redeeming work of Jesus Christ? For example, the words of
Jesus recorded in Mark 14.24 combine Exod. 24 with Isa. 53, thus bridging
the covenant theme with that of atonement. If, as we claim, these two OT
motifs are playing a significant role in the concept of pavriqicx; afyaioc in 1
Peter^ then it is likely that these words of Jesus might be influencing the
thought of 1 Peter: This perspective would then provide the most likely
scenario for understanding 1 Peter's use of the phrase. This would be in line
with 1 Peter's characteristic use of the OT which is to amalgamate several
different passages (e.g. 2.4-9 and 4.14-17).17
The point to keep in mind concerning 1 Peter 1.2 is that the work of the
Spirit is to sanctify (k» ayuxoijup mûxxoq). Moreover, the same God at work
in the Jewish nation of Israel is now working among the Petrine believers,
through Jesus Christ and his Spirit18 By applying the 'trinitarian formula' in
this verse ('chosen and destined by God the Father and sanctified by the spirit
16 Such a perspective wouldfindmore support especially if one accepts the proposition by

Goppelt, Typos, 156, that the context of 1 Pet 1.18 is more dependant on Isa. 52.3,4, than on
any of the passages above. See also 1 Pet. 2.9 which amalgamates Exod. 19.5-6 and Isa. 43.20-
21.
17. While making a comment on another aspect of the letter, the words of Elliott (Elect, 213)
would seem to concur here - 'As is obvious throughout 1 P[eter], the author in composing his
messages made up of various wells in various regions. The resultant mixture cannot be attributed
to a single spring or solely one source* - the 'spring5 and 'well' representing the textual sources
of 1 Peter.
18. In spite of Levison, 'Did the Spirit Withdraw', 35-57, and Davies, 'Presence of God in
Horbury, ed., Temphtm. Howard Kee, Understanding the New Testament (5th edn; Englewood
Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1983) 358 n. 18, surprisingly states that, *[a]part from the mention of
the Spirit in the trinitarian formula at the opening of the letter ("God the Father... Spirit... Jesus
Christ", 1:2), the Spirit plays no role in 1 Peter'. This is simply not the case. Understood from
the point of view of the temple imagery and its connection to the eschatological expectation of
the author, the Holy Spirit is fairly significant in 1 Peter. This is especially so if understood within
the framework of the fulfillment of the Jewish eschatological expectation of the return of the
Sekhtah presence of God to the Jerusalem temple and the resumption of the spirit of prophecy
in Israel. The Holy Spirit sanctifies the believers (1.2), is the spirit of prophecy among the
for obedience to Jesus Christ and for sprinkling with his blood' - RSV), 1 Peter
is not only applying to Christ the OT imagery of sacrifice, but also affirming
the connection to the tabernacle. In this way it incorporates the tabernacle into
the new 'spiritual house' in which sacrifices are to be performed by the new
'priesthood' (2.5, 9).
In the same way that the blood of the animals established the purification
necessary for the connection with God, so now the blood of Jesus purifies the
believers, enabling them to establish the new connection to God. And while
the OT sacrifices and sprinkling took place on the altar at the sanctuary, the
sacrifice of Jesus is on the cross (1.18-19) and the 'sprinkling' is on those that
make up the new 'spiritual house' (2.5), the eschatological dwelling of God.
4.2.2. Temple Rites: Purity, Holiness and Identity in 1 Peter (1 Peter 1.15-16)
Apart from their cultic significance alluded to above, purity laws and regula-
tions also govern a community's boundaries between insiders and outsiders.19
The concern is to maintain the wholeness of the social unit, usually a minority,
from the danger of being assimilated by the strong forces of the larger
society.20 Therefore, both individual and corporate elements of purity are
prophets who pointed to Christ (1.11), empowers the preachers of the Good News (1.12), and
is the same Spirit that resurrected Christ from the dead (3.18). The dead souls were preached to
by Christ in his death so that 'though they had been judged in the flesh as everyone is judged,
they might live in the spirit as God does' (4.6), andfinally,the 'Spirit of God and of Glory* rests
on the believers (4.14). At least two of these references are of significance: the mention that Jesus
was raised by the Holy Spirit stands out against Lukan and Pauline references to the resurrection
where God is the agent of the resurrection (Acts 3.14; 4.10; Rom. 6.4,9; 7.4; 1 Thess. 1.10. Cf.
1 Cor. 15.12, 20; 2 Tim. 2.8 where no agent is identified), and also against the Gospels where
no agent is mentioned even though the clear assumption is God (Mt. 17.9; 27.64; 28.7; Jn 2.22;
21.14). Second the Spirit of God rests on the believers in a manner reminiscent of the Spirit of
God resting on the tabernacle and thefirsttemple in the OT. The use of the term Trveuuaiucoc; to
describe the nature of the new temple and the sacrifices to be offered leaves little doubt concerning
the connection of the Spirit with the temple and the cultus. Cf. also Furnish, 'Sojoumers', 5, who
argues that the appearance of the Spirit in 1.2 is programmatic for the entire epistle. Cothenet,
'Orientations', 35, also point to a distinctive Petrine conceptualization of the Holy Spirit, whose
function is primarily prophetic (1.10-12; 4.14): 'The Spirit does not retain the same significance
to doctrine in 1 Peter as it does in Paul. From the general allusion in 1 P 1,2, the one and only
function of the Spirit is prophecy.'
19. 'Purity' and 'Holiness' are terms that have been understood differently by different
scholars. Jacob Neusner, The Idea of Purity in Ancient Judaism (Leiden: Brill, 1973) 18-22, for
example, sees the terms as interchangeable and virtually synonymous. On the other hand, David
P. Wright, 'Holiness (OT)' in ABD, separates the two terms arguing that they belong to two
distinct pairs of concepts - 'holy/profane' versus 'pure/impure' - which interact in the OT in
culturally significant ways. While the distinctions do not have a significant effect on our
discussion, we find Wright's distinctions helpful.
20. Philip Peter Jenson, Graded Holiness; A Key to the Priestly Conception of the World
(JSOT 106; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1992) 47, identifies the sanctuary as the sphere
within which the divine and profane (human) meet The holy-profane pair represents (positively
and negatively) the divine sphere, and this may be distinguished from the human sphere (which
closely related, maintaining the special identity of the group (2.5,9). 21 All these
concerns are real for 1 Peter (1.14-16; 2.5, 9, 11-12, 22), closely tying his
emphasis on matters of purity and holiness to the identity of the Petrine
community as the 'new Israel'. This identification, in turn, is couched in
cultic language and imagery, with purity premised not only on God (1.16),
but also on the Lord Jesus (2.21-22), who committed no sin, becoming the
model (uiTOYpotM+AOv) for believers.
4.2.2.1. YeypairuaL OTL "Ayioi totote, out eyo) aytcx; €14110) (1 Pet. 1.16)
The Pentateuchal refrain 'be holy for I the Lord am holy' referenced in 1 Peter
1.16 originates in the reference to the Israelites' privileged elect status in
relation to YHWH (Exod. 22.30; Lev. 11.44,45; 19.2; 20.7,26; Num 16.3).
Their holiness is predicated upon the holiness of God, who makes them holy
by virtue of the relationship he has established with them, climaxing with the
establishment of divine residence in their midst. There are three distinct
occasions in the book of Leviticus where the complete phrase is used (Lev.
11.45; 19.2; 20.7,26), and if it is true that 1 Peter's tendency in quoting the
OT involves citing a passage while having the entire context in mind,22 then
it behooves us to try and establish the context of the quote.
Arguably, perhaps with the exception of Hebrews, no document in the NT
includes a more involved interpretation of purity in relation to the temple than
1 Peten23 The injunctions to holiness based on Leviticus have to be understood
in light of the cultic framework in the OT and 1 Peter's appropriation of it in
his epistle. Kelly is only partially right in asserting that 'Holiness [in 1 Peter]
does not stand for mere ritual purity, as a certain strata of the OT (e.g. Ex
xxviii. 2; xl. 9; Lev. xxii. 3ff; Ezn ix. 2) might at first seem to indicate; rather
it connotes thefreedomfromsin and absolute moral integrity which fellowship
with God makes imperative.'24 This point of view, however, would seem to
is marked by the opposition between dean and unclean). The presence of a holy God and a holy
sanctuary in the midst of Israel ensures that these two points of view overlap in a complex way.'
21. Ekkehard W. Stegemann and Wolfgang Stegemann, The Jesus Movement: A Social
History of Its First Century (trans. O. C. Dean, Jr.; Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1999) 142-3;
Daniel L. Smith-Christopher, A Biblical Theology of Exile (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2002)
137-8, concurs when he observes that the Hebrew Dispersion was characterized by two cardinal
concerns in regard to holiness: '(1) a strong sense of identity that is separated from those tradi-
tions and cultures that surround them, and (2) the necessity to "maintain the social boundaries",
that is, to protect this unique identity through a strong emphasis on internal solidarity'.
22. Selwyn, First Feter, 334.
23. We shall also pay close attention to areas of comparison with the Qumran literature
drawing on perceived similarities, and differences, while trying to determine whatever relation
may exist between the two, if any. Our study assumes less of a linear connection between
Qumran and 1 Peter than was postulated by Klinzing and Best Rather we perceive the likelihood
of a Jewish milieu or matrix which would account for any similarity that may exist between 1
Peter and the DSS.
24. Kelly, Feter, 69.
obscure the only viable OT background for understanding 1 Peter's appli-

cation of these concepts of cultic purity. If holiness simply stands for
freedom from sin, how then is it understood in light of the role of sacrifices
in the OT? Does it retain any vestiges of its OT use? Would a better under-
standing of the OT cultic practices facilitate a fuller appreciation of 1
Peter's use of the terminology?
In all the Levitical instructions, it is the entire community of Israel, rather
than a subsection, that is in view.25 The Levitical injunction to holiness first
appears in Lev. 11.44,45 following instructions concerning clean and unclean
animals. The whole chapter is immediately preceded by instructions to the
priests concerning their conduct while offering sacrifices in the sanctuary area
(9.1-24; 10.8-20) and is followed by instructions for restoring purity after
contamination (Lev. 12ff). The injunction recurs in Lev. 19.2, where it stands
at the head of instructions on holiness in personal conduct and, lastly, in Lev.
20.7, 26, where instructions concerning punishment for disobedience are
given. Significantly, these last instructions are not given to the Israelites alone
(unlike the first two), but to both the Israelites and 'the foreigners among
you'. 26
That is why, in spite of Selwyn's view, there is no need to speak of a 'neo-
Levitical community' in relation to this Levitical injunction quoted by Peten27
The greatest support for such an argument comes from Selwyn's under-
standing of 1 Pet. 2.4-10 as an early Christian hymn premised on the so-called
'Holiness Code' (Lev. 17-26). 28 He came up with what he thought to be an
equivalent 'Christian HoUness Code' underlying 1-2 Thessalonians and 1
Peten However; it is quite unlikely that the first-century Christians would have
understood themselves as 'neo-Levitical', for this would have implied that they
were descendants of Levi. Furthermore, such an understanding would also be
incongruent with the predicate WpctT€uua.29 This terminology that 1 Peter
25. The exception is Lev. 21.6 where the reference is to the priests. Even here, the need for
purity is premised on the need for the priests' continued representation of the people before God,
the very task for which they were chosen by God in the first place (Num. 3.8,11-13). In Lev.
15.15b me phrase 'because I, the Lord, have made him holy*, is used not as an injunction to
holiness, but as the reason for the high priest not to dishonor his clan. It is used again in the same
way in Lev. 21.23.
26. In both Leviticus 11 and 19 the instructions are to the 'entire community of Israel'. In
Leviticus 18 where instructions concerning forbidden sexual relations are given, there is also the
mention of the fact that these are to apply to both Israelites and foreigners (v. 26b).
27. Selwyn, First Peter, 369-74,404-6,459-60. However, see Elliott, Elect, 208-13, for a
decisive argument against Selwyn's terminology. Even when addressed to Aaron and his sons, the
instructions are to the entire community, while the 'neo-LeviticaP term would only be identifiable
with the lineage of Levi.
28. Selwyn, First Peter, 268-98,388ff.
29. See Elliott, Elect, 208-9, for arguments against Selwyn.
adopts from Exod. 19.6 is more accurately used to describe the whole nation
of Israel rather than a select group within it.30 Torrey Seland decries what he
considers a regular pattern in which most works that deal with 1 Pet. 2.5, 9
make reference to Exod. 19.6 (the primary text in question) but fail to take
into consideration the author's view of Israel at large as a priesthood.31 It
therefore would not make sense if, indeed, 1 Peter wanted to make his readers
'neo-Levites', since, as far as he is concerned, they make up the entirety of the
'new Israel'. Furthermore, this 'new Israel', while made up of both Jews and
Gentiles, also incorporates all the elements that were unique to the
priesthood.32
If 1 Peter is not establishing a 'neo-Levitical' community, then what is he
trying to achieve? For Israel, purity affected all spheres of life but was epito-
mized in the priesthood and in the Jerusalem temple (and in the wilderness
tabernacle before it). How, then, could a community removed from the
temple (as 1 Peter's was) maintain the rites of purity? How could they retain
the presence of God or his Spirit in their midst without the visible sanctuary?
There were at least two groups that separated themselves from the temple
in Jerusalem: the Christians and the covenanters of Qumran. While the early
Christians were eventually forced out by increased persecution in Jerusalem
(Acts 12.1ff), the Qumran covenanters deliberately chose to move out to the
desert in reaction to their fellow priests, whom they felt had defiled the
Jerusalem temple. For both groups, there was a transformation in the under-
standing of the temple. These two communities began to understand themselves
as the true temple of God - 'Temple-Community'.33 They maintained that as
a community they harbored the presence of God in their midst, effectively
constituting the precincts within which the Spirit of God dwelt. This was
made possible by the community's extension to themselves of cultic ideals that
had previously been used to describe the sanctuary, priests, and sacrificial
animal victims (1QM 3.5; 12.7; 16.1; lQSb 1.5; 1 Pet. 2.4-10).34
30. J. Blinzler, 'IERATEYMA: Zur Exegese von 1 Petr 2.5 u 9', in EPISKOPUS: Festschrift
furKardinal Michael von Faulhaber (Regensburg: F. Pustet, 1949) 49-65,59, argues that 1 Peter
may have taken some of his interpretations of Exod. 19.6 from Hellenistic Jewish interpretations.
Cf. Torrey Seland, 'The "Common Priesthood" of Philo and 1 Peter: A Philonic Reading of 1
Peter 2:5, 9'JSNT57 (1995) 90.
31. Seland, '1 Peter 2:5,9% 90.
32. While 1 Peter exhorts the believers to conduct themselves honourably among the
'Gentiles' (Shxx;- 2.12), he is simply assuming language categories from the OT. The new reality
that is the Church, irrespective of the origin of its membership, is now the 'new Israel' and all
those outside are Gentiles.
33. Gartner, Temple, 73ff.
34. This point is made by Neusner, Purity, 117rff, while discussing the issues of purity in
relation to the rabbis following the destruction of the temple in 70 CE. It has been shown that
those referred to as the haverim had been teaching before 70 CE that one could keep the purity
rules outside the temple, thus providing the seed for the Qumran community to develop its
The question is not whether the temple was still standing in Jerusalem or
not, but whether it had ostensibly ceased to be the focus of worship for these
two groups. For the Qumran community, its separation was prompted by
possible fallout with the priestly group that remained in the temple. For the
Christians, separation was initially gradual given that believers initially
continued attending the temple for prayer during hours for Ttfm*Vi-offering'
(cf. Lk. 1.22; Acts 2.46; 3.1 ). 35 Soon, a fallout with the Jewish religious
establishment would ensue, triggered off by John and Peter's healing of a lame
man by the temple gate (Acts 3-4). The result was the beginning of persecution
against the Christians forcing some like the apostle Peter (Acts 12) to flee from
Jerusalem. With this began the dispersion of the church, divorced from the
Jerusalem cultus.
As a result, whatever mark of purity one needed to gain entrance into the
physical structure now becomes symbolic of the requirement for entering the
community for both Qumran and 1 Peter, albeit in some restructured form.36
The cultic rites and functions that characterized the temple (e.g. sacrifice) are
transferred to the community, only now the sacrifices are not physical but
'spiritual' (irveuiiaiiKai Ouoiai in 1 Peter and 'Sacrifices of Praise and
Thanksgiving' - DTIBB nQ1"im in DSS, e.g. 1QS 9.3-6, 26). Therefore,
Jacob Neusner's remark that the temple provides the context in which the role
of purity in early Christianity should be understood and interpreted holds true
for 1 Petec37 The cultic elements are transferred to the community of believers,
both allowing for their reinterpretation within the Christian faith and
connecting the community of believers to the Lord Jesus Christ, the perfect
sacrifice (1.18-22).
A general schema has been suggested for the section of 1 Pet. 1.13-2.3 in
connection with certain rites practiced in the Qumran community.38 These
include conversion (1.14-17) followed by separation from evil (2.1), resulting
in unity among the believers (2.5). 1 Peter also includes images of birth (1.2,
23-25; 2.2) and growth (2.2).39 However, while it is plausible for one to
concepts (see Gedalia Alon, 'The Bounds of Levitical Cleanness', in Jacob Neusner, ed., Jews,
Judaism and the Classical World: Studies in Jewish History in the Ttmes of the Second Temple
and Talmud [Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1977] 211). This notwithstanding, the conditions that
necessitated the rabbinic formulations were distinctly different from those of the Christians and
the Qumran community - (destruction, spiritualization) and (alienation), respectively.
35. Werner Foerster, From the Exile to Christ: A Historical Introduction to Palestinian
Judaism (trans. Gordon Harris: Philadelphia: Fortress, 1964) 153-4.
36. Jacob Neusnei; 'History and Structure: The Case of Mishnah'JAAR 45 (1977) 161-92.
37. Neusner, Purity, 59. Look at Jesus' defense of the disciples' right to break the Sabbath
ritual of cleanness in Cole, Temple, 6-12.
38. F. Notscher, 'Heiligkeit in den Qumranschriften', RevQ 6 (1960) 161-81, who
enumerates the affinities between the NT and the Qumran community on the matters of holiness.
39. Elliott, Elect, 214. See also D. Barthelemy, 'La saintete selon la communuate de Qumran
et selon l'fevangile', in J. van der Ploeg, ed., La secte de Qumran et les origines du christianisme:
envision a Qumran influence on 1 Peter at the level of patterns of thought,

especially as relates to the supposed 'Holiness Code' (Lev. 17-26), any direct
dependence on Qumran literature cannot be upheld.40
More importantly, most scholars recognize the uniqueness of the
arrangement of the material in 1 Pet. 2.4-10 and the focus on the relationship
between Jesus and the believers.41 It is this focus that gives 1 Peter's use of the
schema its originality. It is through the relationship to Jesus that the community
becomes 'the elect and the holy eschatological community of God'. They are
reminded, 'He to whom you come in faith is the Messiah, the raised, the elect
Stone of God through whom you too receive life and election and the spirit
of holiness.542
The concept of purity in 1 Peter pervades all aspects of the believers' lives
- in their relation to Christ, family life, results of sinful acts, baptism, identity,
sexual matters43 - much in the same way that Israelite life was centered
around the temple and its cultus.44 This, as Cole argues, is partly based upon
the claims of Jesus both to be greater than the temple (Mt. 12.1-7) and to be
the replacement of the physical temple (Jn 3.20).45 And as we have seen, 1
Peter is also motivated by concerns that find correspondence in some other
Jewish communities, especially the Qumran community.
The pervasive vocabulary of ayux; in 1 Peter thusfitswell within the heightened
concern for purity in first-century Judaism, a concern motivated by the apoca-
lyptic outlook in Jewish thinking.46 The view generated by this apocalyptic
outlook was the conviction that priestly purity would characterize eschatological
Israel. Therefore, any pollution of the land or defilement of the sanctuary
would be understood to have had immediate and long-term adverse effects.47
1 Peter is therefore applying the doctrinal principle of the 'new temple' which
originates from the 'abolition of the material temple and inclusion of the
Gentiles' by Jesus, to a situation that is concerned with purity and holiness as
boundary markers and definers of the Petrine community's identity.48
communication aus IXes journees bibliques Louvain, Sept. 1957 (Paris: Desclee De Brouwer,
1959)203-16.
40. So Goppelt, 1 Peter, 70.
41. Elliott, Elect,214ft.
43. See E. Best, 1 Peter (NCB; London: Oliphants, 1971), 286, who argues that the early
church had already fused the various Levitical and neo-Levitical cultic ideas enough to form a
useful backdrop for 1 Peter.
44. Elliott's contention that the idea of Christ's priesthood, being developed according to the
Levitical pattern as opposed to the concept of lepdrcuna which relates to Exod. 19.6, cannot deny
the connection of the two. His distinction between the priesthood and holiness is also puzzling
given that the two are usually integrally intertwined (cf. Elliot, Elect, 220).
45. Cole, Temple, 31.
46. Bryan, Judgement, 156.
47. Bryan, Judgement, 146: 'pollution of the Land was thought to accumulate inexorably
until a threshold was reached which demanded the punishment of exile'.
48. Cole, Temple, 31.
While the injunctions remain the same as in the OT, their function is
markedly different in 1 Peter since, unlike the OT, the 'elect' now include
Gentiles, and the premise of determining the insider is no longer obedience to
the Torah (including the cultic life), but faith and baptism in Jesus Christ
(covenant identification) who, significantly, is also the perfect or holy sacrifice
(1.18-20; 2.24).
The nomen actionis ayuxaw ('sanctificationV 'consecration'/ 'holiness' - 1 2 )
occurs in reference to the process of sanctification that is being worked out
by the Holy Spirit of God in the body of believers.49 This is the process of
setting aside as sacred - much in the same way that holy objects dedicated to
God were sprinkled with the blood of animals in the OT - the believers who
are sprinkled with the blood of Jesus Christ (the perfect sacrifice without
blemish-1.19).
4.2.3. Some Petrine Vocabulary on Holiness and Purity
4.2.3.1. ayiOQ (1.2; 1.15-16; 2.5, 9; 3.5-7)

The original use of the term ayux; simply meant 'sacred' and referred specif-
ically to sanctuaries, not people.50 However, in the LXX aytog was used to
translate the Hebrew root ETTp, which referred to anything related to the
cultus, including people. In 1 Peter, ayicx; and its cognates are used to refer to
sanctification (1.2), to the call to exercise holiness in all spheres of life (1.15),
to model holiness after (or in relation to) God's holiness (1.16), and to its
premise on Jesus, the sacrifice without blemish (1.18-20). The ayioc vocab-
ulary becomes the means by which 1 Peter designates the believers as the
'spiritual house' that is being built (2.5) and must be kept holy, identifies the
believers with the elect and holy nation of Israel (2.5, 9), and uses OT
characters as examples to be emulated (3.5-7).51
Based on the cultic understanding of the believers' relationship to God -
through Christ the perfect Lamb of God (ax; dqivou dcuxouou teal dairUou
XpioToij) - 1 Peter is able to encourage his audience to assume, without
apology, their role as the 'new Israel'. This they must do by keeping the
command initially given to the nation of Israel (Lev. 11.44,45; 192; 20.7,26),
but which now defines their status. The standard, just like in the OT, is the
perfect character of the God who is ayiog. This same God of the OT is the
Father of the Lord Jesus Christ (1.2-3) whose Spirit was prophesying in the
prophets of old (1.10-12).
49. Procksch, 'oyioona;', TDNT 1.113. There is no clear equivalent in LXX.

50. Procksch, 'ayuuwoq,', TDNT 1.88ff.
51. Dan McCartney, The Use of die Old Testament in the First Episde of Peter5 (Ph£>. diss.,
Westminster Theological Seminary, 1989) 89.
This call to holiness has implications not only for sanctification, but also for
all aspects of life (1.15 - mo\\ aixrarpat^). The aorist imperative yivopai
indicates that there is to be no exception to this call to holy living; holiness is
to characterize the believers' conduct in every life situation. However, the call
to holiness is not a call to physical separateness from the rest of the world
contra Qumran covenanters (CD 10.14-11.18; 1QS 9.20). Rather it is a call
to exhibit holiness through acts of godliness, especially in the midst of a
hostile world (2.16-25; 3.5-12). As Cerfaux points out, this element is
consistent with that of the Diaspora Jews who, even as the term UpaT€U|ia
brought into relief a religious dimension, did not want to perceive themselves
simply as foreign colonies in Hellenistic cities. They rather understood
themselves as a priesthood charged with the worship of YHWH.52 By applying
the command 'Be holy because I am holy' in 1.19-20,1 Peter anticipates 2.5
where he refers to the believers as the UpctTeiîafcyux;leaving no doubt about
this identification of the believers as the 'true Israel' of God. The adjective ayux;
in 1.15 reflects the character of God whose attributes of perfection distinguish
him from his creation while, in v. 16, where the adjective appears as part of
the OT quotation, it is the standard set for the character of the believers.
For 1 Peter, uniqueness based on relationship to Christ, and a concern for
the people to live out their faith among the non-believing populace - for the
sake of the gospel - characterizes the dual emphases of identity and social
boundaries.53 On the one hand, a certain level of acculturation must be
entertained for the sake of the Gospel (2.17-20), accentuating the constant
threat they must watch out for concerning assimilation (4.3-4,15). On the
other hand, the Christian believers are addressed in terms and language
reminiscent of the OT priests, sacrifices, and sanctuaries reminding them of
their true identity that 'marks them out' as specially elect by God.54
As Hort explains, the separateness found in the Hebrew word ETTp which
forms the background for the Greek adjective Syux; is not one of aloofness or
remoteness but 'rather of eminence or perfection'.55 It indicates a certain
immunity from defilement or disease, an understanding of the term that is
distinctly different from the way it was interpreted and applied in the Qumran
community. The call to be ETfp in Qumran meant literal physical separation,
not just from Gentiles (CD 10.14-11.18; 1QS 920), but especially from
other Israelites who did not keep the Qumran brand of die Law (1QS 5.1,10,
18; 8.13).56
52. Cerfaux, 'Sacerdotium', 11-13.

53. Smith-Christopher, Theology, 137-8.
54. Cerfaux, 'Sacerdotium', 25ff. Elliott, Elect, 221.
55. Hort, St. Peter, 70.
56. See also 1 lQTemp and CD 6.11-17, where the common verb used to denote separateness
from the unclean world is ^"Q. The verb *7"Q has more polemic overtones - less the sense of
separation due to specialness - in comparison with BTTp and is significant in the covenanters'
self-understanding of priesthood especially in light of Lev. 10.10.
Based on Hort's understanding, Michaels maintains that the adjective

denotes a 'religious, almost numinous, quality characteristic of God (or the
gods) and of the priests, Temples, and all kinds of cult objects [which] is boldly
translated here into positive ethical virtues'.57 Michaels postulates that this
understanding of ayicx; provides the genesis of 1 Peter's 'ethical implications
of the <xYiao|iG)rnxvpaxoc;mentioned [earlier] in v.2'.58 In this regard, the
command to be holy anticipates the emphatic beginning of the next major
section in 2.11: 'Beloved, I urge you as napoiKOc Kai mp€iTi6r|!0<; to abstain
from the desires of the flesh that wage war against the soul.' In this exhor-
tation, the ethical virtues are related to the believers' pilgrim status as perceived
through the lens of exile (1.17).
Similarly, Dalton notes that, 'while God's holiness is eternal, the holiness to
which he calls his people must be worked out in the struggle of a pilgrim and
exile existence'.59 It is a holiness that is grounded in their involvement in this
world which must find its outworking in the midst of all the challenges of
pilgrim life - the life of exile. Not only are holiness and exile inextricably
bound, they form the premise on which eschatological hope is built (1.20).
Subsequently, this restoration hope anticipates its fulfillment based on God's
act of raising Jesus from the dead (1.21).
Elliott identifies the motifs of holiness and election as the two central
elements in 1 Peter's reformulation of the Christian experience.60 For Elliott,
it was as the 'elect eschatological people of God' that the believers of 1 Peter
were being urged to maintain a life of holiness befitting the eschatological
calling brought about by their election. Elliott is able to conclude that the
'explication of the two thoughts which figure so determinatively in lP[eter],
the election and holiness of the believing community, make it [1 Peter 2.4-10,
the climaxing indicative statement to the paraenetic segment 1.3-2.10]
ultimately the fundamental indicative of the entire epistle'.
In sum then, we can conclude that this section on holiness is related to at
least three things. First, it is related to the moral character of the believers (1.13-
15). Second, it is related to the cultus, especially as it relates to sacrifice of Jesus
(1.18-20). Third, it is related to obedience (1.22). This call to holiness is both
a privilege (2.5,9) and a preparation for the coming judgment.62 The believers
are called upon to display characteristics that are in keeping with the salvation
and purification that they have been granted through the shed blood of Jesus
Christ (1.18-19), which has made pure their souls and given them a new life
57. Michaels, 1 Peter, 59.

59. Dalton, 'So that*, 271.
60. Elliott, Elect, 146fi.
61. Elliott, Elect,219ft.
62. Davids, 1 Peter, 17.
through the imperishable word (toyo;) of God. Thus, 1 Peter has taken that
which in Israelite religious traditions was epitomized in the cultic ceremonial
sphere and re-appropriated and expanded it to apply to all spheres of life.63
4.2.3.2. fryvLKOueg / KaBapca; (1.22)

Building on the above discussion about the close proximity between purity
and obedience in 1 Petei; we now turn to 1.22 where these two concepts are
explicitly combined: 'Now that you have purified (fyyviKoreg) your souls by
your obedience to the truth (aXvffe'iOLq) SO that you have genuine mutual love,
love one another deeply from the heart.' The word ayvLCa) usually carries a
ceremonial referent both in the LXX (Isa. 66.17; 2 Chron. 29.16,17) and in
the NT Qohn 11.55; Acts 21.24,26; 26.18; Jas 4.8; 1 Jn 3.3) and is probably
doing the same here, while the use of odr)0€ia<; is probably in contrast to ccyvoia
in v. 14 which defines the falsehood of unbelief.
This section of 1 Peter echoes Jen 6.16, in which the Lord calls the Israelites
to purify themselves through obedience but they reject the offer: 'Thus says
the LORD: Stand at the crossroads, and look, and ask for the ancient paths,
where the good way lies; and walk in it, and find rest (OYVIO|I6I>) for your souls.
But they said, "We will not walk in it".' This disobedience is soon followed
by judgment on the temple, after Jeremiah's oracle that condemns the false
security the people have derived from the presence of the temple in their midst
(7.4-11). Consequently, due to their disobedience, the symbol of God's
presence among them - the temple - would be removed. The Lord pronounces
the destruction of the temple to the disbelieving hearers who had thought that
the presence of the temple meant security, safety, salvation, and assurance of
God's favor: Greater shock and astonishment follows the fact that it is God
himself would destroy the place where his name dwells (7.12-15).
Jeremiah's judgment theme is echoed in the words of 1 Peter (1.17), who
reminds his audience that all human acts will be subject to God's impartial
judgment As in the time of Jeremiah, it is a judgment that would begin in OLKOU
TOU 0€oi) - the 'house of God' (4.14-17).64 This then becomes the basis of 1
Peter's exhortation to his audience to maintain conduct that is pleasing to God
(2.12), for the Lord's ear is inclined towards the righteous (3.12). Since they
have purified their souls through irnaKofj xf|c alv/feuxx; ('obedience of truth'),
their conduct should be dictated by their KaGapcu; ('purified') hearts (1.22).65
63. Gerhard Sevenster, 'Het-Koning- en Priestershap de Gelovigen in Het Nieuwe Testament5,

NThT 13 (1958) 301-17. Sevenster recognizes priesthood of believers as connoting worship with
one's life reflecting the splendor of God and allowing for a voluntary approach to God.
64. Lohmeyer, Temple, 69. 'Kingdom of God and the church are ... linked together in the
"House of God" metaphor, and become one with it over against the present and in anticipation
of the future "other temple".'
65. A textual variant exists in 1 Peter 1.22, where the adjective Ka0ap&; is omitted by very
few mss (A B1852 it vg) and included by most (P72 K * C Y K L P 33.1739 Byz Lea vg syr cop).
N 2 and vg "^ read ec Kotp6ia<; aXv/divfjf; almost certainly a misreading of (iAArjXoix;, - the reason it
is included in square brackets in the text.
For 1 Peter, obedience is an act of faith and not a prerequisite to faith meaning
he is not calling for works righteousness but rather the expression of faith that
demonstrates the believers' purification.
4JL3.3. ax; cqivou 0^1x4101) KOI OOTTLAJOU (1.19)

The phrase a\xvo\) ajioVou is in line with the characteristics specified for OT
sacrificial animals (Lev. 14.13,21,24-25; Num 7.14,15,21,27,33,39), but
arguably here it recalls the Passover lamb of Exod. 12.5.66 This connection
is strengthened by the use of the rather uncommon classical word aoiuAxx;
^without spot or stain').67 While ODOTTUJCX; does not occur in the LXX, it is added
here to emphasize the holiness and purity of Christ's sacrifice,68 given 1 Peter's
melding the ideas of a faultless sacrificial lamb (Lev. 2.19-20) with the Isaianic
silent lamb - the suffering servant (Isa. 53). 69
The metaphor of the sacrificial lamb that describes Jesus Christ's blood as
precious is drawn from Isa. 53.7, which invokes the deliverance from Egypt.
As van Unnik observes, 'Isa. [53] is closely connected to the sacrificial service
and consequently to the Paschal lamb: the yearly Paschal lamb was a memorial
of the single Paschal lamb of the Exodus.'70 Of the three annual events that
brought Jewish pilgrims to Jerusalem en masse (Passover, Pentecost/ 'Feast of
Weeks', Teast of Tabernacles' - five days after Yom Kippur), none was more
significant to the Jewish psyche than the Passover ceremony. It commemorates
the paradigmatic events of God's deliverance of the people of IsraelfromEgypt
which, in essence, became the definitive divine act on Israel's behalf in Jewish
lore according to which God's subsequent acts of Israelite redemption are inter-
preted. With time, the Deuteronomic code restricted the celebration of the
Paschal sacrifices to the Jerusalem temple while integrating the lamb image
into the deliverance theme.71 The celebration in Jerusalem culminated with
a sacrifice of a lamb at the temple altar as a re-enactment of the events of the
redemption of Israel from Egypt.72
66. Kelly, Peter and Jude, 75 and Goppelt, 1 Peter, 116; Odes of Solomon 14.17,
commenting on Isa. 52.13, talks of the suffering servant as the 6 dîvbc toO 0€oO. See also Melito
of Sardis, On Pascha, $$ 71,103.
67. Hort, St. Peter, 77. Even though it was not necessarily always a lamb, it usually was.
Its function was also not one of removal of sin, but an 'apotropaic to the angel of Death' (Exod.
12.13).
68. Achtemeier, 1 Peter, 128-9; Kelly, Peter andjude, 75.
70. Van Unnik, 'Redemption1,19.
71. Melito of Sardis, On Paschal, $$ 288-91 (text and translations by Stuart George Hall,
1979, n. 11), notes, 'References to the Temple and Jerusalem allude to the celebration of the
paschal sacrifice, restricted in the Deuteronomic code to Jerusalem. They gain particular point
from the cessation of sacrifice when the Temple was destroyed.'
72. Philo elaborates on the priestly character of the Passover festival as the priestly duty of
the whole community: The victims are not brought to the altar by the laity (01I6itjtm) and sacri-
The difficulty for this view, as Hort notes, is that the Passover lamb was not
represented in Exodus as a ransom paid for the deliverance of the Israelites
from Egypt, since only thefirstborn of Israel was saved by it and not the whole
nation/ 3 However, as Mark Dubis explains, 'the sprinkling of the blood of
the paschal lamb conjures up images of atonement, especially when such sprin-
kling averts destruction of those within (Exod. 12:13)\ 74 Furthermore, 'the
exodus allusions in the pericope suggest an allusion to the paschal lamb
specifically, not just the OT sacrificial system in general'.75
This is also exactly how the early church understood the Paschal sacrifice.
Melito of Sardis in his sermon On Pascha, § 103, classifies Christ in language
reminiscent of 1 Peter as the sacrifice lamb (dîvog), ransom (tocpoc*)) and
king (BaoiAjeu;).76 For Melito, both the Paschal lamb and the temple are
replaced by the 'spotless Son' and 'Christ', respectively: Tifiicx; cajxovoc ajiva;
i w & aTi+icx; but TOV a^coôv UIOM TLJIUX; b Kara) vaa; vw 8e 0x14x0; 61a w
ova) Xpioroy ('Precious was the lamb, but now it is precious no more because
of the spotless Son. Precious was the Temple, but now it is precious no more
because of the Christ above').77
In conclusion, the concepts of purity and holiness in 1 Peter not only recall
OT cultic purity rites, they expand them to incorporate all spheres of life. It
becomes definitive not only for a select group among the larger community,
but for the entire community of believers imposing certain ethical and moral
responsibilities that were previously restricted to a select group, the priests.
Cultic elements of the OT such as sanctuaries and sacrifices are reinterpreted
and applied to the community of believers, who make up the 'new Israel' and
the new sanctuary, die 'spiritual house'.
ficed by the priests, but as commanded in the Law, the whole nation acts as priests, each
individual bringing what he offers on his own behalf and dealing with his own hand' (Vit. Mos.
2.224 - emphasis added). In the same manner Spec. Leg. 2.145ff also interprets the Paschal
offering in light of the whole community: 'But on this occasion the whole nation performs the
sacred rites and acts as priest with pure hands - ayvaic x^poif Upoupyfi tea! Wparai (emphasis
added). However, Philo's language is distinctly different from that of 1 Peter and he also does not
treat the theme of priesthood in Israel. Nonetheless, see Seland Torrey, Strangers in the Light:
Phihnic Perspectives on Christian Identity in 1 Peter (BIS 76; Leiden; Brill, 2005) 114-15 for a
more positive reading of Philonic connection to 1 Peter.
73. Hoit, St. Peter, 77.
74. Dubis, Woes, 50 n. 8.
75. Dubis, Woes, 50 n. 8. Contra Achtemeier, 1 Peter, 129.
76. For Melito, Aa6<; refers to Israel who are essentially replaced by the &Kkyp\a ($ 43).
However, when he attributes the death of Christ to Israel he mentions Israel by name (e.g., $$
72-99). This, men, is the reason why the mystery of die Pascha has been fulfilled in the body of
the Lord ($56).
77. See also Melito, Pascha, $ 68, where clearly modifying 1 Peter 2.9, instead of poouleiop
kpricicuiia, he talks of paoiAetov avuviov ('eternal kingship/royalty') and Upcbema Kaww ('a new
priesthood'). He also alters IGISOCfofvov,Xacx; eu; mpimirput to simply habv Trcpiouoiw
(*an eternal people special to him'). Cf. Mishnah Pesahkn 10.5 and Exod. Rob. 12.2.
4.2.4. /UrrpoG) and Temple Sacral Manumission (1 Pet. 1.18-19)
The idea of Paschal sacrifice and ransom are also connected by the use of the
verb AutpoG).78 In the LXX AArcpoco usually means 'ransom', while of the words
it usually translates in the Hebrew (1113 and biW) neither contains the idea
of 'purchase' - both rather have the sense of 'deliver' or 'liberate'.79 The verbal
form of the word (ûrpodGiTire) occurs only here in the entire NT where it clearly
carries the idea of 'purchase'.80 However, since Chrysostom, this connection
to freedomfromslavery has been understood as the primary point of reference
for these passages. Van Unnik points out that in both Hebrew (Aramaic) and
Greek, these distinctions between 'ransom' and 'redeem' are not attested in
the manner in which they function in modern Euro-American languages, and
that both meanings are to be simultaneously found in the word Autpocj.81
Like Paul's, 1 Peter's understanding of Xuxpoca most likely derives from
Jesus' Greek saying in Mt. 20.28 and Mk 10.45 that describes his own death
as the kbvpov oan\ TTOAACJV ('ransom for many').82 While some have tried to
explain away the element of 'cost' attached to Jesus' metaphorical use of the
term Autpoo), such an interpretation would only obscure the substitutionary
significance of Jesus' death. The idea of a substitutionary death only makes
sense if there is a 'cost' or 'debt' to be paid.83
78. Dubis, Woes, 51. 'In the midst of 1 Pet. 1.13-22's strong allusions to the exodus,
however, 1 Pet. 1.18 alludes to Isa. 52.3, a text that is concerned with Israel's exile. As other
exodus-oriented OT texts, Isa. 52.3, also speaks of God's "redemption'' of Israel.' While it is true
that in Exodus 'It is a redemption "without money" because God sovereignly determines when
he will act - he is vassal to no kingdom', this does not seem to be implied for 1 Peter for whom
a price, 'though not silver or gold', is nevertheless paid (1 Pet. 1.18). See also Spicq, Saint Pierre,
66; Goppelt, 1 Peter, 115 n. 52; Michaels, 1 Peter, 63.
79. Van Unnik, 'Redemption', 12. A. Ritschl, Die christliche Lehre der Rechtfertigung und
Versohnung (Adolf Marcus, Bonn: 1899), 178-9,222-3,225,239. Lev. 2526-27 discusses the
redemption of property from mortgage using A.utp6o).
80. The verbal form occurs only two other times in the NT (Lk. 24.21; Tit. 2.14), always
in the middle passive. Hans Windisch, Die Katholischen Briefe (Tubingen: Mohi; 1930) 49,
considered the passages as pieces of a baptismal paraenesis, 1.13-2.10.
81. Van Unnik, 'Redemption', 49. Contra Beare, First Peter, 77, who argues that the NT
use has a 'weakened' force conveying the idea of 'deliverance, not necessarily the paying of a
ransom'.
82. Deissmann, Light, 314ff. For Paul, adoption of Hellenistic terms and embellishing
them with Judeo-Christian meaning, or vice-versa, is common. For example, the term Lord
(Aramaic Marana) was a local Aramaic 'cult-title' that was adopted by Paul and applied to Jesus
the Messiah. Paul utilized the metaphor of 'sacral manumission' especially in adapting the slave
concept to the Hellenistic world. Sehvyn, 1 Peter,144-A5 compares use of A.urp6o) with Paul
(1 Cor. 6.20; 723) and concludes that they are not quite identical. Also Mk 10.45 and M t 2028.
83. Sydney Page, 'Ransom Saying', in DJG, 660-2. Support for this understanding comes
from the background OT text in Isaiah 53 (cf. 52.3) where the servant is depicted as suffering
vicariously, and the use of the preposition corn which suggests equivalence or exchange. Cf. C.
K. Barrett, 'The Background of Mark 10.45', in New Testament Essays forT.W. Manson (ed.
Windisch adduces references from 1 Clement (7.4 and 12.7) in defense of

understanding Xutpoo) as ransom.84 However, these passages would have to
have been independent of 1 Peter to play that role, a proposition difficult to
prove. The generally accepted view is that the word Airrpoo) here implies
freedom from slavery.85 Van Unnik cites examples of Israel's deliverance
from bondage in Egypt (Deut. 7.8; 15.15; 24.18; Ps. 77.42; 105.10; 135.24),
from Babylonian exile (Ps. 106.2; Isa. 44.23; 63.9; Jer. 38.11; Sir. 48.20), and
of the individual's deliverance from harm or danger (2 Sam 4.9; 1 Kgs 1.29;
Dan. 3.88; 6.28).
This connection of sacrifice with manumission, together with Jesus' self-
identification with the OT ransom and his subsequent sacrificial death, must
have provided the point of contact for the early church in formulating this
imagery. For example, it is the hope for the eschatological restoration of
Israel that is expressed in the use of the verb AutpouoGoa in Luke 24.12. From
the point of view of the imagery created by such language, it is difficult to
refute the possibility of a 'temple sacral manumission' falling within the scope
of 1 Peter 1.18.86 Such an image of the substitutionary death of Jesus as
described in 1 Peter 1.18-19 was probably connected to the sacral
manumission of slaves in Greco-Roman temples, a practice inextricably
bound with sacrifice as Deissmann aptly notes:
It is clear from 1 Peter i.18,19 that at a very early period the price was understood to be
the Blood of Christ. The union of the idea of manumission with the idea of sacrifice was
made easier for the ancient Christians by the fact that sacral manumission, e.g. at Cos, was
not complete without sacrifice.87
A. J. B. Higgins; Manchester. Manchester University Press, 1959) 1-18, who calls to question the
special connection that people have put between Jesus' concept of ransom and Isaiah 53. However
David Hill, Greek Words and Hebrew Meaning (SNTSMS 5; Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1967) 79, fittingly concludes on the matter that while Barrett's linguistic analysis is
convincing, nevertheless, 'the ideas expressed in the Suffering Servant passages are echoed in die
Markan verse' (emphasis original). R. Watts, 'Jesus' Death', in Bellinger and Farmer, eds., Suffering
Servant, 140-1, further points out that it is strange that Barrett should argue against Isaiah 53 on
the basis of absence of clear linguistic connection only to postulate an Exodus background whose
only linguistic parallel is the root 1SD. Far less obvious is Moses offering himself as a substitute
for Israel, for he identifies with them and seeks to share their fate (Exod. 32.30fr).
84. Wmdiscr^ Briê, 57:'...probes the p r r o ^
in antiquity very well had designated as a price, since money is within sacred actions often only
replacement for original demand for blood'. Cf. Van Unnik, 'Redemption', 11 n. 16.
85. Van Unnik, 'Redemption', 12.
S6. So Beare, First Peter, 79.
87. Deissmann, Light, 330. Romans had a fairly utilitarian conception of gods and temples
with the edifices being as much part of the political and governmental life as they were religious
(cultic). In this regard Cicero complains that a Roman gave thanks to gods, 'because he was rich,
because he was honored, because he was safe and sound. They call Jupiter Best and Greatest
because of these things, not because he makes us just, temperate and wise, but safe, secure, opulent,
and well supplied'. Cicero XIX (LCL 268; trans, and ed. H. Rackham; Cambridge, Mass.:
Harvard University Press, 1951) 372-3.
However, this is more than simply the transference of a Hellenistic concept

into Judeo-Christian thought. While we recognize the Greco-Roman origin
of the concept of temple sacral manumission, we also note the new meanings
imported into it with the Judeo-Christian adoption of the Autpoo) vocab-
ulary.88
By virtue of this sacrifice, thefreedomthereby wrought was irreversible, so
that the freed slave was completely loosed from any obligations to the former
master and could not again be enslaved by his/her former master. For this
reason, there were witnesses to the manumission in addition to a stone (stele
or wall of the temple) engraved as evidence of the pious obligations imposed
on the old master. 1 Peter's reference to the price which is 'not silver or gold',
but the 'precious blood' of Jesus Christ, leaves little doubt as to the fact that
a transaction is taking place.90 While it is not the case that a ransom payment
is being made to another to 'purchase' the believers, the redemption never-
theless has a high cost - the precious blood of Jesus.
The verb Xurpoo) also carries with it an exodus/exile motif, pointing to the
deliverance of Israel from Egypt in relation to the paschal lamb (Exod. 6.6).91
With its allusion to Isa. 5 2 3 in 1.18 (cf. 35.9; 41.14; 43.1, 14; 44.22-24;
62.12; 63.9), this passage also echoes the Babylonian exile incorporated in the
Isaianic 'Second Exodus'.92 Note, however, the difference between Isa. 52.3,
where the people 'were sold for nothing*9 and would be 'redeemed without
money\ and 1 Pet. 1.18, where the people are ransomed with a price more
precious than gold or silver, i.e. money. Zion is summoned to depart Babylon
in language reminiscent of the exodus in Isa. 52 with the redemption's purpose
88. The noun XurpoTfc ('redeemer') is only found in biblical writings, including LXX Ps.
18.15 and 77.35 in reference to God, and in Acts 7.53 to Moses. Cf. also Lk. 24.21 compared
to Isa. 44.22; Acts 28.19; Tit. 2.14; 2 Esd. 11.10.
89. TTie extremely numerous documents of this nature mat have been found in Greek, Jewish,
Judeo-pagan and even Christian records is ample evidence that it was common practice. Cf.
Deissmann, Light, 321-7. Contra Beare, First Peter, 77.
90. So Elliott, 1 Peter, 369; Van Unnik, 'Redemption', 12, elaborates that, 'the God of the
Christians is not to be bought in any way that the judges were bought by money and the deities
by sacrifices in Antiquity: The Christian is ransomed by precious blood'. Cf. 'Xurpov', in BAGD,
482b-483a.
91. U. Holzmeistec, Commentarius in epistulas SS. Petri etjudea, I Epistida Prima S. Petri
in Cursus Scripturae Sacrae HI 13 (Parisiis, 1937), as referenced in Van Unnik, 'Redemption', 8.
Cf. Charles Bigg, Epistles of St. Peter and St. Jude (ICC. New York: Charks Scribner's Sons, 1922)
118.
92. Hans M. Barstad, A Way in the Wilderness: The 'Second Exodus* in the Message of
Second Isaiah (JSTS 12; Manchester University of Manchester 1989) 88. Barstad opposes the
idea of distinct 'second exodus' texts in Isaiah and rather sees a collage of different ancient Israelite
traditions used by Isaiah available to him, including exodus tradition. This is owing to the heavily
metaphorical language of Isa. 40-55 whose primary literary expression is poetry. It is, however,
unlikely that even in poetic writing the imagery of so significant an event in the life of the Israelite
nation would not resonate with Isaiah's message of exile and restoration.
(Isa. 53 -tartpoG))being a glorious reconciliation of Zion (Isa. 54) and a

rejoicing over the miraculous increase of her offspring.93 Both the exodus and
the Babylonian exile represent a pattern of subjugation followed by liberation
that has repeated itself in the history of Israel, and is here being incorporated
by 1 Peter to describe his audience's state - spiritual and otherwise - and to
point to the subsequent hope such imagery stimulates.
The author seems to have deliberately chosen these images, since these are
two central motifs in his message (1.1-3,18-20; 2.21-24; 3.17-18; 4.12-14,
16,19; 5.10). For this reason, Selwyn says the image portrayed in 1.19 is that
of the 'Egypt' out of which the audience of 1 Peter was redeemed.94 The two
images of exodus and manumission are inextricably entwined so that with the
single word Xurpoo), the author manages to capture both. This understanding
helps to elucidate the manner in which the sacrificial death of Jesus would have
been comprehended as a vicarious ransom (Mk 10.45).
Furthermore, it might be inaccurate to describe the imagery drawn from
kvvpou as split between a Jewish understanding based on the exodus motif
versus a Hellenistic understanding associating Xuipoa) with sacral
manumission.95 Both the Gentile and the Jewish audience of 1 Peter would
have correctly appropriated the imagery adduced by Xurpoca, whether inter-
preted in light of Israel's corporate redemption from Egyptian slavery or that
of the emancipation of an individual slave via temple sacral manumission.
In sum, we have thus far sought to establish that the exodus/exile restoration
motif provides a useful backdrop for understanding 1 Peter's use of the
concept AutpoG). As pilgrims or sojourners, 1 Peter's audience is not at home
in their present situation, allowing the author to draw parallels between his
audience and the wilderness/exile experiences of the nascent nation of Israel.
Their pilgrimage, then, is to culminate in a restoration which had already
begun with Jesus, but which is continuing as they are built up into the new
'spiritual house of God' where 'spiritual sacrifices' are offered. Jesus, their
example, was offered up as a ransom for their redemption. They, in response,
have to offer up spiritual sacrifices to God (2.11).
93. Elliott, 1 Peter, 369.

94. Selwyn, First Peter, 145a.
95. Cleon L. Rogers, Jr. and Cleon L. Rogers HI, The New Linguistic Exegetical Key to the
Greek New Testament (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1998) 569a. So Selwyn, Erst Peter, 144b. This
is not to deny that these imageries are probably more pronounced in the respective groups (exodus
motif for the Jews and temple sacral manumission for Hellenists) but that the latter was not as
strange to die Jew as would be assumed.
4.2.5. Living Temple: 'Living Stones' Built into a 'Spiritual House'

(1 Peter 2.4-5, 9-10)
AiOoy Cfafrro, Soft 6KA£KTOC hniyvoc. AXOoi Cuswec , OIKOC mmj\miiKbc eu; UpctTaJug ayiow
ai^ve/Kai Trv€i4iaTiKk 8uoiac (4-5) [Ps. 118:22; Isa. 28:16; Isa. 8:14]
pootAeiov lepfoma, e9vo<; ayiov, Aabg ck irepnroiTioiv (9-10) [Isa. 43:20, 2 1 ; Exod. 19:6;
23:22; Hos. 1:6, 9]
This section of 1 Peter (2.4-10) relates most plainly the temple imagery in the
epistle.96 As we have been arguing through the previous sections, this imagery
did not simply emerge out of nowhere but is rather anticipated in the first
chapter with references to blood sprinkling, injunctions to holiness, precepts
of incorruptibility, and the concepts of manumission. We have argued that all
these concepts draw to themselves the image of the tabernacle/temple and
really only make sense within the thoughtframeof the epistle if seen to relate
to the tabernacle/temple image.
4.2.5.1. OIKCX; TrveujiatiKcx;: Spirit and Temple in 1 Peter

The traditional understanding of this section, as represented by Selwyn, is that
in using the language of a 'spiritual house' (okoc wejuaTuca;), 1 Peter refers
to the temple.97 Elliott, on the other hand, has argued that the term is not used
to describe the community in cultic terms, but rather is simply a metaphor used
'to affirm the elect and the holy identity, solidarity and status of the eschato-
logical people of God'.98 It thus should not be connected to the temple, since
if that was 1 Peter's intention the word voog would have been more appro-
priate.99 Elliott has forcefully argued that oko<; in this case should be under-
stood simply as 'household' rather than a temple in accordance with its use
in 1 Pet. 4.17. 100 Elliott's argument, however, is rather difficult to maintain
(and confusing), given that it is precisely in the use of oticog in cultic form that
the OT was able to designate the Israelites' identity as the elect and holy people
of God.
Furthermore, as Albert Vanhoye points out, the term ottox; conserves the
double sense of the Hebrew word fTO as a reference to physical structures,
e.g. house of God, and to family units, e.g. house of David. In addition, a
96. Jacques Schlossei; *Ancien Testament et christologie dans la Prima Petrf, in Charles Perrot
et aL, eck, Etude de la Premiere Lettre de Pierre (Lectio Divina 102; Paris: Editions du Cerf, 1980)
n. 1; however see Elliott, Homey 165-266.
97. Selwyn, First Peter, 285-91.
98. Elliott, Home, 168. (emphasis added)
99. Elliott, Home, 15S-59.
100. Elliott, Home, 39-48; idem, 1 Peter, 414ff. See Achtmeier, 'Excursus', in 1 Peter, 158-
9, for a response to Elliott.
101. Albert Vanhoye, TEpitre (1P 2,1-10): La maison spirituelle', AsSeign 43 (1964) 16-29,
16.
third aspect in the LXX for the oka; metaphor was reference to the nation
of Israel.102 And for Joseph Coppens, it is only in 1 Pet. 2.4-11 that the temple
image is logically construed on the basis of a building. Only here, in the entire
NT, are the three elements of temple, priesthood and sacrifices mentioned
together, making the cultic context and intention unquestionable.103 Unlike
Eph 2.21, which identifies the structure explicitly as the vocx; oyux;, 1 Peter
prefers to use the more elusive okoc TTIÛI-UXTIKOC;.104 However, there is no
denying that the main imagery presupposed by the Petrine passage is the
temple (cf. 1 Pet. 4.17 and Ezek. 9.7).
In this regard, Paul Achtemeier is right on target when he concludes that *...
one can only with great difficulty fail to find references to the temple in these
passages'.105 Nonetheless, Elliott's point about the importance of 1 Peter's
interest in the household needs to be upheld maintaining the spiritual nature
of the household in 1 Peter in contrast to the racial or bloodline brotherhood
that characterized Israel.106
It is in this section of 1 Peter (2.4-10) that the contrast is sharpest between
the conception of the 'new Israel' - the new 'Temple-Community' - and the
Israel of old with its physical temple. The Christians are now the 'elect and
holy nation' (1.2), and in contrast to the letter to the Hebrews where Christ
is the High Priest, here there is a corporate priesthood which is both 'holy5 (2.5)
and 'royal' (2.9)'... inasmuch as the context is concerned with the people of
God as one nation (Stoxx; ayiov, 2:9) among others (ev TOU; &h*ou>, 2:1 If.)'.107
It is difficult not to see a hint of a polemic withfirst-centuryJudaism, especially
the Jerusalem temple and its priesthood.108 As Cohen notes, in 'ancient
102. Lohmeyer, Temple, 65: 'In the OT the Temple has a threefold function; it is the house
where God rules, where He judges, and where one worships Him.'
103. Joseph Coppens, The Spiritual Temple in the Pauline Letters and its Background',
Studia Evangelica 6 (1973) 53-66,50. So also Achtemeier, 1 Peter, 158-9. Selwyn, First Peter,
296, gives a warning: Temple - priesthood - sacrifices: we are not entitled to regard these terms
as purely metaphorical.' See also how it echoes OT references to the Temple like 6 oka; to ayiov
of Isaiah 64.11 (64.10 - LXX).
104. Bigg, StPeter, compares Petrine and Pauline writings and condudes the following: In areas
of dogma Paul and Peter are substantially in accord (cf. Gal. 2.6,15,16) while in the practical sphere
they differ widely from one another. Hie difference is nc* as one (IHer) who n i ^ ^
(Paul). If there is dependency between Peter and Paul, it is Paul that borrows from Peter since,
whenever they differ, Peter stands nearer to the evangelists and Acts (34-35). Prophetism sums up
in one word the difference between Paul the mystic and Peter the disciplinarian.
105. Achtemeier, 1 Peter, 159. See Elliott, Beet, 50-108; idem., Home, 168ff.
106. Beare, FirstPeter, 96. The exile resulted in certain signifkantakeratiom in the social stru^
tures of the community. Determination of the 'true Israelite' (or the 'purified sons of Exile') shifted
from a family unit base to 'social adaptation to the conditions of the group'. See Norman K.
Gottwalt, The Tribes ofYahwek (New York: Maryknoll, 1979) 285ff; Smith, Landless, 93-126;
Weinberg, Citizen-Temple, 135.
107. Schutter, Hermeneutic, 111.
108. C F. D. Moule, 'Sanctuary and Sacrifice in the Church of die New Testament*, JTS 1
(1950) 29-41. Contra Goppelt, 1 Peter, 140, who argues that OIKCK; weuuciTucfc is used 'neither
Judaism sectarian alienation, whatever its origin, generally expressed itself in

polemics against the central institutions of society (notably the temple), its
authority figures (notably the priests), and its religious practices (notably
purity, Sabbath and marriage law)'. 109
The call for a reasonable apologia to any who seek a reason for what the
Petrine community believes (1 Pet. 3.15) increases the plausibility of such an
assumption. On the other hand, it might be the result of a general outrage
against Christians' lack of a sacrificial system.110 Either way, it is difficult to
rule out polemical overtones against the Jerusalem temple and its priesthood
in the Petrine declaration of the community as the new dwelling place of
God. 111
The interpretation of the community as an 'edifice' was preceded by the
Qumran community's interpretation of itself as a temple (1QS 5.6; 8.5), a
house (CD 7.11ff; 20.10,13), and a city (1QH 6.25-29).1121 Peter, reminiscent
of the Qumran community, had to formulate a new religious expression that
was not premised on a physical temple.113 Both groups display characteristics
of sectarian tendencies that suggest a polemic against the Jerusalem temple,
its priesthood and religious practices.11 With the 'idea of exile' as a controlling
metaphor, and 1 Peter's identity of the community as the new temple and the
new priesthood, there is present here what N.T. Wright calls a 'counter
temple' ideology.115 This ideology characterized both 1 Peter and the Qumran
community, albeit with significant differences.
Qumran represents a more decisive break within the Jewish priesthood in
the Jerusalem temple, which led to the withdrawal of some of the priests into
the desert at Khirbet Qumran. Their self-removal from the temple and its
polemically over against Judaism, nor apologetically in relation to Gentile temples, nor 'salvation-
historically' in relation to the temple of the Old covenant'. However see Goppelt, 1 Peter, 141.
109. Cohen, Maccabees,16S. Cf. also Wright, 'Dialogue', 254.
110. Moule, 'Sanctuary', 29.
111. Jonsen, 'Moral', 99: 'The life builds up the holy community: holy because it is the place
where the Lord dwells. The venerated name of the Temple, residence of me Glory of Yahweh,
may aptly be applied to this community.'
112. Similarities between the Qumran material and 1 Peter have been used to argue for
dependence of the latter on the former (see Ernest Best, 'I Peter IL 4-10: A Reconsideration', NovT
11 (1969) 270-93, 285). Schutter, Hermeneutic, 138, points out that use of the pesherAike
hermeneutics in 1 Peter bears strong resemblance to the midrashic exegesis at Qumran. However
any direct dependence is highly unlikely and, if at all, very secondary (Achtemeiei; 1 Peter, 151-2).
113. Cohen, Maccabees, 131-2, finds die distinguishing element between Qumran and New
Testament conceptualization of the temple as primarily one between the view of a temporary
replacement in the former, and a permanent replacement in the latter. Otherwise, both groups
identified themselves as the new spiritual temple that was a replacement of the physical structure
due to the latter's weakened ideological significance for both communities. See also ch. 2 above.
114. Cohen, Maccabees, 168; Wright, 'Dialogue', 254.
115. Wright,'Dialogue', 254.
cultus meant that they had to reinterpret their self-understanding without

access to a temple. The result was the community's self-understanding as the
embodiment of the temple (1QS 8.4-6; 4Qpbad,frag.i). In CD 3.18-4.10 the
idea of a ^ n B T 3 )D»3 fTD ('sure house in Israel') built by God, and
connected to the community as the 'true' priesthood is developed (lQpHab
12.2ff).116 While it is not clear in CD that the 'sure house' is a reference to the
temple, its equivalent use in 1 Enoch 53.6 ('house of this congregation') and
in 4QHoi; leaves no doubt about that reference.117 likewise we can conclude
that the use of the term in CD is also in reference to a temple, in which the
council of the community is understood to be identified with 'Lebanon', a term
that Geza Vermes has argued is best understood as a reference to the temple.*18
Consequently, we see that the Qumran covenanters identified themselves as
the 'true or genuine Temple of God'.119 Based on this understanding, Ernest
Best has argued that the community of Qumran was 'the cradle from which
the NT conception of the temple and priesthood of the church is derived'.120
However based on arguments that have been levied against a direct influence
of Qumran on the NT writers,121 we have to disagree with Best and argue that,
for 1 Peter in particular, a milieu of Jewish thought in the Second Temple
period provided the framework of temple imagery that was independently
arrived at both in Qumran and in 1 Peter: Both are distinct products of a
common Jewish mindset that had lost confidence in the physical temple as the
abode of God and had sought an alternative (CLJub. 23.21; 1 Enoch 89.72-
75; Ban 4.2-6).122
Furthermore, there are at least three significant points of difference between
the NT understanding of the temple and Qumran. First, unlike the NT which
generally prefers the complete replacement of the temple in Jerusalem, Qumran
covenanters did not stop believing in the physical temple.123 In fact, they antic-
ipated a time when they would return to take charge of the Jerusalem temple
and offerrighteoussacrifices (War Scroll; 1 lQTemple). It is for this reason that
the rules of purity were so stringently applied in the community so that they
would be ever prepared to suddenly take over the temple to cleanse it and
restore the purity perceived to be lacking.
116. Achtemeier, 1 Peter, 151.1QH 6.25ff the subject T could be representative of either the
collective community or the Teacher of Righteousness.
117. Donald Juel, Messiah and Temple: The Trial of Jesus in the Gospel of Mark (Missoula,
Mont.: Scholars Press, 1977) 163£f.
118. Geza Vermes, Scripture and Tradition m Judaism (SPB 4; Leiden: Brill, 1961) 26-39.
119. Klinzing, Umdeutung, 210ff, maintains that the Qumran community's self-under-
standing as a 'temple of believers' may have had formative influence on the Christian under-
standing of the church as the 'new temple'. Yet any notion of a direct influence has to be ruled
out Cf. lichtenberger, 'Atonement', 159-71.
120. Best, 'Reconsideration', 284.
121. See, for example, Michaels, 1 Peter, 96 and Gartner, Temple, 78.
122. See Chapter 3 above.
123. Cohen, Maccabees, 168.
Second, the NT understanding of the temple as spiritual seems to stem more

from the words of Jesus as recorded in Mark 14.58 CWe heard him say, "I
will destroy this Temple that is made with hands, and in three days I will build
another, not made with hands'") and interpreted in John in light of the body
of Jesus (Jn 2.18-22 'But he was speaking of the Temple of his body'). This
is precisely the reason that 1 Peter first talks of the believers coming to the A/LGOQ
CG)VT<X ('living stone') - a post-resurrection designation of Jesus - who was
rejected by the people (inrb avGpciiTQv p£v diTo6€6oKLpxxoî€vi3v).124
1 Peter perceived the spiritual house as the eschatological temple where
God's presence rests permanently. Gartner, following Selwyn, explains that
'spiritual' refers to its belonging to a 'new sphere', which is itself a product
of the outpouring of the Holy Spirit. In that case the term 'spiritual' would
also suggest the meaning 'true temple of God' versus a 'false temple'.125
However, such a distinction (true/false) may be too radical. Instead, it might
be more appropriate to conceive of the 'new temple' as a typological fulfillment
of the 'old temple'. In this regard, the 'old temple' foreshadowed the new, the
former prefiguring the latter:126 This way the comparison is not on the basis
of true versus false, since both are 'true', but rather the physical temple was
pointing to the new eschatological reality, the church.12
Evidence from the early church also indicates that this interpretation is to
be preferred. For example, Melito of Sardis uses the language of typological
supersession.128 Melito understood the physical temple to have been precious
but incomplete, and only a type of that which had been revealed in die latter
days in the person of Jesus Christ by the power of his Holy Spirit. This
would suit better Gartner's description when he states that the use of the word
does not relegate this structure to the realm of the 'less real' but rather it
indicates the elevation of the new temple and cultus through Jesus Christ: 'The
Holy Spirit is the new sphere of reality to which the Church and the company
of Christians belong.'1 The primary difference is that the 'former' temple is
124. Eduoard Cothenet, 'Le realisme de l'esperance chretienne selon 1 Pierre', NTS 27
(1981) 564-72, 565. Rejection is also important in Mark 12 where the parable of the vineyard
is an implicit reference to temple imagery, i.e. tower =temple. And in Mark 13.1-2, Jesus 'rejects'
the physical temple.
125. Gartner, Temple, 73. While I mink Gartner's sense is correct, it might be reading too much
into what is not a property of the word itself.
126. Koester, Dwelling, 156 n. 12. The use of COTITUITCX; in 1 Pet. 3.21 is compared to its use
in Heb. 9.24 and for the former it compares the past versus the present while in the latter the
comparison is between the earthly and the true heavenly sanctuary.
127. Selwyn, First Peter, 291. While Selwyn quotes Barn. 4.11: 'Let us become spiritual. Let
us become a temple perfect unto God' in support of his interpretation of the 'true temple', the
imagery is perhaps better understood in terms of our proposed paradigm of 'imperfect' and
'perfect'. Cf. Barn. 16.10, where the 'spiritual temple' is used as an analogy of Christian
community.
128. Melito, On Pascha, $S 280-300.
129. Gartner, Temple, 73 n. 1.
only a type of the latter, a shadow of the 'real' temple composed of the
believers. The 'imperfect' looking forward to the 'perfect' of the latter's
revelation, yet both remaining 'true'.
Selwyn also points out that the word Tn/etyiaTiKog is not found in the LXX
(nor apparently in Hellenistic literature before 100 CE) while in classical Greek
it is solely connected to 'wind' and 'air'. He thus argues for a Christian
coinage of the term describing the new state in which Christians now live
through the Spirit.130 Paul in Rom. 7.14 describes the law as iTveupaTiKo;, in
contrast to his carnal and sinful self (cf. Gal. 6.1; 1 Con 3.1). The weiîauKa;
person is able to discern the things of God (1 Con 2.13-15; 14.37) while the
gifts of the Holy Spirit are designated mîa-cuca; (Rom. 1.11; 1 Con 12.1).
Through Christ, Gentiles become partakers of the w€U|iaTi,K6<; blessings
(Rom. 15.27; Eph 1.3), while the resurrected bodies are described as
mtmaxiKoc; (1 Cor. 15.46). The rock which followed the Israelites in the
desert wanderings is referred to as m^tyiaTiKa; (1 Con 10.4), while the manna
was mîîaTLKo; food (1 Cor. 10.3). Eph 5.19 speaks of weunaTiica; songs of
worship (cf. Col 3.16), while in Eph 6.12 the evil spirits are called m/eujiaTuca;.
Rev 11.8 uses the adverb iTva)|iaTiKGx; metaphorically to describe Jerusalem
as 'Sodom and Egypt'. And so, 1 Peter's combination of the term m^xy^DCTiKOQ
with OIKOQ (cf. 4.17) implies that he intends this structure to be understood as
the realm within which the Spirit of God dwells. This is the 'new temple',
formed by the Spirit and indwelt by the Spirit - a significant component
regarded as missing in the second temple.131
The phrase okoc Trv€i)|iaTi,Ka; combines the two themes that are significant
for 1 Peter in relation to the presence of God - the temple and the Spirit.132
In comparing 1 Peter's terminology with the targumim the word Sekinah
provides a helpful corollary to the reference to the Spirit in 1 Peten As a cognate
of the verb ]DEJ ('to dwell'), Sekinah is also used to describe the numinous
immanence which is commonly associated with the glory of God in the
targumim}33 For example, Tg. Neofiti Exod. 24.17 explains that 'the
appearance of the glory of the Sekinah of the Lord (was) like a devouring fire,
a devouring fire on the top of the mountain, in the eyes of the children of
Israel'134
130. Selwyn, First Peter, 160,281-4.

131. The lack of the cloud of glory (the Sekinah) in the second temple was a clear sign that
the presence of God was suspect, at least in comparison to the tabernacle and the first temple
(Psalm 74.9; Prayer of Azariah 15 [Theodotian Daniel 3.38]; 1 Mace. 4.46; 9.27; 14.41;
Josephus, C. Ap.1.37-41; 2 Apoc. Bar. 85.3; b.Yoma 9b; b. Sank l l a ; b. Sot. 48b;/. Sot. 9.17).
Cf. Adolf von Schlatter, Petrus und Paulus nach dent Ersten Petrusbrief (Stuttgart: Calwer
Vereinsbuchhandlung, 1937) 94.
132. Dubis, Woes, 125ff.
133. Iliis is distinctfromthe OT use of me term T Q ^
iness, and usually refers to the invisible essence, of God. Even when used in the cloud of the storm
in the desert it is necessarily a cloud that veils the presence of God. See G. Von Rad and G. Kittel,
<
66&x>,TDNT 2.238-46.
4.2.5.2.. A.L9OC: Temple Building Blocks

An ABCB'A' pattern emerges based on XIQCK and its use in the stone word link
in 1 Peter 2.4-9. At the center is the quote from Isaiah that identifies Jesus as
the precious cornerstone laid by God for the construction of the temple.
A - v. 4 Jesus is the Aiecx; Cîra (living stone) rejected by men but precious to God
B - v. 5 the believers are AiGoi ZGnnes (living stones)
C - v. 6a God lays in Zion a AlGo; (stone), a precious cornerstone (dKpoywvuuoc)
BT- v. 7 Jesus is the XIQOQ (stone) the builders rejected
K - Jesus, the rejected stone, is now the main cornerstone (KeJxiA.'h
According to Brox, the connections between these OT passages are simply in

their Christological use and not in their execution or utilization. For this
reason, 1 Peter applies the stone imagery to Christ in v. 4, anticipating his
unique contribution of designating the Christians as 'living stones' in v. 5. 136
As such, 1 Peter is an example of the loose-fitting biblical Jewish stone
tradition, which could be sculpted differently depending on the purposes of
individual authors. Achtemeier concludes as much when he states that, 'the
most probable solution is to see here elements of an early Jewish-Christian
tradition subsequently taken over by the Hellenistic Christian community as
its use by Paul and the authors of the Gospels indicates'.137
The catchword concatenation of OT texts is produced via the Stichwort
XiQoc, in a manner reminiscent of the Jewish gezera shewa method of linking
key words.138 This Jewish practice of interpretation of Scripture was adopted
by the NT writers,139 as evidenced by the fact that the three passages 1 Peter
alludes to (Ps. 118.22-23; Isa. 8.14; and Isa. 28.16) are also cited in various
combination forms in other the NT writings reflecting, perhaps, an early
Christian tradition.140 McCartney points out that the Stichwort is not the only
134. M.^<^\o^GodDweUsivtikUs:TempteSyrnbotism
Minn.: Litrugical Press, 2001) 59. As Coloe notes, the term preserves the sense of the holy
transcendence of God 'while acknowledging the god's presence within Israel's midst5 and that '[it
is also] associated with the fiery light'.
135. Manns, 'La maison', 209-10. Only after developing this chiasm independently did I come
across the two developed by Manns who divides up the passage between 2.1-5 and 2.6-10.
136. Brox, Petrusbrief, 100.
138. Manns, 'La maison', 209 n. 9; Craig Keener, A Commentary on the Gospel of Matthew
(Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1999) 515-16. The XiGo; Stidnvort did not have a pre-Christian origin
and may even have originated with Jesus himself according to J. Rendall Harris, Testimonies
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1916) 2.96.
139. Cf. Florilegium and Testimonies from Cave 4. See also Schutter, Hermeneutic, 87, who
finds similarities between 1 Pet. 3.10,4QTestimonia, 4QFlorilegium and llQMelchizedek.
140. Karen H. Jobes and Moises Silva, Invitation to the Septuagint (Grand Rapids and
Carlisle: Eerdmans and Paternoster, 2000) 198. So Kelly, Peter andjude, 95; Elliott, Elect, 32.
relationship in these verses since all three OT passages evidence a metaphorical

reference to God's action in establishing the covenant, while the stone can be
understood as God's personal agent who executes divine intent (cf. also Dan
2.34,45). 141 Ps. 118.22-23 is quoted in Mk 12.10-11 (cf. Mt. 21.42-43; Lk.
20.17) and in Acts 4.11; Isa. 8.14 is cited in Rom. 9.33; Isa. 28.16 is cited in
Rom. 9.33 and in Eph 2.20; Isa. 28 is found in Rom. 9.32-33; 10.11, and an
allusion in Eph 2.20. Ultimately, all the NT quotations seem to have fairly
common variationsfromthe LXX indicating a common source or a common
Christian tradition.142
Elliott subdivides 1 Peter 2.4-10 into three sections (w. 4-5.6-8,9-10) with
the last two sections consisting of a conflation of OT themes around a pre-
Christian tradition of the AlGoc;.143 If this is true, it was not a consistent
tradition. While 1 Peter uses a text very similar to the LXX, significant differ-
ences emerge, e.g. the LXX reads Ai9oi> TroA.ureA.fi QCA£KTW while 1 Peter omits
m)A.uT€A.fj. At least three suggestions have been advanced to explain this
omission: First, that m>A.uT€A.f| and ecAjeiabi> are two adjectives used to translate
the same Hebrew word f[ II]). However TToXuteAfl is never used to translate ] 113
in the OT. A second possible solution is that the original translation of ]ri3
was QCA£KT6M, with TroXureAiJ added later by a scribe. A third possibility is that
a translator confused ]!"O and ]n3, and included both in the translations of
the text. In this case, 1 Peter would have used a text with the word TroA.ureA.fi
and deliberately left it out. Ultimately, it seems more plausible that 1 Peter
simply had a text that did not have TroA.uxeA.fi in it.
The psalm is about David, and thus also inferentially about the Messiah
(Midrash on Psalms) and it is also a Passover psalm (and thus a tabernacle
psalm) displaying a strong sense of redemption.144 The importance of this is
that Ps. 118 (117) had been linked to the temple in its use in the liturgical
procession to the temple and already had been associated with the feast of
tabernacles, one of the three pilgrim festivals.145 Congar, who argues that the
psalm reflects 'a reconstruction of Sion and the temple after a period of trial
141. McCartney, *OT in First Peter1,83. Hiereferenceto the 'stone not cut with human hands'
(kiBoQ'<£Spow; &*u y£iQQ») in Dan. 2.34-35,45, was interpreted in messianic terms within Jewish
literature. Cf. J. Jeremias, 'Aifrx;', TDNT 4272-83.
142. PterrePii^t,I^testimomadanskchristM
et ses sources (Paris: Etudes Biblique, 1961) 16-28,22, proposed the existence of a 'testimony
book' that was used in the early church for catechism. This Testimonia hypothesis, at once both
a flexible and firmly documented form, appears to have acquired true maturity... in productions
of patristic works, finding support in an indisputable manner and not as an hypotheses of
occasional utilization by the authors of the Christian scriptures.' However, it is more likely that
the source was oral rather than written. Cf. also Snodgrass, 'Affinities', 99.
143. Elliott, Bed, 16-49,
144. J. Duncan M. Derrett, 'The Stone that the Builders Rejected' in Studia EvangeUca 4
(1968) 180-6,181.
145. A. Cohen, Psalms (Soncino Books of the Bible; London: Soncino, 1945) 389-93.
equivalent to death and from which Yahweh has delivered his people', also
points to at least two possible situations that Ps. 118(117) could have been
alluding to: a) destruction of Jerusalem in 587/6 BCE (or 538 BCE) and b)
desecration and purification of the temple in 168-65 BCE.146 The estab-
lishment of this psalm's connection to the temple happened before its combi-
nation with the Isaianic passages as commentary on the 'temple-community'
while its connection to commencement of exile situates it within the
framework of the anticipation of a restoration from exile true also of the
Isaianic passage.
The common element is that the catena of OT passages was applied in the
NT to Jesus as the AlGcx; - the living foundation for the Church (Mt. 21.42;
Mk 12.10-11; Lk. 20.17; Acts 4.11; Rom. 9.25-33; Eph 2.20). 147 Jesus uses
Ps. 118(117).22-23 eschatologically to prophesy about his death and resur-
rection148 and 1 Peter applies the 'stone testimonial to his readers in a manner
that also goes beyond Paul's by directly connecting the AiOcx; to the new
temple.149 The mystery of the passion-resurrection is evoked by the image of
the rejected stone150 with 1 Peter totally ignoring the significant Pauline
Jew/Gentile distinction.151
The use of these texts would have been encouraged by their accessibility,
made possible by the LXX's inclusion of the phrase K<XI GOI/ kit aurcp TreiroiGax;
fjg ('and if you put your confidence in him'), which has no corresponding text
in the MT. It is likely that the LXX translator was influenced by Isa. 8.17 (KCCL
TT6TroL0ox; loop-ai eir' aurd)) - which in the MT is a warning about God being
a trap and a stumbling-stone (i.e. a stone that causes stumbling - 1 7 TT'lpi)
- and changed it into an assurance that God would not be a cause of
stumbling.152
Dodd argued that Rom. 9.30-33 recorded the older tradition of this OT
catena, but Elliott's argument is that 1 Peter might have the older tradition
which Paul abbreviated and revised for his purpose.153 Alternatively (and
146. Congar, Mystery, 139-40.

147. Thomas Lea, 'How Peter Learned', 96-102,100.
148. Joel Marcus, The Way of the Lord: Christological Exegesis of the Old Testament in the
Gospel of Mark (Louisville, Ky.: Westminster/John Knox, 1992) 114-21.
149. McCartney, 'OT in First Peter', 84. However, the claim by C. H. Dodd, According to
Scriptures: The Sub-structure of New Testament Theology (London: Nisbet, 1952) 41ff, of an
independent testimonium commonly utilized by the NT authors, remains simply a hypothesis.
Cf. Elliott, Efee*,130ff.
150. Manns, 'La maison', 211; Marcus, Way, 111-29.
151. Cothenet, 'Orientations', 34: 'the resemblances are balanced by the differences, since
Paul's dialectic between Jew and Gentile is ignored by Peter'.
152. Jobes, Invitation, 198.teCairrcp is added in the LXX Isa. 8.17 connecting it to Isa. 8.14,
since the MT 1 ^"THpi has no referent
153. Dodd, According to Scripture, 43; Elliott, Elect, 30 n. 2.
preferably) both Paul and 1 Peter used independent traditions which each
shaped according to his purpose.154 This would be the case especially consid-
ering the similar combinations of OT passages in Qumran, Gospels, and in
Acts.155 Note that 1 Peter agrees with Rom. 9.31-33 against LXX by omitting
the negation and by using qualifying genitives (TTPOOKO^TO; and OKavoaAxn))
instead of datives {npooKo^san and iraûm). 1 Peter and Romans also replace
the LXX qipodd) with TieT>u and omit c'u; m Gqi&ux while including err' OLXKQ
which occurs only in some LXX mss. Ultimately, Michaels is right to conclude
that
[1] Peter stands in contrast to most other early Christian uses of such biblical texts as Ps.
118:22. The same text is cited in Matt 21:42-43 to prove that 'the kingdom of God will be
takenfromyou [i.e., the 'Jewish high priests and Pharisees', v. 45] and given to a nation [i.e.
the Gentile Christian churches] accomplishing its deeds\..[n]or does he link his two Isaiah
quotations (i.e., 28:16 and 8:14) to Israel's failure to attain its own standards of righteousness
as Paul did in Rom. 9:31-33.156
4.2.5.2.1. Absence ofteykXioq, in 1 Pet. 2.4-10

In contrast to the Qumran community, for whom the foundation termi-
nology was fundamental - as a descripta of their elect status and as a link to
the temple (1QH 6.25-29; 7.8-9; 1QS 5.6; 9.5; 8.540; 9.4-5) - 1 Peter omits
OeH&iog from the OT quotation. Gartner expresses surprise at the absence of
the emphasis in 1 Peter, while for Elliott it is exactly this absence of the term
that is indicative of 1 Peter's independent and creative utilization of the OT
passages to suit his purpose.157 Snodgrass, however, maintains that this
omission has little to do with 1 Peter's interpretive motive but rather that this
form of quotation 'apparently resulted from the frequent use of Isa. xxxviii.
16 in the Jewish world'.158
An important point about 1 Peter's omission of Geî&icx;from2.4-10 is the
fact that the use offeyxXioc;in describing the work of Christ is specifically
highlighted in other NT writings like Rom. 15.20 and in 1 Cor. 3.11, where
it is Christ who is said to be the Gqi&ux; of the Church (in contrast to Eph 2.20,
154. Snodgrass, 'Affinities', 106: 'While Isa. viii. 14 had been joined to Isa. xxviii. 16 in pre-
Christian Judaism, there is no indication that Psa. cviii. 22 had. It is unlikely, however, that the
writing of 1 Peter was the first occasion for the use of the three passages together.'
155. Snodgrass, 'Affinities', 103: 'Any theory of dependence that would do justice to the
parallels with Rom. ix. 25-33; Eph. ii. 14-22; and 1QS viii. 4-10 would be too complex for
acceptance.'
156. Michaels, 1 Peter, xlix. Cf. Keener, Matthew, 515.
157. Elliott, Elect, 27; Gartner, Temple, 133 n. 6; K. Gartner gives two possible reasons for
this scenario: 1 Peter may be polemical to the 'claims of the Qumran community' or it is a
'complete shift in focus, from thefirmlybased [Qumran] community to faith in Christ'.
158. Snodgrass, 'Affinities', 98 n. 2, contra Barnabas Iindars, New Testament Apologetic
(London: SCM Press, 1961) 178, Lloyd Gaston, No Stone On Another: Studies in the Significance
of the Fall ofJerusalem in the Synoptic Gospels (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1970) 219-22 and Elliott,
Elect, 27.
where it is the apostles and prophets that are designated as the Gcn&tux; upon
which the OLKCX; TOU Geou is being built).159 1 Peter instead chooses to put his
emphasis on the 'rejected stone' (AiGcx; ov direooKiiiaoav) as the premise of the
oiKofonrpco ('foundation') terminology. This not only distinguishes 1 Peter from
Pauline literature, it also shows that the conception of the Church as an
OIKO6OÎI was not fixed and could be articulated in various formulations.160
In Mt. 16.18 Jesus identifies the disciple Peter as trerpa upon which he will lay
the foundation (olKoSoprpoo) of his Church. These words of Jesus provide the
theological framework of foundation terminology, and any claim that Jesus
is not the foundation for the temple in 1 Peter (because the reference to him
here is only on the basis of the stone Stichwort and not (k\xkXioq) is unfounded.
As Snodgrass correctly asserts, 'tiGewu XlGov in the context of rkpoywuuoc.
would point to the foundations apart from the use of Geîa'. 161 Note also
in the chiasm above that the central element is Christ as the cornerstone (<kp8
1 Peter's choice to emphasize the 'stone tradition' (ktikx; = itkxpa; Isa. 8.14
and Isa. 28.16 are here combined in 1 Pet. 2.8) over the QqjJeXioc; tradition (to
which is also added the concept of the 'rejected stone' - Xi9o<; OV
dTT€6oKL|iaoav),162 provides a unique element in the use of the concept of the
'living stones'.163 This 'rejected stone' concept does not seem to have a parallel
outside of the references to Jesus in the Gospels (Mt. 21.42; Mk 12.10; Lk.
20.17) and stands in antithesis to that of the 'elect'.164 In this regard, Elliot is
correct to assert that the 'antithetical formulation: "by men, rejected; before
God elected, precious" is ... Petrine interprementum. In no part of the NT
kiQoQ tradition is exactly this contrast to be found.'165
159. This is based on understanding w dmocnokiw KOI irpocJHTTXjy in Eph 2.20 as epexegetical
genitive. M. Cant. 1.5 refers to Rabbis, teachers of Judaism and their students, or the Sanhedrin
who through their teaching of the Torah 'build up' the world.
160. Stig Hanson, Unity of the Church in the New Testament: Colossians and Ephesians
(ASNU 14; Uppsala: Almquist and Wiksells, 1946) 130.
161. Snodgrass, 'Activities', 98 n. 2.
162. McKelvey, 'Upon This Rock', Appendix B in New Temple, 193-4. In Jeremiah 8.9 the
phrase xw Aoyov KuploutefoiciMaoavcrania tu; koriv ei/ aurou; ('since they have rejected die word
of the LORD, what wisdom is in them?') indicates that the rejection of the Word of God is not
too far removed from the Isaianic concept of rejection of the stone. The word (Law?) is
occasionally defined as the foundation on which to build in the OT.
163. McCartney, 'OT in First Peter', 117.
164. Derrett, 'Builders Rejected', 181. Cf. 1 Sam 16.6-10 where 'rejection' and 'election' are
contrasted in relation to God's anointed.
165. Elliott, Elect, 34. It is on this premise that Elliott has argued that the term cannot be inter-
preted as anti-Jewish since the author's choice of words (dt^GpcSuwv ye/ dnro6G5(Ki+iaouG^w - 'rejected
by mankind') rather than appropriation of the term in v. 7 (<fae8oKi\iaoav ol oucofiouoQtTe; -
'rejected by the builders') is used. Verse 7 is a quote from the LXX and 1 Peter did not alter it;
however, its referent in the 1 Peter context is more akin to a universal reference todv0pckoi in
In comparison,lQS 8.1-10 [8.4] references the 'chosen cornerstone'166 on

the basis of Isa. 28.16 and interprets it in accordance with the Qumran
community's idea of the immovable foundation.167 Gartner perceives this inter-
pretation of Isa. 28.16 in light of an immovable foundation as symbolic of the
Qumran community's self-understanding as the temple-community (1QH
626H; 1QS 8.4ff).168 The AlGoc image here is identified with Qumran's escha-
tological temple-community both in terms of entrance into and the mainte-
nance of community purity (1QS 8.7).169
Such a community interpretation is distinct from some of the later Jewish
traditions where the collective 'tested stone' (]fQ |DH) in Isa. 28.16 repre-
sented the individual Messiah/King (Tg. Isa. 28.16: 'Behold I lay in Zion a king
f[^D], a king mighty and strong.' See also Tg. Ps. 118.22ff, where the 'stone'
is replaced with 'youth' and 'cornerstone' with 'king and ruler').170 1 Peter,
more than likely aware of these different applications of Isa. 28.16, combines
them by applying the A.Ukx; motif to both the collective (temple-community -
2.5) and the individual (Jesus, the resurrected Messiah - 2.6-8). 1 Peter does
this by combining the 'AiOog complex5 (6-8) with the 'Aooc/eGvoc; complex' (9-
10), infusing an originally Christological thrust with a soteriological
pronouncement 171 By making the phrase 'tested stones' plural, 1 Peter applies
it to the community of believers, the 'new Israel' that God had redeemed
through the sacrificial death of the Christ (1.18-19).
While it is possible to try and understand the concept of 'living' in relation
to Jewish concepts of 'living water' and 'living bread' (e.g. John 4.10; 5.51),
it is more appropriate to see 1 Peter's use of the term in relation to temple
place of the usual Jewish specific use of ol okofououiTe; which as used in Rabbinic sources like
p. Yoma 3.40c, 26; b. Shab. 114a. So the slight, but significant shift by 1 Peter, is to apply the
concept of builders to the general populace rather than to a specific subgroup as was common
with the Jewish application of the passage.
166. By translating x\\x\ as 'precious* instead of 'honor*, the RSV/ NRSV translations miss
the significance of the honor/ shame language utilized here. By virtue of their relationship with
God, i.e. being chosen by God, the Petrine community can now enjoy a more honorable life that
is distinctly contrasted to those that are not the 'elect nation'.
167. Gartner, Temple, 134. Cf. also 1QS 5.5; lQpfead 1; 1QH 6.26; 7.8-9. However, note
that 1QS 8.7-8 omits reference to the foundations in quoting Isa. 28.16, even though it under-
stands the imagery to be referring to the foundation stone.
168. Gartner, Temple, 77-8. The terms used in the DSS are 'tested wall* (jron nOir?) for
Isaiah's 'tested stone* ([TO p K ) and 'wall' and 'cornerstone' to describe the community. 1QH
uses 'stones'. See also 1QH 6.25-27; 7.8-9; 1QS 9.5ff, /. Sanhedrm 29a; Exod Rob. 15.7;
Leviticus Kabbah 20.4.
169. Elliott, Elect, 27.4QFk>rikgium employs the concept of building in relation to the temple
in Qumran referring to a 'temple of [among] men' (DTK ETTpD ft! b £1133 b) being built by God
(cf. 4QpPs. XXX 2.16; CD 3.9). Verb PM is translated as oko6ou€iv in the LXX.
170. Jeremias, ateog', TDNT 4.272-83.
171. Elliott, Elect, 38,129. Cf. Rom. 9.30-33. Note that we are not saying 1 Peter was the
first to combine the Isa. 28.16 and 8.14, and also Ps. 118 (117).22 passages.
symbolism and in direct connection to the person of Jesus Christ.172 Jesus died
in the flesh but was made 'alive' in the spirit (3.18), a clear reference to the
death and resurrection upon which this language of 'living' depends.173 The
nature of the stones as 'living' would refer to Christ, who is the fulfiller of the
prophecies concerning the 'cornerstone that the builders rejected'. And so in
the words of Gartner, 'through Christ, a living person, Christians can be built
up to form that "living", "spiritual" temple in which Christ is Lord'.174
In conclusion, it is the premise of the 'living God' who makes Jesus the XiGov
(wvra ('living stone') that produces in the believers the special characterization
of AlGoi C^vT€g ('living stones'). Even in the text that most closely resembles
1 Pet. 2.4-10; Eph 2.20, the concept of 'stones' is not applied to the
believers.175 Therefore, McCartney is right to assert that the classification of
Christians as 'living' stones points to a contrast with the 'unliving' stones of
the literal temple, referred to elsewhere as xeipoiroiTvroc (Mk 14.58; Acts
7.28; 17.24; Heb. 9.24).176 Because the believers are connected to the A.i9ov
Ccovra who was rejected, they should not be surprised if they themselves are
rejected like their Lord. Yet, theirs is not a hopeless case since they have the
'living hope' (eAjrloa (cdaav -1.3) premised on the fact that the stone that was
rejected has now become the 'chosen/precious stone' through which the
believers will share in that reality of the resurrection life as they are joined to
the AiGcx; (wvra and find honor before God (1.3).177 This is 1 Peter's unique
spin on the AiGcx; tradition.178
172. Gartner Temple, 75. Connection to the 'living water* motif would still connect the passages
to Ezek. 44, which presents a picture of the water that flows from the temple as a sign of God's
abundant Spirit of blessing. In Rabbinic literature the foundation-stone (HTltD p f c ) is believed to
be at the navel of the earth (Zion) where it seals off the waters of the mythical subterranean ocean
(cf. Midrash Tanhuma, Qedoshim (Shelomo Buber recension); Beit ha-Miqdash 5.63.1ff).
173. This is the only use of CciXJiroieu/ to refer to Jesus' resurrection (CtparToiTieeu; & TTVGUUOTI). The
expression 'in the spirit5 could be in reference to the Holy Spirit or to the spirit of Christ Cf. W. J.
Dalton, Chrisfs Proclamation to the Spirits: A Study ofl Peter 3.1 &A.6 (AnBib 23; Rome: Pontifical
Biblical Institute, 1965), 138-40; Best, First Peter, 137ff.
174. Gartner, Temple, 75. Cf. Rom. 12.1.
175. Eph 2.20-22 simply talks of the believers as being built together into a holy temple in Christ
h> (S TTfioa OIKO5O^T) aiMxpuoAoYOUM^n aifei *K vaoM ayujp b> Kupup. The words Sexx; and ndpouca;
are used to describe the believers. The former describes the status and class of foreigners while the
latter was used for freed persons and slaves who occupied an even lower rank in Roman society.
However, movement up the scale of ranks was permissible between these two groups primarily on
basis of longevity in a city. Cf. Fika J. van Regensburg, 'Christians as "Resident and Visiting Aliens":
Implications of the Exhortation to the Ilapoucoi and nopeiufiriioi in 1 Peter for the Church in South
Africa', Neot 32 (1998) 573-83.
176. McGmr^,'OTmfiistPeter',m (ML 14.58;2Cor5.1;Heb.9.11,
24) does not occur in the LXX but xeipoiroirrcou; isfoundin Lev. 26.1,30* Dan. 5.4,23; 6.28; Jdt 8.18,
Wis. 14.8;fca.2.18; 16.12; 10.1; 19.1; 21.9; 31.7; 46.6 and Bel and ihe Dragon flheodotian) 1.5.
177. Jeremias,<A.i0o(;',TDNT4275, points out that Ps. 11822 becomes a prooftext of the death
and resurrection of Christ in the early Church. Cothenet, 'l'esperance chretienne', 565.
178. Elliott, Elect, 34-8.
4.2.5.2.2. aKpoYcovuuov as the Foundation Concept in 1 Peter

At the center of the chiasm above is Christ as the 'cornerstone'/ 'foundation
stone' (aKpoYcoviaux;) on whom the building is to be built In the same way that
Christ is the 'head' (K€<Jx>dri) of the 'body'(o(4ux) in Eph 1.22; 4.15, so is he the
dxpoYcovuxlcx; of the o'lKOooyri in 1 Peter.179 The (kpoYCovicfux; in 1 Peter contrast
glory and judgment (fulfillment and vengeance) much in the same way that
the stone of offense and blessing does in the Gospels and Qumran.180 In this
respect, J. Jeremias introduced a significant argument for understanding the
dbcpoYcoi/uxia; as the 'top-stone' rather than the 'foundation stone' and argued
against connection to the foundation of the temple.181 However, McKelvey
has persuasively argued that the references in 1 Pet. 2.6 (and Eph 2.20) are
more appropriately understood as the 'cornerstone' (rather than a 'head-stone')
in conjunction with the Hebrew of Isa. 28.16 particularly as applied in
Qumran (1QS 5.6; cf. Yoma 54a).182 The emphasis is not on height but
rather on the extremity of the stone - its elect and honored status by God in
contrast to its rejection by humans - making the contrast that much more
intense if it is the temple building in view (cf. Mk 12.10; Lk. 20.18). 183
Because the cornerstone sets the shape, size and location of the building,
rqection implies a thorough human examination following which it is set aside
as a discard, unfit to use in the construction1M - a veiled reference to the cruci-
fixion of Jesus.185 Rejection is key to understanding the humiliation and
179. Hanson, Unity, 131.

180. Gartner, Temple, 134.
181. Jeremias, 'Xlecx;', TDNT4274.
182. McKelvey, 'Christ the Cornerstone5, NTS 8 (1962) 352-9. So Kelly, Peter and Jude, 94,
and Richard Longenecker, 'The Rejected Stone-Copestone', in The Christobgy of Early Jewish
Christianity (Naperville, HI.: SCM Press, 1970) 50-3; Brox, Petrusbrief, 100; Norman Hillyer,
'Rock-Stone Imagery in 1 Peter', TynBul 22 (1971) 68-73. a . also Karl T. Schafer, 'ZurDeutung
von ckpoYwt/iata; Eph 2.20', in Neutestamentlicbe Aufsdtze: Festschrift fur Professor Josef
Schtnid zum 70. Geburtstag (ed. Joseph Blinzler, O. Kuss and F. Mu&ier, Regensburg: Friedrich
Pustet, 1963) 218-24, whose article was written independent of McKelvey's but came to the same
conclusion on interpretation of aKpoyiDvialcx; as 'cornerstone' (Eckstein) rather than the
'foundation stone' (Grundstein).
183. Kelly, Peter, 95; Jeremias, 'Ufrx;', TDNT4276. Isa. 28.16 refers to Christ's salvation
of believers as the living stone, while Ps. 118.22 and Isa. 8.14 reflect on the 'perdition of the
unbelievers'. The important point is the connection to the temple pointed out by Jeremias (cf.
Mk 12.10; Lk. 20.18) given that the themes of judgment and redemption remain embedded in
this imagery - the stone is a stone of stumbling and a rock of offense.
184. W. Grundmann, '66KHIO<;', 7DNT2.255-60;W. Mundle, 'trerpa' TDNT3.382; Derrett,
'Builders Rejected', 182, points out that another possible interpretation of rejection, especially
as it related to the Messiah, is that in many of the instances of the OT where the junior persons,
e.g. Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, Joseph, etc., are chosen as God's instruments of redemption of Israel,
the Messiah would be one 'as the "specialists" might reject*. In the mean time the rejected ones
('not a people') become the elect - 'God's people' (1 Pet. 2.10).
185. Goppelt, Typos, 154. The metaphor of living stones has already been used by Jesus to
'announce his cross and the glory that would follow (Mk 12:10f. par = Ps. 118:22f)\
exaltation of Jesus Christ on the cross as a model of suffering for the believers
(4.1-2) who also must undergo suffering and rejection for the sake of their
Lord and savior (1 Pet. 2.21-24).186 This stands in stark contrast to the
approval of Jesus by God, not only asfitto be used for the 'building', but even
more so, as the 'chief cornerstone' (LXX) or 'precious, select stone' (MT)
which in its blindness humanity had rejected.18
In that which humans despise, God finds special value. The worth of the
believers is not based on human standards of judgment and valuation which
are tainted in sin, but rather on God's standards which, through Jesus Christ,
are able tofindworth in what the world in its blindness considers of no signif-
icance.
4.3. Royal/Holy Priesthood and Temple Imagery
4.3.1. lepdieufia ayiov (2S)I paaQjeiov kpaictyia (2.9)

The language of leparcupa which belongs to the LXX (Exod. 23.22; 19.6 MT)
is found only in 1 Peter and in no other Greek documents outside the Bible.
On this premise, Elliott suggests that kparcuiia was 'manufactured' by the LXX
translators as a collective noun, because the Jews of the Dispersion in Egypt
did not want to perceive themselves simply as aliens in a foreign colony but
as a priestly community with a God-given mission of preserving the worship
of the true God even in their foreign residence.188 And, contrary to the MT,
the LXX introduces the possibility of viewing Israel as the residence of God,
implying also, priestly service to society.189 Therefore, recourse to its origins
in the Masoretic Text (D^PD fQÊO) does not offer much assistance as to
186. Schuttei; Hermeneutic, 108 n. 76, connects the personal and corporate suffering in 1 Peter
1.11 to the 'Messianic Woes' which were a prelude to the eschatological restoration. He explains:
'That the unthinkable had happened to God's Anointed might have compelled many to interpret
it in terms of the "Woes", which was surely the category closest at hand from an eschatological
perspective ... Hence it is reasonable to suppose that there was a basis to move directly from a
personal frame of reference in early Christian thinking about the Messianic aWoesw to a
corporate one. On this view the Crucifixion would quickly come to represent an unprecedented,
concrete definition of the nature and scale of the "Woes" attending the End that would neces-
sarily imply a collective frame of reference wherever one was not explicit.' Cf. also Dubis, Woes,
76, who applies the 'Messianic Woes' pattern in interpretation of suffering and eschatology in 1
Pet. 4.12-19 and stresses the need for 1 Peter's audience to identify with Jesus' suffering since 'OJust
as Jesus' suffering was necessary before his resurrection, the readers of 1 Peter likewise endure
eschatological tribulation prior to their experience of resurrection'.
187. The reason the masons reject a stone for use as a cornerstone is because of die stone's
perceived weakness or irregularity.
188. Elliott, Elect, 69-70.
its interpretation because in different Jewish traditions it has been interpreted

differently.190 Alexandrian Judaism spiritualized the concept into a 'spiritual
priesthood', Jewish apocalyptic saw visions of heavenly cultus, while the
Rabbis, over and over, returned to the thought of the Kingdom promised to
Israel.191 Jubilees (33.19-20), operating with eschatological motivation,
renders Exod. 19.6 in light of the prohibition against impurity for Israel as the
elect people of God, without displacing the unique place of a Levitical
priesthood.192
In almost every case in the LXX paotAjEtog is used as a noun.193 Accordingly,
rather than understanding it as an adjective in this LXX passage, it should
most likely be regarded as a substantive noun in apposition to the other
noun Upaieujia, resulting in an emphasis on the corporate nature of the
priesthood. This reading is clearly supported by 1 Peter's use of the language
of priesthoodfromLeviticus 2.5,9 and Exod. 19.6, as reflected in the concept
of lepax€U|ia. On this point I agree with Elliott, that 'attempts to explain
Upat€i)|jux on the basis of the current first century view of the Levitical
priesthood are pointless. The importance of this word and of the verses in
which it appears was determined rather by the import of the E[xodus]
F[ormula] which was the source and import of both'.194
Against the traditional position, Elliott maintains that (3OOLA£LOV lepdxejiia
in 1 Pet. 2.4-10 does not form the basis for understanding the Christian
community as the 'priesthood of believers'. However, Seland's convincing
critique of Elliott rightly describes 'the "common priesthood" of 1 Peter as
something that was given, not something that was to be striven after (cf.
olKo6oM*io6e)'. Seland further argues 'that the poolAauov Upaxcupa would be
understood in light of the oka; and the sacrificial terms in its context as
denoting "temple" rather than "household"; and that the role of the
priesthood would be directed towards God'.195 Specifically, the reference to
the TrvctyiocTiKca; GIXJLOU; in 2.5 leaves little doubt that the context is a temple.
190. Gartner Temple, 72ff. Elliott, Elect, 103, finds 'no spiritual' interpretation in Philo's
utilization of Exod. 19.6 in De Sobrietate 66 and De Abrahamo 56.
191. Gartner, Temple, 73ff. There is no citation of Exod. 19.6 in the Mishnah and Tatmaim.
The targunwn (Tg. Onkebs and Tg. Jer.) read Icings and priests'. This change is noteworthy since,
unlike the MT and the LXX which imply God's kingship, the targumbn transfer the kingship to
Israel.
192. Bryan, Judgement, 150-1; Elliott, Elect, 78ff.
193. See Hort, St. Peter, 124. The LXX version that Hort used apparently was based on a
Hebrew text that had thefinaln (taw) of the construct state of the Hebrew PO TDQ ('a kingdom
of priests') which was later replaced by a H (PO^DD) resulting in the current LXX use of a
substantive - 'a kingdom, priests'. Cf. David Abernathy, *Exegetkal Considerations in 1 Peter 2:7-
9', Notes on Translation 15 (2001) 24-39, 36-7.
194. Elliott, Efec*, 221.
195. Seland, '1 Peter 2:5,9', 87-119. Cf. also Achtemeier, 1 Peter, 159.
The emphasis on the Christian community as a body of priests is said to be

a unique development of the notion of the Christian community as a building
or a body, reflecting, perhaps, a more developed understanding than Eph
2.20. 196 The tradition closest tol Peter's utilization of these references from
Exod. 19.6 is 2 Mace. 2.17-18.
It is God who has saved all his people, and has returned the inheritance (xty
to all, and the kingship and the priesthood and the consecration (tb POOL/UEIOV KOI TO
lepatema Kal TOV ayiaoyov), as he promised through the law. We have hope in God that he
will soon have mercy on us and will gather us from everywhere under heaven into his holy
place, for he has rescued us from great evils and has purified the place.
This passage is found in a letter based on the feast of temple purification.

Purification is referred to with the verb 6 KaGapioôc; rather than the Petrine
6 ocyvLoiioc;.197 The exile is invoked as the salvation based on God's mercy that
would very soon (taxeox;) gather all (TTchrca....Traoiv) of the Dispersion into the
holy place (TOV ayiov TOTTOV). ayicx; TOITCX; could be a reference to the temple in
light of the prophecy of Isa. 66.18ff, where all the people of God scattered
among the nations would gather in Zion to worship YHWH. It is an
expression of hope that Israel, and not its institutions, shall be God's paoLteux;,
lepaT€U|ia, and ayiaoiioc;.
Such a restoration would include the reestablishment of the monarchy, the
priesthood and the state of holiness that should characterize the true Israel of
God. While paoiteu*; in LXX (Exod. 19.6) may be either an adjective or a
substantive noun, in 2 Mace. 2.17 it is clearly taken as a substantive in its own
right. Other places where a conjunction occurs before Pooiteux; (Jub. 16.18;
33.20; Rev 1.6; 5.10; Tg. Onq. and Tg. Ps.-/of Exod. 19.6) 'kingdom' rather
than 'kingship' is in view.198 Nevertheless, even when applied to the totality
of the nation of Israel as a collective, none of the texts eliminates a priestly
class within Israel.199 Even in Qumran, where the whole community could be
assigned priestly identity, there was still a class of special priesthood (CD 3.21-
44).
196. Horst Goldstein, Paulinische Gemeinde im ersten Petrusbrief (SBS 80; Stuttgart:
Katholisches Bibelwerk, 1975) 271. As has been argued persuasively by Kazuhito Shimada, 'Is
1 Peter Dependent on Ephesians? A Critique of C L. Milton', AJBI17 (1991) 77-106, no literary
dependence can be established between these two letters. It is more likely that they each independ-
ently used a common Christian tradition.
198. J. A. Goldstein, II Maccabees: A Translation With Introduction and Commentary (AB;
Garden City: Doubleday, 1983) 188; cf. Bryan, Judgement, 149 n. 50. Elliott, Elect, 90ff.
199. Philo, De Sob. 66, identifies the twelve tribes with the paoiteiov Kal lepareuua tot) 6eou
- 'God's kingdom and body of priests'. For Philo, paoiteux; is understood as 'the king's house'
($ 66c) and by introducing tcai between pao'tteioc. and kporojua he maintains the substantive force
of the former.
In 1 Peter 2.5, 9, we realize that not only is the totality applied to the
believers as the rest of the Jewish traditions do, but that those to whom it is
applied likely also include Gentiles. For Ezekiel, the foreigner could not
present offerings at the temple nor even serve as a priest.200 1 Peter reverses
the edict and without apology regards the Gentile believers as part of the new
'holy' and 'royal' priesthood.201 Second, we note that 1 Peter does not seem
to leave room at all for any other special lineage of priests, Levitical or
otherwise. The believers constitute the new priesthood. The imagery here
becomes mind-boggling given that the believers also constitute the building
blocks to the 'spiritual house' as we saw above.202 The terms 'spiritual house'
and the 'holy/royal priesthood' are more or less identical rather than
analogous, in that they both are descriptive of the same object, the believers.203
This is perhaps the reason that some manuscripts leave out eu; in v. 5. 204
The believers thus described are to offer mîÂaxLKoa; 0uoia<; which Goppelt
describes as the 'dedication of the entire person prompted by the Spirit'.205
These sacrifices are acceptable to God since they are mediated through Jesus
Christ, who himself is the perfect sacrifice (1.18-19), and who also is the
foundation stone to which is joined the 'living stones' to construct God's
'spiritual house'.206 Constituting both the spiritual temple and the priesthood,
the believers therefore embody the essence of God's visible presence.
200. Ezek. 44.6-16.

201. David L. Tlede, '"Glory to Thy People, Israel": Luke-Acts and the Jews', in Jacob
Neusner, Ernest S. Frerichs, Peder Borgen, Richard Horsley, eds., The Social World of Formative
Christianity and Judaism (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1988) 327-41. It is perhaps that same
complexity that is also reflected in 1 Peter.
202. Menahem Haran, Temple and Community in Ancient Israel', in Michael Fox, ed.,
Temple m Society, 17-25 [18], maintains the following concerning the OT priesthood: The priests,
being the servants of God, are thus not regarded at all as representatives of the community. Their
obligation to fulfill their role in the service of God, that is, to perform the cultic acts, is bestowed
on them from birth by divine will and is taken to be their exclusive privilege. This privilege does
not stem from the community's authority but is based on the notion that a special eternal
covenant of priesthood was granted by God to the ancestor of priests, Phinehas son of Eleazer
son of Aaron, "to him and his descendants after him" (Num. 25:13)'.
203. Goppelt, 1 Peter, 142, rejects the concept 'priesthood of believers* as imposition by
Reformation. However, see Achtemeier, 1 Peter, 156, who finds in the use of the preposition cu;
together with the phrase kpaiejua &yioi> ('holy priesthood') the provision of the purpose of 'God's
constituting Christians a spiritual house'.
204. Omission is by P, Majority Text, Vulgate and Clement
205. Goppelt, 1 Peter, 142. Cf. Achtemeier, 1 Peter, 155-6; Elliott, Elect, 154. This idea of
spiritual sacrifices was already an ideal sought after in the OT (Ps. 40.9-10; 51.16-19; Isa. 1.11-
17; Jer. 6.20; 7.21-23; Hos. 6.6; Mk. 6.6-8) and in the Qumran community (1QS8.2-8; 9.3-5;
10.6; 4QFlor 1.6-7).
206. Achtemeiei; 1 Peter, 156. There are two possible ways of interpreting the phrase 6ia Trpoi)
XpioroO. It an can either be interpreted in conjunction with ta> putting the emphasis on the
'offering' that is only acceptable through Christ or in conjunction with fforpoo&crou; placing the
emphasis on the 'acceptability' of the offering, m either case it is dear the Jesus Christ is the means
of acceptance.
Consequently, the imagery carries a greater force than mere metaphor: The
transference that 1 Peter is making of the priesthood to the believers is not
simply one of expansion of the boundaries of priesthood but of a complete
reconstitution. The believers are corporately priests by virtue of a covenant
that is eternal, and which designates them as 'servants of the Lord' (cf. Isa.
61.6; Jen 33.21-22; Joel 1.9,13, etc.). It is within this understanding of the
priesthood of the believers that the injunctions concerning the civil powers and
imperial officials in 1 Peter (2.13-17) make sense.207
4.3.2. waîaTiKou; OIXJLOK; (2.5): Priesthood and Sacrifice

In effect, mûjiatiKoa; Qvo'uxx; (2.5) designates the priesthood's primary function
as service to the Lord, in his house. M.-E. Boismard, making a liturgical inter-
pretation of 1 Pet. 2.5, identifies the 'sacrifice' with the eucharist, under-
standing the verb OCWXCJ^KJ). ('offer') to be a technical term for 'lifting up' to God
the sacrifice made to him.208 This, however seems to downplay the function
of the language of priesthood in 1 Peter where liturgical language is used to
foster the author's concern for responsible Christian living and faith.209 This
perspective emphasizes the nature of the community as the temple wherein
the Spirit of God resides, it coming as no surprise that 1 Peter focuses on the
spiritual acts of worship - not just prayer (1 Pet. 3.7) but also the equivalent
of the sacrificial elements of the OT cukus (1 Pet 1.18-20).210 It is on this basis
that the whole community of believers is required to maintain a lifestyle of
spiritual purity (1.14-19) and even exercise the role of priesthood beyond the
Christian confines (1 Pet. 2.13-17).211
This interpretation correlates well with 2 Mace. 2.17-18, which interprets
Exod. 19.6 in light of the celebration of the purification of the temple. The
inheritance is described in terms of TO paolteiov Kal TO Upcnrajua Kai TOM
aYiaap,6v. The predicate makes the entire people of God the object of his
salvation. This inheritance has been restored to all the Jews by God. As such,
the hope of the ingathering of all the scattered of the house of Israel back to
the 'holy place' is highlighted. The intent is to show that the same God of the
207. Selwyn, First Peter, 294: 'The injunctions are less surprising in light of the priestly
character of the Church.'
208. M.-E. Boismard, 'Pierre (Premiere epitre de)', DBSup 7 (1966) 1415-55,1435. Cf. Hill,
'Spiritual Sacrifices', 61. Kelly, Peter and Jade, 98; Abernathy, '1 Peter 2.7-9', 37.
209. Achtemeier, 1 Peter, 156: 'Thus Christians are made a spiritual house to the end that
they be a body of priests whose purpose is to offer acceptable sacrifices to God.'
210. Haran, 'Temple', 23. TTiis would fall in line with what Haran emphasizes, that die
primary act of service by the priest was sacrifice rather than prayer, the latter being peripheral
to the cult However, it is important to highlight, even as Haran concedes, that both prayer and
prostration did supplement the primary service of sacrifice and thus functioned together in
some sense of a descending order of significance (24-5).
211. However, see the caution of Brox (Petntsbrief, 99-100), who feels that owing to the
highly metaphorical language of the text, doctrinal implications should not be too readily drawn
from it.
Exodus (14.30) now also saves the Jewish people, with the people's worship
and pre-eminence taking prominence over the land and institutions envisaged
as the heritage promised to Israel.212
Together with the concept of a 'spiritual house', Flusser compares the term
'a holy priesthood' with the Qumran concepts of the 'holy house of Israel' and
'a holy dwelling of Aaron', and concludes that 1 Pet. 2.5 is a modified form
of 1QS 8.4-8 where the two rooms of the temple have become one house and
one priesthood.213 Subsequent studies have questioned the literary dependence
of 1 Peter on the DSS making Husser's theory somewhat untenable. Elliott
warns that since Exod. 19.6 played no part in the Qumranic literature, any
attempted comparison between 1 Peter and the DSS should be undertaken
with great caution and, in fact, with pessimism.214
However in the Jewish writing Jubilees (16.18) - sections of which have
been found in Qumran - the Exodus passage is quoted and applied to the
future Israel in language reminiscent of 1 Peter. This calls into question
Elliott's claim that Exod. 19.6 'played absolutely no role in the Qumran
literature'.215 Interpretation of Exod. 19.6 in intertestamental Judaism included
not only the priesthood but also the temple and its purity. Jubilees then
applies it to the temple in terms of its restoration to purity together with the
future heavenly cultus.216 Theirs are 'spiritual' sacrifices that are presented to
God as acts of obedience in light of their election by God.
The priesthood, then, for 1 Peter is something of an 'offshoot of the idea
of God's people as a temple, or spiritual house and is rooted in Exodus 19:6
(23:22 LXX).. .\ 2 1 7 This stems from Christ's priesthood over the Church (1
Pet. 3.18) both as the sacrifice and the sacrificer that offered himself for
atonement of sin. This self-offering is paralleled by the obedience the believers
are called upon to offer up in 'spiritual sacrifices' in 2.5. In this way, 1 Peter
offers his audience a powerful temple imagery that prompts them to rethink
the role of the temple in the community, the meaning of God's presence
among the elect. The use of the passive 'being built', clearly indicates that the
inference is to God as the master builder of this spiritual house, and not the
Messiah - who in this case is a part of the building as the crucial cornerstone
that holds die entire structure together This then is presented as die anticipated
Jewish eschatological temple, now fulfilled in the community of believers,
based on their relation with Jesus Christ the Messiah.
212. F. M. Abel, Les Uvres des Maccabees (Paris: Editions du Ctri, 1948) 309 n. c.
213. Flusser 'Pre-Pauline Christianity', 233-6.
214. Elliott, £&<*, 210-13.
215. Achtemeier, 1 Peter, 151 n. 31.
216. Cerfaux, 'Sacerdotium', 5-39.
217. McCartney, 4OT in First Peter', 115.
4.4. Worship, Prayer, and Ethics: €

(1 Pet. 3.7,9; 4.7)
In 1 Peter 3.7 husbands and wives are called ODYKXripovqiOK; xop^cx; Cojf|g.218
The reading m)YKAj|pov6p,oi<; (dative case) is found in only a few manuscripts
(including Nc P72 P81 Bc [B* ouvKA.ipovqiou;]) while the majority of manuscripts
have the nominative plural ouYKAjpovqioi ( A C K P ¥ Byz Lect 33 1739 if*
1
vg). The Syriac evidence is split between the two, with the Peshitta text
supporting the former and the Hasidic text the latter. Adoption of the dative
would mean the clause ox; KOI oi)YKA.r|pov6|ioi^ x^PLT0^ C^fc would be in
reference to the wives while adoption of the nominative would mean the
reference is to the husbands. As Bruce Metzger explains, 'The transition in
sense from the singular xQ Ywaucelcp OKZIXI to the plural auYKAripovqioic may
have seemed harsh to the copyists, who therefore preferred the nominative
[but] the dative is more in harmony with the structure of the sentence and
thought (for the presence of KOCL seems to favor taking the two clauses as
coordinate)'.219
SuYK^rpovoôu; is used in reference to the joint and equal nature of the inher-
itance that, in light of 1.4 and 3.9, must be thought of as heavenly and
connected to salvation (1.7, 9). The implication of this is obvious from the
passage. As a result, some of the later manuscripts insert the word attovlou after
CwfV;.220 Not a very common word in the NT - it appears only three other
times, and all of them in relation to eschatological expectation: twice in Paul
and once in the epistle to the Hebrews - it is used by Pauline literature in
relation to Gentiles who previously did not belong to the kingdom of God but
now are airyKA.Tpov6na of the kingdom because of Christ (Eph 3.6; Rom. 8.17).
The letter to the Hebrews also makes it clear that the joint heritage
(ouYKXTpovqioc) to which the patriarchs looked forward was the heavenly one
not built with human hands (Heb. 11.8-10).
SuYKArpovqux; is used in 1 Peter in a section where the author had just
finished admonishing the different subsets of groups in the society, including
the relationship with the governing authorities (2.13-17) and relationships
between husbands and wives (3.1-7). In the so-called Haustafeln, 1 Peter
generally moves away from the focus on the earlier eschatological concerns
displayed in thefirstchapter of the epistle. However, here he returns to it with
this reference to KXipovqiLa. As Michaels explains, 'Peter takes up again the
thread of eschatological interest that dominated 1.3-2.10 but virtually disap-
peared after the mention of the "day of visitation" in 2.12\ 221
218. 'Co-heirs of the grace of life'; 'Joint inheritors of the grace of life'.
219. Bruce Metzger, A Textual Commentary on the Greek New Testament (Stuttgart:
Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft, 1994) 620.
220. P72 and the Syriac Peshitta supply the word 'eternal'.
The eschatological use of the termxapic can be seen in 1.10,13. 222 In these
two verses the focus is on the anticipated events to which the OT prophets
and the angels looked forward, but which the readers of 1 Peter have been
privileged to be partakers of (v. 12). This x^PK which was expected by the
prophets has now been seen in Christ Jesus by those who, though they have
not seen him, have believed in him (w. 8-9). However; the fullness of this
Xapig has yet to be seen, for it remains hidden until the revelation of Christ
(v. 13). It remains something to look forward to, much in the same way that
the OT prophets looked forward to the first coming (1.10-12). Their fervent
expectation worked as the motivator and now as an example for the readers
of 1 Peter even as they await the return of Jesus Christ.
This is the context within which the instructions of 1 Pet. 3.1-7 fall. They
are to be framed by the eschatological understanding of the concept of xoptG
as used in 1 Pet. 1.10,13, making them more than mere instructions for moral
or godly living. They are integrally entwined with the x&pi$ that awaits expec-
tation in the revelation of the Lord Jesus Christ. As such, they serve not simply
as motivators for good behavior but, even more, as the basis of true
worship.224 Unlike instructions given for motivation of behavior - which
tend usually to be loaded with promises of blessings and threats of curses -
the primary motivator in this case is prayer (v. 7), a cultic function closely
associated with the sanctuary.225 In the early church, the prayer hours of
Tamid-oiiering in the temple were still observed by the believers (Acts 2.46;
3.1), while the breaking of bread and sharing in the meals of fellowship was
done at home (Acts 2.44). 226
The only other mention of irpooeuxri in 1 Peter is within the context of guide-
lines for church life premised on an eschatological foundation (4.7). The
eschatological expectation of the soon coming end is the main focus: 'The end
222. Dalton, 'So that', 270-1. The general sense of the use of xapu; in 1 Peter (1.2,10,13;
2.19; 3.7; 4.10; 5.5,10,12) is the common NT meaning of 'that which God gives freely*. The
only possible exception is 2.19 where the term is used in the sense of 'that which pleases God\
Normally used in relation to the present Christian life, it is only in 1.13 that it has a future
dimension of the final fulfillment. This same understanding of the term is expressed in the
second-century sermon of Melito, On Pascha, especially § 58.
223. Cf. the words of Jesus in M t 13.17, Truly I tell you, many prophets and righteous people
longed to see what you see, but did not see it, and to hear what you hear, but did not hear it.'
See also Lk. 10.23-24.
224. So also Goppelt, Typos, 157.
225. Following the construction of the temple by Solomon, his prayer before the temple called
on the Lord to answer prayer when directed from or toward the temple (1 Kgs 8.30-36; 2 Chron.
6).
226. Cf. Acts 10.3, 9, 30. One can also argue that it was in the context of prayer that the
synagogue came into existence in the 'Dispersion'. With the Jews distanced from the temple and
in need of a gathering place for prayer, the irpoaeuxrj, emerged in the 'Dispersion' and eventually
found its way into Palestine.
of all things is near (T&XX; TTYYIKS); therefore be serious and discipline yourselves
for the sake of your prayers (irpooeuxac;)'. What was true for husbands and
wives becomes also true of the larger church body. Their conduct is not only
closely tied to their worship, but seems to be premised on it. For this reason,
even when their lives are to be characterized by purity and reverence (3.2), the
motivation remains witnessing to non-believers (3.1). The mission of the
'new Israel', as the light to the 'Gentiles' (Isa. 49.6), must be sustained.
A source of encouragement remains their 'living hope5 (kXitida CGXHXV - 1 . 3 ,
13, 21; 3.15) where the use of language plainly reminiscent of Exod. 12.11
(cf. Hos. 2.25) reinforces the understanding that 1 Peter's presentation of hope
(kXitic) is within the framework of restoration from exile.227 The assurance
concerning the antagonistic environment is such that, rather than being
reflective of a negative status in relation to God, it serves to affirm the exact
opposite: That it is, indeed, those who suffer - the aliens and exiles - who are
the true people of God.228 The promise of Israel's restoration from exile now
belongs to the new 'temple-community', in reflection of the promise of
restoration.
All aspects of life are to be understood in light of the fact that, even the most
basic of relationships, that of husband and wife, has serious eschatological
ramifications. This relationship is that of the church in a microcosm. Attendant
on it are the same expectations and regulations that pertain to the larger body
of believers who constitute the 'spiritual house' (2.4-10).230
4.5. The Prototype Temple: Noah's KLPQTO; (1 Pet. 3.20)
tou eeou naKpoOujiia h> rpkpau; Nwe KaxaoK&xx£q}ki>XK Kt|3a)Tot> clc ty 6X1701, TOUT' GOTIV 6KTG>
In this section of 1 Peter (3.18-22) we are aware of the fact that Noah's ark
is incidental to the larger argument of baptism and the salvation of God.
Nevertheless, it is significant that the author chooses to use this story of
227. Danker, '1 Peter 1.24-2.17, 99: 'The citations from Pss. 33 and 117, Isa. 40 and 43,
Hosea 1 and 2, and Prov. 24 are all taken from OT contexts which affirm deliverance from
suffering or tribulation.51 Pet. 2.10 quotes from Hos. 1.6-9, in a passage originally addressed
to Israel but now being applied to the new community. Hos. 2.23 quoted in 1 Peter describes the
exilic situation in light of the ancient Exodus experience (v. 17) coupled up with the promise of
God to have pity on the 'not pitied' (v. 25).
228. John H. Elliott, 'The Rehabilitation of an Exegetkal Step-Child: 1 Peter in Recent
Research', in Charles H. Talbert, ed., Perspectives on 1 Peter (NABPR Special Series 9; Macon,
Ga.: Mercer University Press, 1986) 3-16,15. Achtemeier, 1 Peter, 168.
229. Beare, First Peter, 105.
230. And so the admonitions to obey the non-ecclesiastical authorities, even in the face of
persecution (2.17; 3.16; 4.4), are geared towards evangelism and mission to the 'gentiles'.
Noah as the basis of teaching on baptism. While the general focus of most
studies has rightly been on the issue of baptism and the descensus ad inferos,
little attention has been paid to the role of Noah's ark in the salvation process.
Therefore, little interest has been directed toward investigating the role of
Noah's ark as a sanctuary in Jewish literature of the Second Temple period
in connection with 1 Peter:
In some Jewish quarters (e.g. Sib. Or. 1.128-33; 1.279. Cf. 1 Enoch 79.1,
36), Noah's Kipoota; was perceived as a prototypical temple. Owing to this
background, a case could be made in light of the Noachic image in 1 Peter
3.19-20 that Noah's ark could be understood to function as a form of a temple.
That both the ark and the temple functioned as symbols of God's redemptive
act (and judgment) in the cosmological history of the nation of Israel would
allow for such a connection to be inferred by the readers with limited strain.
Whether such particular imagery was intended by the author cannot be
ascertained, but his deliberate choice of the ark as a metaphor for salvation
is rife with temple imagery connections.
In other Jewish tradition, angels/spirits were involved in the building of both
the temple and Noah's ark. In 1 Enoch 672, the ark is built by angels and in
Exod. Rob. 52.4, the temple was built with help of 'spirits' (TO i m ) . In T. Sol.
2.4 the building of the temple is carried out by the servants of Solomon and
oaijioiaov (demons? fallen angels?) who, unable to move the temple corner-
stone, co-opt - by force - the Arabian wind 8ai4i6y, Epiphas. Midrash
Kabbah seems to allude to and summarize T. Sol. when R. Yosi simply
exclaims that 'Everyone helped [Solomon] when he built the temple of God,
both human beings and spirits.' However by leaving the spirits as unqualified,
Midrash Rabbah might be putting a positive spin on the demon designation
in T. Sol.232
Comparing 1 Peter with the Gospel tradition, where Noah's ark retains the
role of refuge (or sanctuary) from God's judgment, the concern in 1 Pet. 3.17-
21 is partly broadened to include the building process of the community so
that the eschatological concerns about the second coming of the Messiah seem
to be less emphasized. So the Gospels, unlike 1 Peter,findno need to refer to
the construction of the ark and instead just focus on narrative as a warning
and the ark as a source of redemption for those prepared for the Lord's
return. Therefore, a connection to the 'spiritual house' in 2.9-10 could be
postulated in the concept of building (KaTaoK€uaCo|iG^|c) which is added rather
curiously to the phrase G> fylpau; Ntde in 3.20. One could argue that 1 Peter
231. Epiphas is said to descend (KoraPau**)), leaving the impression that he too may be a fallen
angel(?).
232. In 2 (Syriac) Baruch 7-8,80 (cf. also Josephus, War, 6.300) the angels are said to have
helped destroy the temple, while in Talmud (Chagigah 5b) the angels are said to weep at the
destruction of the temple.
wants to make an indirect but significant connection between the idea of

building (oiKo6o\LeioQe) of the 'spiritual house' in 2.5 and the building
(KaTaoKeuaCqjivric - 3.20) of the ark.
If 1 Peter 3.20 had ended with the phrase e> ffiepau; Ncoe it would have
sufficed, as witnessed in the Gospels' appropriation of the Noah tradition (Mt
24.37-38; Lk. 17.26-27 - 'For as the days of Noah were, so will be the coming
of the Son of Man. For as in those days before the flood they were eating and
drinking, marrying and giving in marriage, until the day Noah entered the ark').
However, 1 Peter's addendum of the ark's building is crucial for his argument
enabling the theme of construction to connect the two passages.
Further comparison with Hebrews where the same verb KaTaoKaxxCo) is used
of the construction of a 'house' (OLKOC; - 3.3), the tabernacle (OKTIVTI - 9.2) and
the ark (KIPGOTCX; -11.7) may also lend support to our reading.233 For Hebrews,
the ark context in 11.7 is the exhibition of Noah's faith and obedience as a
means of salvation from God's judgment, while for 1 Peter - even with the
focus on the ark as a sanctuary and a refuge - the Noahic tradition provides
opportunity to highlight the construction aspect reflective of the building of
the Christian community. Of course, such correspondence is more conceptual
and thematic than verbal: just as Noah was building the ark for the purpose
of salvation for those who would believe his message and enter into it, so also
are the believers being built into a 'spiritual house' through which those who
believe would be saved.234
It is likely that the readers would be familiar with the Jewish legends about
the ark and the temple, allowing for the connections postulated. In the same
way that in 2.5 the 'temple-community' is identified with Christ, the believers
are identified through Christ via the imagery of Noah's narrative.235 Some
other elements like the use of the transitive verb irofxuteu; ('go', 'proceed') -
which appears twice (3.19,22) - to encapsulate the narrative of descending
to the spirits in the days of Noah forming a threefold sequence of 'death-resur-
rection-ascension' adds to the speculation.236 Since the community already has
been identified with the temple in 2.4-9, the interpretation makes sense if the
ark in 3.20 is understood to play the same redemptive and eschatological role
the temple does in the earlier passage.237
233. Selwyn, First Peter, 290. This is 'a more general word covering equipment and admin-
istration as well as construction'.
234. Michaels, 1 Peter, liii. Josephus (Ant. 1.90) claims that the ark came to rest on top of a
mountain in Armenia with the Armenians consequently calling the spot the Landing-Place, 'for
it was where the ark came safe on land and they show the relics to this day'. Cf. also Ant. 1.92-
95 and c. Ap. 1.130.
235. Selwyn, First Peter, 334: 'makes it clear in 1 Pet iii. 18-22 that he minks of the Christian
Church as the "antitype" or the fulfillment of the ark, and the waters of Christian baptism as
prefigured by those of the Flood'.
237. Kazuhito Shimada, 'The Christological Creedal Formula in 1 Peter 3:18-22
Reconsidered', AJBI 5 (1979) 154-76; Elliott, 1 Peter, 653; Michaels, 1 Peter, 197: 'die
4.6. Temple and Sekinah (1 Pet. 4.14,17)
bit TO rift Soft* Kal to TOU Geou irveiijia &|>' i*ia<; awxirauecai
This phrase presents awkward moments for interpreters.238 The two main
proposals involve understanding wefyux as a main noun to which the genitival
phrases - TO iffe 66%% and TO TOU Geou - are attached. The resultant phrase is
either a hendiadys ('the glorious spirit of God') or epexegetical ('the spirit of
glory, which is die Spirit of God'). A third option would be to reject wetyux
as the main noun and prefer the possibility that the two genitival phrases
contain independent subjects.239 I. Howard Marshall reasons that 1 Peter
might have first simply written 'the Spirit of God' and only later added 'glory'
causing the awkwardness of the phrase.240 Admittedly, however, most scholars
prefer to see wdjua as the main subject modified by the two genitival phrases
and we, in turn, concur with the majority by maintaining preference for the
epexegetical rendering.241
As noted earlier - by combining uvcfyux and 6o£a in 4.14 - 1 Peter makes an
allusion to the dominant theme of 'God's glory' in Ezekiel and only three verses
later alludes to Ezek. 9.9 (4.17).242 Schutter has noted that perhaps the largest
portion of OT allusion is to Ezekiel 8-11, and so it comes as no surprise that
the most likely reference of the judgment in 1 Pet. 4.14-17 is to be traced back
to this OT section.243 Ezekiel's vision begins with the spectacular chariot-
throne (1.28; 3.23-24; 8.4; 43.3) and culminates with the image of the life-
giving water rushing out of the south of the altar in the temple purifying even
the Dead Sea (47.1-12). This was a symbol of the return of God's glory to
Israel, which would be a source of 'life' and 'abundance' for the nations.244
announcement to the imprisoned disobedient spirits, the days of Noah, preparation of the ark
and corresponding salvation of the baptized believers is directly linked to the event of Christ's
resurrection'.
238. 'God's glorious Spirit rests on you'(Achtemeiei;! Peter, 303); NRSV-'the spirit of glory,
which is the Spirit of God, is resting on you'. To the phrase TO rift 6o£n<; some mss add iced Swcêa*;
(N* K2 A 33 811881 Byzpt syrh vg) while to the verb avamvecai other mss add iconac |i€u autoix;
PAflo4»nM£imt icam & UJ&; 6O#C€TOI (MT K L P [¥]). However, the shorter reading is to be preferred
since the evidence seems to suggest that the longer readings are attempts at emendation of the
shorter more difficult reading. See, Metzger, Textual Commentary, 625, who concludes that the
evidences 'sufficiently condemn all of diem as homiletic supplements to the original text'.
239. Selwyn, First Peter, 222-4.
240. L Howard Marshall, 1 Peter (Downers Grove, 111. and Leicester: InterVarsity Press, 1991;
154.
241. So Goppelt, 1 Peter, 323; Michaels, 1 Peter, 264; Dubis, Woes, 124-5.
242. Irenee Fransen, 'Une homelie chretienne: La premiere Epitre de Pierre', BVC 31 (1960)
28-38.
243. Schutter, Hermeneutic, 35-43.
244. In the Gospel of John (4.10-14; 7.38-39), 'life-giving water' is associated with Jesus and
with the Holy Spirit
This is an indication that - in spite of the judgment that is to begin with the
'house of God' - the manifest presence of God would be the sign for divine
favor and assurance for the community of believers.245
Through Christ the people have become the new temple; and, through
Christ, the Spirit of God rests upon them as the Sekinah of God rested on the
sanctuary. In the words of McCartney, 'As Christ the temple was full of his
tabernacling glory (John 1.14), so believers have become recipients of that
glory, and as Christ was full of the Spirit, so are believers.'247 Therefore, the
spirit that rested on the Messiah, Jesus Christ, now rests on those who
compose the 'new house of God'.248
This language of 'spirit of glory and of the Lord' is also synonymous with
God's spirit resting on the tabernacle as the visible presence of God (Exod.
33.9ff) and on the first temple in the visible form of a cloud hovering on the
entrance of the sanctuary (1 Kgs 8.9-11; 2 Chron. 5.13-14). Now that the
believers comprise the new 'spiritual house', 1 Peter can speak of the Spirit of
God as resting on them in this same fashion. For Selwyn, this interpretation
is appropriate for the phrase TO TTE oo&y; (a hapax in the NT and LXX), which
he understands as a reference to the Sekinah and so translates it as 'the
Presence of the Glory, yea the Spirit of God'.249 The preference for most
scholars to treat the phrase as having two genitival phrases (TO TT>; 6O&>; and
TO TOO (teoi)) acting as adjectival modifiers for Trvetyia, does a better job of
capturing the Sekinah imagery.
This presence of the Spirit also extends to 1 Peter's audience the Messianic
promise of Isa. 11.2 where in the LXX of Isaiah we find the use of the phrase
ai/aiTauoeTai eir' airrbv iTV€i>|ja TOU Geou which links to TO TOU Geou wctyia k$'
i^Jou; avaraueTca in 1 Peter 4.14.250 Isa. 11.2 had been read messianicly by both
245 Schutter, Hermeneutic, 171. Lloyd Neve, The Spirit of God in the Old Testament (Tokyo:
Seibunsha, 1972) 1. The m i in the land of Palestine, just like the temple, displayed the dual roles
of God's judgment and God's salvation. The Eastern 1711 bringing moisture and life was a sign
of God's life giving and fertility blessings. The Western m i with its dry and harsh desert air was
a reminder of God's judgment.
246. For example, in Isaiah 11.1-2, a shoot shall come out from the stump of Jesse, and a
branch shall grow out of his roots. The m*uoa tou 8eoO shall rest on him, the spirit of wisdom
and understanding, the spirit of counsel and might, the spirit of knowledge and the fear of the
LORD.
247. McCartney, 'OT in First Peter', 118. Cf also Zechariah 2.10-12 where there is an
eschatological promise of the Lord coming to dwell among his people.
248. Zechariah 6.12: 'Thus says the LORD of hosts: Here is a man whose name is Branch: for
he shall branch out in his place, and he shall build (oiKo&îrpei) the temple of the LORD* (MT -
^rrn-nK; LXX - w ofcov KUPIOU.).
249. Selwyn, First Peter, 222-4. He does not see the mîiua as the main noun for both
genitival phrases, arguing rather that there are two distinct subjects. Cf. also Michael E. Lodahl,
Shekinah Spirit: Divine Presence in Jewish and Christian Religion (New York: Paulist Press, 1992).
250. Achtemeier, 1 Peter, 308-9; Michaels, 1 Peter, 264-5; Selwyn, First Peter, 250. In
similar fashion, the Qumran community also actualized the elements of the Spirit ( m i ) in
Jews (4QpIsaa; Pss. Sol. 17.39-44) and Christians (Eph 1.17; Mt. 3.16; Jn
1.32). But 1 Peter moves beyond this conventional application to a corporate
one. To 1 Petei; this Isaianic promise has been fulfilled, via Christ, in the new
people of God who, like their Messiah, have been reproached and have
suffered.251 What was spoken of in regard to the Messiah (singular) in the OT
is now actualized in the believers {plural) in the Petrine community. To achieve
this effect, 1 Peter changes the tense of Isa. 11.2 from a future (<h/anaiW€Tai)
to a present (avamxfeToa).252 Use of this Isaianic passage, especially the
accusative k$' 141&;, emphasizes not only the fullness with which the Spirit of
God now rests on the believers but also the reality they now compose - the
new temple of God. 253
By pointing back to the temple imagery in 2.5, it ostensibly connects this
passage to the juridical activity of God in 4.17, where God's judgment is to
begin in the oucou TOW Oeou.254 The Sekinah has returned to the new 'Israel' and
relation to their community. In typical dualistic mode, 1QS 3.6-26 contrasts the life of the elect
with the non-elect as those who are rilled with a 'spirit of holiness1 - C71"7pn m") (or 'spirit of
truth' - nOKH m m i ) with those who are filled with a 'spirit of deception' (ÎTI m m i ) ,
respectively. According to 1QS 4.3-8, the elect have:
a spirit of meekness, of patience, generous compassion, eternal goodness, intelligence,
understanding, potent wisdom which trusts in all the deeds of God and depends on his
abundant mercy; a spirit of knowledge in all the plans of action, of enthusiasm for the decrees
of justice, of holy plans withfirmpurpose, of generous compassion with all the sons of truth,
of magnificent purity which detests all unclean idols, of unpretentious behaviour with
moderation in everything, of prudence in respect of the truth concerning the mysteries of
knowledge. These are the counsels/foundations f T)0) of the spirit for the sons of truth in
die world. And the visitation of those who walk in it will be for healing, plentiful peace in
a long life,fruitfuloffspring with all everlasting blessings, eternal enjoyment with endless
life, and a crown of glory (HMD ) with majestic raiment in eternal light, (emphasis added)
While the actual OT reference might not be clear in this case, there is every probability that Isa.
11.1-2 is in view in this DSS passage. In fact, it would seem from the linguistic correspondences
of the adjectives that define the spirit (wisdom, understanding, counsel, justice, etc) that this is
a midrashic expansion of Isa. 11.1-2. Meanwhile, because of the dualistic perspective in DSS, the
reference to the 'spirit of God' (HIIT JTH) is changed to an ethical reference of the 'precepts of
God' - ^ ''DSfcQ (1QS 4.2-3). Applying this interpretation of the OT to itself the Qumran
community understood the promises that would have been applicable to the Messiah to also apply
to itself.
251. McCartney, 'OT in First Peter', 117. In Rom. 9.4 'Glory' is the same as 'Presence'.
252. So Sebvyn, First Peter, 224. S&utet, Hermeneutic, 153-4, who sees here a pesfor-like
hermeneutic
253. Schutter, Hermeneutic, 153, sees the Transfiguration tradition and the martyrdom of
Stephen as possible connections to 1 Peter here, especially considering the use of the term SO&K.
For "QD as an expected part of the eschatological dimension in Jewish thinking, see Isa. 9.1-9;
60.1$ 66.1$ Hag 2.9; Pss. Sol. 17.32$ 1QS 4.3-8; HQTemp 29.8-10; 4QFlor 1.5.
254. McCartney, 'OT in First Peter', 117. 'Once again the OT centers on Christ, who
m<xliatts the OT to riisOT people. But it also haria
Temple ... Peter was certainly drawing again upon the temple imagery of 2:5, for 4:17 ...'.
is in the 'spiritual temple', which is the community. This is not a sporadic or

temporary presence of the Spirit, but the anticipated eschatological in-filling
that confirms the restoration from exile and the assured permanent presence
of God among the elect (cf. Ezek. 43.7; 4QFlor 1-3 i 5). 255 The Spirit of God
that makes this new temple alive is the same spirit that raised Jesus from the
dead - making him a 'living stone' (2.4) and, through him, the believers as
'living stones'256 - confirming God's favor in the face of human disfavor. The
divine judgment's final aim then is not simply punitive but, rather, purificatory.
4.7. Temple and Judgment (1 Pet. 4.14-17 [4.5-7])
o n 6 Kcapcx; t o u apEfiuoQai TO Kpiya OTTO TOU OUCOU TOU 6eou
While it may be considered an exaggeration to suggest that 4.14-17 is the key

to the entire epistle, its significance cannot be downplayed.257 Clearly, from
the author's point of view, the end is virtually at hand (4.7) with the Lord
portrayed as exercising his juridical activities of pronouncing judgment on all
sinful acts (4.17), thereby inaugurating the period of God's eschatological
judgment.258 The judgment is to be meted upon both the living and the dead
(4.5-6) - death is no escape.259 1 Peter, even when using such Pauline themes
as the cross, grace or baptism, applies them differently to suit his paraenetic
interest where they lack the soteriological element so prominent in Pauline
conception.260
A form of providing exhortation in relation to suffering, as is the case with
1 Peter's audience, is found in 2 and 4 Maccabees, where the vindicated
righteous sufferer provides hope to the suffering. A passage of significance is
one we looked at earlier, 2 Mace. 2.17, which closely resembles 1 Peter 2.4-10.
255. Contra F. W. Beare, The First Epistle of Peter: The Greek Text with Introduction and
Notes (Oxford: Blackwell, 1970) 192, who views the spirit as simply sporadic and conditional.
256. Fransen, 'Homelie', 28-38,38. Fransen points out that while Ezek. 9.6 may provide the
vocabulary for 1 Peter, die imagery is derived from Mai. 3.1-5 and 4.1.
257. Lapham, Peter, 136-7.
258. Donald Miller, Upon This Rock: A Commentary on 1 Peter (Princeton Theological
Monograph Series 34; Allison Park, Pa.: Pickwick, 1993).
259. The self designation of the author as ouîrpeof&repCK; might have little to do with a ploy
in ingratiating himself to his readers, more an acknowledgment of standing at the sameriskas
his fellow elders when it comes to God's judgment of his OIKOC; (Cf. Schuttei; Hermeneutic, 79).
260. Siegfried Schulz, NeutestamentUche Ethik (Zurich: Theologischer Verlag, 1987) 614-17.
In essence, it resembles the Pauline teachings on eschatological events in the Thessalonian
communications. In those letters, Paul assures the concerned Thessalonians - afraid of having
'missed' the eschaton - that the dead will be raised first and then the living will be joined
together with them to meet the Lord (1 Thess. 4.13-18). 1 Petei; on the other hand, emphasizes
the coming judgment, which will spare not even the dead (4.6).
Donald Juel points out that 1 Peter 4.13-16 is strikingly different because, even
though the themes of humiliation and vindication are present, the primary
source of hope is not the 'paradigmatic righteous sufferer as such but the
Messiah'.261 'Those who suffer in the name of Christ can view God as a
'faithful creator' (1 Peter 4:19) because they are confident that the glory of
Christ will be revealed (4:13) - once again, because God has already kept his
word (1 Peter 1:3-12).'262 And what is true of the Messiah is also held to be
true of or applicable to the believers, by virtue of their relationship to Jesus
the Messiah. 'They do not need to fight against their oppressors, since they
can trust in God's righteous judgment just as Christ did (see 2.23; 3.13;
4.19).'263 However, the messiah is the righteous sufferer and, since he suffered,
those who suffer 'as Christians' should rejoice since it glorifies God (4.13,16).
As we have maintained of the OLKOQ terminology in 1 Peter, when 4.17
reckons that the judgment which already is beginning will start in the 'house
of God' (OXKOU TOU Oeou) it is referring to the Petrine 'temple-community'.264
In the latter part of the OT - especially in the eschatological strata of such
writings as Amos 3.2; Jen 7.8ff; 25.29ff; Zeph. 1-2; Zech. 13.7-9; and Mai
3.1 - there was a growing conviction that God would call first to account,
the 'house of Israel'. A similar conviction resurfaces in Second Temple Jewish
writings (T. Ben]. 10.8-10; 2 Apoc. Bar. 13.9) and Rabbinic sources (Qoheleth
45a; Mishnah Baba Qamma 60a; Rosh Hashanah 8b; Midr. Pss. 17a, 44b,
2121a; and Exod. Rab. 88d). Since in the LXX oucou (teoi) typically refers to
the temple (Judg. 18.31; Ezra 6.3; Neh. 13.11; Isa. 22; Tob. 14.4,5; Ban 324),
while in the NT it is used to refer to people - presenting them as the dwelling
place of God (Heb. 3.6) - makes such a reading of 1 Peter viable.265
261. Donald Juel, Messianic Exegesis: Christohgical Interpretation of the Old Testament in
Early Christianity (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1988) 108, uses 1 Peter 4.13-16 as an example of what
he calls the 'democratization' of the messianic promise of Isa. 11.2 - *And the Spirit of the Lord
shall rest upon him' (cf. Tg. Isa. 11.2). This ought to be understood not as a replacement of the
earlier Davidic promises but an expansion to a national level through the new covenant theology
with Jesus as messiah. The promises that belonged to the messiah/king now rightfully belong to
the new Israel community. In this case, 1 Peter 4.14 is associated with Ps. 89.50-51 by means of
the verb 6i*t6tt€ofe (ovtifioc in Ps. 89.50-51).
262. Juel, Messianic Exegesis, 109.
263. Thuren, Argument, 206.
264. Thuren, Argument, 176-7; cf. also Lohmeyer, Temple, 65ff. The house metaphor (TT'D)
is capable of many different usages and meanings in the biblical context, primarily those that refer
to the nation of Israel or the reign of David. A threefold function of the temple in the OT can be
delineated as follows: It is the 'house' (oTiax;) where God rules, where he judges, and where one
worships him. This is very similar to the threefold function of the concept of God's paoOeux.
265. Otto Michel, 'otica;', TDNT 5.127. A variant OIKO; Kupiou TOO 6eoO occurs in 1 Chron.
22.1, still in reference to the temple, while related term oka; Kupiou occurs also in reference to
the temple in Ezra 3.6; Zech. 8.9; and Ezek. 44.4.
With most commentators agreeing that Ezek. 9.1-6 forms the likely
background for 1 Pet. 4.14-17, 266 it is significant to note that Ezekiel
constantly uses the term okcx; to refer to both the people (2.5-8; 3.1,4-7,17,
24; 4.3-6; 5.4; 6.11; 8.17; 9.9; 11.5,15; 44.6, etc.) and the sanctuary (8.14,
16; 9.3,6-7; 10.4,18,19; 11.1, etc.).267 Both the people and the structure are
OLKO<; making the interpretation of 1 Peter's reference to the 'temple-
community' that much more convincing.268
It may be the case that in Ezek.l 9.1-6 okcx; is used primarily for the
sanctuary structure (and not for the people) making the theme of 'judgment
proceeding from the sanctuary' the essential point of connection with 1 Pet.
4.14-17. Nevertheless, that the people are in view in Ezek. 9.1-6 is made clear
by the announcement that the judgment began with the elders who stood in
front of the temple (xQ OLKCO).2 In Ezek. 9.6 we see judgment being
pronounced on the nation of Israel, beginning (apx°uxu) in the precinct of the
sanctuary.270 Elliott has argued that tcov ayuov should be understood as
reference to the elders rather than to the sanctuary so that the phrase TOW ayiwv
|!OD ccp£ao0€ should be interpreted as 'begin with my holy ones' rather than
'begin with my sanctuary'. However, either rendering would retain credence
for our claim given that even the judgment on the elders happens within the
temple precincts.271
Furthermore, it is also true of Ezekiel in general that judgment begins with
the people of God (Ezek. 5.8,10,15; 7.8; 11.9; 18.30; 24.14; 36.19), Mowed
266. Other OT parallels for 1 Pet 4.17 include Jer. 25.29 (LXX 32.29) and Mai. 3.1-4. The
Jeremiah passage has a verbal correspondence with 1 Pet. 4.17 - the verb Spxopai ('begin') is used
in both passages to indicate the commencement of God's judgment on the people. Apart from
that correspondence, there hardly is any other connection except the shared theme of judgment.
Mai. 3.1-4 has been shown also to have a number of verbal and conceptual connections to 1 Pet
4.17 including God's cleansing judgment on the temple, described as a 'fiery* judgment (cf. mip
Mai. 3.2 and nDpoc- 1 Pet. 1.6-7; irupwou;- 4.12) and a purification judgment that begins with
the Levites before the destruction of the wicked (Mai. 3.5-6). While Malachi does indeed provide
connections that are viable, it is still not convincing as the primary background for this passage.
For one thing, the significant phrase okoc; TOU 0€OU is missing in Malachi. Cf. Johnson, 'Fire on
God's House: Imagery from Malachi 3 in Peter's Theology of Suffering (1 Pet. 4:12-19)', JETS
29 (1986) 291.
267. While Philo also combines the terms for house and temple, these are for him only
allegorical interpretations or illustrations of the mind. In De Praemis et Poems, 123, he states that
'in truth the wise man's mind is a palace (ra paoiteux) and a house of God (oucoc TOU 0eou). This
it is which is declared to possess personally the God who is the God of alL This again is Ae chosen
people (Arwx; exaipeta;), the people not of particular rulers but of the one and only true ruler, a
people holy even as he is holy.'
268. Selwyn, First Peter, 291.
269. Fransen, 'Homelie', 28-38; Dennis E. Johnson, 'Fire', 285-94; Achtemeier, 1 Peter,
315-16. The MT has ^2*3 ('in front of, 'before') which LXX translates as low ('within',
'inside'). Just as in 1.25,1 Peter retains the elements adjacent to his OT passages here by using
the phrase oucou TOO GeoufromEzek. 9.6. Cf. Schutter, Hermeneutic, 79.
270. Elliott, Home, 243.
271. See Dubis, Woes, 152, for argument against Elliott's view.
by judgment on other nations (Ezek. 25-32). This thematic pattern of judgment

is not unique to Ezekiel and can be seen in Isa. 3.13-14; 10.11-12; Jen 46.28;
Hab. 1.12; Mai. 3.1-5; 4.1; ZecL 13.7-9; T. Benj.10.10. The Mishnah (m. Abot
4.22) makes it clear that, 'It is [God] that shall judge... You shall hereafter give
account and reckoning before the King of Kings, the Holy One, blessed be he.'
In T. Benj. 100.8-9, the connection to the judgment of other nations is made
explicit: 'For the Lord judges Israelfirstfor the wrong she has committed and
then he shall do the same for the other nations.'272 And just as Hab. 12
understood the suffering of the Israelites caused by the Babylonians as part of
God's judgment, in 1 Pet 4.17 the suffering of the believers in the hands of
outsiders is understood as part of this eschatological judgment273
Acknowledging the pervasiveness of the general theme of judgment
beginning in the 'house of God' - both in the OT and in Second Temple Jewish
literature - it is likely that the author of 1 Peter did not have a specific
passage in mind but rather a recurrent theme. Indeed, the mere fact that the
other passages alluded to are also premised on the temple gives the perspective
a broader scope of understanding than would have been easily grasped by the
audience of 1 Peten274 That both Mai. 3.1-5 and Ezek. 9.6 locate the judgment
in the temple simply builds a stronger case for understanding 1 Pet. 4.17 as
clearly referring to the temple rather than simply the 'household' (i.e. people
of God). It leaves little doubt that the impression that 1 Peter has in mind is
that of the 'temple-community' (2.5) with which God's judgment is to begin.
With the 'new Israel', this judgment is envisioned as the national judgment that
precedes the national eschatological restoration reminiscent of the OT
prophetic messages and also true of the teaching of Jesus.275
272. This could also be understood as a case of qal wahomer. if judgment starts in the temple,
the most holy of places, how much more the judgment of those outside.
274. Schutter's extensive argument for Ezek. 9.6 (Hermeneutic, 154-66) as the primary
background is well taken. However the interpretation of the temple imagery is not entirely
dependent on a precise identification of a specific OT passage since the primary theme of
judgment beginning with God's house is evidenced elsewhere in Jewish writings as we saw
earlier.
275. Sanders, Jesus, 95-119, proffers the argument that Jesus' message did not foresee a
national judgment since the imminent national eschatological restoration was incompatible
with expectation of a national judgment So for Sanders, Jesus' belief in national judgment was
simply the shared understanding with others that some Jews would be excluded from Israel's
restoration. With Wright, Victory, 182-6,326-36, the place of thefinalnational judgment recedes
even further. For Wright, Jesus' message of eschatological restoration proclaims the end of the
exilic national judgment. However, Scot McKnight, A New Vision for Israel: The Teaching of
Jesus in National Context (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1999) 9-13,138-49, asserts that Jesus
viewed national judgment as an integral part of his message. See also Bryan, Judgement, 1-6, who
primarily argues that the two aspects are so integrally entwined in Jesus'message that it is virtually
But why should the judgment begin in God's 'house/temple/people', i.e. the
Christians, if they have not manifested rebellion and disobedience that brought
judgment to the literal temple? The answer to this is found in 4.1 - 'Since
therefore Christ suffered in the flesh, arm yourselves also with the same
intention (for whoever has suffered in the flesh has finished with sin)/
Suffering for being Christian is purificatory for 1 Peter (4.13) and would deal
with the sinful nature. The model left by Christ is one of suffering and it has
eschatological ramifications; 'so that you may also be glad and shout for joy
when his glory is revealed' (4.13b). To be true Christians is to expect suffering:
for by so doing we are equipped to live victorious lives over sin (4.2).
Paradoxically, suffering becomes the mark of true faith and purity for the
believers.
4.8. Temple and The Restoration of Israel' (1 Pet. 5.10)
' 0 Se 0€(x; udoTig xttpttog, 6 KCOJEOOU; 141&; e'u; TTJV odcSvLOv auuou So£av ei> XpLOKp'lTpou, bXiyov
TTa06i/ra<; aura; KaTaptioci, ampi&L, oGevcjoei,
A message of hope and restoration is what 1 Peter 5.10 promises to the 'exiles
in Dispersion': that the suffering that they are undergoing is not going to be
long since God will 'restore, establish, strengthen and found' them. Contrary
to what many have understood these verbs to describe, i.e. only reprieve from
the present moment of suffering of 1 Peter's audience,276 Mark Dubis has
recently argued persuasively for an understanding of fulfillment of eschato-
logical hope and glory in this section.277
For Dubis, these verbs represent future eschatological works primarily
because the verse reflects an exile/restoration motif. This motif also is present
in the immediately preceding verse (5.9) which presents the picture of the
believers as scattered throughout the world (cf. l.l). 2 7 8 For Dubis, they
unthinkable that one would function without the other. While Jesus utilizes the traditions of
national judgment, his revisionist approach to the same forced a 're-conceptualization of national
restoration', since it did not view Roman rule as the ultimate hurdle of the restoration.
276. Dubis, Woes, 53-6. Contra Beare, First Peter, 207; Martin Luthei; Tlie Catholic Epistles'
(ed. Jaroslav Pelikan, Luther's Works, vol. 30; St. Louis: Concordia, 1967) 143; Goppelt, 1 Peter,
365; Marshall, 1 Peter, 218-19; Edward Clowney, The Message ofl Peter: The Way of the Cross
(The Bible Speaks Today; Downers Grove, 111.: InterVarsity Press, 1988).
277. Dubis, Woes, 54-5.
278. Dubis, Woes, 54ff. The shepherd motif in 1 Pet. 2.25 also reflects the eschatological
regathering of the children of Israel with God as the Chief Shepherd. Combining imagery of the
shepherd from Isa. 53.6 and Ezek. 34,1 Pet. 5.10 makes the assertion that - in contrast to the
faithlessness of the rulers of Israel - God himself (or Jesus the Messiah) will gather the scattered
sheep and care for them (CTUJKOTOV t w
conjure memories of the exile of the children of Israel in Babylon. This makes
the term bXiyoQ significant because it is understood as a soon-to-be-fulfilled
expectation. In the LXX, at least five out of the seven occurrences of 6A.LYCK;
are used in exile/restoration contexts.279 These are references to the period in
which the Israelites were to be in exile before the Lord would redeem and
restore them.280
The location of the passage at the end of the epistle also comports well with
prophetic genre, of which 1 Peter is heir (1.10-12), which typically announced
judgment (1 Pet. 4.14-17), and then ended with promises of restoration.281
While Goppelt's view that the prayer of 1 Pet. 5.10 summarizes the purpose
of the entire letter may be plausible, his interpretation of the passage as an
explanation of the present state of the Petrine audience is challenged by
Dubis on the grounds of the futuristic orientation of the verbs.282 These two
seemingly opposed aspects may be reconciled by Michaels when he reasons
that the 'victory described is future and eschatological [even though] the
process by which it comes to realization is already underway'.283 It is in this
light that the temple imagery of 1 Peter has to be understood, as both a present
reality and a future expectation.
Such expectation, expressed both in present and future terms, while also
found in Qumran, provides a distinctive element tol Peter's eschatological
spin-offs. The significant difference is that for 1 Peter, this 'spiritual house' is
the eschatological temple, while for the Qumran community the eschatological
temple is yet anticipated, and seems to be a physical temple even though that
is not clean284 And while like the Qumran community 1 Peter's interpretation
and application of the temple imagery is eschatologically driven, he considers
the present time to be the eshaton only in relation to the person of Jesus Christ
279. 2 Chron. 14.10; 24.24; 1 Mace. 3.18; 7.28; Sir. 32.8. Adjectival adverb 6Uyw is used
in the LXX to translate the Hebrew BI7D "7311? even though nucp6i> is more commonly preferred.
281. With Ezekiel 9.6 as the most likely background to the reference in 1 Pet. 4.17, it is
important to point out that there is a message of hope even in the midst of the pronouncement
of judgment by YHWH in Ezekiel. A promise is given by the prophet that, despite the judgment
and exile, YHWH would remain in the midst of the people as their 'sanctuary* while they are in
exile (Ezek. 11.16): Therefore say: Thus says the Lord GOD: Though I removed them far away
among the nations, and though I scattered them among the countries, yet I have been a sanctuary
to them for a little while (nucpcfc) in the countries where they have gone.' While this passage may
have some connection to 1 Peter's assurance to his readers about suffering for 'a little time' - tilyw
Spri (1.6-7), Shuzo Fujita, Temple Theology of theQumran Sect and the Book of Ezekiel: Their
Relationship to Jewish Literature of the Last Two Centuries BC (Th.D. thesis, Princeton
Theological Seminary, 1970), 323, has found no Jewish literature in the last two centuries BCE
where the verse was referenced. This, nevertheless, does not necessarily deny the perspective held
by many Jews of the time that God was still with them in exile, especially reflected in those biblical
books like Daniel and Esther whose protagonists were 'Diaspora Jewish* characters.
282. Goppelt,7Jfpos, 152; Dubis, Woes, 126.
283. Michaels, 1 Peter, 302-3. Cf. also Sanders, Jesus, 77-90.
284. HQTemp 29.9-10.
Therefore, for him, virtually all the focal points of Judaism, i.e. the law,
temple, and scripture, have to be understood and interpreted in light of their
ultimate fulfillment in the person of Jesus Christ and only subsequently to the
'temple-community'.285
The end visualized in 1 Pet. 5.10 is the 'eschatological glory' that will
characterize the believers in the eschaton.2*6 This is not to deny that an
element of a secondary reference to God's current activities among the
audience of 1 Peter is also in the author's mind. Rather, the primary under-
standing is eschatological, especially since this verse also forms something of
an inclusio for the entire letter which started also with reference to the
'suffering for a little while' that the audience was facing (1.6-7).
Dubis' analysis becomes even more significant for us as he argues that the
rebuilding so envisioned by these four future indicatives (KaxapTtoci, anpiga,
287
O0€KOO€L, GejieAiGooei) is of the devastated Israel and its temple. The rebuilding
of the temple is central to the rebuilding of the nation and a key component
of the restoration from exile (Isa. 66). Since 1 Peter already has transferred the
Jewish expectations of the temple to the believers through Jesus, then the
image of die restored temple envisioned in the OT is seen here to be awaiting
fulfillment in the people. While the temple now undergoes God's
judgment/purification (4.17), its ruins, the suffering people, will soon be
restored/re-established.288 Therefore, simultaneously, the temple in 1 Peter is
being rebuilt (2.5) while also looking forward to being restored and established
A significant term that lends credence to such an interpretation is the archi-
tectural term QqukXicK which, as we noted earlier, was deliberately edited out
of the Isaianic quote in 1 Pet. 2.4-9, but now is curiously inserted in this list
of indicatives.2 Given that it typically means 'to lay a foundation' and is
frequently used in the LXX in reference to laying the foundation of the
temple (1 Kgs 5.17; 6.37; 2 Chron. 8.16; Isa. 44.28; Hag. 2.18; Zech. 4.9;
8.9) - and even though it is a verb in 5.10 (in the sense of 'found' or
'establish') rather than a noun ('a foundation') - its inclusion in the text at
this point is peculiar. It recalls the building motif in 2.5, which, as we have
argued in this study, is representative of temple imagery. And given that 1
Peter has been shown to be drawing extensively from Isaiah 40-66, the most
likely background for the concept 0€|i4Xio<; is probably Isa. 44.28. 290 This
is the only explicit reference to the rebuilding of the temple (xbv okov TOV
ayiov jiou OqieXioxK*)) found in this section of Isaiah and aligns well with the
themes in 1 Pet. 5.10 and with the 'idea of exile'. To the Petrine believers
285. Cohen, Maccabees, 127ff.

286. Dubis, Woes, 56. The four indicatives in 5.10 anticipate this future expectation.
289. 1 Peter's omission of the same word in 2.4-10 may have been his emphasizing the identity
of Christ as the 'cornerstone' (dKpoywi'iaioi/) rather than the 'foundation' (
290.
are the promises of Israel's eschatological restoration fully applied and

transferred. in
Thus, 5.10, once again, reaffirms our claim about the underlying significance
of temple imagery in the mind of 1 Peter, allowing connections of the believers'
identity with temple imagery to be made by the author. While it is expected
that the audience would follow the trail that leads to the understanding that
1 Peter seeks to explicate, there is also the possibility that the audience may
not have fully appropriated the imagery. Nevertheless, as shown in this
reading, the passage's linkage to the temple imagery is pertinent to a better
understanding of the overall message of 1 Peter.
4.9. Conclusion
In this chapter we have endeavored to establish the significance of the temple

imagery in 1 Peter by highlighting its utilization in the different sections of the
letter. The historical development of the sanctuary structure plays a significant
role in paralleling the literary structure of the epistle of 1 Peter, moving from
the concept of the tabernacle to that of the temple and its different phases of
construction, judgment and restoration. And for the community - as an
embodiment of the royal/holy priesthood - maintaining holiness becomes a
requirement reminiscent of ancient Israel's failed function as a priesthood to
the nations. Purity and holiness also incorporate eschatological ramifications
since the eschatological 'temple-community' envisioned in 1 Peter is under-
stood to fulfill all Jewish eschatological expectations.
We have maintained that temple imagery incorporates the concepts of
exile, judgment and restoration providing the cultic language by which 1 Peter
addresses the concerns of identity and alienation with which his audience was
struggling. The temple imagery provides the means not only to assure the
believers of the presence of God in their midst, but also to affirm their current
reality as the eschatological birth-pangs of the climactic consummation that
is at hand. Consequently, the perception of their cause of suffering is recon-
figured with 1 Peter making it clear that their suffering is not necessarily the
result of sin or shortcoming on their part but - as with the temple of old - it
is a reflection of the eschatological judgment of God that must begin with the
purging of God's house. Suffering is not a judgment unto condemnation but
a purification for the heavenly inheritance stored up for them and a confir-
mation that they are truly walking in the footsteps of their Messiah. The wise
thing is to persevere, for if this is how it is for the believers, imagine how much
worse it is for those who are not (4.18).

Temple imagery also provides the premise for the hope that the readers so
desperately seek during this period of suffering. While judgment is sure to start
with God's house (4.14), there is hope for restoration (5.10). Much in the same
way that the temple was restored in the OT (even though not satisfactorily),
so now there is a promise of the eschatological glory that awaits the faithful.
This hope is guaranteed in the work of Christ on the cross, who becomes the
model the believers must now emulate. It is their nature as a 'spiritual house'
that fully affirms the permanent presence of God in their midst, enabling them
to persevere through all the tests and trials knowing God is glorified through
them and will strengthen them to bear it all.
The overarching mindset in the Second Temple period that felt tension
between the role of the rebuilt temple and the idealized expectations of a
sanctuary built by God finds reconciliation in 1 Peter. The physical temple is
replaced by the person of Jesus and through him the believers as AiGoi (ante;
become building blocks for the new 'sanctuary' - the eschatological 'temple'.292
The prevalent Jewish expectation of a religio-political messiah who would
restore the glory of the physical temple (1 Enoch 79.36; 89.16; Tg. Isa. 53)
(or replace it with a heavenly one that could not be defiled - Philo, QE 2.85;
4Q400-4Q405; 3 Enoch; Tg. Isa. 6.3) finds a new modus vivendi in the
person of Jesus - the Messiah - and, through him, the believers who corpo-
rately make up the 'new temple'. 293
Yet this is no mere 'spiritualization' of the concrete OT counterpart, for in
the Jewish mindset the antonym of 'spiritual' is not 'material' or 'legal' but
un- or won-spiritual.294 In this regard, it is an eschatological realization of a
greater magnitude of fulfillment that contrasts an eschatological outlook that
finds its fulfillment in the person of Christ with the other eschatological
expectations current within Judaism. 295
292. Cerfaux, 'Sacerdotium', 5-39. Building on texts gathered by Gottlob Schrenk, lepdrcuna',
TDNT 3.249-51, Cerfaux identified two emphases of kingship/royalty and priesthood as the two
marks of God's people. In relation to kingship/royalty emphasis, he perceived a messianic hope
especially in the history of the nation of Israel where the hope was alive. On the idea of
priesthood, he found a 'spiritualistic' exegesis of Alexandrian Judaism with emphasis on apoca-
lyptic idealization of Law and cultus.
293. Goppelt, Typos, 136-57. It is more persuasive to understand the use of the OT images
as typological rather than simply 'spiritualization' in which case they cease to have any physical
form. In typology the essence remains the same even after change of form. In this regard Goppelt
maintains that just as in the other means of grace in the OT 'the Temple too is set aside by the
fulfillment that has been given to the church' (146). He can say this because in both cases it is
the presence of God that sets apart both the Temple and the church, yet rests more fully in the
person of Christ who is the ultimate revelation of God. And so he states that all the 'typological
replacement of the redemptive gifts of the first covenant people rests in Christ' (148).
294. F. Gavin, The Jewish Antecedents of the Christian Sacraments (London: SPCK, 1928)
13. The author of 1 Peter is clearly of a Jewish origin judged, partly, by his extensive use of the
OT. On die author's Jewishness see Schutter, Hermeneutic.
295. Ackroyd,Ex&,254.
Chapter 5
IMPLICATIONS AND CONCLUSIONS
5.1. Introductory Remarks: Temple Imagery and the Central Themes ofl
Peter
Different scholars highlight different themes in 1 Peter, making it difficult to

find any level of consensus on the matter. For example, on the one hand, L.
T. Johnson identifies the central themes of 1 Peter as follows: Faith and hope
in God; Baptism; Imitation of the suffering Jesus; and Church as God's
house.1 On die other hand, Ralph Martin assumes the trinitarian formula (1.2)
as basis of the theological themes of the epistle when he categorizes them as
God - parent creator; Christ - his person and achievement; the Holy Spirit;
and the Christian community - its problems and responses.2
In spite of this, some consensus exists concerning suffering as the overar-
ching concern of the epistle of 1 Peter, The epistle is intent on explaining to
the readers the premise of their current suffering (1.7), the right and wrong
reasons for suffering (2.11-25; 4.12-19), the extent of suffering (1.6-7; 4.12),
and the length of the period of suffering (1.6; 5.10). Overall, the current
suffering of the readers is given a Christian eschatological T&CX; by 1 Peter: It
is a purification for the approaching final judgment and a partaking of the
sufferings of the Messiah (1.18-22). The overall concern about suffering is
addressed in light of the language of hope, holiness, identity, and judgment
which, in turn, provide for our purposes the primary themes of the epistle
which we will explicate in relation to 1 Peter's eschatological emphasis.
5.2. Suffering, A Sign of The End Times: Suffering, Temple, and Eschaton
Believers have become the new sacred space by virtue of their relationship with
Jesus, and by the same token they should expect to suffer by virtue of this same
1. Luke Timothy Johnson and Todd Penner, The Writings of the New Testament
(Minneapolis: Augsburg Fortress, 1999), 435-38. It is interesting to note the vocabulary which,
though reflected in the general presentation of the epistle, does not appear in 1 Peter, including
church (ocKA.t|oia), Israel, covenant (6ia0nKT|), disciples ([uxQv[zai).
2. Andrew Chester and Ralph P. Martin, New Testament Theology: The Theology of the
Letters of James, Peter andjude (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994) 104-30.
relationship with Jesus. As we have seen, the current suffering of the believers
addressed in 1 Peter is to be understood as performing two functions: First,
it is a cleansing and purification of the believers in light of the fact that they
are the 'new temple' and are thus the new residence of God (1.6-7). Second,
it is part of the eschatological judgment of God which must begin within the
'house of God' (4.14-17).3 Both are closely related as the purification that is
necessitated by the speedily approaching eschaton.4
This suffering would be short-lived since the end is expected with the soon
approaching revelation of Christ (1.6 - bkiyov Spit ... ev &m)Kcdi>\|j€i lr|ooi)
XpLOTOu and 4.17 - ev amxcdi)\|f€i ITJOOU Xpicrcoi)). With the preposition e>,
the &TTOKodi)i(a<; is here used in the temporal sense, i.e. 'at the time of the
revelation of Jesus Christ'. While there is reference to when it will happen (i.e.
kv KoapcJ) eoxaicp) no time frame is given in this verse. However, in the verse
just prior to this, the encouragement offered is based on the fact that the 'multi-
tudes of sufferings' (ITOIKLAJOU; ireipao^du;) being experienced will not last long
(oAiyov apti). In this regard then, the time frame is to be understood as one
that anticipates a not too distant future. The present painful situation that the
believers are experiencing is not to last beyond a protracted period of time with
a foreseeable terminus.
Such expectation is also reitersted in 4.5-7, where the coming judgment is
said to be fast approaching. In fact, the judge is said to be already standing
at the door ready to come and judge everyone, both the living and the dead
(4.5). In 4.7, it restates forthrightly that the end of all things is near (Umnuv
Se TO I&XK vf^yiKev) marking the anticipated Ktupcp kox&zq of v. 5, that will
precipitate the judgment that would commence with the arrival of the judge.
While earlier in the letter the fiery trial (1.6, 7) that the readers were facing
was equated to purification, 4.17 introduces a second element where suffering
is equated to the judgment that is being ushered in by the end times. Suffering
then is understood to be symptomatic of the times, a sign that the eschaton
is near, and that is why the believers should persevere, knowing that their
reward would be great (1.4).
In relation to the temple imagery - in the same way that 1 Peter joins the
community to Christ resulting in the construct the 'temple-community' -
believers must also partake in the sufferings of Christ, bearing the same
marks of the 'living stone' (2.4) to whom they are now joined and in whom
3. Selwyn, First Peter, 300, speaks of this understanding as a 'first installment of the last
judgment'.
4. Brox, Petrusbrief, 24-34. For Brox, the audience is unknown to the author personally.
However while there is no direct indication in the letter about any personal anecdotes mat might
betray a personal relationship between the author and his audience, there is no need to postulate
a complete lack of personal relationship between them. Also, the episde was written as an
encyclical (1.1) and not as a personal letter, making it intentionally general but not impersonal.
(Cf. also Chester and Martin, Theology, 88.)
5. Implications and Conclusions 129
they have their identity. Thus, it should come to them as no surprise that if
Jesus suffered they too must suffer (4.1). Nonetheless, the promise is also given
that in the same way that Jesus was made 'alive in the spirit' (3.18) so too the
believers can look forward to their being made alive by God's spirit (4.6). In
essence, 1 Peter simply says to his readers to expect to suffer if they are
genuinely part of the construct whose cornerstone is Christ (2.7), knowing that
their suffering is not in vain (4.1,12-19). 5
5.3. Faith and Hope in God
The primary purpose for writing the epistle is given by the author as a
itcupoackrpu; ('encouragement' or 'exhortation' - 5.12) to an audience that
was experiencing trials (1.6) and testings (4.12). The premise for the exhor-
tation is the 'hope' (kkitiQ -1.13; 3.5; 3.15) built on the resurrection of Jesus
Christ. The encouragement is twofold - one, to call them to perseverance in
light of the resultant suffering and, two, give hope to those who are downcast
and on the verge of giving up (2.12; 4.4-7) due to the same said sufferings.6
The suffering was being experienced at three levels: First was the fact that
the believers were at odds with the society around them (1.6; 3.13-14; 4.4,
12-16; 5.9-10). Second, their social status was now in question given their
conversion to a new religion (1.3; 2.10; 4.4). Third, the age-old questions of
why good people have to suffer and whether God would actually do
something about it now, rather than later (1.6; 2.19; 4.12)71 Peter's solution
is spelled out along these three lines with the author basing his encour-
agement upon the promised messianic blessing now made accessible through
Jesus Christ (1.18-19). First, the believers have to maintain positive conduct
even in the face of persecution following the example of their Lord Jesus with
whom they will share the glory (4.13). Second, the fear of losing their social
status is replaced by a new identity as the 'new Israel', the 'spiritual house' and
the 'new priesthood' (2.4-10). Third, 1 Peter offers theodicy as explanation
of God's mysterious plan for the creation.8 Ultimately, it is God, through the
work of Christ, who will be victorious and vindicate die believers. Indeed,
5. Johnson and Penney Writings, 438. The partial quotation of Isa. 53.5 'by his wounds
we are healed5 in 1 Pet. 2.18 is the result of the Christological influence of the Isaianic suffering
servant on the early Christian ethos.
6. Chester and Martin, Theology, &&. Lohmeyei; Temple, 99, The Temple at Jerusalem was
regarded as God's house among His people; this eschatological basUeia is the holy place of all
who will be God's guests and children. The prototype fellowship that was found in the Old
Testament is completely taken over into the "new" House of God. This kingdom means for it
truly a consummate and elevare a "destroying and building again".'
7. Chester and Martin, Theology, 89.
8. Chester and Martin, Theology, 90.
suffering for the name of Christ simply confirms that the believers are doing
the right thing and that the spirit of God rests in them (4.14)
5.4. Hope and Restoration of Israel
Norbert Brox proffers that a clear train of thought governed by 'hope' forms
the composition theme of the epistle of 1 Peter, though not in any strict
pattern.9 Schutter wants to include on top of this 'God's call to holiness' as a
significant theme that governs the epistle's composition: 'As with the triad of
"fear", "faith", and "hope" in 1.17-21, so "brotherly love" may represent a
fourth attempt to translate what it means to be holy, resulting in a point of
contact between 1.22 and 1.17-21, where he began the list.'10 In this regard
hope is intricately connected to conduct and purity.
The attitude of purity and holiness as a marker of a minority group or a
sectarian tendency for resisting the encroachment of the larger society is well
developed in the writings of the Qumran community. However, hope in 1 Peter
needs also to be understood in light of the 'idea of exile' and the 'New
Exodus'. The hope so reflected is essentially one of anticipation for the
restoration of Israel. The four elements identified by Sanders as common to
the future hope in Jewish understanding, i.e. restoration of the twelve tribes
(1.1), conversion of Gentiles (2.12; 4.6-7), renewed purified temple (2.4-10)
and purity both in morals and in worship (1.15, 22; 2.12; 3.1, 16) all find
particular emphasis in 1 Peter11 - 1 Peter refers to the believers as the GCAJQCTOU;
clearly identifying them with Israel.12 Given that perhaps the majority of the
believers are Gentile converts fulfills the second expectation. The temple
imagery (2.4-10) reformulates the 'spiritual temple' in light of the person of
Jesus Christ, and 1 Peter calls on the believers not only to exercise 'upright
conduct' (avaoTp<xt>fi - 1.15; 2.12; 3.1, 16) but to base their conduct on the
holiness of God f'Ayioi eoeote, out eyw ayux; €i|ii' - Lev. 11.11 quoted in 1.16)
calling them to emulate that holiness in all the spheres of their lives (1.15).13
The hope that 1 Peter talks about is couched in Jewish understanding that
anticipated an eschatological manifestation of the outworking of God that
would restore, renew, re-gather, and reestablish the nation of Israel but now
encompasses a new dimension with the incarnation and the anticipated return
of Jesus Christ (1.13).14 As Ackroyd points out, 'It is evident that the new age
9. Brox, Petntsbrief, 73.

10. Schutter, Hermeneutic, 53-4.
11. Sanders, Judaism, 289-90.
12. Achtemeier, 1 Peter, 69: 'In 1 Peter, the language, and hence the reality of Israel pass
without remainder into the language and hence the reality of the new people of God.'
13. Sanders, Jesus, 98.
14. Sanders, Jesus, 98. The point of re-gathering, and the temple, as heralding the restoration
of Israel are based on the understanding that, 'it is Jesus who is to be positively connected with
the hope for Jewish restoration* (emphasis original).
anticipated by both the exilic and the restoration thinkers did not materialize.
To that extent there is always therefore an element of deferment, and the same
point may be noted in the thinking of New Testament times concerning the
parousia.'15 At the same time, 1 Peter is also redefining Israel, the temple, and
the nature of the restoration.
Just as the exilic period was a time of testing for the Jewish community,
where the formulation of a unique identity transpired, so too is the current
state of the Petrine community as it faces its own 'exile' (1.1,17). 16 The hope
of the eschatological fulfilment of these expectations is premised on the antic-
ipated anoKakutyiQ of Jesus Christ, the parousia. It is this eschatological hope
(eXiric) that shaped the spiritual conduct (6awnpotyr\) of the matriarchs who in
turn have become the example for the community (3.5). The reality of this
hope though for the Petrine community is not simply one that lies in the future
but it is a hope that is alive - living hope (eAmooc ^GXSOLV) - having been
guaranteed by Jesus Christ through his resurrection from the dead (1.3), and
is now appropriated or made available to the believers through the 'new birth'
— avayevvrpou; (cf. 4.6).
We have here then the 'already/not yet' Petrine eschatology. Though its
fullness is still anticipated - since it presently lies in heaven awaiting to be
revealed by God at the appointed time (1.4 - G> Kaipcp kox&ity) - it also is
presently being experienced as the 'living hope' that is shaping the community's
life. Indeed, for 1 Petei; these are the kox&xov x(w ypowsiv ('end of time' -1.20)
anticipating the final consummation (1.4). This hope is in God - even as it is
premised on Jesus Christ - who performed the work of raising Jesus from the
dead, through the Spirit, guaranteeing our hope (1.21). That hope, in turn,
solidifies the anticipated glorious life of the believers which would be wrought
by the same Spirit (4.6). This makes sense of the active role of the Spirit in 1
Peter (1.2, 21; 3.18; 4.6) indicative of the understanding that this is the
expected eschatological outpouring of the Spirit that was perceived by some
to be missing in the second temple (b.Yotna 9b).17
Furthermore, the hope of restoration that played out annually in the festival
of the Passover is also reflected in 1 Peter: In this festival the exodus event not
only provided a reminder of God's past salvation, but anticipated God's
future salvation.18 For 1 Petei; this expectationfindsits fulfillment in the person
15. Ackroyd, Exile, 253.

16. Paul Hanson, 'The World of the Servant of the Lord in Isaiah 40-55', in Bellinger and
Farmer Suffering Servant, 9-22.
17. Heinz-Wolfgang Kuhn, Enderwertung und gegemvartiges Heil (SUNT 4; Gdttingen:
Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1966) 137.
18. Cf. m. Pesab 10.5: 'In every generation a person is duty-bound to regard himself as if
he personally has gone forth from Egypt...', which reflects the necessity to actualize the exodus
experience for every subsequent generation so that it is not simply fossilized in the past but it is
experienced in the present. Passover meals would have offered a time to discuss the participants'
of Jesus Christ who has become the 'lamb without spot or blemish' (OJAVOU
a|ico|iOD Kal OOTTLAOU) of the Passover.19 The exodus motif alsofindsexpression
in 1 Peter's metaphor of pilgrimage used to define the Petrine community's
ongoing spiritual journey (1.1,17; 2.11). This resonates with the recitation
of the events of the exodus from Egypt during Passover and, also, with the
fact that pilgrimage to Jerusalem during Passover for the Jews in the Dispersion
had grown to have special significance, precipitating the emotive anticipation
of the restoration hope and buoying eschatological speculation.20
Further still, the language of 'inheritance' (KXtpovojiia - cf. LXX Ps. 105.11,
Israel's promised possession) is clearly a continuation and amplification of the
exodus theme even as the inheritance is eschatological and equated with
salvation (1.5,7,9). This hope of salvation (eschatological restoration of Israel)
is what the prophets of old sought tofindout about with limited success since
it was really for the benefit of those who nowfindthemselves living in the end
times (1.10-12).21 The collective hope for the salvation of God to which the
OT prophets gave themselves so diligently, albeit unsuccessfully (in terms of
realization of the revelation), is now fulfilled in the eschatological community
of faith.22 Even the angels to whom the prophets directed their inquiry as to
the mysteries of God (Ezek. 40-48; Daniel; Zech. 1.9; 4 Ezra 4.1; Rev 17.1;
anticipation of 'a new deliverance, hope for change, and awareness of a deeper significance to
the rituals' (Branson, Psalm 118,70 n. 205).
19. See also Jn 1.29, 36; and 1 Cor. 5.7 where the same idea is expressed.
20. Gerhard Kittel, Theological Dictionary of the New Testament, vol. V (trans. Geoffrey
W. Bromiley; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1965) 898: 'With [the Passover's] recollection of the deliv-
erance from Egypt it awakened the national feelings and hopes of the coming redemption/
21. Selwyn, First Peter, 258-68, was the first to comprehensively argue that the prophets
mentioned in 1 Pet. 1.10-12 are NT prophets rather than OT. This position has not attracted any
adherents in spite of Duane Warden's ('The Prophets of 1 Peter 1.10-12', RestQ 31 [1989] 1-12)
spirited defense. Julian Price Love, The First Epistle of Peter', Int 8 (1954) 63-87, argued for both
NT and OT prophets as the point of reference in these verses. However, it is widely held by the
majority of commentators that these are OT rather than NT prophets. Especially decisive is the
fact that these prophets are said to have borne witness to Christ beforehand (iTpouapti)p<5uoôv).
Cf. Achtemeier, 1 Peter, 108; Kelly, Peter andjude, 59; Windisch, Briefe, 54; Spicq, Saint Pierre,
55; Michaels, 1 Peter, 41.
22. The two terms applied to the activity of the prophets (&ftpau>noav, qaxwuiTec) mean
basically the same thing and function as hendiadys putting an emphasis on the persistence and
thoroughness of the search. See Daniel Arichea, 'God or Christ? A Study of Implicit Information*,
BT 28 (1977) 412-18, 415. Hamerton-Kelly, Temple', 9-10, is of the opinion that the two
opposing perspectives, i.e. those who wanted to rebuild and those who were opposed to the
building of the second temple, were divided between those who anticipated an eschatological
temple built by God (as per Ezekiel) versus those of the priesthood (Deuteronomic tradition) who
longed for a sanctuary to resume the priestly cult. The latter won and established the second
temple. But the former promulgated the apocalyptic worldview and the eschatological temple,
which 1 Peter perceives as fulfilled in the person of Jesus, and the Petrine community.
21.9) are here portrayed as also seeking to find out this mystery of God.23 Such
language bolsters the community's self-identity as the 'new Israel' of God in
whom are fulfilled the OT promises.24
Ultimately, eschatological hope was symbolized in the anticipation of the
renewal or reconstitution of the temple in Jerusalem/Zion (Isa. 66.18). With
the replacement of the physical temple with the 'spiritual' (2.4-10), 1 Peter
understands the reign of God that brings to an end the state of 'exile' for Israel
as having been inaugurated in the death and resurrection of Jesus Christ (3.18).
Jesus is a central piece of the new temple for he is the 'elect cornerstone' (dacpo
ycovialov QCXGCTOV) which holds the building together and gives it stability, a
part of the rejected foundation stone that the Lord laid down in 'Zion' for the
construction of God's house (2.6).
Having been ransomed (Aircpoco) through the precious blood of Christ - the
Passover lamb who is without spot or blemish (1.18-19) - the believers'
response is to be one of grateful obedience (1.20-25). This ransom language
clearly connotes restoration, a setting free that makes possible the return from
'exile'. 25 With such an understanding suffering ceases to be perceived
negatively - the result of sin - and instead is positively appropriated as a purifi-
cation process (1.6-7; 2.11-12).
Furthermore, these references, allusions, and echoes of the exodus motif also
find expression and interpretation in Isa. 40-55. The themes of 'girding of
loins' (Exod. 12.11 in 1 Pet 1.13), dwelling as exiles (Exod. in 1 Pet 1.1; 2.11),
the need for ransom (Exod. 15.13; 24 in 1 Pet. 1.18, and the Paschal lamb
without blemish (Exod. 12.5 in 1 Pet 1.18-20) are echoed in the imagery of
Isa. 43.14-21 and in Hosea 2.26 Isaiah and Hosea reformulate the Sinai
covenant in light of the new captive state of the Jewish people. The Babylonian
exile experience is interpreted in light of the earlier exodus experience, both
to maintain the hope for restoration and to call the people to holiness as the
basic motivating principles of their relationship to God.
With a discernible 'Past-Present-Future' matrix ('Exodus-Exile-
Apocalyptic'), 1 Peter formulates the concept of 'spiritual house', 'royal
priesthood' and 'the holy people' (2.4-10) as designated by the appropriation
of the terminus technicus - 'exiles' (1.1,17; 2.11). Adaptation of the motif of
23. Michaels, 1 Peter, 48: 'The notion that some heavenly mysteries are hidden even from
the angels who dwell in heaven is found both in Jewish apocalyptic literature (e.g^ 1 Enoch 16.3,
2 Enoch 24.3) and in the NT (e.g. Mark 13:32, and by implication Eph 3:10 ... This tradition
exists in apocalyptic literature alongside that of the "interpreting angeP who explains God's
mysteries to a prophet or seen'
24. Jean-Claude Margot, Les Epttres de Pierre (Geneva: Labor et Fides, 1960) 25, points
out the continuity of the divine revelation that was begun in the OT and now finds its fulfillment
in the NT.
25. Jensen, 'Moral', 97.
26. Jonsen, 'Moral', 97 n. 12.
a 'New Exodus' and 'a counter temple theme' allows for articulation of the
anticipated eschatological redemption that finds fulfillment in the person of
Jesus Christ.27
Streams of OT traditions are adopted and adapted by 1 Peter in his devel-
opment of the 'idea of exile'.28 It is the idealization of the event by recasting
subsequent adversities in terms of the exile, that made the 'idea of exile' so
pertinent to the self-reclamation of the people of God. The 'idea of exile'
becomes a heuristic paradigm through which 1 Peter interprets the present
situation of his audience, recasting the hope for the future that he seeks to
establish for his 'exiled' community. By combining the concepts of exile with
the saving work of Jesus Christ, 1 Peter is able to articulate a most unique and
encouraging word for its audience.
5.4.1. Hope and the Fiery Testing

The phrase Trupoc; Se 6oKL|iaCqi6vou ('purifyingfire')which 1 Peter 1.6-7 uses
to explain the experience of its audience (cf. 4.12) echoes the exile experience
as itfindsparallels in at least three OT passages - Isa. 48.10; Zech. 13.9; Mai.
3.3. All three texts are exilic (or post-exilic) and all use the language of mipa;
to describe the Babylonian exile as a purifying process for the believers which,
unlike the metallurgic process of producing perishable gold, produces imper-
ishable results of being established as God's people (Ps. 65[66].1O; Ps. 16[17].3;
Prov. 17.3; Sir. 2.1-6; 1QS 8.4).29 If indeed Isa. 48.10 is in the back of the
author's mind at this stage, then an appeal could be made to the larger
context of Isa. 48 which suggests an understanding of God doing a new thing
in Israel (48.6-8) - restoration from exile.30
Even more enchanting is Zech. 13.9, which presents an intriguing
connection if only by the sheer amount of vocabulary correspondences
between the two passages (mpog, ooKijiaCo), xpvovov). The picture in Zechariah
is, once again, that of the Babylonian exile as a refining fire. However, the
refining here is limited to only a portion of Israel - one third - following the
judgment on the Shepherds (13.7-8). This portion is probably a reference to
the exiles who, following their 'purification', would be ready to be used by
God. Zechariah's allusion to the 'covenant formula' - They will call on my
name, and I will answer them. I will say, 'They are my people'; and they will
27. Wright, 'Dialogue', 254: 'Sometimes those visions of days of old included the hope for
a revived monarchy. Exodus, temple, kingship: a powerful combination. There is plenty of
evidence that a large number of Jews in the period roughly 100 B.C. to A.D. 140 embraced and
acted on something like this vision. This was the context within which words like salvation meant
what they meant.'
28. Klyne Snodgrass, 'Streams of Tradition Emerging from Isaiah 40:1-5 and their
Adaptation in the New Testament', JSNT 8 (1980) 24-45.
30. In Mai. 3.3 it is the coming Messiah who would cleanse and purify the sons of Levi only,
while in Zech. 13.9 God purifies all the remnants.
say, The LORD is our God'—reflected in 1 Peter's allusion to Hos. 2.23 ('Once
you were not a people, but now you are God's people; once you had not
received mercy, but now you have received mercy'; cf. also Isa. 51.11 - 'You
are my people'), in 1 Pet. 2.10, also enhances the likelihood of this assumption.
These passages deal with the theme of exile, with the judgment as a purifying
process that refines the exiles confirming their status as still the elect
community of YHWH.31 The promise of restoration uttered echoes the
'covenant formula' and assures the people of God's commitment to rescue
them and restore them to their covenant relationship, purity, the land, and
temple.32 By adopting a similar language of exile 1 Peter leaves little doubt
in the mind of the readers that his conceptualization of them as the 'new Israel'
places them in a similar path as that of 'old Israel' that would culminate with
God's victorious act of redemption. Indeed, the promises that originally
belonged to Israel now exclusively belong to the new Petrine eschatological
community.
The sufferings of Christ are 'predicted' (Trpqiaptupqieyov: 1 Pet. 1.10 - a
hapax) recalling the suffering Servant-Messiah of Isa. 53 whose image has been
variously translated either as a messianic individual or as a corporate identity
of the nation of Israel. 1 Peter identifies the suffering servant with Jesus
Christ whose own ttaOfpaxa were predicted in those of the Isaianic servant
(2.22-24). Moreover, since the suffering of the believers is patterned after that
of Christ they too are vicariously identified with the suffering servant (4.6).
In 1 Pet. 4.13, it is the premise of eschatological rejoicing - 'But rejoice
insofar as you are sharing Christ's sufferings (m&fpaaiv), so that you may also
be glad and shout for joy when his glory is revealed.'
Second, by identifying the Christian community with Israel, 1 Peter transfers
all the conceptions of the exile wholly to the present condition of the believers,
who not only are socio-political aliens,33 but also are suffering 'alienation' by
the mere virtue of being Christians.34 Nevertheless, while 1 Peter maintains
the identity of the Church with OT Israel, there are some significant modifi-
cations in the way the OT themes are applied. The national unity in the exile
motif is replaced by the eschatological unity of the Church,35 the national
31. See Rainer Albertz, 'Exile as Purification: Reconstructing the "Book of the Four"', in
Paul L Redditt and Aaron Schart, eds., Thematic Threads m the Book of the Twelve {EZJ81315;
Berlin, New York: Walter de Gruyter, 2003) 232-51. Focusing on Hosea, Amos, Mkah and
Zephaniah he concludes that, being the product of a final redactor,'... the concept of purifying
judgment constitutes the redactional chain of the whole composition' (240).
32. Ackroyd, Exile, 110-13.
33. Elliott, Home, 23-48. Feldmeiei; Fremde.
34. E. Lohse, 'Paranese und Kerygma im 1. Petrusbrief, ZNW45 (1954) 68-89; E W. Beare,
The First Epistle of Peter (Oxford: Blackwell, 3rd edn, 1970) 196; Wolff, 'Christ und Welf,
333-42; W. G. Kummel, Introduction to the New Testament (Nashville: Abingdon, 1975) 418;
Furnish, 'Sojourners', 1-11.
35. Fishbane, Text, 129-30.
sanctuary of Israel is transformed into an eschatological spiritual sanctuary of

the 'new Israel' (2.4-10) and the national hope for political restoration is
reinterpreted in light of the Christian hope for eschatological redemption
through the atoning sacrificial death of Jesus Christ (1.18-22). The suffering
of 1 Peter's audience - the struggles with the world around them, their spiritual
struggles to understand the presence of God in their suffering, and their
concerns of identity - all have to do with their being in 'exile' (1.4,7; 4.12).36
Third, the concept of exile is crucial not only in providing the backdrop
to the entire letter of 1 Peter, but also in situating the author within the milieu
of Jewish thinking that perceived the concept of exile as descriptive of the
continuing state of subservience that had plagued Jewish people beyond the
Babylonian exile. N. T. Wright envisions this particular 'exile' as encom-
passing not only the Jews in the dispersion, but also those in Palestine who,
though technically not in 'exile', still continued to live under foreign
domination.37 Therefore, Wright maintains that the Second Temple Jewish
community continued to look forward to the eschatological national
restoration that would permanently get them out of 'exile'.38 This is what
spawned a mode of perception that anticipated a once-for-all eschatological
resolution to the perennial subservient status of the Jewish nation — escha-
tological apocalypticism?9
Fourth, as we have noted above, while the term 'Diaspora' may be useful,
it does not quite capture the negative elements that are associated with the
concept of 'exile'. In 1 Peter the situation of the audience is shown to be so
intense that one commentator has referred to the Petrine community (1.6-7;
4.12) as a 'besieged Christian community'.40 Within such circumstances of
persecution and suffering, the temptation would be isolation and disconnection
from the larger society.41 As a result, 1 Peter writes to encourage his audience
36. Indeed, as far as Chevallier ('Diaspora', 394) is concerned, the condition of exile is what
characterizes all Christians everywhere and in every age: 'Actually, the concept of foreign
residents defines for him [1 P] the common condition of all Christians because, for him, as he
saw it, all Christians are in diaspora.'
37. Wright, People, 268-9.
38. Wright, People, 269. Gowan, 'Exile', 219: 'The main themes of the canonical OT
history - the promise, the Exodus, the occupation of the land, the monarchy - were of no help
in coping with the problems the apocalyptic writers faced. But the exile was not only actually
responsible, historically, for some of them, it was also the kind of history that made sense
theologically to people without security, living in an alien world even though it was their own
country.'
39. Ploger, Theocracy and Eschatology, Hamerton-Kelly, 'Temple', 1-15; Knibb, 'Exile',
253-72; Gowan, 'Exile', 205-22. Cf. Dubis, Woes, 37-44.
40. Brox, Petrusbrief, 95: 'eine bedrangte Christenheit'. However, Brox does not perceive
the state of suffering believers as a reality since for him it is the eschatological premise which
provides the grounds for ethics and is thus not reflective of any early Christian situation (203).
See also Thuren, Argument, 170 n. 255.
41. Wolff, 'Christ und Welf, 328.
to maintain a positive outlook in their Christian hope against the negative

impulses that the surrounding society hurls at them. Their exodus is not
toward isolation or retreat from the world but a movement into the world
(2.12; 3.1 ). 42 It is primarily because of their state of 'exile' that these issues
arise presenting the mental framework as perceived by the author, and
expected to be comprehended at some level by his audience.
5.5. Imitation of the Suffering Christ
Jesus is consistently portrayed as one who suffers in 1 Peter (1.10,19; 3.18;

4.1) providing the example (imoYpcwbM) for the believers to emulate.43 The
believers are to follow in the footsteps of Christ who though reviled did not
commit sin and 'no guile was found on his lips' (221-23). In the same manner
that their connection to Christ makes them the 'spiritual house' of God,
believers also partake of Christ's suffering by their connection to Christ
(4.13). Even in passages clearly addressed to the household slaves and wives,
one perceives the intent of the author to address the entire community (3.9),
such that even the behavior of the husband in relation to the wife is related
to the cultus by making the answer to prayer conditional on one's behavior
(3.7; 4.7).
If, as noted above, 1 Peter is thoroughly eschatological - and even apoca-
lyptic44 - such an outlook seeks to mitigate the suffering which the recipients
(and even possibly the author) of the epistle are undergoing due to their
faith. Built on the author's christologkal understanding, die epistle exemplifies
a strong sense of the immediacy of the eschatological consummation (1.3-10;
2.12; 3.16; 4.4-5; 4.12-19). This way, describing the readers' present suffering
as a purifying process preceding the 'revelation (fatoK&kvtyiQ) of Jesus Christ'
(1 Pet. 1.7), reflects a radical appropriation of an understanding that had its
foundation in the preaching and suffering of Jesus Christ (Mt 1228; Mk 1.15;
Lk. 10.9) and was anticipated in the exilic prophets.
1 Peter's primary concern is the way the believers will conduct (m/aorpoctni)
themselves (1 Pet 1.15; 2.12,3.1,16) in light of the eschatological expectation
(1 Pet. 4.12) since theirs has to be conduct that is geared toward those on the
outside as a tool of evangelization (3.1) and as an antidote or a foil to any false
accusations that may be levied (2.12).45 Command to obedience is not just 1
42. Kohkr, 'Communaute', 2; Chevallier, 'Diaspora', 395.

43. Selwyn, First Peter, 296. A hapax in the NT, unoypawiOM appears only in 2 Mace 2.28
with die sense of 'imprint* or 'visible evidence'.
44. Robert Leslie Webb, The Apocalyptic Perspective of First Peter5 ( H L M . thesis, Regent
College, 1986). Cf also Kee, Understanding, 335; Dubis, Woes, 37-44.
45. Cf. Mt. 5.16, 'let your light shine before others, so that they may see your good works
and give glory to your Father in heaven'.
Peter's personal advice, it is the will of God for the believers (2.15; 4.2) and
is for the Lord's sake (5ia TOV Kupiov - 2.13). Therefore, 1 Peter's concern is
with a fundamental change in behavior commensurate with the realization of
the onset of the eschatological reality (1.13-14) which would soon usher in
the swift return of the Lord (4.7-11 ). 46 That is why the knitatio Christi is the
basis of their behavior, for that assures them not only that they are on the right
track but that they are continuing the work that their Lord began when he
was in the world (2.21-23).
As a sign of how seriously they have to take this conduct, 1 Peter appro-
priates the warning from Ezekiel (9.6) concerning the judgment that would
accompany the Lord's return. This judgment, like that of Ezekiel, is to
commence in God's own house (4.14-17). For this reason, the call to holiness
(1.16) gains greater urgency for the readers of 1 Peter since it is not simply an
injunction on how to live a life dedicated to God - it is that and more. Call
to holiness, then, is to prepare for the inevitable and imminent eschatological
judgment (3.14,17).
5.6. Holiness, Temple and Christian Suffering
The concern with holiness and purity is a reflection of a minority community

struggling to survive in the midst of a dominant group:47 'The priestly concerns
about separation, purity, and "quarantine" of the "holy seed" reveal a
community responding to serious perceptions of social pressure and subor-
dination.'48 This attitude is clearly present in 1 Peter as the audience is
encouraged to maintain a life of holiness premised on a classic levitical
passage that equates God with holiness (1.16 = Lev. 11.11). As a minority
group, maintaining holiness means aligning themselves with God who is
overall more powerful than the majority.49 It is a counter assertion - in light
of their marginalized position in the larger society - in order to stake a claim
to greater honor by aligning themselves with the greater power, God, who will
ultimately judge the world (1.17-18). So 1 Peter can encourage his readers that,
in spite of the evidence to the contrary, in reality, true honor belongs to God
who, in turn, has power and dominion over worldly rulers and authorities
(2.16-17).
46. Van Unnik, Sparsa Collecta, 91.

47. ETJp with its etymology of separation, is inherent in the injunction from Lev. 11.44,45
quoted in 1 Pet. 1.16.
48. Smith-Christopher, 'Impact', 33.
49. Smith-Christopher, 'Impact', 34: £duoard Cothenet, 'Les orientations actuelles de
l'exegese de la premiere lettre de Pierre', in Charles Perrot et al., eds., Etudes sur la Premiere Lettre
de Pierre: congres de L'ACFEB, Paris 1979 (Paris: Les Edition, du Cerf, 1980) 21: The term
peirasmos (1.6; 4.12) convenient for hazing, humiliation, and such negative labeling, in fact
exposed the minority nature of the Christians.'
Lohmeyer, in putting some perspective to the centrality of holiness and

temple in relation to suffering within Jewish thinking, states that:
The Jewish cult necessitated... the idea and the fact of eschatological fulfillment... Holiness
meant, in a historical sense and in faith, life pure and undisturbed: sin therefore meant for
individual and nation, for city and country, hunger and need and suffering and death. The
Temple in Jerusalem had to be the place which not only resolved the tangle of oppression
and suffering mysteriously and yet immovably, but also overcame them with the cleansing
power of the holy God.50
However a major distinction exists between 1 Peter's re-appropriation of the

temple imagery and the role of the Jerusalem temple as highlighted by
Lohmeyen Israel's sin and disobedience are the primary culprit in the suffering
related to the destruction of the Jerusalem temple. In contrast the suffering
experienced in 1 Peter is not as a result of sin necessarily, even though sin could
be partly attributed (2.20; 3.17; 4.15), but because of their faith in Jesus Christ
(2.19; 3.1, 13-17; 4.14). Suffering is also an imitation of the Lord who
suffered (4.13) and an assurance that one would partake of the glory of
Christ at his revelation.
Holiness also is linked to the fact that the believers now compose the "new
priesthood'. Maintenance of purity and holiness characterize the under-
girding responsibility of the priests in the OT sanctuaries and, consequently,
the new priesthood of 1 Peter has a responsibility to God not only to be
obedient, but also to maintain purity.
For the OT priest, purity was not only a cultic requirement but a prereq-
uisite to the abiding of God's presence in their midst (Num. 5.1-4; Josh.
24.14-28; cf. Exod. 25.8-9). Therefore, by drawing on this OT element of
purity, 1 Peter not only assures the believers of God's continued presence in
their midst, but also grounds their faith in obedience and hope.
By creating the concept of the community as the "spiritual house', 1 Peter
removes the age-old conundrum of the presence of God - immanence and
transcendence of God. This he achieves via the appropriation of the trinitarian
conception (1.3). The believers are a 'spiritual house' through Christ (2.5), are
indwelt by the Spirit of God and of glory (4.14) and have put their trust in
God the judge of all (1.17; 2.12). God's presence is guaranteed, for even death
cannot separate the believer from the presence of God (4.5). The divine
mystery is revealed in full in Christ and fulfills the functions of the temple as
the placeforrevelation, the sacrifices of God, the presence of the Spirit of God
and the eschatological expectation of the manifestation of the glory of God
on earth.
50. Lohmeyej; Temple, 97-9.

APPENDIX
Literary Structure ofl Peter: A Proposal
The literary structure of 1 Peter continues to be a focus of contention. The

primary concern seems to be whether the letter is a composite or not 1 Richard
Perdelwitz was the first to suggest that the letter consisted of a baptismal
homily to newly baptized Christians with primarily two layers: a main layer
1.3^4.11 which was anticipating suffering, to which had been joined second
layer (a brief word of comfort) consisting of 1.1-2; 4.12-5.14 which had been
sent to Christians in Asia Minor already undergoing persecution. 2
Subsequently, different possibilities in regards to the structure of the epistle
have been suggested including a baptismal hymnic structure,3 a sermonic
structure or even a midrash on Ps. 34, 4 It is important to point out that it is
sermonic elements of the letter that have prompted some to identify 1 Peter
as a Paschal homily5 or as a homiletic midrash.6 Overwhelmingly, though, the
integrity of 1 Peter as a genuine letter has been affirmed.7
1. See the extensive discussion in Martin, Metaphor, 135-275. See also the discussion in
Achtemeiei; 1 Peter, 59ff. He perceives the emerging consensus as the recognition that 'farfrombeing
a composite work, the letter must rather be seen as a literary unity*. Cf. Also Schutter, Hermeneutic,
19ff.
2. Richard Perdelwitz, Die Mysterienreligion und das problem des 1. Petrusbriefes
(Religionsversuche und vorabeiten 11/3; Giessen: Topelmann, 1911). He argues that the reference
to the bkiyov apri in 1 Pet. 1.6-7 anticipates a future persecution yet to start, while the irupwoei rrpb;
m p a o ^ uiXv of 4.12 identifies the persecution as unquestionably reaL (Cf. Cross, Liturgy, 28-41.)
However, this argument for many scholars has not been convincing. Both references assume a state
of persecution that is best understood as current, even if the full force of it is yet anticipated.
3. Boismard, 'Liturgies'.
4. Bornemann, 'Taufrede?', 143-65, and Snodgrass, 'Affinities', 97-106.
5. Cross, Liturgy. Cross, basing his arguments on Melito of Sardis' On Pascha, argues that
the framework of the letter of 1 Peter is generally laid out in line with the liturgy of the Jewish
Paschal ceremony. Hefindsconnection between the word for suffering (ITCKJXW) used in 1 Peter with
the 'Passover' (Traoxa) which allows 1 Peter to juxtapose these two in a play of words. The
suffering then is to be understood as not actual but 'mystical' in unity with Christ John H. Elliott,
'" 1 Peter, Its Situation and Strategy": A Discussion with David Balch', in Talbert, Perspectives on
1 Peter, 61-8, and idem., 'Hellenization/Acculturation in 1 Peter', in Talbert, Perspectives on 1
Peter, 79-102, have since shown the social reality of the audience in 1 Peter to be a critical element
to understanding the situation of the audience.
6. Schutter, Hermenuetic, 85ff.
7. See the thoroughly extensive and helpful analysis done by Martin, Metaphor, 41-79.
Cf. also Elliott, 1 Peter, 7-12.
Appendix 141
Michaels identifies two markers that according to him divide the letter into
three parts. These are the use of the vocative dYonrriTOL ('Beloved') with
asyndeton in 2.11 and 4.12, dividing the letter into three sections -1.1-2.10;
2.11-4.11; and 4.12-5.14. Michaels identifies a concentric structure of the
development of themes in the letter with each section, to some degree, antic-
ipating the next.8 Thefirstsection deals with the identity of the people which
rests on their experience of salvation (1.5, 9-10; 2.3b) and rebirth (1.3, 22-
23; 2.2-3). The second shifts from the identity of the people to their conse-
quent responsibility in a hostile world. And the third section combines a plea
for faithfulness in the midst of 'fiery ordeal' and admonition to mutual love,
hospitality and ministry by the church community and the elders. While we
maintain some differences with Michaels' analysis, we agree with him that the
letter does exhibit a progressive development of themes.
The structure we have developed, in Diagram 1 below, is based on both
conceptual and verbal correspondences that we perceive to highlight
temple/sanctuary imagery in the epistle of 1 Peter as a thematic motif. It
provides what we consider a more specific outline of the thought frame of 1
Peter even as he pursues the issues that concern him in the epistle. It is further
proof of the cogency of a skillful writer whose presentation reflects a strong
affinity to the temple and its imagery. It also maintains what has been lately
perceived as the 'emerging consensus' that 1 Peter is a literary unity rather than
a composite.9
If the concern for conduct and defection is the twin purpose of the writing
of 1 Peter as has been suggested, then 1 Peter's reinterpretation of the temple
is significant in communicating God's assured presence among the concerned
believers.10 Temple/sanctuary imagery provides not only a linguistic
framework with which to address the author's concerns but also the mental
picture with which to show not only the immanence of God, but also the
association of the faithfulness of God in relation to the imminent eschatological
consummation (1 Pet. 1.8; 4.14-17). The temple as the visible manifestation
of the immanence of God in Israel evokes, in the minds of the readers, a specific
understanding of God's presence in their midst, especially when applied by the
author to their state of suffering and persecution.
According to our proposed outline, a parallel can be drawn between the OT
tabernacle and temple in the history of Israel and 1 Peten Thefirstchapter of
1 Peter primarily reflects the tabernacle imagery in the language of blood sprin-
kling as sacrifice that it employs (Exod. 24; Num. 19). The second chapter
then combines the two images of temple and tabernacle in the description of
the believers as 'living stones' being built into a 'spiritual house', producing
8. Michaels, 1 Peter, xxxiv-xl.

9. Achtemeiei; 1 Peter, 61.
10. Martin, Metaphor, 274.
what we would call a mobile temple (2 Chron. 5; 1 Kgs 8). The third chapter,
which extends into the fourth chapter, deals with the ethics of the temple
especially as it relates to the place of prayen The second half of the fourth
chapter reflects the Sekinah presence in die same way that the cloud came
down upon the tabernacle (Exod. 25) and the temple (1 Kgs 8; 2 Chron. 7.1)
at their dedication, and the subsequent destruction of the temple (Ezek. 9). The
last chapter reflects the restoration of the temple (Isa. 44.28).
Diagram 1
Chapter 1 Chapter 2 Chapter 3 - Chapter 4:12 - Chapter 5
Tabernacle Temple and M l Ethics and 12_Sekinah Temple
imagery tabernacle temple holiness presence and restoration
merge judgment in/of
the temple
-'Exodus/Exile' - People as the — ctywfv cwcco (4:14,17) - KaTopTtoe
(1:1,17-25) mobile temple Tp«t>ty - holy OTTp&l,
- Sacrifice and (2:4-10) conduct (3:1) — fft 6641% Kal

pcariojiov - irpooeuxac TO TOU GeOU d€)l€A.LCJO€L
ofyiaTa; Ivpov - Dispersion (3:7; 4:7) m/etyia (5:10)

Xpioroi) (1:2b) (2:12-25). -Noah's Ark
as sign of - Kpijia am) TOU
warning for OUCOU TOU 06OU
disobedience
and of hope for
salvation.
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INDEX OF REFERENCES
Genesis 32.30 87 3.11-13 76

17.8-28.4 39 33.9 116 5.1-14 139
23.4 26-27, 39 35-40 43 5.3 53
49.7 29 7.14 84
44.27 67 Leviticus 7.15 84
2.5,6 105 7.21 84
Exodus 2.19-20 84 7.27 84
3.13 45 8 71 7.33 84
6.6 88 10.10 81 7.39 84
12 73 11 76 10.10 31
12.5 84, 133 11.11 130, 138 16.3 75
12.11 33,112,133 11.44 31, 41, 75, 19 33, 71, 72,
12.13 84,85 76, 80,138 73, 141
12.24 34 11:45 75, 76, 80, 19.9-10 34
14.30 109 128 25.13 107
15.13 33,133 12 76
15.17 18 14.13 84 Deuteronomy
19.1 31 14.21 86 4.20 29
19.2 33 14:14 34 7.8 87
19.5-6 73 14.24-25 86 15.15 87
19.6 7, 17, 31, 37, 15.15b 76 24.18 87
77, 90, 104, 16 71, 72, 76 28.25 29
105, 106, 16.11-19 33,72 28.34 30
108 17-26 76,79 28.35 28-29
19.22 33 18 76 30.4 29
22.30 75 19 76 31-2 17
23.22 1,104 19.2 31, 75, 76, 31.14-21 61
24 33, 34, 71, 80
72, 73, 133, 20.7 31, 75, 76, Joshua
141 80 7.16 11
24.7 31 20.26 75, 76, 80 24.14-28 139
24.17 95 21.23 76
24.8 34 22.3 75 Judges
24.18 52 25.26-27 86 18.31 119
25 45, 72, 142 26 31
25.8 5 26.1 102 Ruth
25.8-9 139 26.30 102
25-31 43 26.12 63 1 Samuel
26.1 62 1.13 49
29.20 34 Numbers 16.6-10 100
26.46 53 3.8 76 26.19 45
2 Samuel Psalms 8.14 89, 96, 97,
4.9 87 16(17).3 134 98,100, 101,
7 55 18.15 88 103
22.1 31 8.17 98
1 Kings 33 112 9.1-9 117
1.29 87 34 38, 39, 140 10.1 102
5.17 124 34.12-16 31,38 10.11-12 39, 121
6.37 124 38.12 26,27 11.2 119
8 142 39.12 39 11.11-17 20,44
8.9-11 116 40.9-10 107 11.12 29
8.30-6 111 42.1 45 16.12 102
12.1-14.31 47 42.2 45 19.1 102
14.15 61 45(44).15 49 21.9 102
51.16-19 107 24-27 7
2 Kings 63.2 45 24.1 29
17.28-34 47 65.1 45 28 97
18.26 12 65(66).1O 134 28.1,3 35
25.8 65 74.9 95 28.7-21 51
77.35 88 28.16 37, 89, 96,
1 Chronicles 77.42 87 97, 98, 100,
22 A 119 89.26 31 101, 103
89.50-51 119 30.29 45
2 Chronicles 105.10 87 31.7 102
5.13-14 116 105.11 132 32.16 29
5 142 106.2 87 35.9 88
6 111 106.27 29 35.10 45
7.1 142 118(117) 97-98, 112 36-39 35
8.16 124 118(117).22-23 98 36.11 12
10.32 45 118 6 37.27 35
14.10 123 118.22 31, 90, 99, 40 28, 34, 108
24.24 123 101, 102, 40.1 35
29.16, 17 83 103 40.1-10 34
118.22-23 96,97 40.2 31
Ezra 135.24 87 40.3 35
2.59-63 11 137.4 41 40.6-8 4,27,31,34,
3.6 119 146.2 29 35
4.1 133 147.2 29 40.8 36
4.7 12 40-55 13, 25, 28,
6.3 119 Proverbs 31,35,43,
9 48 3.34 31 S89133
11.31 31 40-66 124
Nehemiah 11.1-2 116, 117 41.14 88
1.8-9 29 11.2 116, 117 41.16 29
1.9 48 17.3 134 42 22
8.2 11 24 112 43 108
9 48 43.1 88
10.32 45 Isaiah 43.11 33
13.11 119 1.11-17 107 43.14 88
1-55 15 42.20 89
Job 2.2 44, 119 43.20-21 27,73
38.3 33 2.18 102 43.14-21 7, 33, 34,
40.7 33 3.13-41 121 133
8.12-13.24 27 44.6-9 44
44.22 8S 7.21-23 107 25-32 120
44.22-24 88 8.9 100 29.1 29
44.23 87 11.19 33 29.21-9 20,44
44.28 124, 142 14.14 29 30.23, 26 29
46.6 102 15.7 29 32.15 29
48.10 134 18.17 29 34 42, 122
49.6 28, 112 23.7 13 36.19 29, 120
49.22-26 35 29.9 47 38-39 7
51-53 36 25.16 29 40-48 22, 43, 58,
51.11 135 25.29 39, 119 59, 133
51.12-16 35 LXX 32.29 119 43.3 115
52 88 33.21-22 108 43.7 118
52.3 27, 31, 88 33.31-33 20 43.9 53
52.3,4 73 34.17 29 44 102
52.13 28,84 38.11 %7 44.4 118
52.13-53.12 28 40.1 34 44.6 120
53 27, 28, 31, 41[34].17 30 44.6-16 107
32, 37, 38, 46.28 121 44-46 13
66, 73, 84, 44.15 45
86, 89, 135 Ezekiel 47.1-12 115
53.4, 5, 6, 9, 12 27 1.28 115
53.5 124 2.5-8 120 Daniel
53.5-7 38 3.1 120 2.34-35 97
53.8 36 3.4-7 120 3.45 97
53.7 84 3.17 120 3.7 7
53.9-10 35 3.24 120 3.37 7
54 S9 3.23-24 115 3.38 87,95
55-66 15 4.3-6 120 4.1 31
56.2-4 13 4.4-6 19 5.4 102
56.3 122 5.4 120 5.23 102
56.7 44 5.8 120 6.28 87, 102
56.7-8 40 5.10 120 7.14 7
57.11 33 5.15 120 8.22 7
58.13 13 6.11 120 9 16,48
60 22 8.4 115 9.24 21
60.1 117 8.14 120 9.24-7 16
60.4-13 44 8.17 120 9.26 7
61 22 8-11 115 LXX Dan. 12.2 29
61.6 108 9 142
62.12 88 9.1-6 120 Hosea
63.9 87,88 9.6 25,118, 120, 1 112
64.11(64.10) 91 121, 123, 2 112, 133
66 124 138 1.6,9 31, 37, 90,
66.1 117 9.7 39,91 112
66.17 83 9.9(LXX4.17)115,120 2.23 112, 135
66.18 106, 133 10-11 47 2.25 112
11.5 120 5 25
Jeremiah 11.6 123 6.6 107
1.17 33 11.15 120 14.7 36
4.17 31 18.30 120
6.16 83 20.23 29 Joel
6.20 107 22.15 29 l>9 108
7.8 119 24.14 120 1.13 108
Amos 12.1-7 79 Acts

3.2 119 12.6 70 2.44 111
12.28 137 2.46 78, 111
Jonah 13.17 111 3.1 78, 111
2.4 45 15.58 102 3.14 74
16.18 100 3-4 78
Micah 17.9 74 4.10 74
4.1-5 49 17.24 45 4.11 97,98
6.6-8 107 17.24-27 45 7.28 102
20.8 86 7.53 88
Habakkuk 21.42 98, 100 8.27-39.13 45
1.2 121 21.42-3 79,97 9.2 6
1.12 121 24.37-8 114 10.2 6
27.64 74 10.3 111
Zephaniah 28.7 74 10.9 111
1-2 119 10.22 6
Mark 10.30 111
Haggai 1.2-3 34 10.35 6
1.1-5 20,44 1.15 137 12 78
2.3 49 10.45 86,89 12.1 7,77
2.6-7 49 12.10 100 13.6 6
2.9 117 12.10-11 97,98 13.36 6
2.18 124 14.58 102, 103 13.43 6
16.61 38 13.50 6
Zechariah 15 6
1.9 29, 133 Luke 16.14 6
1-8 15 1.17 34 17.4 6
2.10-12 116 1.22 78 17.17 6
4.9 124 1.30-31 34 17.24 102
5.5-10 66 1.76-79 34 18.6-7 6
6J 19 3.3-6 34 18.25, 26 6
6.8 49 7.27 34 19.9, 23 6
6.12 116 9.52 34 20.28 72
8.9 119, 124 10.9 137 21.24, 26 83
9-14 7 10.23-4 111 26.18 83
11.11 19 17.26-7 114 28.19 88
13.7-9 39, 119, 121 19.46 40
13.9 134 20.17 97, 98, 100 Romans
20.18 103 1.11 95
Malachi 23.9 38 3.25 72
3 120 24.21 86,88 6.1-4 39
3.1 119 6.4,9 74
3.1-4 120, 121 John 7.4 74
3.1-5 118, 121 1.23 34 7.14 95
3.2 120 1.29 132 8.17 110
3.3 134 1.32 117 9.4 117
3.5-6 120 1.36 132 9.25-33 98,99
4.1 118,121 2.18-20 94 9.30-33 98,101
2.22 74 9.31-33 99
Matthew 3.3 83 9.32-33 97
3.16 117 3.20 79 9.33 97
5.16 137 3.28 34 9-11 28
11.10 34 21.14 74 10.11 97
12.1 102 Colossians 1.3-2.10 82,110
15.20 99 2.12 39 1.3-4.11
15.27 95 3.16 95 1.4 3, 4, 8, 17,
25, 27, 33,
1 Corinthians 1 Thessalonians 44, 110, 128,
2.13-15 95 1.10 74 131, 136
3 5 4.13-18 118 1.5 23, 33, 72,
3.1 95 132, 141
3.11 99 2 Timothy 1.5-7 42
5.7 132 2.8 74 1.6 127, 129
6.16-19 64 1.6-7 6, 7, 32, 39,
6.20 86 Hebrews 119,123-24,
7.23 86 1.22 71 127-28, 132,
10 28 3.2 114 134,136,
10.3 95 3.6 119 140
10.4 95 6.4 36 1.6-9 26
12.1 95 8 36 1.7 23, 30, 72,
14.37 95 9.2 114 110, 127,
15.12, 20 74 9.11 103 132, 136,
15.46 95 9.24 94, 102, 103 137
11.8-10 110 1.8 141
2 Corinthians 11.7 114 1.9 110,132
5.1 102 1.9-10 141
6.16 64 James l.lOf 31, 111, 135,
1.1 40 137
Galatians 1.10-12 35 1.10-12 32, 74, 80,
2.6 91 4.8 83 111, 123,
2.7-10 40 132
2.15 91 1 Peter 1.11 31, 74,104
2.16 91 1.1 4, 6, 18, 24, 1.12 31,74,111
3.10 30 28, 32, 33, 1.13 6, 33, 72,
3.27 39 37, 40, 42, 111, 113,
5.6 6 44, 45, 70, 129, 131,
6.1 95 130, 131, 133
133, 142 1.13-14 138
Ephesians 1.1-2 140 1.13-15 82
1.3 91 1.1-3 89 1.13-22 86
1.17 72, 117 1.1-4 41 1.13-25 33,34
1.22 103 1.1-2.10 24, 141 1.13-2.3 78
2.14-22 99 1.2 1,3,9,31, 1.14 26,83
2.19 39 34, 71, 72, 1.14-16 75
2.20 97-100, 73, 74, 78, 1.14-17 78
102-103, 80, 82, 91, 1.14-19 108
106 111, 127, 1.15 41, 81, 130,
2.20-22 102 131 137
2.21 91 1.2b 33, 71, 72, 1.15-16 74,80
3.6 110 142 1.15-17 38
3.10 133 1.2-3 80 1.16 6,9,31,75,
4.15 103 1.3 6, 30, 71, 81,138
4.24 39 112,129, 1.17 4,29,31,33,
5.19 91 131,139 38, 40, 41,
6.12 91 1.3-10 137 42, 82, 83,
1.3-12 42, 119 130-33, 139
1.17-18 138 132, 133, 2.24 1, 26, 28, 80

1.17-20 130 136, 141 2.24-25 31
1.17-25 142 2.4-11 91 2.25 44, 122
1.18 1, 26, 31, 70,2.5 5, 9, 25, 34, 3.1 36, 112,130,
73, 86-88, 74-75, 77, 137,139
133 78, 80-82, 3.1-7 110, 111
1.18-19 8, 42, 74, 82, 91,104, 3.1-4.11 142
86, 87, 101, 107-109, 3.2 41, 112
107, 129, 114, 117, 3.4-5 17
132 121, 121, 3.5 129, 131
1.18-20 31, 80, 82, 139 3.5-7 80
89, 108, 133 2.6 103, 132 3.5-12 81
1.18-22 1, 127, 135 2.6-8 57 3.7 34,108,
1.18-25 42 2.6-10 37,96 110-11,137,
1.19 32, 33, 38, 2.7 31,129 142
72, 80, 84, 2,8 100 3.9 17, 110,137
87, 137 2.9 37, 46, 73, 3.10 96
1.19-20 81 74, 75, 77, 3.10-13 31,38
1.19-24 42 80, 82, 85, 3.12 83
1.20 82, 131 91,104, 107 3.13 119
1.20-25 132 2.9-10 71, 90, 113 3.13-14 129
1.21 6, 30, 33, 71,2.10 31,103,112, 3.13-17 139
82, 112, 131 129, 135 3.14 138
1.21-24 89 2.11 18, 26, 29, 3.15 6, 41, 92,
1.21-25 4, 34, 37 37, 39, 82, 112,129
1.22 1, 83, 130 89, 91,133 3.15-16 71
1.22-23 141 2.11-12 42, 75,132 3.16 41,112,130,
1.23-25 78 2.11-25 127 137
1.24-25 31,35 2.11-4.11 141 3.17 138,139
1.24-2.4 36 2.12 7, 41, 77, 83,3.17-18 89
1.24-2.17 6,112 110, 129-30, 3.17-21 113
1.25 36,41,119 137, 139 3.18 1, 74,109,
2.1 78 2.12-25 141 129, 131,
2.1-3 6 2.13-17 108, 110 132, 137
2.1-5 96 2.15 138 3.18-20 71, 112-13
2.1-10 38 2.16-25 81 3.18-22 114
2.2 25,78 2.16-17 138 3.19 9,114
2.2-3 141 2.17 112 3.19-20 8,71
2.3 1, 38, 141 2.17-20 81 3.20 112-14
2.4 128 2.19 111, 129, 3.21 94
2.4-5 34,90 139 3.22 114
2.4-8 71 2.19-25 37 4.1 129, 137
2.4-9 37, 73, 96, 2.20 139 4.1,2 122
114, 124 2.20-25 26 4.2-4 26
2.4-10 1, 2, 3, 6, 8,2.21 37 4.2 138
31, 34, 37, 2.21-22 75 4.3 7
39, 43, 44, 2.21-23 137, 138 4.3-4 81
62, 71, 76, 2.21-24 104 4.4 112, 129
77, 79, 82, 2.21-25 31, 37, 38 4.4-5 137
90, 91, 2.22 31,75 4.4-7 129
97-105, 112, 2.22-23 27 4.5 128
118, 124, 2.22-25 37-38,135 4.5-6 118
129, 130, 2.23 119 4.5-7 128
4.6 74, 118, 129, ljohn Sirach
131,135 3.3 83 2.1-10 134
4.6-7 130 32.8 123
4.7 110-11,128, Revelation 36 17
137, 142 1.5,9 72 36.6 17
4.7-11 138 1.6 106 36.11 17
4.10 111 5.10 106 36.14-16 17
4.11-12 7 11.8 95 48.10 17,20
4.12 6, 7, 30, 32, 14.8 24 48.20 20
119, 127, 15.1-5 72
129,134, 16.19 24 Tobit
136,137 17.5 24 13.5 17
4.12-14 89 13.10-11 17
4.12-17 34, 71,129 APOCRYPHA AND 13.13 17
4.12-19 31, 104, 119, PSEUDEPIGRAPHA 14.4, 5 119
127,129, 14.5-7 17
137, 142 1 Maccabees
4.12-5.14 140, 141 3.18 123
4.13 28, 72, 119, 4.46 95 NON-BIBLICAL ANCIENT
122,135, 7.28 123 SOURCES
137, 139 9.27 95
4.13-16 119 14.41 95 Josephus
4.14 3, 34, 71, 74, Antiquities
115,119, 2 Maccabees 1.4 61
129,139, 1.24-9 17 3.100 65
142 1.27 20,29 3.102 65
4.14-17 6, 8, 9, 73, 2.17 17, 106, 118 3.290 65
83,115, 2.17-18 108 3.102-4 64
118-24,128, 2.18 20 3.115-33 62
138,141 2.28 137 3.171-73 51
4.15 81,139 3.183 65
4.16 89, 116, 119 3 Maccabees 4.114 41
4.16-17 39 6.36 18 4.197 61
4.17 1, 2, 3, 30, 7.19 18 8.102 65
31, 34, 42, 8.106 65
71, 90, 91, 4 Maccabees 8.114 65
95, 115, 117, 16.1f 26 8.117 65
119,121, 8.131 65
123-24, 142 Baruch 8.271 61
4.18 31 2.7-10 17 8.4.2 65
4.19 89, 119 3.24 119 8.4.5 65
5.1 72 4.2-6 93 10.100 60
5.2-4 42,44 4.36-37 17 11.1 60
5.5 31,111 4-5 20 11.91 60
5.9 43 5.5 17 13.2 65
5.9-10 129 5.7 34 20.231 60
5.10 1, 2, 6, 8, 9,
42, 89, 111, 2 (Syriac) Baruch 12 Apoc. Contra Apionem
122-26,142 Bar 1.31 61
5.12 111, 129 7-8, 80 113 1.37-41 65
5.13 24, 27, 32, 13.9 119 1.130 114
33,36 85.3 95 1.132 60
2.38 60
2.102-9 58 2.86 126 5.5 101

5.6 92, 99, 103
Jewish War Spec. Leg. 5.10 81
3.269 60 1.12 63 5.18 81
5.212-13 65 1.66 63 8.1-10 101
5.389-90 61 2.145f 85 8.2-8 107
2.222-24 60 4.179-80 41 8.4 5, 9, 58, 101,
6.249-50 65 134
6.267 11,61 Vit.Mos 8.4-6 93
2.73 62 8.4-8 99, 109
Philo 2.88 63 8.4-11 2,54
Abr. 2.101-104 65 8.5 92
14.64 60 2.224 85 8.5-10 99
56 105 2.232 60,61 8.7 101
8.7-8 101
Conf. Ling. Seneca 8.12-20 34
78 61 Epis. Mor. 8.13 81
14.13f 64 9.3-5 103
DeSob 41.1 64 9.3-6 54,78
66 105, 106 48.11 64 9.4-5 99
66.1 62 9.5 99, 101
Epictetus 9.5-6 54,56
Flac Discourses I 9.20 81
7.45-47 60 14.13f 64 9.26 56,18
10.6 107
Leg. Gai. Dead Sea Scrolls 11.3f 58
41 1QH 11.8 54,68
Leg. All. 6.25f 93
281-82 61 6.25-27 101 lQSb
6.26 101 1.5 77
Migr. Abr. 6.25-29 92,99 4.25 58
16.89 64 7.8-9 99, 101
16.91-93 64 7.19-22 39 4QpIsa
17.14 18 5.6 19
Plant. frag, i 93
126 65 1QM
1.2-3 19,42 4QFlor
Praem. 2.3 58 1-3 i 5 118
29.94-97 60 3.5 77 1.1-7 55
29.165 61 7.11 58 1.3-4 44
123 120 12.1-3 57 1.5 117
12.7 11 1.6 54
Provid. 16.1 11 1.6-7 107
2.64 11,44
lQpHab 4Q166
QE 7.1-8 58 1 i 16 18
1.12 63 12.2f 93
1.66 63 4Q171
2.49-106 62 1QS 1-10 iii 1 18
2.51 64 3.6-26 117 1-10 iv 24 18
2.52 63 4.2-3 117
2.83 63 4.3-8 117 4Q266
2.85 63 5.1 81 6i 13 18
4Q390 19 7.3 19,56
7.11 92 p.Yoma
4Q434 7.13-14 19 3.40c 101
3 ii 2-3 19 7.20-21 19
8.16 18 Tanhuma
4Q400 8.21 19 Qedoshim 102
1.14-16 58 10.14-11.18 81
2.2-3 57 11.11-2 18 Midrash
11.21-2 18 Midr. Pss. (Tehilim)
4Q504-506 19 16.2-4 52 17a 119
20.10 92 44b 119
4QMMT 19,58 20.13 92 2121a 119
4QpPs Mishnah Midrash Rabbah

32.16 101 Avot Rabbi Nathan Exodus Rabbah
4 9 12.2 85
4QShirShabb 57 15.7 101
Baba Bathra 52.4 113
4QTest 96 4a 11,59 SSd 119
9a 45
HQMel 96 Numbers Rabbah
Baba Qammai 15.10 67
HQTemp 60a 119
18.14-16 20 Leviticus Rabbah
19.9-10 55,57 Beit ha-Miqdash 20.4 101
29.8-11 117 5.63.1ff 102
29.9-10 123 Lamentations Rabbah
46.2-18 56 b. Ketub. 3.49 67
Ilia 37
CD Pesiqta Rabbati
1.3-11 19 m. Pesah 29-33 34
1.4-12 19 10.5 131
2.14-16 19 Psalms of Solomon
3.9 101 Rosh Hashanah 8.28 40
3.10 19 8b 119 11.1-4 40
3.18-4.10 93 11.17-28.31L 20
3.19-4.4 54 b. Sank. 17.4 40
3.21-44 106 lla 95 17.21 40
3.21-4.6 42 17.26 20
4.17-18 56 b. Shab. 17.26-28 40
5.1-11 56 114a 101 17.32f 117
5.6-11 56 17.39-44 117
5.12 56 b. Sot. 17.44 40
5.20-21 19 48b 95 17.50 20
6.1-11 56
6.2-11 19 m. Canticles Talmud
6.3-10 56 1.5 100 Chagigah
6.4f 42 5b 113
6.4-5 19 m. Keritot
6.11 57 2. 45 t. Keritot
6.11-17 81 9a [81a] 45
6.17 19,56 b. Yoma
6.19 19 9b 49, 95, 131 Qoheleth
45a 119 Tg. Neb (Minor Prophets) 3 Enoch

Zech. 5.5-10 66 18 54, 126
Pesachim Zech. 6.12-13 66
4.4 66 Jubilees
10.5 85 Testament of the Twelve 1.15-17 20,44
T. Benj. 1.7-14 61
/. Sot. 9.2 20, 44, 52 1.12-26 61
9.17 95 10.8-10 119 1.17 53
10.9 121 1.26-28 53
/. Sanhedrin 100.8-9 121 1.28-28 61
29a 101 4.26 53
T. Levi 7.19 53
Sibylline Oracles 4.1 52 7.36 53
1.128-33 113 6.11 52 7.38-39 52
1.279 113 10.3 52 13.1-9 52
3.616-34 44 15.1 52 13.15b-18 52
3.715-20 44 16 48 16.18 106, 109
5. 44 16.4-5 52 22.20-23 68
5.143 24 17.8-10 68 23.21 53,93
5.149 24 18:1 52 23.26 61
5.414-33 66 23.27-31 61
T. Sol. 24.32 53
Targumim 2.4 113 33.19-20 105
Tg. Ps-J. 33.20 106
Gen. 44.27 61 1 Enoch 49 68
1.2 31 49.16-17 53
Exod 19.6 106 1.16 31 49.18 53
7.38-39 52 49.19 53
Tg. Neofiti 1 14.10-17 50 49.20 53
Genesis 53 16.3 133 50.1-5 52
Exod. 24.17 95 53.6 93
67.2 113 Early Christi an Literatu
Tg. Onkelos 71.5-9 50
Exod 19.6 105, 106 79.1 113 1 Clement
79.36 113, 126 7.14 87
Tg. Psalms 83-90 50-51 12.7 87
118.22 101 85-90 51
89.16 126 Gospel of Barnabas
Tg. Isaiah 89.50 50,68 4.11 94
6.3 126 89.72-75 93 16.10 94
11.2 119 89.73 48, 50, 51
28.16 101 89.55-58 50 Melito of Sardis
38.16 36 89.73-77 68 Pascha 68 85
40.1-10 34 89.76-77 50
40.2 31, 35 90.20 51
53 126 90.28 51
53.5 66 90.29 51
56.7-8 40 90.32-33 44
93.9 44
Tg. Ezekiel
37.1-14 37 2 Enoch
38.16 38 24.3 133
INDEX OF AUTHORS
Abel, EM. 109 Brueggemann, Walter 43 100,103

Ackroyd, Peter 8 n.38,14 , Brunson, Andrew 5,20,22, Dever, William G. 25
20^-22,29-30, 33, 30,132 Dillmann, August 50
35,126,130,135 Bryan, Steven 14, 79,105, Dodd,C.D. 98
Achtemeier, Paul 1, 6-7, 106,121 Dubis,Mark 31,42,
24-25, 33, 39-40, Butler, J. 26 84-86, 95,104,
84-85, 91-93, 96, 117,120-25,
105,107-9,112, Caquot, Andre 54 136-37
115,116,119, Casey, Maurice 14
130,132,140,141 Cathcart, Kevin J. 66 Earl, Richard 22
Alon,Gedalia 78 Cerfaux, Lucien 81,109, Edersheim, Alfred 45
Altmann,A. 19 126 Eichrodt,W. 72
Avraham, G. 44 Charles, R. H. 52 Elliott, John H. 6,7,
Charlesworth, James H. 51 24-25,32,40,
Balch, David L. 41,42,140 Chester, Andrew 127-129 42-43, 73, 76, 78,
Bammel, Ernst 45 Chilton, Bruce 40,68 79, 81-82, 88,
Barker, Margaret 57,65 Clowney, Edward 122 90-91,97-113,
Barstad, Hans 88 Churgin, Pinkhos 14 120,134,135,140
Baumgarten, J. M. 2,55 Cohen, A. 97 Evans, Craig A. 14,30,33,
Beare, Francis Wright 7,25, Cohen, Shaye J. D. 70, 35
44, 86, 87, 88, 91, 91-93,124
112, 118,122,135 Cole, Alan 70, 78, 79 Fatehi, Mehdad 65,67
Bell, Jr., Albert 45 Coloe,Mary 96 Feldmeier, Reinhard 26,29,
Bellinger, Jr., William H. Collins, John Joseph 1,48, 42,135
28, 32,131 68 Fishbane, Michael 21,
Ben-Yashar, M. 55 Congar, Marie-Joseph 3, 97 45-45,135
Best, Ernest 7,10, 75, 79, Coppens, Joseph 62, 68 Fitzmyer, J. A. 19,57
92,93,102 Cothenet, feduoard 94,102 Flusser, David 2, 55,109
Bergsma, John Sietze 61 Cross, Frank Leslie 32,35, Forster, Raymond S. 40
Bevere, Allan 41, 42 97,140 Fransen, Irenee 115-16,
Bigg, Charles 88,91 Cross, Frank Moore 19 119
Biran, Avram 58 Cryer, Frederick H. 19,56 Freedman, D. N. 10
Black, Matthew 50 Cullmann, Oscar 69. Freedman, Loius H. 58
Blinzler, Joseph 77,103 Furnish, Victor 7, 74,135
Boismard, M. -E. 43,108, Davids, Peter H. 70,82
140 Davidson, Robert 35 Garcia Martinez, Florentino
Bornemann, W. 38-39,140 Davies, G. I. 67 55,57
Brown, Raymond 57 Davies, Philip R. 56 Garnet, Paul 20
Brox, Norbert 26, 30,43, Davies, W. D. 45 Gartner, Bertil 2-3,8,
96,103,108,128, Deissmann, Adolf 87-88 54-55, 62, 68, 70,
132,136 Derret,J. Duncan M. 97, 71,77,93,94,
99-105 Knibb, Michael 11,15-16, 93,99,110,
Gaston, Lloyd 99 18,136 114-16,123,
Goldberg, A. M. 67 Knight, Douglas 10-11 132-33,141
Goldingay 48 Koester, Craig 4, 67, 94 Migne,J.-P. 24
Goldstein, Horst 106 Kohl, Israel 28 Milik,J.T. 50
Goldstein, J. A. 17,51,106 Kohler, M.-E. 25-27,137 Miller, Donald 118
Goppelt, Leonhard 29, 34, Kuhn, Heinz-Wolfgang 131 Miller, J.Maxwell 12
43, 71, 73, 79, 84, Kummel,W. G. 135 Moule,C.F.D. 1,45,
91-92,103,107, Kuschke,A. 44 91-92
111, 115, 122,123, Muller,P.-G. 43
126 Lacocque, Andre 48 Murphy-O'Connor, Jerome
Gordon, R. P. 36,66 Lapham,E 8,33,72,118 19,57
Gottwald, Norman 10, 14 Land, John R. 5
Go wan, Donald E. 11, 16, Lea, Thomas 1,98 Nauck,W. 26
136 Lee, Pilchan 58 Neusner, Jacob 17-18,22,
Green, W. S. 2 Lestringant, Pierre 27 44, 58-59, 74,
Gruen, Eric S. 18,60-61 Levine, Etan 10, 14 77-78,107
Gutmann, Joseph 72 Levine, Lee 14 Neve, Lloyd 116
Levinskaya, Irina 1, 45 Newman, C. C. 14-15
Hamerton-Kelly, Robert G. Levison, John R. 58,65,73 Newsom, Carol 57
53, 62, 132,136 Lincoln, A. T. 57-58 Newton, Michael 72
Haran, Menahem 107 Lindars, Barnabas 99
Harris, J. Rendail 96 Lodahl, Michael E. 116 Nickelsburg, George W. E.
Hays, Richard 14,28 Lohmeyer, Ernst 4, 83, 91, 13_14, 50-51, 68
Hayes, John H. 12 119,129,139 N6tscher,F 78
Hill, David 4-6, 26,108 Lohse,E. 135
Hillyer, Norman 103 Longman III, Tremper 14 Oded, Bustenay 13
Holzmeister, U. 88 Longenecker, Richard 103 Olson, Vernon Solomon 37
Horbury, William 45,67, Luther, Martin 122 Osborne, T. P. 27, 31
81-82, 84-85, 105 Otto, Michel 119
Maier, Johann 59, 68,
Iwry, Samuel 18 Manns, Frederic 51,96,98 Parfitt, Tudor 47
Marcus, Joel 98 Parker, Davi C. 71
Janssen, Enno 13, 15 Margot, Jean-Claude 133 Perdelwitz, Richard 72,140
Jaubert, A. 55 Martin, Troy 26 Perrot, Charles 90,138
Jenson, Philip Peter 74 Marshall, I. Howard 115 Peterson, David 21
Jobes, Karen 22, 96, 98 McCartney, Dan 80,96-98, Ploger, Otto 15,136
Johnson, Dennis E. 120 100,102,109, Prigent, Pierre 97
Johnson, Luke T. 127,129 116-17
Jonsen, Albert R. 31,92, McKelvey, Robert J. 3,5, Rabin, C. 2, 19
133 44-45, 100,103, Redditt, Paul L. 49,135
Juel, Donald 93,119 124 Reiser, Marius 71
McKnight, Scot 1-2,6,24, Rendtorff, Heinrich 23
Kaplan, Abraham 10,30 70,121 Rendtorff, Rolf 31, 35
Kasemann, Ernst 36, 42 McNamara, Martin 53, 67 Ritschl, Albrecht 86
Kee, Howard Clark 51-52, Melito of Sardis 84-85, 94, Rogers, Jr., Cleon 89
120, 137 111, 140 Rogers HI, Cleon 89
Keener, Craig 96,99 Merrill, Arthur L. 11,44 Runia, D. T. 63
Kittel, Gerhard 95,132 Metzger, Bruce. 110,115 Russell, Ronald 69
Klein, Michael 67 Meyers, Carol L. 12,49
Klein, Ralph W. 12-13 Meyers, Eric 12,49 Safrai, Shmuel 32
Klinzing, Georg 3, 5, 54, Michaels, J. Ramsey 23-24, Sanders, E. P. 5, 8,16, 32,
68, 75, 93 32,40, 70, 82, 86, 33, 60,121,123,
Index of Authors 175
130-31 38-39, 97, 99-100, VMiers,J.L. 26
Sanders, James 14, 30 135, 140 Vincent, Jeanne-Francoise
Schafer, Peter 68 Spicq, Ceslas 1, 6, 86, 132 63
Schafer, Karl T. 103 Steck,O.H. 17 von Schlatter, Adolf 95
Scharlemann, Martin 36 Stegemann, Ekkehard 75
Schart, Aaron 135 Stegemann, Wolfgang 75 Wacholder, Ben Zion 55
Schiffman, Lawrence 57 StegnerW. 43 Walton, John 71
Schulz, Seigfried 118 Stern, M. 32 Warden, Duane 132
Schiissler Fiorenza, Swamp, Paul N. W. 15,20 Watts, Rikki E. 31-32,87
Elisabeth 3-5 Sweeney, James 28 Webb, Robert Leslie 137
Schutter, William L. 2,6, Weinberg, Joel 11-12,91
35, 38-39, 71, Talbert, Charles H. 112, Weitzman, Steve 17
91-92, 96,104, 140 Wellhausen, Julius 10-11
115-21,126,130, Talmon, Shemaryahu 18, Wenschkewitz, Hans 3
140 19, 36, 58 Westermann, Claus 35-36
Schwartz, Daniel R. 16,33, Taylor, N. H. 20 Windisch, Hans 86-87, 132
54-55, 59, 68 Testuz, Michel 52 Wise, Michael O. 18
Scott, James M. 14,18, 25, Thiering, Barbara 55 Wolff, Christian 29, 135,
29, 30, 40, 60, 61 Thompson, T. L. 19,56 136
Seitz, Christopher R. 35 Thuren, Lauri 23-24,119, Wolfson, Harry Austyn 32,
Seland, Torrey 77, 85,105 136 44,64
Selwyn,E.G. 70-72, Tiller, Patrick A. 50 Wright, David P. 74
75-76, 86, 89-91, Towner, W. Sibley 48 Wright, N. T. 5,14-16, 25,
94-95,108, 33, 92,121,134,
113-17,120,128, VanderKam, James C. 50 136
132,137 Vanhoye, Albert 90
Sevenster, Gerhard 83 van der Ploeg, J. 35,78, Yadin, Yigal 2, 19, 55-56,
Shimada, Kazuhito 106, 143 58
114 van Unnik, Willem
Smith/Smith-Christopher, Cornelius 30,42, Zimmer, Robert G. 63
Daniel L. 10-12, 45, 84, 86-88,138 Zimmerli, Walter 32
25, 75, 81, 91,138 Vermes, Geza 93
Snodgrass, Klyne 14, Verseput, D. J. 14

Temple Exile and Identity in 1 Peter

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library of new testament studies

TEMPLE, EXILE AND

Published by T&T Clark International

80 Maiden Lane, Suite 704, New York, NY 10038

First published 2007

British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data

Typeset by Free Range Book Design & Production Ltd

2. 'EXILE AND RESTORATION OF ISRAEL'

3. TEMPLE', 'EXILE', AND 'IDENTITY' IN SECOND TEMPLE

3.2. Biblical Writings 48

4. EXEGEHCAL ANALYSIS OF TEMPLE IMAGERY IN 1 PETER 70

4.2.5.2.2. oKpoycovLalov as the

5. IMPLICATIONS AND CONCLUSIONS 127

Index of References 163

Index of Authors 173

Amanda! A scholar in her own right, her invaluable help in editing,

IEJ Israel Exploration Journal

MT refers to Biblia Hebraica Stiittgartensia (BHS) reproduced in Bible

Unless otherwise stated all quotations of Josephus, Philo, Epictetus and

Translation of Greek, Hebrew, and German and French works, by the

1.1. Brief Survey of Previous Studies on Temple in 1 Peter

While not meant to be comprehensive, McKnight's list omits what we

towards a systematic theological approach to the temple in the NT with limited

literal exiles from Jerusalem, or Palestine in general, as E Lapham has

1.2. Structure of Study

The primary focus of this book is an exegetical analysis of the metaphor of

the question of immanence and transcendence of God in the OT taber-

2.1. Introductory Comments

tied to the Torah and faithful adherence to it (Nehemiah 8.2ff). So significant

dissatisfaction persists in many documents from the period (Ezra-Nehemiah;

2.2. The Event of Exile and Its Historical Significance

The period of exile has been characterized as one of 'unparalleled importance

(a) the political structure witnessing the disappearance of sovereignty;

To these questions of identity and God's sovereignty the prophets sought to

2.3. Second Temple Literature and the Lingering 'Exile'

Thus, 'failure' of the second temple to live up to expectation only served to

Numerous references to the exile are appropriated by the Qumran

46. EJknQiristiansen,TTie Consciousness of Belonging to God's Covenant and What it Entails

2.4. Peter Ackroyd's Idea of Exile'

In the Hulsean Lectures of 1960-2 at the University of Cambridge - later

57. Ibid., 243.

reasoning accords with what Jacob Neusner articulates in relation to the

2.5. Idea of Exile' as a Controlling Metaphor

2.5.1. Earlier Proposals

may be correct about the centrality of suffering in 1 Peter, his argument

74. Martin, Metaphor, 144-61. He builds on the work of Pseudo-Euthalius, 'Elenchus

82. Schutter, Hermeneutk, 80.

1 Peter prefers vocabulary that indicates preference for the Christians to

2.5.2. 'Idea of Exile' in 1 Peter

In a similar vein, Ackroyd reasons that,

Exodus: Deliverance from Egypt Journey through the desert Sinai

Considering 'exile' a temporary phenomenon, Second Temple Jews anticipated

2.6. Idea of Exile' and Select OT Passages in 1 Peter

2.6.1. Exod. 24 in 1 Peter 1.2b

1 Peter seems to adopt thefirstinterpretation by identifying 'allflesh*with the

2.6.4. Isa. 53 in 1 Pet. 2.21-25

2.6.5. Ps. 34.12-16 in 1 Pet 3.10-13

Note, however, the caution of Schutter who, following a thorough analysis

144. Hill,'Sacrifices', 55.

2.6.6. Ezek. 9Jin 1 Pet. 4.16-17