Payment of Adequate Compensation For Land Acquisit
Payment of Adequate Compensation For Land Acquisit
Payment of Adequate Compensation For Land Acquisit
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ABSTRACT
Land acquisition involves the compulsory taking of land, often against the will of the
landowners. The law in Malaysia requires the state to pay compensation adequately;
however, adequate compensation is not defined in the statute. Historically, the courts
seem to have succumbed to the pretense that the adequacy requirement may be achieved
by giving sufficient monetary rewards in exchange. The questions are what monetary
quantum is appropriate to constitute the constitutional mandate of adequate
compensation; what should be the measure of compensation; what makes compensation
adequate, and what are the tests of adequacy? A questionnaire survey was conducted
among practicing valuers to discern their views with regard to the above issues. This
survey revealed the views that compensation attributes under the stipulated laws are not
adequate to fulfill adequate compensation notion under the spirit of Article 13 of Federal
Constitution 1957. There is a need to review the heads of compensation structures by
incorporating other countries practices such as payment of solatium or premium as over
and above total compensation. Most of the valuers believed that land acquisition need not
necessarily present the best alternative for the government to secure land for
development.
INTRODUCTION
In Malaysia, federal, state, local governments and public authorities are vested by statute
with the power to acquire land. The law of land acquisition is principally concerned with
the rules governing the procedure to be followed in acquiring the land by compulsory
means and with the awarding of compensation to the dispossessed landowner. Here,
property is acquired by the state against the will of the landowner, but this can be done in
the public interest and not in private interest (Brown, 1991). Eminent domain does not
permit taking property of A and giving it to B to confer benefit on him. It also does not
permit taking away property without just compensation. It is not eminent domain but
expropriation, and this is illegal (Jain & Xavier, 1999).
The land acquisition statutes also provide that a dispossessed landowner shall receive
compensation for the loss of the resumed land. According to Rowan-Robinson and Brand
326 Pacific Rim Property Research Journal, Vol 12, No 3
(1995), the purpose of compensation is to compel the owner to sell the right (in monetary
terms) as though the land owner is in the same position as if his land had not been taken.
In other words, the landowner gains the right to receive a monetary payment not less than
the loss imposed on him in the public interest, but, on the other hand, no greater. The
underlying theme in the compensation provisions of the land acquisition statutes is to
ensure that a dispossessed landowner is no worse off and no better off as a result of his
eviction (Brown, 1991). This paper presents a study conducted via questionnaire survey
amongst practising valuers in Malaysia. The survey investigates land acquisition issues
and explores perspective of valuers regarding land acquisition implementations in
Malaysia. The survey emphasised the payment of adequate compensation to dispossessed
landowners.
Land is acquired in Malaysia under the Land Acquisition Act 1960. This is a serious
encroachment on the right to property by legislation, although the fact remains that over a
period of time, the law has been liberalized in certain aspects (Brown, 1991; Jain &
Xavier, 1996). Nevertheless, there are still some aspects of the law which need to be
modified (Jain & Xavier, 1996). Land acquisition and compensation matters are therefore
entirely creatures of statute (Xavier, 2001). Historically, the courts have declared that the
requirement may be satisfied by expressing adequate compensation in terms of money.
The problem then is to find out, how much money is required to meet the constitutional
mandate that adequate compensation be paid? To solve this problem, practitioners rely
upon the concept of market value that is also provided under the laws of compulsory
acquisition.
The law requires in any acquisition of land that the State Authority pay adequate
compensation. The term ‘adequate compensation’ is not defined. It is totally abstract; it
has no meaning from a practical standpoint, unless it is related to something which has a
concrete value (Graham, 1984 in Khong, 1996). Market value and adequate compensation
are not defined in acquisition laws, neither has it been contended that adequate
compensation and market value are the same thing. Obviously, in some cases they are not,
rather the idea is that market value is the best method of satisfying the requirement that
adequate compensation is paid. The idea is sound and it works well in practice (Khublal,
1994 in Khong, 1996). Therefore, it is the desire of the state to give adequate
compensation based only on market evidence, and if each party involved in land
acquisition will act in accordance with professional ethics, honesty and integrity, the
objective of arriving at adequate compensation will be achieved based on market value
(Khublal, 1994).
Dundas & Evans (2001) stated that the compensation on the market value basis is
considered to be satisfactory; however, there is a feeling that an additional payment,
probably a percentage of the value, should be paid to all property owners or, perhaps, only
to a restricted category, such as owners/occupiers. Epstein (1998) acknowledges that
Pacific Rim Property Research Journal, Vol 12, No 3 327
restrictions on the rights of others often serve as a form of implicit, in-kind compensation.
For example, zoning restrictions in a residential neighbourhood may be justified by the
average reciprocity of advantage received by residential landowners. A study in Aberdeen
(RICS, 1995; Rowan-Robinson et al, 1995) also recommends that a supplement should be
paid. If the compensation were seen to be more generous, it could be possible to present
compulsory purchase positively to the extent that, if it were sufficiently high,
owners/occupiers might welcome compulsory purchase.
Usilappan (1997, 2000) concerned payment of fair, equitable and just compensation to the
affected owners. The Constitution required payment of adequate compensation and the
Act provides for market value and other damages and, though these appear equitable in
law, in practice the landowners still suffer. Various amendments to the Act provide the
landowners lesser compensation such as compensation on planned use, relocation
hardships and business losses. Most jurisdictions have done away with betterment, but in
Malaysia the betterment clause is still in the Act (Buang, 2001; Usilappan, 2000; Xavier,
1999).
Based on the above discussions and the current attributes of compensation under laws of
land acquisition in Malaysia, are compensations adequate? Are the landowners
compensated well? Therefore, the main issue of this research can be concluded as ‘To
what extent the notion of adequate compensation as applied by the existing laws is
concordant with the expectation of the parties involved’.
This research has been carried out in Malaysia with the aim of assessing whether the
existing compensation framework for land acquisition as stipulated in First Schedule of
Land Acquisition Act, 1960 and other related rules, circulars, and guidelines released by
related government agencies, Board of Valuers, Appraisers and Estate Agents, Malaysia,
and valuation practices in Malaysia are effective and adequate in safeguarding the owners’
interest and losses. Specifically, the research assesses the existing (local and foreign
countries) compensation structure, legal instruments and the practice of valuation in
determining adequate compensation for affected land owners.
328 Pacific Rim Property Research Journal, Vol 12, No 3
The research firstly reviews all the international guidelines such as acts, charters,
recommendations, and resolutions on compensation as practised by the foreign countries
such as the United Kingdom, USA, India, Australia and Singapore. UK, India, Australia
and Singapore are selected due to the origins of the law is similar to Malaysia. USA is
selected due to comprehensive legal procedures and determination of so-called just
compensation adopted by various states in US is quite substantial. Secondly, the research
studies procedures of the acquisition process in selected countries, with the objective to
consolidate understanding on their significance as well as understanding their approaches
towards compulsory acquisition. Finally, the research assesses the implementation
framework at local level by focussing on whether the practices and guidelines of foreign
countries could be implemented into a local Malaysian context in relation to three aspects:
legal instruments, management/procedural structures and effective valuation approaches
of compensation with the objectives to identify their strengths and weaknesses.
Principles of Compensation
The term compensation is used in a number of other statutes. It has a well understood
meaning in respect of workers’ compensation. It has a different meaning from damages in
the law of contract and tort. When used in the context of deprivation of land it means
recompense or amends. It means the sum of money which the owner would have got had
he sold the land on the open market plus other losses which result from the resumption.
However, the term compensation is not defined in the land acquisition statutes. The term
takes its meaning from the provisions which define what monetary sum must be paid to
the dispossessed owner for the loss of his land (Brown, 1991; Rowan-Robinson & Brand,
1995). The sum payable may represent a sum not only for the land taken, but also other
losses suffered in consequence of the acquisition. The fundamental principle has been to
place the affected landowners in the same position, after the acquisition as he was before,
nor worse, nor better. This also called the principle of equivalence (Cruden, 1986; Brown,
1991, Rowan-Robinson & Brand, 1995; Teo & Khaw, 1995; Jain & Xavier, 1996;
Usilappan, 1997).
Cane (1988) makes a distinction in the context of compensation for accidents between that
which is intended to provide a financial equivalent for what has been lost and that which
is intended as a substitute or solace for what has been lost. The former is generally taken
to refer to the lump sum required to leave the claimant as well off but no better off than he
or she would be without the change in their expectations. Compensation for compulsory
purchase based on this equivalence might typically reflect the price which the claimant
could have expected to have obtained for the property on a sale in the open market
together with other consequential losses (Rowan-Robinson, 1995). McGregor (1988)
states that compensation which is granted as a substitute or solace for what has been lost
would seem to comprehend rather more intangible loss, something that cannot be
replaced, and something other than patrimonial loss. Such an element in an award of
compensation of compulsory purchase might provide recompense for the individual value
which people commonly ascribe to heritable property in excess of its market value
(McAuslan, 1980; Knetsch, 1983; Farrier & McAuslan, 1988). This is sometimes referred
to as ‘householder’s surplus’ and reflects loss of tie with the area, friendships made, and
Pacific Rim Property Research Journal, Vol 12, No 3 331
so on – items which are difficult to value (Rowan-Robinson, 1995). Both the utilitarian
and fairness models of compensation would be likely to make some allowance, although
for different reasons, for the subjective expectations of the claimants (Farrier &
McAuslan, 1988; Rowan-Robinson, 1995).
In Groundwater Recharge Study carried out on Bonriki Island Tarawa, Kiribati during
1996-1997, the monetary compensation did not always compensate for the loss of
relationship to the land, the dignity and identity that it provides. Perhaps the compensation
can be tied in some way to the role of guardianship, which can then be passed on to the
next generation. Although in some respects, traditional attitudes and relationships to land
may work against acquisition and use for public purposes, it may be possible to work with
those values.
Compensation has largely been understood to refer to specific measures intended to make
good the losses suffered by people displaced and/or negatively affected by the acquisition.
Compensation usually takes the form of a one-off payment, either in cash or in kind and is
principally about awards to negatively affected persons. The losses incurred by people
affected by the creation of infrastructure such as project offices and township, canals,
transmission lines and other activities are not usually properly accounted for and so these
losses have not been adequately compensated. Similarly, the impact of the projects (e.g.
dam) on the livelihoods of the downstream population and on people losing lands and
livelihoods due to land acquired for compensatory afforestation has not been properly
assessed and compensated. Compensation is most often awarded only to persons in
possession of undisputed legal title. Tenants, sharecroppers, wage-labourers, artisans and
encroachers are rarely considered eligible for compensation, whereas they are
paradoxically the most vulnerable and in need of support. Community assets and common
resources like grazing grounds and forests, which again may be critical for the livelihood
of the poorest, are not compensated for under the acquisition process.
Compensation on the basis of replacement value still restricts it to individually owned
property; the totalities of rights that are violated are not compensated. The most critical of
these are the customary rights of people to natural resources that are vital to livelihood
and food security; the loss of the common property resources which constitute a valuable
shared productive base of the community. This highlights the need for compensation to be
relocated in a framework of restitution of rights, both community and individual, beyond
even replacement value.
METHODOLOGY
A preliminary questionnaire survey was the first stage of the data collection process in this
study. The questionnaire was closed-ended in nature and was designed such that it does
not take long for the respondent to answer. The target population in this study was the
valuers in public and private valuation organisations in Malaysia. Two hundred and fifty
(250) questionnaires were distributed to these organisations based on the following
geographical locations: Klang Valley (N = 100), Northern Region (N = 60), Southern
332 Pacific Rim Property Research Journal, Vol 12, No 3
Region (N = 60) and East Coast (N = 30). 90 questionnaires were returned to give the
response rate of 36%, which is considered appropriate based on Ellhag & Boussabaine
(1999) and Idrus & Newman (2002). The data gathered from the survey has been analysed
using descriptive statistical techniques. Generally the weights used in this paper (except
mentioned otherwise) are 1=strongly agree; 2=moderately agree; 3= agree; 4=moderately
disagree; and 5=strongly disagree.
As presented in Table 1, the respondents who took part in the survey are qualified to give
their opinion. This was evident from the fact that 53% of them have experience in
valuation of land acquisition of between 11 to 100 cases. Apart from that, 50% of them
hold managerial posts as manager or assistant manager; 13% are academicians in real
estate management and 4% are holding other posts i.e. as a partner.
30
[33%]
54
6
[60%] [7%]
Chart 1 shows the nature of organizations of the participating respondents. Fifty four (54)
or 60% of respondents are from private firms; 33% are from government organisations
and the balance, 7% are from semi-government agencies including universities.
Gender
Male 66 73
Female 24 27
Designation
Valuation Officer/Executive 30 33
Deputy - Director/Manager 21 23
Director/District Valuer/Branch Manager 24 27
Academician 12 13
Others 3 4
Professional membership
Registered Valuer 54 45
MISM/FISM 54 45
MRICS/FRICS 12 10
Age
21 – 30 years 6 7
31 – 40 years 24 27
41 – 50 years 48 53
51 – 60 years 9 10
> 60 years 3 3
78
[87%]
Y es No
From Chart 2, 87% of the respondents agreed that, apart from compulsory acquisition
under the powers of Land Acquisition Act, 1960, the government does have other ways to
secure land for development. Only 13% believed that compulsory acquisition is the only
means the government can exercise to secure land to carry out public projects.
The weights used in this question are 1=all the time; 2=often; 3=sometimes; 4=rarely; and
5=never. Table 4 shows the general ranking of purposes for compulsory acquisition
powers being used in Malaysia. Land acquisition for public purposes was unanimously
agreed by the respondents to be implemented ‘all the time’ by authorities. Keith (1984)
noted that private property is to be taken only for public use, and with the payment of just
compensation. Furthermore, respondents believed that economic development purposes
under section 3(b) of the Act, is ‘often’ implemented under compulsory acquisition.
The weights used in this question are 1=most important; 2=moderately important;
3=slightly important; 4=important; 5=slightly unimportant; 6=moderately unimportant
and 7=not important at all. The respondents were asked to score their answers based on
these scales.
Table 5 shows the reasons for people’s objections in land acquisition. Inadequacy of
compensation was the most important reason why land acquisition was opposed by
landowners. This was evident from its mean score of 1.46, while purpose not purely for
public ranked second with the mean score of 2.10. Interestingly, no results showed the
mean score of more than 4.0. This means that the respondents were not in dispute as to the
importance of all the reasons given. However, the collective attitude of society or the
community against compulsory purchase is not mirrored in the attitude of most
individuals whose land is acquired for public purpose who are, in fact, contented with
their deal with the acquiring authorities (Dundas & Evans (2001); Gordon (1989)). No
other reasons were given by respondents for objecting to the compulsory acquisition.
76
84%
Y es No N o t Sur e
When asked as to whether the existing compensation framework under the First Schedule
of the Land Acquisition Act and other related rules provide for adequate compensation,
84% thought that adequate compensations were not given, while 13% were not sure and
only 3% thought it adequate under the present act and rules. This suggests that adequate
compensation remains as a main issue that needs to be addressed.
The weights used in this question are 1=exceedingly generous; 2=generous; 3=adequate;
4=hardly adequate; 5=inadequate. The respondents were asked to score their answers
based on this scale, and the results are tabulated in Table 8.
As shown in Table 8, the majority of respondents agreed that compensation under the
heading of disturbance was hardly adequate. This was evident from the mean score of
4.24 which was the most extreme among the four heads of claims while “market value for
land taken” achieved 3.53 mean score, which can be considered as adequate, others listed
heads of claim achieved mean scores more than 4.0. This means that all heads of claim
under the present Act are hardly adequate. This result is consistent with the findings for
Q9.
Based on Table 9, four main issues in land acquisition scored with means of less than 3.0
and were therefore considered important by respondents. These are: the usefulness of
other methods of valuation towards the determination adequate compensation; the need
for a review of head of claims to help the cause of adequate compensation; the necessity
in this country to introduce solatium/premium as payment over and above the total
compensation, and; the contribution of court decisions on land acquisition cases (the
principles with regards to compensation) towards the satisfaction in payment of adequate
compensation. Perhaps the impact of the over-bearing role of comparison method on the
determination of adequate compensation, with the mean score of 3.06, also important to
be explored in land acquisition researches. On the other hand, Malaysia also needs to
adopt other countries’ practices in determining fair compensation, as this issue achieved
mean score of not more than 4.0.
Based on feedback from the survey, the general ranking of the importance of land
acquisition concerns in Malaysia is as follows:
As tabulated in Table 11, the quantum of compensation ranked the highest among the
main concerns on land acquisition with 65% of respondents testifying to that. The concern
on the determinations of market value and other claims came next. Dowdy et al (1998),
Newcombe (1999), Dundas & Evans (2001), Law Commission, UK (2001), Land
Information, New Zealand (2002), Calandrillo (2003) and Omar & Ismail (2005) also
emphasized on various compensation issues in their research.
In addition to the structured questions, the respondents were also encouraged to give their
further comments on any other aspects regarding land acquisition in Malaysia. 17
respondents had given their comments which were summarized as follows:
c) Land should only be acquired when necessary and urgently needed for
development. There were cases where lands acquired were left idle for years.
d) The Land Acquisition Act 1960 is quite clear in determining the compensation
(except for loss of earnings), but each individual interprets them differently.
This gives rise to confusion as to which items can and cannot be claimed. The
Act should be revised and simplified to disseminate all information without
confusion.
e) Land acquisition powers should only be used for public purposes. Economic
development projects that fall under section 3(b) of the Act must be made
compulsory for acquiring body to negotiate with landowners before
f) Justice is done when the landowners are able to appoint lawyer and other
professionals. Thus, the government needs to absorb the cost for those who are
not capable to do so. Now, the cost is limited to valuation fee only.
A study involving comparisons of the United Kingdom, USA, Hong Kong, China, India,
Australia and New Zealand found six advantages of the systems in those countries as
compared to Malaysia. These factors are perhaps relevant for Malaysian compensation
structure in land acquisition to consider, in moving towards improving its compensation
framework. The advantages are as follows:
UK, USA, Australia and New Zealand recognise payment for loss of goodwill as an
attribute of compensation. In Malaysia, business losses are allowed under
compensation claims as stipulated in section 2(e) of First Schedule but they do not
cover loss of goodwill and loss of earnings.
Disturbance payment can include a wide range of items such as professional fees for
acquiring alternative premises; costs of adapting alternative premises, including
carpets, curtains and shelving; removal costs and any other reasonably quantifiable
losses. In Malaysia, a claim under this heading is only for cost of transfer.
In the United States, landowners have the right to negotiate before compulsory
acquisition and this was made mandatory in the land acquisition procedures; indeed,
municipalities are required to prove that negotiations have failed before leave to
proceed through the courts is granted. In Malaysia, negotiation is allowed under
acquisition of Section 3(b) but subject to cooperation in the entire project.
v) Compensation details
In the United States, the compensation proposal which indicates the detailed
valuation of compensation is made available for landowners to review for a period of
one month before an official inquiry. No such procedures is in place in Malaysia.
Section 105 of Public Works Act in Australia states that an alternative to monetary
compensation such as ‘land for land’ compensation can be considered where
equivalent crown owned land is readily available. The Law Reform Commission in
Canada (1978) recommended a ‘home for home’ principle whenever a residential
property is expropriated. India also has such clause in her land acquisition act.
However, in Malaysia no laws provided such alternative.
CONCLUSION
The literature review and survey results revealed that the main issue of land acquisition is
the quantum of compensation that is perceived by the respondents as inadequate to fulfill
adequate compensation notion under the spirit of Constitution. There is a need to review
the heads of compensation structure by incorporating other countries, practices. Although
there is a broad acceptance that market value is the appropriate basis for compensation for
land taken, perhaps there is also a general feeling that a solatium or premium should be
paid to compensate the claimant for the compulsory nature of the acquisition. Most of the
valuers perceived that land acquisition need not necessarily present the best alternative for
government to secure land for development. Other alternatives such as direct purchases
through negotiation and joint venture are the alternatives available for government to
exercise rather solely depending on land acquisition powers. According to Usilappan
(2000), land acquisition is a complex process, is sensitive in nature, and needs pragmatic
In relation to other countries, evidence from practitioners in every country studied except
UK, indicates that a standard premium is added to the valuation achieved via the statutory
basis of compensation in instances where the owner is prepared to allow the State to
purchase their property by negotiation; indeed, in USA, municipalities are required to
prove that negotiations have failed before leave to proceed through the courts is granted
(Dowdy et al, 1998). The levels of premium have been quoted at 10% - 25% contrasting
strongly with the UK where it is perceived that valuations undertaken by reference to
compulsory purchase legislation produce lower than market value and in relation to blight:
The incidence of blight in the other countries studied tends to be reduced because of the
greater certainty in their land use development plans and in respect of re-expropriation.
Current negotiation and mediation practice suggests that some parties are trying to adopt a
workable approach to compensation. It remains to be seen, however, whether the
principles of valuation by the court in land reference cases are recognized to give space
for compensation that addresses the intrinsic value of land. To secure just terms and
sustainable outcomes, all parties need to be made more aware of the implications attached
to following different statutory pathways for compensation. An impartial interpretation of
the law and a better understanding of the principles and practice of valuation will lead to
an adequate compensation settlement.
At the heart of any call for greater transparency in compensation agreements lies
alternative interpretations of whether the compensation is private (hence there is no
requirement to be open) or public (hence there is a public interest in greater scrutiny
(Altman, 1985, 1998; Levitus, 1999)). Whatever the outcome of that debate, the lack of
transparency contributes to inadequate monitoring of compensation payments, obstructs
independent evaluation of terms and conditions, and limits the development of
benchmarks for how compensation might be better measured, distributed and managed.
Finally, the problems of compensation are more than just a matter of law and valuation; it
is a matter of justice between society and man. “The word compensation would be a
mockery if what was paid was something that did not compensate”.