THE ROLE OF CIVIL SOCIETY IN DEMOCRATIZATION PROCESS AT PDRC IN

GAROWE, PUNTLAND-SOMALIA.

BY:

MUSLIM AIDARUS HAJI HIRSI

BPA/376/2017
This Proposal is submitted to the Puntland State University in partial
fulfillment of the requirements for the award of Bachelor Degree of Social
Sciences in Public Administration.

Advisor: Mr. Yasin M. Mohamed.

Faculty of Social Sciences

Department of Public Administration

June, 2021

Garowe, Puntland, Somalia.

1
DECLARATION
I hereby declare that the research proposal submitted to University of PSU by me is my own
original work. I am aware of the fact that in case my work is found to be plagiarized or not
genuine, University has the full authority to cancel my research work and I am liable to penal
action.

________________________ _____________________

Name of the Designate Signature Date

i
APPROVAL
This project entitled The Role of Civil Society in Democratization Process at PDRC in
Garowe, Puntland-Somalia” was done under my supervision. I have read this project and it
fulfils adequately, in scope and quality, a project for Bachelor of public administration. It is
ready to be submitted to the faculty of Social Science at PSU University.

________________________ _________________

Name of Principal Advisor Signature Date

ii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

This entails recognition of mentors, colleagues, individuals, sponsors and institutions which
supported the research. First praise is to Allah, the Almighty, on whom ultimately we depend for
sustenance and guidance, who showered me with countless blessings, good life, wisdom and
enlightenment which enables me to successfully start and complete this work.

I would also like to thank the supervisor for the insight and theoretical information he provided
me during the writing of this research project Mr. Yasin M. Mohamed has been my inspiration
as I hurdle all the obstacles in the completion of this research work.

I would like to thank to all management of faculty of Social Science especially dean of faculty
Mr. Abdirizak Farah that supported me throughout my education with patience and knowledge
at the same time as allowing me the room to wake in my own way we attribute the level of our
degree to his/her encouragement and effort and without him/her this thesis would not have been
completed or written. I thankfully acknowledge the teachers for the teaching advice and crucial
contribution that made strong backbone of my life listening, managing, and solving the problem,
their involvements with their originality has triggered and nourished my intellectual maturity that
I will benefit from, for long time to come.

Furthermore, I wish to thank all My family members my beloved mother: Maryan Mohamed
Jamac, brothers, my sister: Ayaan Aidrus Haji Hirsi and entire family for moral and financial
support they give me during my study in academic arena. Also I would like to thank my beloved
friends who help me along time of accomplished my degree financial and morally. To my
colleagues at University of Puntland State University particularly my class mates (Public
Administration 2017), thanks for your cooperation, it was worth studying with you.

I cannot fail to appreciate my respondents for the great support in providing information relied
upon in the compilation of this study. I do appreciate your support in this.

iii
And finally I would like to thank everybody who was hold up to the realization completion of
this thesis, I expressing I apology as I would not mention everybody of my beloved supporters I
love you all thanks again.

CONTENTS
DECLARATION..............................................................................................................................i
APPROVAL....................................................................................................................................ii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT..............................................................................................................iii
CHAPTER ONE..............................................................................................................................1
INTRODUCTION...........................................................................................................................1
Introduction..................................................................................................................................1
Background of the study..............................................................................................................1
Statement of the problem.............................................................................................................6
General objective.........................................................................................................................6
Specific objectives of the study...................................................................................................6
Research questions.......................................................................................................................7
Scope of the study........................................................................................................................7
Significance of the study..............................................................................................................7
Operational definitions of the variables.......................................................................................8
CHAPTER TWO.............................................................................................................................9
LITERATURE REVIEW................................................................................................................9
Introduction..................................................................................................................................9
Theoretical role............................................................................................................................9
The influence of media on civil society role on democratization process...............................9
Civil society’s advocacy campaigns for public participation levels and inclusivity of the
citizens in the on-democratization process.............................................................................11
Good governance practice as a result of civil society ‘s advocacy and lobbying programs. .12
Theoretical Framework..............................................................................................................13
Liberal Democracy Model......................................................................................................13
Civil Society and Democratization: The Liberal School of Thought.....................................14
Theory of neo-liberalization (liberal democratic theory).......................................................16
Summary of Research Gap........................................................................................................21

iv
 Conceptual framework...............................................................................................................21
CHAPTER THREE.......................................................................................................................22
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY..................................................................................................22
Introduction................................................................................................................................22
Research design..........................................................................................................................22
Target Population.......................................................................................................................22
Sample Size................................................................................................................................22
Sampling frame..........................................................................................................................23
Sampling Procedure...................................................................................................................23
Research Instrument...................................................................................................................23
Sources of data...........................................................................................................................24
Research Procedure....................................................................................................................24
Data Analysis.............................................................................................................................24
Instrumentation..........................................................................................................................24
Validity test............................................................................................................................24
Reliability test.........................................................................................................................25
Ethical consideration..................................................................................................................25
REFERENCE................................................................................................................................26

v
 CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION
Introduction
This chapter provides an introduction on the role of civil society in democratization process
(Case of PDRC Garowe, Puntland, Somalia). It aims at bringing out the research problem and
clarifying its setting. Therefore, it includes background of the study, statement of the problem,
purpose of the study, research objectives, hypothesis of the study, and scope of the study,
significance of the study and operation definition of the variables.

Background of the study

The recorded history of civil society in the UK stretches back hundreds of years through the
Middle Ages, with Magna Carta (1215) being the first formal document to proclaim certain
liberties that provided a balance of power between the King and his subjects; the even earlier
Charter of Liberties (1100) was a forerunner of Magna Carta. Some argue that the Magna Carta,
by drawing up obligations and responsibilities of both rulers and the ruled, established the
concept of the rule of law and underpinned the idea that the state rules over its citizens with the
approval of the citizen; that a form of social contract existed between the two. [ CITATION int13 \l
2057 ].

In the 12 and 13th centuries, the Church was responsible for the creation of more than 500
hospitals for the care of the elderly and frail. As a result, the 13th century came to be known as
the “Golden Age of small associations of piety”. Between the 15th and 17th centuries there was a
rapid expansion in charitable donations. The focus also moved from just religious structures to
include secular organizations, driven by the emerging merchant classes and targeted at the poor
through education and poverty reduction initiatives.[ CITATION int13 \l 2057 ].

In Kenya Civil society, and in particular the NGO sector, has undergone fundamental changes in
post-colonial Kenya. As in the period of colonialism, the state has played a central role in
defining the direction of the voluntary sector especially as relates to its vibrancy. But one thing
that is also certain is the fact that civil society organizations have increasingly taken on important
tasks in society, and have in their own different ways equally influenced the nature and character

1
of the post-colonial state. Emerging from colonialism, the young state was bedeviled with many
development problems which could not be matched by its scarce resources. It is partly for this
reason that NGOs and the voluntary sector, with the encouragement of the state, took on largely
a developmental role during the greater period of the Kenyatta era (1964-1978). However, during
the Moi regime, beginning from 1978, many NGOs and civil society movements have taken on
an added role of political activism and advocacy. It can be argued that the excessive
authoritarianism and personalization of power by the Moi regime partly explains the engagement
of these organizations in oppositional politics and overall political advocacy. However, it is also
significant to acknowledge the role of the international community in empowering civil society,
through increased funding, to confront the Kenyan state on matters of political space (Fourth
international conference of ISTR, 2015).

In Somalia, after the collapse of Somalia’s central government in 1991, civil society
organisations (CSOs) stepped in to fill the governance vacuum and provide vital services. They
have played a number of important roles – from supporting peacebuilding and conflict
prevention to promoting democratisation and providing humanitarian aid. Even since the return
of a functioning central government in 2012, CSOs have continued to demonstrate their value as
facilitators, advocates, election observers and innovators. Many are striving to become
financially and politically independent institutions, acting as watchdogs, ethical guardians and
advocates for the marginalised and under-represented[ CITATION fey14 \l 2057 ].

As the political context has evolved, so too has the role of CSOs. The challenges they now face
largely revolve around three themes: differing interpretations of ‘civil society,’ the absence of a
unified civil society voice, and internal governance challenges[ CITATION fey14 \l 2057 ].

In early 1891, California lawmakers were considering a plan to reform the state’s elections
through the introduction of an “Australian” ballot. Under this new system, candidates from all
qualifying parties would appear on official ballots, which would be printed by county and
municipal governments and which voters would ultimately fill out in secret. This would mark a
substantial departure from the existing way in which votes were cast in California, or for that
matter in most of the United States. Traditionally, political groups prepared and distributed
party-line ballots, called “tickets,” for voters to submit at the polls. Because each party ticket was

2
visually distinctive (in most cases, distinguished by a particular colour), it was easy for observers
to determine how individual citizens had voted as they handed in their ballots. Closely
monitoring the ballot boxes, representatives of the party “political machines” frequently paid
supporters who voted for the machine ticket and sought to punish those who did not. Supporters
of the Australian ballot promised it would end these abuses, bring greater secrecy and honesty to
California’s elections, and loosen the grip of party machines on the state and municipal
governments[ CITATION dav15 \l 2057 ].

Despite some opposition in Republican circles, the Republican-dominated Assembly and Senate
both passed the ballot bill by large margins in early March and sent it on to the Republican
governor, Henry Markham, for his signature. If Markham signed the bill into law, California
would join a growing roster of U.S. states using the new, secret ballot, and reformers would
claim another victory in their battle against political machines[ CITATION dav15 \l 2057 ].

In Nigeria democracy, the universal acceptance of democracy as the best system of governance
is incontestable. This is premised on the participatory opportunity democracy affords the
citizenry in the selection and election of their leaders and representatives. It guaranteed some
recipe for good governance and the fundamental human rights of all law-abiding citizens. These
enviable attractions coupled with the global urge precipitated the return of the country (Nigeria)
to democracy on May 29, 1999 after a prolonged heinous military dictatorship. Upon the return,
Nigerians heaped a sigh of relief that at last they are liberated from the shackles of unilateralism
and arbitrariness that characterized military rule. However, the envisaged opportunities and hope
seem to have given way for illusion and bewilderment 10 years after the experimentation (with
democracy) [ CITATION afr16 \l 2057 ].

This is accounted for by crude politics, corruption, selfishness and greed of the political
leadership. For instance, despite her energy wealth, Nigeria is often mired in the dark; and
despite her abundance human resource her economic and political affairs cannot be effectively
managed. This is reflective in the on-going political cannibalism that is crippling the economy in
deference to the unhindered citizen participation, tolerance of opposing views, abhorrence of
arbitrary rule and unilateral decision making that political democracy involves. Since 1999, the
polity has witnessed an increasing build-up of authoritarian structures and institutions and human

3
rights abuses. The resultant unstable political atmosphere has combined with poor social
infrastructure to frighten off local and foreign investors[ CITATION afr16 \l 2057 ].

In Somalia democracy, NDI promoted democratic governance in Somalia through its

partnerships with transitional and federal government institutions from 2005 to 2015.  During
this time, the Institute worked with the offices of the president, prime minister and speaker of
parliament; with political and administrative heads of more than 30 ministries; and with nearly
400 members of parliament to enhance their governing abilities.  NDI has worked to strengthen
the former transitional federal government (TFG), transitional federal parliament (TFP) and the
Puntland regional administration as well as independent institutions such as the Independent
Federal Constitutional Commission. Following the 2012 appointment of the first permanent
government in over two decades, the Institute began supporting the Federal Government of
Somalia (FGS) to fulfill their political, legislative and administrative functions as well as their
internal capacities for policy development, outreach and oversight. NDI programs included
legislative and executive strengthening, civic education and public opinion research to aggregate
Somali views on constitutional and political processes. Although NDI does not have a current
office in Somalia, the Institute provides ongoing technical assistance to the Somali Women
Parliamentary Association (SOWPA) to enhance their capacity to be effective
legislators[ CITATION zal15 \l 2057 ].

Puntland Development & Research Centre (PDRC) is a successor body of former War-torn
Societies Project International (WSPI), which operated in Puntland during 1997–99. On October
30, 1999, the centre was founded as an independent, nonpartisan, non-profit research institute
dedicated to peacebuilding, promotion of democracy and respect for human rights. PDRC is now
celebrating its 20th anniversary in which the centre has accumulated 20 years in research
development, policy advising and educating / awareness raising.

PDRC’s main office is situated in Garowe, the capital of Puntland. It has a branch office in
Galka’yo (Galkayo Satellite Office – GSO), the regional capital of Mudug region. The
management coordinates the activities of both offices.

The PDRC audio-visual unit was established in 2007 to serve the research program as an
indispensable technical tool. The Mobile Audio and Video branch of the facility is making

4
impressive development both in the rural and in the urban centres. The mobile AV facility of
PDRC has proven to be a powerful peace-building tool and an efficient means to fight
community isolation, piracy, and insecurity, on the other hand, a vehicle to make heard of
unheard voices from the countryside. Given the overwhelmingly oral Somali culture, PDRC
MAVU project has also shown to be an innovative and effective tool for disseminating
information and raising public awareness on issues related to peace, security, reconciliation,
democratisation, culture, education and development by hosting public film screenings and film-
based discussions on a range of issues falling within these themes, MAVU has been able to bring
important discussions on these subjects to hard-to-reach communities “off of the tarmac road.”

PDRC has provided a platform for the government and opposition political figures to resolve
disagreements leading up to multiple, peaceful, transitions of power. The center has also
conducted mediation dialogues between elders of feuding clans conducting, time and again
proving our commitment to the restoration of peace, stability and progress on numerous
forefronts. More specifically, the Rako Peace Agreement and Xero-Jalle Peace Agreement testify
on PDRC’s capacity to deliver local peace building.

Puntland Development and Research Centre (PDRC) initiated a monthly event called PDRC
Talks. This event is a new initiative to spread ideas, messages, and awareness on issues related to
Somalia. These issues cover topics ranging from governance, democratisation, peace and
development which are the key focus areas of PDRC.

As such, PDRC Talks spearheads useful dialogue by Somali intellectuals including Somali
women and politicians, business people, to discuss current and trending topics that face the
country. The aim of PDRC Talks is to spark conversation within the Somali community and
through this useful dialogue, change the attitudes and lives of Somalis. Social media is utilized to
spread the messages throughout Somali communities living in the diaspora and within the
country, through live streams. PDRC Talks has been received well and has featured prominent
figures in Somali society to bring to the fore a multi-faceted number of topics in politics,
economics, social issues as well as cultural themes.

5
Statement of the problem
It is the state’s mandate to facilitate participatory governance and democracy by creating an
enabling environment and awareness. Awareness is mainly through programs such as civic
education, incorporation of governance studies in school curricula, road shows, awareness
drives, organizing voter registration drives, press releases and press conferences of policies and
finally giving annual status reports.

However, despite government’s efforts, very little has been realized; the output in terms of
participation does not match up the effort put in as the citizen’s awareness levels, interest in
politics and subsequent political participation is wanting.

Despite years of civil war, famine and drought and the lack of basic infrastructure, the
governments of Somaliland and Puntland have made some progress towards establishing a
peaceful and secure environment, developing a democratic process and building institutions,
policies, and strategies that are now beginning to address their citizens’ basic needs. A focus of
the state rebuilding reform process has been the development of a decentralized governance
model in which district councils are given the primary responsibility for service delivery. The
UN Joint Program for Local Governance (JPLG) has led to an increase in women’s participation
at the district level in Puntland, although the program has yet to show signs of success in
Somaliland (United Nations Development Program (UNDP) 2012). This study seeks to find out
the role of civil society in democratization process at PDRC in Garowe, Puntland, Somalia.

General objective
The main purpose of this study is to investigate deeply the role of civil society in
democratization process at PDRC in Garowe, Puntland-Somalia.

Specific objectives of the study

1. To find out level of democratization process in Garowe, Puntland, Somalia.
2. To assess the influence of media on civil society role on democratization process in
Garowe, Puntland, Somalia.
3. To find out role of civil society in democratization process at PDRC in Garowe,
Puntland, Somalia.

6
Research questions
1. What is the level of democratization process in Garowe, Puntland, Somalia?
2. how media contributes on civil society’s role on democratization process in Garowe,
Puntland, Somalia?
3. What is the role of civil society in democratization process at PDRC in Garowe,
Puntland, Somalia?

Scope of the study

The scope of the study will discuss three dimension of content scope, geographical scope and
time scope. This study will be conducted in Garowe, Puntland. Unit of analysis will be PDRC
in Garowe, Puntland, Somalia. The content is, the role of civil society in democratization in
Garowe case study PDRC, the study will be conducted with the help of data that will be
obtained from the managers and staff of PDRC. The study will generally be conducted from
March to September 2021
Significance of the study
The important of this study to explore related the role of civil society in democratization; the
result of this study will increase in order to understand benefits of civil society bring to the
all parts of government and the society. This study was intended to give knowledge about the
positively relations between civil society and democratization on NGOs of Puntland, this
study will be useful for potential researchers who are interested in carrying out further study
in this field as literature. Also, this research is an extension of current knowledge regarding
civil society and democratization.
In this regard, this tries to fulfil this gap of knowledge. Present study empirically tested on
the structural change by implementation of civil society and added the literature on the
existing subject matter and gives a new insight in this field.

This might be helpful to the academics, bureaucrats, scholars, policy makers, citizens and
researchers. The aim of this study is to examine the NGOs’ effort to improve democratization
through CSOs, especially inherent to NGOs in Puntland-Somalia.

7
Operational definitions of the variables
Civil Society is comprised of groups or organizations working in the interest of the citizens but
operating outside of the governmental and for-profit sectors. Organizations and institutions that
make up civil society include labor unions, non-profit organizations, churches, and other service
agencies that provide an important service to society but generally ask for very little in return.

Democratization, or democratization, is the transition to a more democratic political regime,

including substantive political changes moving in a democratic direction. It may be the transition
from an authoritarian regime to a full democracy, a transition from an authoritarian political
system to a semi-democracy or transition from a semi-authoritarian political system to
a democratic political system.

8
 CHAPTER TWO

LITERATURE REVIEW
Introduction
This research paper will study the role of civil society in democratization process (Case of PDRC
Garowe, Puntland, Somalia). The researcher will summarize some of the main thoughts and
clarities wrote about this field. This chapter consists of the theoretical role of the variables,
theoretical framework, research gap and conceptual framework of the study.

Theoretical role
The influence of media on civil society role on democratization process.
The transition to a more democratic political regime is the crucial aim. Theories of democracy
predict that democratic governments (maybe of a certain type) will lead to better results for
society than available alternatives (Baker 2007:6). Surely, the news media play an indispensable
role in granting the central political role of citizens and exercising democracy.

Guns believes that the news media have a power to reinforce the idea of democracy, particularly
through coverage of election campaign events (and non-events), almost as if the never-ending
coverage could prove that the citizenry still holds the ultimate power (2003:2).

There has been a consensus among western media scholars that professional journalism should
provide a platform for debate, promote freedom and democracy, and serve as watchdog rather
than representative of the government. James Curran argues that media has four influential
functions in democracies (2002). The media plays a significant role in keeping people informed
about public affairs in order that individuals are adequately briefed when they take part in the
process of self-government.

Therefore, the media can be fearless watchdogs, vigilantly examining the exercise of power.
Curran also argues that the media provide a platform of open debate regarding the facilities
involved in the formation of public opinion (ibid). Finally, the media can be the voice of people,
representing to authority the citizenry’s views.

David Randall asserts that reporters are to “comfort the afflicted and afflict the comfortable,
providing a voice for those who cannot normally be heard in public” (2000:3). Berman and
Witzner (1997) argue that the free access and exchange of information is essential to the notion

9
of democracy. McQuail also contends that the behavior of democratic (or undemocratic) politics,
nationally and internationally rely more on mass media (2005).

Similarly, McNair outlines the normative role of the journalist in democracies as a source of
information, a critical scrutiny (watchdog) by monitoring the exercise of power, a mediator
between citizens and politicians to ensure that the voice of the public is heard, and as
participant/advocate of particular political positions (2009: 238-240).

The norms and values presented above are common to many media systems. Thus, in many
transitional democracies the press gradually began to become an arena for public debate that
leads to rationalization of public opinion, and reflect the political divisions that existed in the
society, which resulted in a wider consolidation of democratic liberal values.

As Peter J. Anderson puts it in a recent study, “high-quality, independent news journalism which
provides accurate and thoughtful information and analysis about current events is crucial to the
creation of an enlightened citizenry that is able to participate meaningfully in society and
politics” (2007:65).

Nevertheless, democratic participation has been steadily declining, and many scholars
(Machesney, 2008, Baker 2007) feel that this is at least partially due to the concentration of
private media ownership. Herman and Chomsky (1988) argue that the private ownership of the
media and its growing monopolies on a global scale are serving the interest of the market and the
elites, rather than the media’s “social duties.” As a result, news content is undermined by
economic and advertisement pressures, which leads to infotainment and the tabloidization of
news (Hallin 2000a).

In Rich Media, Poor Democracy (1999), McChesney explains the increasing size and public
acceptance of media conglomerates such as Disney, General Electric, and Bertelsmann, which
were accompanied by the decline of political participation. He argues, “The wealthier and more
powerful the corporate media giants have become, the poorer the prospects for participatory
democracy”. He further argues that new policies are needed to create media supportive of
democracy, while government policies have encouraged exploitative media to flourish (2004).

10
Civil society’s advocacy campaigns for public participation levels and inclusivity of the
citizens in the on-democratization process
Civil society functions to socialize citizens in democratic norms and it is only the free practice of
democracy found in civil society that a popular democratic culture can be feasible (Diamond
1997:5, Hadenius and Uggla 1996:1628). This conviction underscores the importance of civil
society in educating the public on civic culture and promoting popular participation. But to what
extent does this reflect civil society in the two countries?
CSOs in Ghana have been conducting public education on relevant issues and equipping citizens
with knowledge and capacity for active participation in national development (Darkwa et al.
2006). A critical issue on which CSOs in Ghana appear to be faring well is voter education and
participation in governance. For example, CSOs such as CDD, IEA and the Christian Council of
Ghana have established effective liaisons with state institutions such as the National Commission
for Civic Education, the Electoral Commission, and political parties to design and conduct civic
and voter education programs geared towards promoting active citizenship and ensuring peaceful
elections and post elections. Also, the IEA in collaboration with other stakeholders initiated a civic
education program me targeting 50 constituencies, sensitizing them on issues critical to democratic
development such as rights and responsibilities of the voter, political party manifestoes, ensuring
free and fair elections as well as the contemporary socio- economic and political situation of
Ghana (IEA website).
Furthermore, in order to inform citizens well enough to make their electoral decisions, the IEA
since 2000 has instituted a presidential and vice-presidential debate series in Ghana. By this
programmed, presidential and vice-presidential candidates of political parties debate one another
on their parties’ manifestoes, their visions and policies and programs on specific national issues,
which are broadcast live on television and radio stations (IEA website). A similar initiative is run by
the IEA and CDD at constituency levels known as Town Hall Meetings for aspiring members of
parliament to debate one another before the public on their policies at the grass root levels (IEA
website, Arthur 2010). Thus, through such effective stakeholder co- operation brokered by CSOs,
Ghana has been thriving in an atmosphere of peace and tranquility devoid of ethnic, religious,
regional and electoral conflicts (Afrimap et al. 2007).
Additionally, CSOs are also strengthening grass root groups and communities’ capacity on diverse
issues to enhance their participation in national development. Table one below depicts some of the
CSOs working in this direction.

11
Like Ghana, CSOs abound in Nigeria working to promote citizen education and participation.
The TMG for instance is also engaged in voter education while the Social and Economic Rights
Action Center (SERAC) works on educating citizens on their economic and social rights.
However, unlike Ghana, most of these CSOs are riddled with ethnic, religious and regional
cleavages and tend to promote parochial interest instead of broad based participation and
education.
Good governance practice as a result of civil society ‘s advocacy and lobbying programs
One of the prime tenets of civil society in promoting democratic lies in the fact that CSOs are
considered as having the tendency to limit state powers and demanding transparency and
accountability (Diamond 1997, Gyima-Boadi 2004). So how do civil society in Ghana and
Nigeria interplay with the state and what is the consequence of this on democratic
In Ghana, one of the areas CSOs are contributing to democratic is by holding the government
and state institutions in check and demanding transparency and accountability of government
actions. CSOs such as CDD, SEND Ghana, IEA, CICOL and a multitude of others continue to
monitor government actions by instituting platforms, issuing press statements, memos, and
communiqués addressing specific issues of concern. For example, the CDD has launched a quarterly
bulletin called Democracy Watch where it gives an overview of the state of Ghana’s democracy and
undemocratic tendencies of the state observed during the quarter (CDD website). Similarly, the
IEA has also launched a Legislative Alert series which monitors and reports on legislative and
policy issues undertaken by government (IEA website). Furthermore, Ghanaian CSOs have
continued to be watchdogs on important national issues such as the national budget. In relation to
this, ISODEC has instituted a routine public forum for CSOs to debate and track the national
budget and government expenditure and has established a Center for Budget Advocacy to
facilitate this watchdog role (ISODEC website). To this extent, ISODEC and several CSOs
working in this regard have continued to champion the advocacy for fiscal discipline and checking
corruption in Ghana (Gyima-Boadi 2004). Similarly, SEND Ghana in 2002 instituted a Heavily
Indebted Poor Country (HIPC)2 Watch to monitor the government’s use of HIPC funds throughout
the country to ensure transparency and accountability (SEND website). Besides, as part of the
constitution review process currently on-going, the CDD and IEA in collaboration with other
CSOs have established a review committee and constitutional coalition respectively to make
inputs and monitor the national review process (IEA website, CDD website).

12
In contrast to Ghana, the CSO landscape in Nigeria has developed out of a mixture of
associations comprising CSOs created to protect the interest of the state and its ruling class on
the one hand, and anti-state on the other with a couple of CSOs in between the two divide. . It
has therefore been easier for the state to co-opt the pro-state CSOs while repressing the anti-state
CSOs, thus undermining their potentials to keep the government in check (Tar 2009:104). Unlike
their Ghanaian counterparts, CSOs in Nigeria are visibly absent in the national budgeting process
(Ikelegbe 2001, Essia and Yearoo 2009).
Besides, although some politicians have continued to engage in open corrupt practices CSOs
appear not to confront this issue with zest, thus, deepening suspicion of civil society as being allies
of the state (Ibeanu 2006, Aiyede 2003). Also, despite the persistence of human rights abuses, civil
society appears reticent or only makes feeble gestures on this issue that is nowhere comparable to
their vociferous position in the transition struggle. The politics of civil society in Nigeria
therefore appears to be oscillating between cooptation and insurgence rather than civil society
restraining the state (Ibeanu 2006). Additionally, because most of these CSOs are characterized
by the founder- owner syndrome, they tend to lack internal democratic structures themselves in
order to challenge the state (Aiyede 2003).
Nonetheless, this conclusion may not be generalized for all CSOs in Nigeria since some of them
are known to have joined the efforts to stop former president Obasanjo from seeking a third term
in office against the constitution (Tar 2009). However, the predominance of seemingly pro-state
and undemocratic CSOs as indicated earlier may be undermining the overall potential of civil
society to keep the government in check - a fact that disputes the liberal exposition and
reinforces the alternative conceptualization.
Theoretical Framework
Liberal Democracy Model
The liberal democratic model assigns a wide role to civil society by advocating for a range of
groups and individuals to articulate political demands while also encouraging them to contribute
their time, expertise and money to the constant maintenance of the various state institutions,
Pinkney (2003:88) argues. This results in both a strong state due to the strengthened institutions,
and a strong civil society due to its contribution to the state’s strengthening, which he sees as
being mutually reinforcing.

13
Liberal democracy is a political system and culture that is a product of Western civilization as
now championed by the United States, writes Connie Ngondi-Houghton (2002:159). He sees this
‘democratization crusade’ as seeking to impose the institutionalization of liberal democracy in
African countries, a notion that is also shared by Igoe and Kelsall (2005:12) with NGOs being
seen through a neo-Tocquevillian lens and pictured as “little schools of civilized politics and
veritable vessels of democratic pedagogy.”

Most common is the allegiance to the normative ideal that civil society and NGOs are inherently
good things; microcosms of the liberal democratic process, comprised of the grassroots, both
separate and autonomous from the state, while acting as a ‘bulwark’ against it. The World
Bank has increasingly recognized that ‘NGOs and civic movements are on the rise, assuming an
ever-larger role in articulating people’s aspirations and pressuring governments to respond’
(2000:43), it is suggested that increased pressure from civil society will serve to reduce the scope
for autonomous government action and encourage wider monitoring of the state, thus preventing
‘the worst excesses of authoritarian systems’ (2000: 44). Support for NGOs in their
democratizing role is often framed by a liberal democratic view of politics in which the
strengthening of NGOs is beneficial for bolstering civil society and enhancing state legitimacy
(Mercer, 2002).

Civil Society and Democratization: The Liberal School of Thought

By being constituent units of civil society, NGOs have been seen as being there to basically
convey society’s voice to the state, to admonish it when it made inappropriate policies or
discharged its duties poorly, protest against it if it took an authoritarian turn and generally
champion the interests of the majority of the population, opines Igoe and Kelsall (2005:13). Civil
society is also seen by some academicians (for example Mutua, 2009:21) as having established
NGOs to act as the medium through with they would struggle to establish a liberal democratic
state that is bounded by law and the ethos of constitutionalism. Mutua has subsequently argued
that it is impossible to understand the mandates of democracy and human rights NGOs especially
in East Africa without having to situate them within the liberal paradigm.

CSOs and NGOs in particular, are also seen as the institutional vehicles for effective democratic
transformations of the developing societies into modern, liberal and politically open societies.
NGOs are also said to check state power by challenging its autonomy at both national and local

14
scales, pressing for change and developing an alternative set of perspectives and policies.
Mercer notes that there is a recurring theme in the literature about the important role played by
the NGO sector in democratic transitions and democratic consolidation in a number of countries,
particularly across Latin America, and specifically in Chile and Brazil. Specifically, she says that
in Chile NGOs played a vital role in opposing the Pinochet regime throughout the late 1970s and
1980s.

It has been often assumed that the relationship between NGOs, civil society and democratization
is that while NGOs are part of civil society, they also strengthen it through their activities, which
in turn supports the democratic process. Such a line of reasoning is informed by a particular
vision of ‘democracy’, ‘civil society’ and the role that NGOs play in bolstering them, Mercer
(2002) writes. She sees this vision is an unmistakably liberal one which has taken their cue from
writers such as Alexis de Tocqueville, Samuel Huntington, Robert Putnam and others from the
modernization and political development schools of thought on democracy, the NGO literature
reproduces the liberal maxim that democracy within capitalist society requires a vibrant and
autonomous civil society and an effective state capable of balancing the demands of different
interest groups.

According to liberal democratic theorists, the state should provide a government that is
accountable and subject to free and fair elections, while civil society should be able to enjoy civil
and political rights and associational autonomy. A strong and plural civil society is therefore
necessary to guard against the excesses of state power, but also to legitimate the authority of the
state when it is based on the rule of law (Diamond, 1994). By channeling and processing the
demands and concerns of disparate interest groups to the state, civil society underpins an
effective and streamlined state, ensuring legitimacy, accountability and transparency which
effectively strengthen the state’s capacity for good governance. Liberal democratic theory thus
sees a strong state and a strong civil society as separate from, yet essential complements to one
another. In this vision, civil society exists only in its relationship to the state: it is not envisaged
as a potentially democratic sphere in its own right through which alternative visions of
democracy might be pursued (Baker, 1997).

It has been written that since the late 1980s, the civil society has organized itself either in
opposition political parties or in non-governmental organizations to demand change, seeking rule

15
of law state bound by constitutionalism and incubated in a political democracy, says Mutua
(2008:2) who also points out that by 200, these political pressures had resulted in all but several
of Africa’s 54 states acquiesced to some form of democratic transition. He sees “the ironclad one
party and military dictatorships of the post-colonial state as having largely gone”, a change he
tributes to the resilience of the civil society and the pro-democracy movements in Africa.

On human rights NGOs in East Africa, Mutua (2009:20) argues that a cursory review places
them squarely in the struggle for the liberal democratic state, although they have formally been
non-partisan in the sense they do not publicly declare their political preferences, but their
mandates is connected with working to support the emergence of a political democracy, a
phenomenon that includes basic civil and political rights such as political participation,
protection and antidiscrimination in political processes, rights which are central to an open
democratic process.

Theory of neo-liberalization (liberal democratic theory)

The theory of neo-liberalization (liberal democratic theory) that gave rise to the concept of civil
society as one of the pillars in development and the promotion of the good governance agenda.
Central to neo-liberalism is the abolition of government intervention in economic affairs. It is
based on the principle of a free market system. Neo-liberalism has been defined as a theory of
economic practices that proposes that human wellbeing can be advanced by liberating the
individual entrepreneurial freedoms and skills within the institutional framework characterized
by strong property rights, free markets and trade (DeMartino 2000). According to Haque (1999),
no linearization is an ideological position based on the strong beliefs in the promotion of the
general good by following the principles of free market and open competition, limited state
intervention and welfare individualistic self-interest, rational utility maximization and
comparative advantage in free trade.

The free market system is seen as the best possible way for economic development. The main
features are the rule of the market, cutting of public expenditure, deregulation, privatization and
the elimination of public goods (DeMartino 2000). Theoretically, the assumptions of neo-
liberalism are in line with the principles of neo-classical economics.

16
One of the most prominent common features of neo-liberalism is its emphasis on the role of the
market and minimizing the interventionist role of the state. For the neoliberals, the market is the
optimal space for the production and distribution of wealth and as the optimal vehicle for social
mobility (Haque 1999). The neoliberal ideology requires the replacement of interventionist state
by a non-interventionist state and encourages the expansion of market forces by undertaking
various market friendly policies. Policies such as deregulation and privatization are encouraged.
There is also belief in the principle of comparative advantage of free trade whilst opposing
protectionist policies and the tying of economic growth to export expansion (Haque 1999).

All this is achieved through economic deregulation, elimination of tariffs and a range of
monetary and social policies favorable to business. Thus, neo-liberalism can be seen as a
development model that is very comprehensive development strategy with economic, social and
political implications. It is a model that involves a set of economic theories linking disparate
policies together into a coherent recipe for growth with prescriptions for a proper role of key
stakeholders such as Labor unions, private enterprises and the state. Neo-liberalization, therefore,
is based on the belief that freely adopted market mechanisms is the optimal way of organizing all
exchanges and goods. Free market and trade will set free the creative potential and the
entrepreneurial spirit which is built into the spontaneous order of any human society and thus
leading to more individual liberty and wellbeing and a more efficient allocation of resources.

The current interest on civil society came particularly as a result of a persistent push for growth
for the formal sector to achieve a liberal economy. Although the role of civil society was not
clearly articulated or emphasized in the initial packages of good governance, it was later
endorsed in the conceptualized definitions of the concept. Liberal democratic theory argues for
civil society as a sure recipe for democracy and development. Development practitioners have
come to the realization that it is not just state institutions that essentially ensure a high standard
of democratic governance but also that the civil society has a big role to play (Al-Amin 2008).

In the present era of globalization, the state and market economy is essentially important whilst
the civil society is equally important in advocating for the state to promote national interests.

The perceived failures of state led development approaches of the 1970s and 1980s fueled an
interest in Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) and the civil society as a development

17
alternative, offering innovative and people centered approaches to service delivery, advocacy
and empowerment. Their emergence has centered on their ability to offer a ‘development
alternative’ and therefore seen to be making a lot of claims about more effective approaches
necessary for addressing poverty and challenging unequal relationships thus justifying their role
in filling the gaps caused by inefficient state provision of services (Banks and Hulme 2012).

Their strength is seen in enabling to design services and programs using innovative and
experimental approaches centered on community participation and that through their programs,
they empower disadvantaged groups and help them to gain a voice in the governance space from
which they have for a long time been excluded. The adoption of the term ‘empowerment’ as the
bottom like to NGOs and civil society is seen as their greatest assert because not only do they
strive to meet the needs of the poor but they aim to assist them in articulating those needs
themselves through participatory, people centered and rights based approaches (Banks and
Hulme 2012). Thus, the NGOs and civil society are no longer minor actors on the development
stage as in some cases they receive more funding than the government.

The period from the late 1970s to the early 1990s witnessed a major upsurge in neoliberal ideals
in the contest of the development process and development strategies (Öniş and Şenses 2005).
This neoliberal revolution presented a major assault on natural developmentalism in the context
of which the state had played an active role in the process. The ideological ascendency of neo-
liberalism at this time was accompanied by the rise of structural adjustment in aid policies,
reductions in public expenditure and the withdrawal of state provided services.

This radical reform led to the state being replaced by the market at the center of development
strategies and poverty lost its position as an explicit concern. The continued donor distrust and
frustrations with states generated and fueled interest in NGOs and civil society as desirable
alternatives viewing them favorably for their representation of beneficiaries and their role as
innovators of new technologies and ways of working with the poor (Banks and Hulme 2012).

The neoliberal approach and its accompanying structural adjustment programs started to be
drawn back from the mid-1990s and the development discourse shifted again. The poor

18
performances of the structural adjustment programs led to the emergence of a new focus on the
role of the state to ensure conditions necessary for market economies to work efficiently.

Thus, the poor performances and the growing perception of persistent poverty in developing
countries brought to the fore the requirement of pro-poor performance service delivery as a
necessary capability for development. There was the emergence of the good governance agenda
and the state took center stage again alongside the recognition of the explicit need to target
poverty alleviation through a more interventionist, welfare oriented, state centered and scaled up
approach (Banks and Hulme 2012).

The impact of this was that on one hand there was the re-governmentalization of aid increased
state funding in an attempt to influence recipient governments, drawing attention away from
NGOs. On the other hand, the good governance agenda embraced the language of democracy,
human rights and public participation thus consolidating the centrality of NGOs and civil society
in the development process.

In the 2000s a new aid regime had evolved promising to move beyond growth focused
neoliberalism towards greater consultation between donors and recipients and a greater focus on
poverty and responsibility for the nation-state. The new focus became the strengthening of the
civil society and the recognition that NGOs constitute part of the civil society. Donors started to
promote their role in political reform thus they were democratizers of development (Banks and
Hulme 2012).

Most of the good governance conditions were also desirable on their own right for example low
corruption, democratic accountability, rule of law and service delivery. Thus democracy building
and transforming the state-societal relations became a major priority. In the development
discourse, it was argued that civil society provides a third leg to the trinity model of development
with the other legs being the state led public sector model and the second leg being the private
sector model for economic development and profit enterprises (Tandon and Mohanty 2000).

The idea of civil society and building a stronger wider participation to promote good governance
has been a dominant component of global political and development forum for the last two
decades. Bad governance is widely acknowledged to be one of the underlying causes of conflict,
poverty and marginalization. Most theories on civil society grant an important role to civil

19
society organizations (CSOs) in the governance process. CSOs generally have five key functions,
approaches and roles in which they should fulfill in order to contribute to good governance.

These are to plan strategically and adapt to the changing context, to put a Rights Based approach
into practice, to develop capacities, to advocate for democratic good governance and to be
examples of good internal governance. Therefore, governance is a negotiated process that is
negotiated development through which the various interactions between the state and citizens
result in the equitable fulfillment of the citizens’ political, economic, social and cultural rights.

Therefore, one can argue that much of the interest in civil society is linked to the global
dominance of ne-liberal ideologies that envisaged a reduced role for the state and privatized
forms of services delivery through the flexible combinations of governmental, nongovernmental
and private institutional actors (Lewis 2002). Thus, the good governance agenda has deployed
the concept of civil society within the wider initiatives of supporting the emergence of
competitive market economies, building better managed states with the capacity to provide more
responsive services and just laws, and imposing democratic institutions to deepen political
participation. Good governance is therefore premised on the suggestions that a virtuous cycle can
be built between the state, economy and civil society leading to a balanced growth, equity and
stability.

It must be noted that the idea of neo-liberalization has found ardent critics in the development
debate. It has been criticized for the subordinate role that it gives government in development. Its
postulations have also not led to any meaningful social development in developing countries.
Instead it has catapulted several countries into political crises.

Neo-liberalism shares many attributes as with other essentially contested concepts such as
democracy whose multi-dimensional nature, strong normative connotations and openness to
modifications over time tend to generate substantial debate over their meaning and application.
Thus, neo-liberalism should be seen as a development model that is a neoliberal model
comprehensive development strategy with economic, social and political implications. It is a
model that involves a set of economic theories linking disparate policies together into a coherent
recipe for growth or modernization with prescriptions for the proper role of key factors such as
civil society, private enterprises and the state (Haque 1999).

20
The post 1989 dispensation of global good governance, conditionality had become an integral
part of donor funding. Arguments for alternative economic models were drowned by the triumph
of neo-liberalism. Thus the mobilization for national democratization offered new opportunities
for a broader regional and international audience. Neo-liberalism became the only opportunity
for economic growth and good governance became the catch word and the highway to
prosperity.

Summary of Research Gap

Regarding the literature previous researchers highlighted the “Role of civil society in
democratization process in Puntland”; there was a limited research about the compulsion of
Role of civil society in democratization especially in Puntland. Generally, so there is a need for
further investigation about this topic, the study will put some light on the “Role of civil society in
democratization in Garowe, Puntland, Somalia at PDRC".

Conceptual framework

Conceptual framework is the diagrammatic representation to show the relationship between

dependent variable and independent variable (Cooper and Schinder, 2013). The following
conceptual framework was developed to show the relationship between the independent
variables and the dependent variable under the study.

IV: ROLE OF CIVIL SOCIETY DV: DEMOCRATISATION

PROCESS
1. Ensuring public participation
2. Ensuring accountability 1. Alteration in public politics
3. Civic forum for public debate 2. Inequality
3. Networks of trust
4. Educational tool
4. Citizenship
5. Advocacy
6. Awareness
7. Radio programs

Source: Literature Review. drag

21
 CHAPTER THREE

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
Introduction
In this chapter, the researcher demonstrates the research methodology used to achieve the
purpose of the study and generate data required for the research. This chapter discusses research
area, research design, population and sampling design, types of data collection, sources of data,
data gathering procedure, data analysis, instrumentation (validity and reliability test) and ethical
consideration.

Research design
Research type is descriptive because this research endeavors to draw suppositions based on the
data originated. This research would be completed through qualitative and quantitative approach
and based upon the responses of the Puntland Development and Research Center (PDRC) staff.

Target Population
Population is the entire target groups or individuals of the study. It refers to individuals or groups
in which the researcher generates the results of the study. This study will be limited on Puntland
Development and Research Centre (PDRC) Staff. The study will also target on Puntland
Ministry of Interior and Local Government. Summation of the respondents from PDRC and
Puntland Ministry of Interior and Local Government made 40 individuals.

Sample Size
A sample is a subset of the population that is taken to be representative of the entire population.
The sample size of the study will be 36 respondents selected from the target population. The
researcher will use Slovene’s formula which is n= N/1+N (e) 2, where n is the sample size, N is
the target population, and e 5%is the marginal error or level of significance.

22
n= N/1+N(e)2
n= 40/1+40(0.05)2
n= 40/1+40(0.0025)

n= 40/1+0.1

n= 40/1.1

n= 36

Sampling frame
Target Population (N) Sample (n)
Puntland Development and 30 27
Research Centre
Puntland ministry of Interior 10 09
and Local Government
Total 40 36

Sampling Procedure
Sampling, as it relates to research, refers to the sub set of the population be studied or it is the
subset of the target population. The researcher will use random and purposive sampling to select
the respondents of this study. It is tough to study the complete of the target population and
therefore, 27 respondents from PDRC will be selected using simple random sampling while 09
respondents from the ministry of Interior and Local Government will be selected using Purposive
sampling.

Research Instrument
The instrument is an ordinary term that researchers use for a measurement mechanism of survey
or inspection, questionnaire, etc. In this study researcher will use Questionnaires to collect the
information from the respondents.

The questionnaire is set of questions that aimed to obtain information from the respondent. It is a
research instrument consisting of a chain of questions and other prompts for the function of
gathering information from respondents. Questionnaires are admired with researchers because
information can be obtained moderately as it is the potentials in realization out to a large number
of respondents within a short time, straightforwardly as it is intention scheme since no prejudice

23
resulting from the personal characteristics and finally the questionnaire responses are simply
coded.

In some cases, the researcher will use interviews to collect the information from the respondents.
An interview is a structured question in a dialogue between two or more people which can be
face to face or through a telephone.

Sources of data
The researcher will use both primary and secondary data to demonstrate the role of civil society
in democratization process (Case of PDRC Garowe, Puntland, Somalia). Primary data will be
collected using questionnaire and interview. Secondary data will be used from PDRC and
Puntland Ministry of Interior and Local Government.

Research Procedure
The authorization to conduct research would be get hold of from PDRC and Ministry of Interior
Local government, after tendering request letter from university to carry out this research. The
research procedure that is utterly followed to carry out in the study it involves three processes:
 The researcher will collect entire data related to the study.
 The researchers will use both questionnaires and interviews to collect the information
from the respondent.
 The final step where the researcher checks and overseas entire procedures of the study.

Data Analysis
The data of this research will be analyzed with the help of the statistical program SPSS. This
program will choose because it is capable of processing various statistical analyses that are not
available in Excel. The researcher will use descriptive statistics to describe the variables in this
study. Template analyses will be used to analyze questionnaire.

Instrumentation
Validity test
Validity refers to the extent to which data collection method accurately measures what it will
intended to measure or to the extent to which research findings are about what they are claimed
to be about (Saunders, Lewis & Thornhill, 2009). Generally, validity of each question or group
of questions is assessing of the interview. To increase validity of the questions in this research;
the researcher utilizes content validity index for the reason that the researcher constructs the

24
questions as clear as possible, measuring only one thing at the time. The researcher provided the
main definitions of democratic process and role of civil society to the respondents to avoid
possible different interpretations of the main concept. English being the language of the research
might have had some influence in decreasing the validity of questions. However, a great care
will be exercised to reduce the error.

Reliability test
Reliability refers to the consistency in reaching the same result when the measurement is made
repeatedly. When it comes to the interview, pre-testing, revision and further testing of it may
increase its reliability (Webb, 2002). To increase the reliability of this research, one data
collection tool will be use to gain as much reliable and appropriate information as possible. The
researcher will conduct interview, in order to increase the reliability of this study. Before
handing out the questionnaire, the researcher will do pilot testing with 3 experts including the
supervisor. Some changes as well as reformulations of questions and possible amendments will
be made as the result of that pilot test.

Ethical consideration
In this study the researcher considers the ethical issues throughout the research project, and will
keep the openness, privacy and confidentiality of the respondent, to keep the ethical issues data
given by the respondent was used only for academic purpose, this research will be conducted
ethically, all copyright is observed and permission is required to reproduce materials will be
sought.

25
REFERENCE

African research review. (2016). democracy and government in neygeria. neygeria.

Afrimap et al. (2007). Election Management Bodies in East Africa.

Ahmed, Manzoor. (2013). Fiscal Decentralisation and Political Economy and “Assessing
Decentralization Policies in Developing Countries.

Axel Hadenius and Fredrik Uggla (1996). Making civil society work, promoting democratic
development: What can state and donors do?

Berman, J., & Witzner, D. J. (1997). Technology and Democracy. Social Research, 64(3), 1313-
1319. of news (Hallin 2011 and Mancini).

Darkwa, A., Amponsah, N. & Gyampoh, E. (2006). Civil Society in a Changing Ghana: An
Assessment of the Current State of Civil Society in Ghana. Accra: CIVICUS and GAPVOD.

David Lewis (2002). Civil Society in African Contexts: Reflections on the Usefulness of a
Concept

DeMartino 2000). Global economy, global justice: theoretical objections and policy alternatives
to neoliberalism, London: Routledge

Diamond, L. (1997). Is the Third Wave Over: The Imperative of Consolidation, Working Paper.
Kellogg Institute for International Studies.

Fourth International Conference of Istr, Trinity College, Dublin, Ireland, July 5-8, 2000. (2015).
Civil Society and Politics in Africa: The Case of Kenya. Kenya.

Gyima-Boadi 2004 Civil society and the consolidation of democracy in Ghana’s fourth
republic

26
Haniel C. Hallin and Paolo Mancini (2011) Comparing Media Systems Beyond the Western
World Cambridge University Press

Haque, M.S. (1999). Restructuring Development Theories and Policies: A Critical Study.
Albany: The State University of New York Press.

Ibeanu, O. (2006). Conceptualizing peace, in introduction to peace and conflict studies in West
Africa, ed. S. G. Best. Ibadan: Spectrum Books Ltd.

Igoe, J. and T. Kelsall (eds) (2005) Between a Rock and a Hard Place, African NGOs, Donors and
the State. Durham, NC: Carolina Academic Press.

Ikelegbe, A.O., (2001) The Perverse Manifestation of Civil Society: Evidence from Nigeria.
Journal of Modern African Studies, Cambridge: University Press, 39(1)

international NGOs training and research center. (January 2013). The history of UK civil society .
uk.

Larry Diamond (1994). Rethinking Civil Society: Toward Democratic Consolidation

Mahamed, z. (2015). hoisrory of somali democracy. mogdishu.

Makau Mutua (2009). Human Rights NGOs in East Africa: Political and Normative Tensions.
https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt3fj56n

Mercer, N. (2002). Developing Dialogues. In G. Wells, & G. Claxton (Eds.) Learning for Life in
the C21st: Sociocultural Perspectives on the Future of Education. Oxford: Blackwell.
http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9780470753545.ch1.

moss, d. (2015). history of american democracy. unated state.

Moyo, S. and Yeros, P. (2005). The Resurgence of Rural Movements under Neoliberalism. In
Sam Moyo and Paris Yeros (eds) Reclaiming the Land: The Resurgence of Rural Movements in
Africa, Asia and Latin America. London, Zed Books, London. Pp 8-64

Ngondi-Houghton (2002). Civil Society, NGOs and Democratic Governance in developing

27
Nicola Banks and David Hulme (2012) The role of NGOs and civil society in development and
poverty reduction. ps://hummedia.manchester.ac.uk. May 2021

osman, f. (2014). The role of civil society in Somalia’s reconstruction: achievements, challenges
and opportunities. mogdishu.

Pinkney J, 2003: Current status of bariatric surgery in the treatment of type 2

diabetes. Obes Rev 2004, 5:69–78.

Tandon, R. and Mohanty, R. (2003), Introduction: Civil Society and Governance – Issues and
Problematics. In R. Tandon and R. Mohanty (eds). Does Civil Society Matter? Governance in
Contemporary India. New Delhi: Sage India

Uwem Essia 1 * and Afzal Yearoo (2009) Strengthening civil society organizations/government
partnership in Nigeria

Ziya Öniş, and  Fikret Şenses (2005). Rethinking the Emerging Post-Washington Consensus.

28