American Communities
American Communities
American Communities
C H A P T E R
An Agrarian Republic
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CHAPTER OUTLINE
NORTH AMERICAN COMMUNITIES
FROM COAST TO COAST
The Former American Colonies
Spanish Colonies
Haiti and the Caribbean
British North America
Russian America
Trans-Appalachia: Cincinnati
Atlantic Ports: From Charleston to Boston
A NATIONAL ECONOMY
Cotton and the Economy of the Young Republic
Shipping and the Economic Boom
THE JEFFERSON PRESIDENCY
Republican Agrarianism
Jefferson’s Government
An Independent Judiciary
Opportunity: The Louisiana Purchase
Incorporating Louisiana
Texas and the Struggle for Mexican Independence
RENEWED IMPERIAL RIVALRY
IN NORTH AMERICA
Problems with Neutral Rights
The Embargo Act
Madison and the Failure of “Peaceable Coercion”
A Contradictory Indian Policy
Indian Resistance
THE WAR OF 1812
The War Hawks
The Campaigns Against the Northern
and Southern Indians
The Hartford Convention
The Treaty of Ghent
DEFINING THE BOUNDARIES
Another Westward Surge
The Election of 1816 and the Era of Good Feelings
The American System
The Diplomacy of John Quincy Adams
The Panic of 1819
The Missouri Compromise
269
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n mid-October 1804, news arrived at the Mandan vil- was used for community gatherings, and each of the other earth
lages, prominently situated on bluffs overlooking the lodges was home to a senior woman, her husband, her sisters
upper Missouri River, that an American military party (perhaps married to the same man as she, for the Mandans prac-
led by Meriwether Lewis and William Clark was coming up the ticed polygamy), their daughters and their unmarried sons, along
river. The principal chiefs, hoping for expanded trade and sup- with numerous grandchildren. Matrilineal clans, the principal
port against their enemies the Sioux, welcomed these first institution of the community, distributed food to the sick,
American visitors. As the expedition’s three boats and forty- adopted orphans, cared for the dependent elderly, and punished
three men approached the village, Clark wrote, “Great numbers wrongdoers. A village council of male clan leaders selected chiefs
on both sides flocked down to the bank to view us.” That evening, who led by consensus and lost power when people no longer
the Mandans welcomed the Americans with an enthusiastic accepted their opinions.
dance and gifts of food. Lewis and Clark had been sent by President Thomas
Since the fourteenth century, when they migrated from the Jefferson to survey the Louisiana Purchase and to find an over-
East, the Mandans had lived along the Missouri, on the edge of land route to the Pacific Ocean. They were also instructed to
the Great Plains in what is now North Dakota. They believed inform the Indians that they now owed loyalty—and trade—to
their homeland was “the very center of the world,” and indeed the American government, thereby challenging British economic
it is in the heart of the North American continent. Mandan control over the lucrative North American fur trade. Meeting
men hunted buffalo and Mandan women kept storage pits full with the village chiefs, the Americans offered the Mandans a
with abundant crops of corn, beans, squash, sunflowers, and military and economic alliance. His people would like nothing
tobacco grown on the fertile soil of the river bottomlands. The better, responded Chief Black Cat, for the Mandans had fallen
Mandan villages were also the central marketplace of the north- on hard times over the past decade. [Some twenty years earlier],
ern Plains; at trading time in late summer they filled with Crows, “the smallpox destroyed the greater part of the nation,” the chief
Assiniboins, Cheyennes, Kiowas, and Arapahoes. Well before said. “All the nations before this malady [were] afraid of them,
any of these people, or those of other tribes, had met a European, [but] after they were reduced, the Sioux and other Indians waged
they were trading in kettles, knives, and guns acquired from the war, and killed a great many.” Black Cat was skeptical that the
French and English to the east and leatherwork, glassware, and Americans would deter the Sioux, but Clark reassured him. “We
horses acquired from the Spanish in the Southwest. were ready to protect them,” Clark reported in his journal, “and
The eighteenth century had been a golden age for the kill those who would not listen to our good talk.”
Mandan, who with their closely related Hidatsa neighbors num- The Americans spent the winter with the Mandans, joining
bered about 3,000 in 1804. In each of their five villages, earth in their communal life and establishing firm and friendly rela-
lodges surrounded a central plaza. One large ceremonial lodge tions with them. There were dances and joint hunting parties,
frequent visits to the earth lodges, long talks around the fire,
and, for many of the men, pleasant nights in the company of
Mandan women. Lewis and Clark spent many hours acquiring
important geographic information from the Mandans, who drew
Mandan
Villages
charts and maps showing the course of the Missouri, the ranges
of the Rocky Mountains, and places where one could cross the
Continental Divide. The information provided by the Mandans
and other Indian peoples to the west was vital to the success of
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the expedition. Lewis and Clark’s “voyage of discovery” depended fewer than 150. Four Bears, a Mandan chief who had been a child
largely on the willingness of Indian peoples to share their knowl- at the time of the Lewis and Clark visit, spoke these last words
edge of the land with the Americans. to the remnants of his people:
In need of interpreters who could help them communicate “I have loved the whites,” he declared. “I have lived with
with other Indian communities on their way, the Americans them ever since I was a boy.” But in return for the kindness of
hired several multilingual Frenchmen who lived with the the Mandans, the Americans had brought this plague. “I do not
Mandans. They also acquired the services of Sacajawea, the fear death, my friends,” he said, “but to die with my face rotten,
fifteen-year-old Lemhi wife of one of the Frenchmen, who that even the wolves will shrink with horror at seeing me, and
became the only woman to join the westward journey. The pres- say to themselves, that is Four Bears, the friend of the whites.”
ence of Sacajawea and her baby son was a signal, as Clark noted, “They have deceived me,” he pronounced with his last breath.
to “all the Indians as to our friendly intentions”; everyone knew “Those that I always considered as brothers turned out to be my
that women and children did not go on war parties. worst enemies.”
When the party left the Mandan villages in March, Clark In sending Lewis and Clark on their “voyage of discov-
wrote that his men were “generally healthy, except venereal com- ery” to claim the land and the loyalty of the Mandans and
plaints which is very common amongst the natives and the men other western Indian communities, President Jefferson was
catch it from them.” After an arduous journey across the Rockies, motivated by his vision of an expanding American republic of
the party reached the Pacific Ocean at the mouth of the self-sufficient farmers. During his and succeeding presidencies,
Columbia River, where they spent the winter. Overdue and feared expansion became a key element of national policy and pride.
lost, they returned in triumph to St. Louis in September 1806. Yet, as the experience of the Mandans showed, what Jefferson
Before long the Americans had established Fort Clark at the viewed as enlargement of “the empire for liberty” had a dark
Mandan villages, giving American traders a base for challenging side—the destruction, from disease and coerced displacement,
British dominance of the western fur trade. The permanent of the communities created by America’s first peoples. The
American presence brought increased contact, and with it much effects—economic, political, and social—of continental expan-
more disease. In 1837, a terrible smallpox epidemic carried away sion dominate the history of the United States in the first half
the vast majority of the Mandans, reducing the population to of the nineteenth century.
I the new century full of national pride and energy. But the larger issue, America’s
place in the world, was still uncertain, beginning with its situation on the North
American continent (see Map 9-1).
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R US S IAN
AME R IC A
Hudson
Sitka R U P E RT ' S L A N D Bay
(1802) B R
I T
I S A
H C
N O R R I
T H A M E
A
D
MARITIME
NA
A Quebec PROVINCES
LOWER C
UPPER
OR E GON CA Montreal
INDIANA N
ADA Halifax
C OUNT RY S PA N I S H TERRITORY Detroit
(1701) Fort Dequesne Boston
Fort Miami (Pittsburgh)
LOUISIANA (1704)
NORTHWEST (1704)
New York
Fort Ross Fort Vincennes TERRITORY Philadelphia
(Russian 1812) (1702)
Cincinnati Baltimore
St Louis (1788)
San Francisco ALTA (1763) Louisville
(1776) (1778)
CALIFORNIA
Santa Fé
Memphis Nashville
(1779)
ATLANTIC
Los Angeles (1609) SOUTHWEST
(1781)
TERRITORY
Tucson
Nacogdoches
(1791) Natchez
Charleston
OCEAN
(1716)
TEXAS Mobile St. Augustine
San Antonio New (1710)
de Bejar Orleans SPANISH
(1718) (1718) FLORIDA
GULF OF
NEW
MEXICO
S PA I N
CUBA PUERTO
Mexico RICO
PACIFIC City HAITI
WEST
SANTO
JAMAICA DOMINGO INDIES
OCEAN
CARIBBEAN SEA BARBADOS
MAP 9-1
North America in 1800 In 1800, the new United States of America shared the North American continent with territo-
ries held by the European powers: British Canada, French Louisiana (secretly ceded that year to France by Spain),
Spanish Florida, Spanish Mexico, and Russian Alaska, expanding southward along the Pacific coast. Few people
could have imagined that by 1850, the United States would span the continent. But the American settlers who had
crossed the Appalachians to the Ohio River Valley were already convinced that opportunity lay in the West.
surged westward all the way to the Pacific. In 1800, few people would have predicted Class Discussion Question 9.1
that within fifty years the nation would encompass the entire continent. At that
time, the United States of America was a new and weak nation sharing a continent
with the colonies of many of the world’s great powers.
Spanish Colonies
On paper, Spain possessed most of North America, but its control crumbled rapidly QUICK REVIEW
in the 1790s, affecting New Spain, the richest colony in Spanish America. Mexico Spanish Colonies
City, with a population of 200,000, was by far the largest and most elegant city on the Tensions mounted between peninsulares
continent. But there were smoldering problems. Tensions mounted between the and criollos.
Spanish-born peninsulares, high officials and bureaucrats, and the native-born criollos Spanish established a chain of twenty-one
missions in a last effort to protect Mexico.
of Spanish descent, who chafed at their subordination, especially after the success of
American traders were making inroads
the American Revolution. In the 1790s, there were two abortive criollo conspiracies on Spanish-held territory along
on behalf of independence in Mexico City alone. Furthermore, none of New Spain’s the Mississippi River.
northern provinces, created to protect the approaches to Mexico’s fabulously wealthy
silver mines, thrived. In all of the older settlements—San Antonio, Santa Fé, and
Tucson—only a handful of persons of Spanish descent lived among a preponder-
antly native population. This was true even in the most recently founded northern
province, Alta (Upper) California.
In 1769, in their last effort to protect their rich colony of Mexico, the Spanish
established a chain of twenty-one missions in Alta California that stretched north
from San Diego (1769) to Sonoma (1823). The largest of these missions was Los
Angeles, which in 1800 had a largely mestizo population of 300. The town, which
was the social center for the vast countryside surrounding it, functioned chiefly as a
center of governmental authority (see Chapter 5). Despite Spain’s desire to seal its
territory from commerce with other nations, a brisk but illegal trade in otter skins,
hides, and tallow developed between the United States and California after the first
American ship, the Lelia Bird, arrived in 1803.
American traders were making inroads on Spanish-held territory along the
Mississippi River as well. New Orleans, acquired by Spain from France at the end of the
Seven Years’ War in 1763, was becoming a thriving international port. In 1801, it shipped
more than $3 million worth of tobacco, sugar, rice, cotton, fruits, and vegetables to
Europe. Every year, a greater proportion of products for the New Orleans trade was sup-
plied by Americans living some distance up the Mississippi River. Pinckney’s 1795 treaty
with Spain guaranteed Americans free navigation of the Mississippi River and the right
to deposit goods at the port of New Orleans. Nevertheless, Americans were uncom-
fortably aware that the city’s crucial location at the mouth of the Mississippi meant
that whatever foreign nation possessed New Orleans had the power to choke off the
flourishing trade in the vast Mississippi Valley river system.
More than 600 miles north was the small trading town of St. Louis, founded by
the New Orleans trader Pierre Laclède in 1763. By 1800, the town had fewer than a
thousand residents, three-quarters of whom were involved in the Indian trade of the
Missouri River. Spanish officials tried to supervise that trade from their offices in the
town, but real control rested in the hands of the Laclède and other French traders.
Americans visiting this shabby little place laughed at Laclède’s prediction that St. Louis
would become “one of the finest cities in America,” but he was right.
Revolt of 1766, the Russian authorities promised to end the abuse, but by 1800, the QUICK REVIEW
precontact population of 25,000 Aleuts had been greatly reduced. At the same time, European Colonies in the Early Nineteenth
sexual relations and intermarriage between fur trappers and Aleut women created Century
a large group of Russian creoles who assumed an increasingly prominent position in Spain: challenged in its efforts to control
the Alaskan fur trade as navigators, explorers, clerks, and traders as the fur trade New Spain and the Caribbean.
Britain: government of Canada reflected
became permanent.
lessons learned in the colonies.
The Russian-American Company, chartered by the tsar in 1799, first set up Russia: rapidly expanding presence
American headquarters at Kodiak. When overhunting caused a scarcity of furs, the centered on Alaska and the Northwest.
Russians moved their headquarters south to Sitka, in what is now the southeastern
panhandle of Alaska. This was the homeland of the Tlingits, a warrior society, who
destroyed the Russians’ first fortress in the Tlingit Revolt of 1802. The Russians
reestablished Sitka by force in 1804, and over the next generation established Russian
settlements along the Pacific coast as far south as Fort Ross, which was just north of
San Francisco Bay and well within Spanish territory. The Russian presence in North
America was rapidly expanding even as Spain’s faltered. In 1800, however, this impe-
rial duel was far from the consciousness of most Americans, who were more con-
cerned about the continuing presence of the British to the north in Canada and the
nearby racial powder keg in the Caribbean.
Trans-Appalachia: Cincinnati
Within the United States itself, the region of greatest growth was territory west of Guideline 5.6
the Appalachian Mountains, and it was this area that was most affected by fears of con-
tinuing British influence on regional Indian peoples. By 1800, about 500,000 people
(the vast majority from Virginia and North Carolina) had found rich and fertile land
along the Ohio River system. Soon there was enough population for statehood.
Kentucky (1792) and Tennessee (1796) were the first trans-Appalachian states admit-
ted to the Union.
Migration was a principal feature of American life. Probably 5 to 10 percent of
all American households moved each year. In the rural areas of the Atlantic seaboard,
a third of the households counted in the 1790 census had moved by 1800; in cities,
the proportion was closer to half. Migration to the West was generally a family affair,
with groups of kin moving together to a new area. One observer wrote of a caravan
moving across the mountains: “They had prepared baskets made of fine hickory
withe or splints, and fastening two of them together with ropes they put a child in each
basket and put it across a pack saddle.” Once pioneers had managed to struggle by
road over the Appalachians, they gladly took to the rivers, especially the Ohio, to
move farther west.
Cincinnati, strategically situated 450 miles downstream from Pittsburgh, was a
particularly dramatic example of the rapid community growth and development that
characterized the trans-Appalachian region. Founded in 1788, Cincinnati began life as
a military fort, defending settlers in the fertile Miami River Valley of Ohio from resis-
tance by Shawnee and Miami Indians. Conflict between these Indian peoples and the
new settlers was so fierce that the district was grimly referred to as “the slaughterhouse.”
After the battle of Fallen Timbers broke Indian resistance in 1794, Cincinnati became
the point of departure for immigrants arriving by the Ohio River on their way to set-
tle the interior of the Old Northwest: Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois. In 1800, Cincinnati
had a population of about 750 people. By 1810, it had tripled in size, confirming its boast
to be “the Queen City of the West.”
Cincinnati merchants were soon shipping farm goods from the fertile Miami
Valley down the Ohio–Mississippi River system to New Orleans, 1,500 miles away. River
hazards such as snags and sandbars made the downriver trip by barge or keelboat
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supporting industries boomed, and as early as 1800, a quarter of all American ship-
ping was owned by New York merchants.
Boston, the cockpit of the American Revolution, was also the capital of
Massachusetts. The handsome State House, built on Beacon Hill, reflected the ori-
gins of Boston’s merchant wealth: a carved wooden codfish occupied a place of honor
in the new building. By the late eighteenth century, however, Boston’s commercial
wealth had diversified into shipbuilding, shipping, banking, and insurance.
Though small in population, these Atlantic cities led the nation socially, polit-
ically, and above all economically. In 1800, the merchants in these seaports still pri-
marily looked across the Atlantic to Europe. In the coming half-century, however, it
was the cities that developed the strongest ties with the trans-Appalachian West that
were to thrive.
I
strengths of the American economy
faced the same challenge that developing nations confront today. At the mercy in the early 1800s?
of fluctuating world commodity prices they cannot control, such countries have
great difficulty protecting themselves from economic dominance by stronger, more
established nations. Class Discussion Question 9.3
food and fiber. Crops were grown for subsistence (home use) rather than for sale.
Commodities such as whiskey and hogs (both easy to transport) provided small and
irregular cash incomes or items for barter. As late as 1820, only 20 percent of the
produce of American farms was consumed outside the local community.
In contrast, in the South, plantation agriculture based on enslaved workers was
wholly commercial and international. The demand for cotton was growing rapidly
in response to the boom in the industrial production of textiles in England and
Europe, but extracting the seeds from the fibers of the variety of cotton that grew best
in the southern interior required an enormous investment of labor. The cotton gin,
which mechanized this process, was invented in 1793; soon cotton, and the slave
labor system that produced it, assumed a commanding place in southern life and in
the foreign trade of the United States.
In 1790, however, increasing foreign demand for American goods and services
hardly seemed likely. Trade with Britain, still the biggest customer for American raw
materials, was considerably less than it had been before the Revolution. Britain and
France both excluded Americans from their lucrative West Indian trade and taxed
QUICK REVIEW
American ships with discriminatory duties. It was difficult to be independent in a
The American Economy in 1800
world dominated by great powers.
Predominantly rural.
94 percent of Americans lived Shipping and the Economic Boom
in communities of fewer than 2,500 people.
Despite these restrictions on American commerce, the strong shipping trade begun
Crops were grown for home use rather
than for sale. during the colonial era and centered in the Atlantic ports became a major asset in
the 1790s, when events in Europe provided America with extraordinary opportuni-
ties. The French Revolution, which began in 1789, soon initiated nearly twenty-five
years of warfare between Britain and France. All along the Atlantic
Total Exports
seaboard, urban centers thrived as American ships carried European
goods that could no longer be transported on British ships without dan-
Reexports
120
ger of French attack (and vice versa). Because America was neutral, its
merchants had the legal right to import European goods and promptly
100 reexport them to other European countries. Despite British and French
efforts to prevent the practice (see Chapter 8), reexports amounted to half
Millions of Dollars
Lewis and Clark ventured west in 1804, part of their task was to chart the exact path QUICK REVIEW
of Gray’s “Columbia’s River.”) Soon New England so dominated the seaborne trade Growth of American Trade: 1793–1807
in furs to China that the Pacific Northwest Indians called all Americans “Bostons.” French Revolution initiated renewed
The active American participation in international trade fostered a strong and period of warfare between France
diversified shipbuilding industry. All the major Atlantic ports boasted expanding and Britain.
American merchants wanted to supply
shipbuilding enterprises. Demands for speed increased as well, resulting in what
both sides.
many people have regarded as the flower of American shipbuilding, the clipper ship. Expansion of trade led to development
The narrow-hulled, many-sailed clipper ships of the 1840s and 1850s set records for of shipbuilding industry and growth
ships of their size. In 1854, Flying Cloud, built in the Boston shipyards of Donald of coastal cities.
McKay, sailed from New York to San Francisco—a 16,000-mile trip that usually took
150 to 200 days—in a mere 89 days.
A
agrarian republicanism?
inghouse through the swampy streets of the new federal city of Washington
to the unfinished Capitol. George Washington and John Adams had rid-
den in elaborate carriages to their inaugurals. Jefferson, although accepting a mil-
itary honor guard, demonstrated by his actions that he rejected the elaborate,
quasi-monarchical style of the two Federalist presidents and their (to his mind)
autocratic style of government as well.
For all its lack of pretension, Jefferson’s inauguration as the third president of Guideline 5.5
the United States was a momentous occasion in American history, for it marked the
peaceful transition from one political party, the Federalists, to their hated rivals, the Tall, ungainly, and diffident in manner, Thomas
Jefferson was nonetheless a man of genius,
Jeffersonian Republicans. Beginning in an atmosphere of exceptional political bit-
an architect, naturalist, political philosopher,
terness, Jefferson’s presidency was to demonstrate that a strongly led party system could and politician.
shape national policy without leading to either dictatorship or revolt. Courtesy of the Library of Congress.
Jefferson’s own moderation may have been the crucial factor: setting a
tone of conciliation in his inaugural address, he announced, “We are
all republicans; we are all federalists” and during his eight years in office
he paid close attention to ways to attract moderate Federalists to the
Jeffersonian Republican Party.
Republican Agrarianism
Jefferson brought to the presidency a clearly defined political philoso-
phy. Behind all the events of his administration (1801–09) and those of
his successors, in what became known as the Virginia Dynasty (James
Madison, 1809–17; James Monroe, 1817–25), was a clear set of beliefs that
embodied Jefferson’s interpretation of the meaning of republicanism for
Americans.
Jefferson’s years as ambassador to France in the 1780s were particu-
larly important in shaping his political thinking. Recoiling from the extremes
of wealth and poverty he saw there, he came to believe that it was impossi-
ble for Europe to achieve a just society that could guarantee to most of its
members the “life, liberty and . . . pursuit of happiness” of which he had
written in the Declaration of Independence. Only America, he believed, pro-
vided fertile earth for the true citizenship necessary to a republican form
of government. What America had, and Europe lacked, was room to grow.
Jefferson’s thinking about growth was directly influenced by
Englishman Thomas Malthus’s deeply pessimistic and widely influential
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Jefferson’s Government
Thomas Jefferson came to office determined to reverse the Federalist policies of the
Class Discussion Question 9.4 1790s and to ensure an agrarian “republic of virtue.” Accordingly, he proposed a
program of “simplicity and frugality,” promising to cut all internal taxes, to reduce
Lecture Suggestion 9.2, Domestic the size of the army (from 4,000 to 2,500 men), the navy (from twenty-five ships to
Policies of the Two Parties seven), and the government staff, and to eliminate the entire national debt inherited
from the Federalists. He kept all of these promises, even the last, though the
Louisiana Purchase of 1803 cost the Treasury $15 million. This diminishment of gov-
Class Discussion Question 9.5
ernment was a key matter of republican principle to Jefferson. If his ideal yeoman
farmer was to be a truly self-governing citizen, the federal government must not,
Lecture Suggestion 9.3 Jefferson’s Jefferson believed, be either large or powerful. His cost-cutting measures simply car-
Philosophy of Government
ried out the pledge he had made in his inaugural address for “a wise and frugal gov-
ernment, which shall restrain men from injuring one another, [and] shall leave them
otherwise free to regulate their own pursuits.”
Constitutionality of the Louisiana Perhaps one reason for Jefferson’s success was that the federal government he
Purchase (1803)
headed was small and unimportant by today’s standards. For instance, Jefferson found
only 130 federal officials in Washington (a grand total of nine in the State Department,
including the secretary of state). The national government’s main service to ordinary
people was mail delivery, and already in 1800 there were persistent complaints about
Guideline 7.2 slowness, unreliability, and expense in the postal service! Everything else—law and
order, education, welfare, road maintenance, economic control—rested with state or
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three other appointees sued James Madison, Jefferson’s secretary of state, to receive
their commissions for their offices. Before the case came to trial, however, Congress,
Audio-Visual Aid, “Monticello: Home
controlled by Jeffersonian Republicans, repealed the acts. This case, Marbury v. of Thomas Jefferson”
Madison, provoked a landmark decision from the U.S. Supreme Court.
At issue was a fundamental constitutional point: Was the judiciary indepen-
Opinion of the Supreme Court for
dent of politics? In his celebrated 1803 decision in Marbury v. Madison, Chief Marbury v. Madison (1803)
Justice John Marshall, a strong Federalist and an Adams appointee, managed to
find a way to please both parties. On the one hand, Marshall proclaimed that the
courts had a duty “to say what the law is,” thus unequivocally defending the inde-
pendence of the judiciary and the principle of judicial review. On the other hand,
Marbury v. Madison Supreme Court deci-
Marshall conceded that the Supreme Court was not empowered by the Constitution sion of 1803 that created the precedent
to force the executive branch to give Marbury his commission. At first glance, of judicial review by ruling as unconstitu-
Jefferson’s government appeared to have won the battle over Adams’s last-minute tional part of the Judiciary Act of 1789.
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appointees. But in the long run, Marshall established the principle that only
the federal judiciary could decide what was constitutional. This was a vital
step in realizing the three-way balance of power among the branches of the
federal government—executive (president), legislative (Congress), and
judiciary (courts)—envisaged in the Constitution. Equally important,
during his long tenure in office (1801–35), Chief Justice Marshall
consistently led the Supreme Court in a series of decisions that
favored the federal government over state governments. Under
Marshall’s direction, the Supreme Court became a powerful
nationalizing force, often to the dismay of defenders of states’
rights, Jefferson’s Republicans among them.
Incorporating Louisiana
The immediate issue following the Louisiana Purchase was how to treat the French
and Spanish inhabitants of the Louisiana Territory. In 1803, when the region that is
now the state of Louisiana became American property, it had a racially and ethnically
diverse population of 43,000 people, of whom only 6,000 were American. French
and French-speaking people were numerically and culturally dominant, especially in
the city of New Orleans. New Orleans itself had a population of about 8,000, half
white and half black. Two-thirds of the black population were slaves; the remainder
were “free persons of color,” who under French law enjoyed legal rights equal to
those of white people. The white population was a mixture of French people of
European and West Indian origin. Among them were French-speaking exiles from
Acadia, who became known in New Orleans as Cajuns (see Chapters 6 and 8). But
there were also Spanish, Germans, English, Irish, Americans, and native-born creoles
(persons of French descent), causing one observer to call the community “a verita-
ble tower of Babel.”
Many people thought that the only way to deal with a population so “foreign”
was to wipe out its customs and laws and to impose American ones as quickly as pos-
sible. But the French forestalled this outcome by insisting, in the final treaty, that
the inhabitants of Louisiana not only should be given the “rights, advantages and
immunities of [American] citizens” as soon as possible, but that “in the mean time
they shall be maintained and protected in the free enjoyment of their liberty, prop-
erty and the Religion which they profess.” Consequently, the incorporation of
Louisiana into the American federal system became a remarkable story of adaptation
between two different communities—American and French.
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R.
Mississippi
1803 SOUTH ATLANTIC
Rio
OCEAN
Louisiana Purchase
MAP 9-2
Louisiana Purchase The Louisiana Purchase of 1803, the largest peaceful acquisition of territory in U.S. history, more than dou-
bled the size of the nation. The Lewis and Clark expedition (1804–06) was the first to survey and document the natural and
human richness of the area. The American sense of expansiveness and continental
destiny owes more to the extraordinary opportunity provided by the Louisiana Purchase than to other factors.
HOW DID the terrain of the Lewis and Clark expedition influence the routes of the journey?
Map 9-2 The effort of mutual adaptation was difficult for both sides. At a public ball
Lewis and Clark began their journey at held in New Orleans in January 1804, for example, American and French military offi-
the city of St. Louis. The expedition began cers almost came to blows over whether an English country dance or a French waltz
its westward journey along the Missouri
River and through the Rocky Mountains.
would be played first. Officials in Washington dismissed the reported conflict as a mere
The expedition then utilized the path frivolity, but the U.S. representative in New Orleans and governor of Lower Louisiana
of the Columbia River as a guide West Territory, William Claiborne, did not. Over the next four years, Claiborne came to
to the Pacific Ocean, at Fort Clatsop. accept the value of French institutions to the region. As a result, with Claiborne’s
The waterways provided the expedition full support, Louisiana adopted a legal code in 1808 that was based on French civil
with resources and a current guide
law rather than English common law. This was not a small concession. French law dif-
to the mouth of the Pacific Ocean.
fered from English law in many fundamental respects, such as in family property
(communal versus male ownership), in inheritance (forced heirship versus free dis-
posal), and even in contracts, which were much more strictly regulated in the French
system. Remnants of the French legal system remain part of Louisiana state law to this
71193_09_ch09_p0268-0307.QXD 4/12/10 3:23 PM Page 285
day. In 1812, with the required 60,000 free inhabitants, Louisiana was admitted to the Out of Class Activity 9.1, Lewis and Clark
Union, becoming the first slave state in the territory of the Louisiana Purchase. New Journals
Orleans remained for years a distinctively French city, illustrating the flexibility pos-
sible under a federal system.
the American reexport trade between the French West Indies and France by seiz-
ing American ships that were bringing French West Indian goods to Europe. Angry
Americans viewed these seizures as violations of their rights as shippers of a neu-
tral nation.
An even more contentious issue arose from the substantial desertion rate of
British sailors. Many deserters promptly signed up on American ships, where they drew
better pay and sometimes obtained false naturalization papers as well. The numbers
involved were large: as many as a quarter of the 100,000 seamen on American ships
were British. Soon the British were stopping American merchant vessels and remov-
ing any man they believed to be British, regardless of his papers. The British refusal
to recognize genuine naturalization papers (on the principle “once a British sub-
ject, always a British subject”) was particularly insulting to the new American sense
of nationhood.
At least 6,000 innocent American citizens suffered forced impressment into
the British navy from 1803 to 1812. In 1807, impressment turned bloody when
the British ship Leopard stopped the American ship Chesapeake in American terri-
torial waters and demanded to search for deserters. When the American captain
refused, the Leopard opened fire, killing three men, wounding eighteen, and
removing four deserters (three with American naturalization papers) from the
damaged ship. An indignant public protested British interference and the death
of innocent sailors.
Ironically, the Embargo Act had almost no effect on its intended victims. The
French used the embargo as a pretext for seizing American ships, claiming they must
be British ships in disguise. The British, in the absence of American competition, devel-
oped new markets for their goods in South America. And at home, as John Randolph
sarcastically remarked, the embargo was attempting “to cure corns by cutting off the toes.”
In March 1809, Congress admitted failure, and the Embargo Act was repealed. But the
struggle to remain neutral in the confrontation between the European giants contin-
ued. The next two years saw passage of several acts—among them the Non-Intercourse
Act of 1809 and Macon’s Bill Number 2 in 1810—that unsuccessfully attempted to pro-
hibit trade with Britain and France unless they ceased their hostile treatment of U.S. ship-
ping. Frustration with the ineffectiveness of government policy mounted.
1807 INDIANA
CHIPPEWAS 1808 Fort Michilimackinac Fort Oswegatchie VERMONT
TERRITORY La
NEW
ke
1807 HAMPSHIRE
Hu
an
t ario
ichig
ron
e On Fort Oswego
ILLINOIS
OTTAWAS Lak
MASSACHUSETTS
Lake M
TERRITORY MICHIGAN MISSISAUGAS NEW YORK
1807 TERRITORY Fort The Thames, 1813
Detroit ie RHODE
WINNEBAGOS Er ISLAND
Hamar's Defeat 1813 ke
1790 La
SAUKS Fort Dearborn 1808
Fort P E N N S Y LVA N I A CONNECTICUT
AND FOXES 1812
Wayne Fallen Timbers,1794 NEW
1807 POTAWATOMIS WYANDOTS
MIAMIS
1805 JERSEY
DELAWARES
Misso
Tippecanoe, 1811
IOWAS 1808 St. Clair's Defeat, 1791
Prophetstown
ur
TERRITORY
Chillicothe MARYLAND
1810
SHAWNEES
VIRGINIA
St. Louis Vincennes
ILLINOIS
OSAGES
Ohio R. KENTUCKY
d
rlan
be
Cum
NORTH
1811 1812 CAROLINA
QUAPAWS
R.
TENNESSEE
ippi
Arka Tennesse
ns a e R. SOUTH
sR
Mi
CAROLINA
.
MI S S I S S I P P I
AT L A N T I C
T E R R I T O RY
CHICKASAWS
GEORGIA
Horseshoe
Bend, 1814
OCEAN
Fort Nogales CREEKS
Fort Natchez
SPAN IS H CHOCTAWS
Fort Mims
M EX IC O 1813
L O UI SI ANA SPANISH
FLORIDA
0 100 200 300 Miles
GULF OF MEXICO 0 100 200 300 Kilometers
SEMINOLES
MAP 9-3
Indian Resistance, 1790–1816 American westward expansion put relentless pressure on the Indian nations
in the trans-Appalachian South and West. The trans-Appalachian region was marked by constant warfare from the time
of the earliest settlements in Kentucky in the 1780s to the War of 1812. Tecumseh’s Alliance in the Old Northwest
(1809–11) and the Creek Rebellion in the Old Southwest (1813–14) were the culminating struggles in Indian resistance
to the American invasion of the trans-Appalachian region. Indian resistance was a major reason for the War of 1812.
In November 1811, while Tecumseh was still recruiting among the southern
tribes, Harrison marched to the pan-Indian village of Tippecanoe with 1,000 sol-
diers. The 600 to 700 Indian warriors at the town, urged on by Tenskwatawa, attacked
Harrison’s forces before dawn on November 7, hoping to surprise them. The attack
failed, and in the battle that followed, the Americans inflicted about 150 Indian
71193_09_ch09_p0268-0307.QXD 4/12/10 3:23 PM Page 290
M
of the War of 1812?
settlements in the Northwest. British support of western Indians and the
long-standing difficulties over neutral shipping rights were the two griev-
ances cited by President Madison when he asked Congress for a declaration of war
Guideline 5.8
against Britain on June 1, 1812. Congress obliged him on June 18. But the war had
other, more general causes as well.
British-backed Indians in the Northwest, such as Tecumseh and his followers. As War of 1812 War fought between
resentments against England and frustrations over border issues merged, the pres- the United States and Britain from
sure for war—always a strong force for national unity—mounted. June 1812, to January 1815 largely over
British restrictions on American shipping.
Unaware that the British, seriously hurt by the American trade embargo, were
about to adopt a more conciliatory policy, President James Madison yielded to the
War Hawks’ clamor for action in June 1812, and his declaration of war passed in the Audio-Visual Aid, “The War of 1812”
U.S. Senate by the close vote of 19 to 13, the House by 79 to 49. All the Federalists
voted against the war. (The division along party lines continued in the 1812 presiden-
tial election, in which Madison garnered 128 electoral votes to 89 for his Federalist
opponent, DeWitt Clinton.) The vote was sectional, with New England and the Middle
States in opposition and the West and South strongly prowar. Thus, the United States
entered the War of 1812 more deeply divided along sectional lines than during any
other foreign war in American history.
As a result of Jefferson’s economizing, the American army and navy were small
and weak. In contrast, the British, fresh from almost ten years of Napoleonic Wars,
were in fighting trim. At sea, the British navy quickly established a strong blockade,
harassing coastal shipping along the Atlantic seaboard and attacking coastal settlements
at will. In the most humiliating attack, the British
burned Washington in the summer of 1814, forc-
ing the president and Congress to flee. Dolley
Madison, the president’s wife, achieved a perma- BRITISH NORTH AMERICA
nent footnote in history by saving a portrait of VERMONT
ke Superior R.
George Washington from the White House as she L a
e
renc
York (Toronto) burned
April 27, 1813 MAINE
fled. The indignity of the burning of Washington M Lake MICHIGAN Lake Lake St.
La
w
(Mass.)
iss Michigan
iss Ontario
was somewhat assuaged in September, when ipp
iR ILLINOIS
TERRITORY Huron Lake Champlain (Plattsburg)
September 11, 1814
Thames River N EW
Americans beat back a British attack on Baltimore
.
TENNESSEE CAROLINA
sipp
SOUTH ATLANTIC
Mi
M ISSISSIPPI
(see Map 9-4). CAROLINA
TER R ITORY
Horseshoe Bend OCEAN
March 27, 1814 GEORGIA
The Campaigns Against Northern
Fort Mims massacre
and Southern Indians LOUISIANA
August 30, 1813
Convention of 1814, where Federalist representatives from the five New England Nullification A constitutional doctrine
states met to discuss their grievances. At first the air was full of talk of secession from holding that a state has a legal right
the Union, but soon cooler heads prevailed. The convention did insist, however, that to declare a national law null and void
within its borders.
a state had the right “to interpose its authority” to protect its citizens against uncon-
stitutional federal laws. This nullification doctrine was not new; Madison and Jefferson Treaty of Ghent Treaty signed
had proposed it in the Virginia and Kentucky Resolves opposing the Alien and in December 1814 between the United
States and Britain that ended the War
Sedition Acts in 1798 (see Chapter 8). In any event, the nullification threat from of 1812.
Hartford was ignored, for peace with Britain was announced as delegates from the
convention made their way to Washington to deliver their message to Congress.
There, the convention’s grievances were treated not as serious business but as an
anticlimactic joke.
W
problems did the United States face as a new
than ever before, to the tasks of expansion and national development. nation in a world dominated by war between
The so-called Era of Good Feelings (1817–23) found politicians largely Britain and France? How successful were
in agreement on a national agenda, and a string of diplomatic achievements forged
the efforts by the Jefferson, Madison, and
by John Quincy Adams gave the nation sharper definition. But the limits to expan-
Monroe administrations to solve these
sion also became clear: the Panic of 1819 showed the dangers in economic growth,
and the Missouri Crisis laid bare the sectional split that attended westward expansion. problems?
eH
Lake Michiga
Mi
the people clearing the land were not doing it for themselves but to cre- tari
o
uron
ss e On
Lak MASSACHUSETTS
iss
NEW YORK
ate plantations for slave owners. Even before the war, plantation owners
ipp
RHODE
i R.
rie ISLAND
in the Natchez district of Mississippi had made fortunes growing cotton, eE
Lak CONNECTICUT
PENNSYLVANIA NEW
which they shipped to Britain from New Orleans. After the war, as cot-
A
JERSEY
AN
OHIO
ton growing expanded, hopeful slave owners from older parts of the DELAWARE
DI
ILLINOIS
N
I MARYLAND
South (Virginia, North and South Carolina, Georgia) flooded into the M
iss
our
i R. VIRGINIA
region, bringing their slaves with them or, increasingly, purchasing new KENTUCKY
NORTH
ones supplied by the internal slave trade. The migration was like a gold TENNESSEE CAROLINA
rush, characterized by high hopes, land speculation, and riches—for a SOUTH
CAROLINA
few. Most of the white settlers in the Old Southwest were small farm fam- ATLANTIC
I
PP
SI
ilies who did not own slaves, but they hoped to, for ownership of slaves GEORGIA OCEAN
IS
ALABAMA
SS
was the means to wealth. More than half of the migrants to the Old
MI
Southwest after 1812 were involuntary—enslaved African Americans. LOUISIANA
F L O R
I
0 100 200 300 Miles
This involuntary migration of slaves tore African American families apart 0 100 200 300 Kilometers
D
A
at the same time that white families viewed migration as a chance to GUL F O F M E X I C O
replicate the lifestyle and values of older southern states on this new Areas settled by 1800
frontier (see Chapter 10). Areas settled by 1810
The western transplantation of distinctive regional cultures explains Areas settled by 1820
why, although by 1820 western states accounted for more than a third of
all states (eight out of twenty-three), the West did not form a third, uni- MAP 9-5
fied political region. Although there were common western issues—in Spread of Settlement: Westward Surge, 1800–1820 Within a period
particular, the demand for better roads and other transportation routes— of twenty years, a quarter of the nation’s population had moved west
communities in the Old Northwest, in general, shared New England polit- of the Appalachian Mountains. This westward surge was a dynamic
source of American optimism.
ical attitudes, whereas those in the Old Southwest shared southern
attitudes.
Finally, Adams picked his way through the remarkable changes occurring in
Latin America, developing the policy that bears his president’s name, the Monroe
Doctrine. The United States was the first country outside Latin America to recog-
nize the independence of Spain’s former colonies. When the European powers
(France, Austria, Russia, and Prussia) began talk of a plan to help Spain recover the
lost colonies, what was the United States to do? The British, suspicious of the European
powers, proposed a British–American declaration against European intervention in
the hemisphere. Others might have been flattered by an approach from the British
empire, but Adams would have none of it. Showing the national pride that was so char-
acteristic of the era, Adams insisted on an independent American policy. He there-
fore drafted for the president the hemispheric policy that the United States has
followed ever since.
The Monroe Doctrine (1823) On December 2, 1823, the president presented the Monroe Doctrine to
Congress and the world. He called for the end of colonization of the Western
Hemisphere by European nations (this was aimed as much at Russia and its Pacific
coast settlements as at other European powers). Intervention by European powers
in the affairs of the independent New World nations would be considered by the
United States a danger to its own peace and safety. Finally, Monroe pledged that the
United States would not interfere in the affairs of European countries or in the affairs
of their remaining New World colonies.
All of this was a very loud bark from a very small dog. In 1823, the United States
lacked the military and economic force to back up its grand statement. In fact, what
kept the European powers out of Latin America was British opposition to European
intervention, enforced by the Royal Navy. The Monroe Doctrine was however useful
in Adams’s last diplomatic achievement, the Convention of 1824, in which Russia
gave up its claim to the Oregon Territory and accepted 54° 40⬘ north latitude as the
southern border of Russian America. Thus Adams had contained another possible
threat to American continental expansion (see Map 9-6).
In the short space of twenty years, the position of the United States on the
North American continent had been transformed. Not only was America a much
larger nation, but the Spanish presence was much diminished, Russian expansion on
the West coast contained, and peace prevailed with Britain. This string of diplomatic
achievements—the treaties with Russia, Britain, and Spain and the Monroe Doctrine—
represented a great personal triumph for the stubborn, principled John Quincy
Adams. A committed nationalist and expansionist, he showed that reason and diplo-
macy were in some circumstances more effective than force. Adams’s diplomatic
achievements were a fitting end to the period dominated by the Virginia Dynasty,
the trio of enlightened revolutionaries who did so much to shape the new nation.
49 0'
˚
Co
St. Lawrence R.
uperio
Misso L. S r
O REGO N ur
K Y
VERMONT
MAINE
iR
CO UNTRY Mi L. H (part of
.
ssi
L. Michigan
(U.S. and UNORGANIZED s si Mass.)
ur
pp
on
iR
Great Britain) L. Ontario NEW HAMPSHIRE
M
. MICHIGAN
TERRITORY NEW YORK MASSACHUSETTS
O
TERRITORY L. E
rie
RHODE ISLAND
U
PENNSYLVANIA CONNECTICUT
Plat INDIANA
N
ILLINOIS Oh
io R . DELAWARE
A
I St. Louis
Fort Ross R N
.
TERRITORY
ran
MAP 9-6
John Quincy Adams’s Border Treaties John Quincy Adams, secretary of state during the Monroe administration
(1817–25), solidified the nation’s boundaries in several treaties with Britain and Spain. The Rush-Bagot Treaty of
1817 and the Conventions of 1818 and 1824 settled the northern boundary with Canada and the terms of a joint
occupancy of Oregon. The Adams-Onís Treaty of 1819 added Florida to the United States and settled the disputed
border between the American Louisiana Territory and Spanish possessions in the West.
$100 an acre. Many settlers bought on credit, aided by loans from small and irre-
sponsible “wildcat” state banks. This was not the first—or the last—speculative boom
in western lands. But it ended like all the rest—with a sharp contraction of credit,
begun on this occasion by the Second Bank of the United States, which in 1819
forced state banks to foreclose on many bad loans. Many small farmers were ruined,
and they blamed the faraway Bank of the United States for their troubles. In the
1830s, Andrew Jackson would build a political movement on their resentment.
Urban workers suffered both from the decline in international trade and from
manufacturing failures caused by competition from British imports. As they lobbied
for local relief, they found themselves deeply involved in urban politics, where they
could express their resentment against the merchants and owners who had laid them
off. Thus developed another component of Andrew Jackson’s new political coalition.
Another confrontation arose over the tariff. Southern planters, hurt by a decline
in the price of cotton, began to actively protest the protective tariff, which kept the
price of imported goods high even when cotton prices were low. Manufacturers, hurt
by British competition, lobbied for even higher rates, which they achieved in 1824
over southern protests. Southerners then began to express doubts about the fair-
ness of a political system in which they were always outvoted.
71193_09_ch09_p0268-0307.QXD 4/12/10 3:23 PM Page 300
The Panic of 1819 was a symbol of this transitional time. It showed how far the
country had moved since 1800, from Jefferson’s republic of yeoman farmers toward
a nation dominated by commerce. And the anger and resentment expressed by the
groups harmed by the depression—farmers, urban workers, and southern planters—
were portents of the politics of the upcoming Jackson era.
St. Lawrence R.
uperio
Misso L. S r
O REGO N ur
K Y
VERMONT
Lake
iR
CO UNTRY Mi L. H MAINE
.
ssi Michigan
(U.S. and UNORGANIZED s si
ur
pp
iR MICHIGAN
on
Great Britain) o
Ontari NEW HAMPSHIRE
M
. L.
TERRITORY NEW YORK MASSACHUSETTS
O
TERRITORY L. E
rie
RHODE ISLAND
U
PENNSYLVANIA CONNECTICUT
Plat INDIANA
N
I St. Louis Oh
R N io R .
.
do Arkansas
R. MISSOURI VIRGINIA MARYLAND
lo ra S KENTUCKY
Co
Missouri Compromise Line 36°30'
NORTH
Santa Fé TENNESSEE CAROLINA
ARKANSAS TERRITORY
Los Angeles (1819-36) SOUTH
Red MISSISSIPPI CAROLINA
S PA N I S H R.
ATLANTIC
ALABAMA
PACIFIC Nacogdoches Natchez
GEORGIA
TERRITORY OCEAN
OCEAN San Antonio
LOUISIANA St. Augustine
de Bejar New Orleans
FLORIDA
TERRITORY
Ri
oG
GULF OF MEXICO
de
MAP 9-7
The Missouri Compromise Before the Missouri Compromise of 1820, the Ohio River was the dividing line between
the free states of the Old Northwest and the slaveholding states of the Old Southwest. The compromise stipulated
that Missouri would enter the Union as a slave state (balanced by Maine, a free state), but slavery would be prohib-
ited in the Louisiana Territory north of 36° 30' (Missouri’s southern boundary). This awkward compromise lasted
until 1846, when the Mexican-American War reopened the issue of the expansion of slavery.
71193_09_ch09_p0268-0307.QXD 4/12/10 3:23 PM Page 301
The northern states, all of which had abolished slavery by 1819, looked askance
at the extension of slavery. In addition to the moral issue of slavery, the Missouri
question raised the political issue of sectional balance. Northern politicians did not
want to admit another slave state. To do so would tip the balance of power in the
Senate, where the 1819 count of slave and free states was eleven apiece. For their
part, southerners believed they needed an advantage in the Senate; because of faster
population growth in the North, they were already outnumbered (105 to 81) in the
House of Representatives. But above all, southerners did not believe Congress had
the power to limit the expansion of slavery. They were alarmed that northerners
were considering national legislation on the matter. Slavery, in southern eyes, was a
question of property, and therefore a matter for state rather than federal legislation.
Thus, from the very beginning, the expansion of slavery raised constitutional issues.
Indeed, the aging politician of Monticello, Thomas Jefferson, immediately grasped
the seriousness of the question of the expansion of slavery. As he prophetically wrote
to a friend, “This momentous question like a fire bell in the night, awakened and filled
me with terror. I considered it at once the [death] knell of the Union.”
In 1819, Representative James Tallmadge Jr. of New York began more than a year
of congressional controversy when he demanded that Missouri agree to the gradual
end of slavery as the price of entering the Union. At first, the general public paid lit-
tle attention, but religious reformers (Quakers prominent among them) organized
a number of antislavery rallies in northern cities that made politicians take notice.
Former Federalists in the North who had seen their party destroyed by the achieve-
ments of Jefferson and his successors in the Virginia Dynasty eagerly seized on the
Missouri issue. This was the first time that the growing northern reform impulse had
intersected with sectional politics. It was also the first time that southern threats of
secession were made openly in Congress.
The Senate debate over the admission of Missouri, held in the early months of
1820, was the nation’s first extended debate over slavery. Observers noted the high
proportion of free African Americans among the listeners in the Senate gallery. But
the full realization that the future of slavery was central to the future of the nation
would not become apparent to the general public until the 1850s.
In 1820, Congress achieved compromise over the sectional differences. Henry
Clay forged the first of the many agreements that were to earn him the title of “the
Great Pacificator” (peacemaker). The Missouri Compromise maintained the bal-
ance between free and slave states: Maine (which had been part of Massachusetts)
was admitted as a free state in 1820 and Missouri as a slave state in the following year.
A policy was also enacted with respect to slavery in the rest of the Louisiana Purchase:
slavery was prohibited north of 36° 30⬘ north latitude—the southern boundary of Missouri Compromise Sectional compro-
mise in Congress in 1820 that admitted
Missouri—and permitted south of that line. This meant that the vast majority of the
Missouri to the Union as a slave state and
Louisiana Territory would be free. In reality, then, the Missouri Compromise could Maine as a free state and prohibited slav-
be only a temporary solution, because it left open the question of how the balance ery in the northern Louisiana Purchase
between slave and free states would be maintained. territory.
Conclusion
n complex ways a developing economy, geographical expansion, and even a
I minor war helped shape American unity. Local, small, settled, face-to-face com-
munities in both the North and the South began to send their more mobile,
expectant members to new occupations in urban centers or west to form new settle-
ments, displacing Indian communities in the process.
71193_09_ch09_p0268-0307.QXD 4/12/10 3:23 PM Page 302
T paying for a scalp from an Indian, while another man is shown in the act of scalp-
ing a dead American soldier. The cartoon may have been prompted by an actual
event: the offer of bounties for scalps made by British Colonel Proctor at Fort Dearborn
(Chicago) in August 1815. In any case, the car-
DOES IT contribute anything to our historical toon evoked horror at Indian barbarity and
understanding of the reasons for western indignation at the British for using them as
Indian resistance? pawns in the war. Similar charges had been
made against the British and their Indian allies
during the American Revolution.
In reality, Indian resistance in the War of 1812 was different from the earlier war.
The western Indians were not British pawns. The Shawnee leader Tecumseh and other
western Indian groups allied with him claimed that they had been deprived of their lands
by fraudulent treaties and stripped of the ability to maintain their traditional culture.
Tecumseh began organizing resistance long before the outbreak of war between the United
States and Britain. He did accept arms from the British in Canada, and once the war broke
out he formally allied with them and became an officer in their army. By allying with the
British, the Indians hoped to retain
their homelands, but at the peace
negotiations the British failed to
insist on a buffer state for neutral
Indians as they had promised. ■
302
71193_09_ch09_p0268-0307.QXD 4/12/10 3:23 PM Page 303
CHRONOLOGY
The westward movement was the novel element in the American national QUICK REVIEW
drama. Europeans believed that large size and a population in motion bred insta-
The Missouri Compromise (1819–1820)
bility and political disintegration. Thomas Jefferson thought otherwise, and the
Dealt with the issue of slavery in newly
Louisiana Purchase was the gamble that confirmed his guess. The westward popu-
acquired territory.
lation movement dramatically changed the political landscape and Americans’ view Henry Clay played a key role in reaching
of themselves. compromise.
Expansion would not create the settled communities of yeoman farmers Maine entered union as a free state,
Jefferson had hoped for. Rather, it would breed a nation of restless and acquisitive Missouri as a slave state.
people and, in the South, as we shall see in the next chapter, a greatly expanded Slavery was prohibited north of 36° 30⬘
north latitude.
community tied to cotton and to the slave labor that produced it.
Ludwig Goettfried von Redeken. A View of Salem in North Carolina, 1787. Collection of the Wachovia Historical Society.
Document B
And provided, That the further introduction of slavery or involuntary
servitude be prohibited, except for the punishment of crimes, whereof
the party shall have been fully[duly] convicted; and that all children born
within the said State, after the admission thereof into the Union, shall be
free at the age of twenty-five years.
—John Tallmadge, February 13, 1820
• What forces or motivations were behind John Tallmadge’s amendment to the Missouri petition
for statehood?
• Why would the Tallmadge amendment threaten the survival of that agrarian republic Jefferson
had fought to establish?
Document C
Examine the map of the Missouri Compromise shown on page 300. The
Tallmadge amendment given in Document B was introduced by a New York con-
gressman who was opposed to slavery. It set off the political debate that ended in
the Missouri Compromise. The Tallmadge amendment failed, but notice how the
Missouri Compromise line has now divided the nation into two sections, one free
and one slave.
• What does this portend for the future of the agrarian republic that Jefferson helped establish?
71193_09_ch09_p0268-0307.QXD 4/12/10 3:23 PM Page 305
Document D
I thank you, dear sir, for the copy you have been so kind as to send me of
the letter to your constituents on the Missouri question. . . . [T]his momen-
tous question (slavery), like a fire bell in the night, awakened and filled me
with terror. I considered it at once as the knell of the Union. It is hushed,
indeed, for the moment. But this is a reprieve only, not a final sentence. . . .
The cession of that kind of property. . . would not cost me a second
thought. . . But as it is, we have the wolf by the ears, and we can neither
hold him, nor safely let him go. Justice is in one scale, and self-preservation
in the other. . . .
I regret that I am now to die in the belief that the useless sacrifice of
themselves by the generation of 1776, to acquire self-government and
happiness to their country is to be thrown away by the unwise and
unworthy passions of their sons, and that my only consolation is to be
that I live not to weep over it. . . . To yourself, as the faithful advocate of
the Union, I tender the offering of my high esteem and respect.
—Thomas Jefferson to John Holmes, April 22, 1820
John Holmes had sent Jefferson a copy of his letter to his Massachusetts constituents
explaining his support of the Missouri Compromise. Jefferson had witnessed the
debate from his retirement in Virginia. Jefferson’s comment about the “wolf by the
ears” is the lament of a slave owner who believed that slavery was immoral, but who
realized the abolition of slavery would destroy the South, as he knew it.
• What were the forces within the issues of the Missouri Compromise that were threatening
Jefferson’s agrarian republic?
Answer Key
PREP TEST 1-B
2-E
4-B
5-E
7-D
8-B
10-E
11-C
13-A
14-C
Select the response that best answers each question or best completes each sentence. 3-D 6-A 9-D 12-B
1. The expansion of the United States across the North c. began an era of colonization in Florida and the
American continent: Caribbean.
a. had little influence on the nation’s history prior to d. began an era of unprecedented peaceful relations
the Civil War. with foreign powers.
b. profoundly shaped the nation’s history between 1800 e. found that the nation’s role in international affairs
and 1850. still remained uncertain.
c. was most significant during the Washington and
3. The American economy in the early nineteenth century:
Adams administrations.
a. was completely dominated by subsistence agriculture.
d. created an empire for liberty that benefited every-
b. depended entirely on large-scale commercial
body in the United States.
agriculture.
e. began with Jefferson’s presidency and ended under
c. rested for the most part on manufacturing and
Jackson’s administration.
commerce.
2. As Americans entered the 1800s, they: d. was predominately rural and agricultural throughout
a. were discouraged by the political conflicts that char- the nation.
acterized the 1790s. e. ended its dependency on foreign manufactured
b. were proud of the international prestige the new commodities.
republic had gained.
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4. The inauguration of President Thomas Jefferson was a d. tried to protect native societies by prohibiting
significant occasion because: national expansion beyond the Arkansas River.
a. he was the first president to be elected by popular e. remained loyal to the Indian Intercourse Act of 1790,
vote of the American people. despite strong political opposition.
b. it marked the peaceful transition of power from one 9. The new generation of politicians who openly resisted
political party to another. British influence in North America were called:
c. it was such a complete and radical break with the pre- a. America Firsters.
vious administrations. b. Isolationists.
d. he initiated the era in American history known as c. Patriots.
Radical Republicanism. d. War Hawks.
e. it marked the first slave owner and southern president e. Jacksonians.
into the presidency.
10. The Hartford Convention:
5. The Chief Justice of the Supreme Court who established a. was the first talk of southern secession from the
the independence of the federal judiciary was: Union based on citizens protest.
a. Samuel Chase. b. concluded the peace treaty that ended the war with
b. John Jay. England late in 1814.
c. James Madison. c. was the first national meeting to nominate a presi-
d. Earl Warren. dential candidate.
e. John Marshall. d. called upon all Americans to fight against the English
6. Thomas Jefferson believed: in 1812.
a. that the expansion of the nation was essential e. strongly expressed New England Federalists’ opposi-
to liberty. tion to the War of 1812.
b. all people should be free and equal in the United 11. In 1816, the United States entered a period known as
States. the Era of Good Feelings that:
c. that Indians were not welcome in any part of the a. experienced no real deep political divisions until the
nation. emergence of sectional differences in the 1850s.
d. slavery should not be allowed to expand into b. led to a period of twenty years in which there were no
Louisiana. contested elections for the office of president.
e. the Constitution authorized the president to pur- c. seemed to indicate the success of Jeffersonian
chase territory. Republicanism and the end of the Federalists.
7. As the United States expanded to the West: d. was based on all the former Federalists joining the
a. most Americans strongly supported a powerful and Republicans and ending political partisanship.
viable Mexico as a neighboring nation. e. indicated an end to a sectionalism split in the United
b. Americans moved into parts of Mexico, and the States for the next seventy years.
United States purchased the area in 1803. 12. John Quincy Adams’s most successful effort as secretary
c. most people believed the United States no longer of state:
needed to acquire new territories. a. was to bring about a successful end to the War of
d. some Americans felt that Mexico provided an ideal 1812 against England.
opportunity for further territorial acquisition. b. dealt with Spain over Florida and the American bor-
e. most Americans feared Mexico as a neighbor, fearing der with Spanish territory.
the spread of Catholicism to the United States. c. was using the Monroe Doctrine to force European
8. Government policies regarding Indians: powers to give up their colonies.
a. ensured that Native Americans assimilated easily into d. guaranteed Americans the right to use the Mississippi
American culture and society. River and the port of New Orleans.
b. often led to a cycle of white encroachment, Indian e. was the fixed border with France at the 49th parallel
resistance, and ultimately tribal defeat. that resolved U.S. claims to Oregon.
c. guaranteed the survival of native cultures by guaran-
teeing Indians western reservations.
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13. The Missouri Compromise: 14. The western expansion that occurred in the early nine-
a. revealed deep sectional differences in the United teenth century:
States, especially over issues dealing with slavery. a. led to the empire of contented yeomen farmers that
b. established a plan that would gradually emancipate President Jefferson had envisioned.
all the slaves over a period of three generations. b. meant that by 1836 the United States had stretched
c. provided a realistic resolution to sectional differences from sea to shining sea.
and helped usher in the Era of Good Feelings. c. fueled a desire among Americans for even more
d. allowed slavery in Missouri but prohibited any states growth and territorial acquisitions.
admitted after 1820 from becoming slave states. d. marked an end of territorial growth until the issues
e. Permitted slavery in Missouri and all new states that associated with the Civil War were resolved.
were admitted into the Union from 1820 onward. e. indicated the growth of the Federalist Party, which
fueled an active participation in government.