The Corporal Punishment of Schoolgirls by Margaret Stone
The Corporal Punishment of Schoolgirls by Margaret Stone
The Corporal Punishment of Schoolgirls by Margaret Stone
O F S C H O O L G IR L S
O th er B o o k s P u b l is h e d b y th e W il d f i r e C lu b
Happy Tears
A 1930S Classic of Female Discipline
The CORPORAL
PUNISHMENT
o/SCHOOLGIRLS
A Documentary Survey
by Margaret Stone
WILDFIRE
A Wildfire Club Edition
© M CM XCV Miss Margaret Stone
Foreword and Chapter 4 © Miss Marianne Martindale
In tr o d u c tio n ................................................................ 20
G irls' P u n is h m e n ts .................................................. 43
A Caning School
by M iss Marianne M artindale..................................54
T he Bible B e l t ........................................................... 66
Excessive Severity
and Other C o m p lic a tio n s ................................81
* “Universal compulsory education, of the type introduced at the end of the last
century, has not fulfilled expectations by producing happier and more effective cit
izens; on the contrary, it has created readers of the yellow press and cinema-goers’'.
Karl Otten quoted in Ananda Coomaraswamy, The Bugbear of Literagi, Perennial
books. Mr. Otten, writing in the 1940s, could hardly have envisaged the depth of
cultural degeneration that was to take place in the following half-century. Beside
the 1990s Comprehensive product, his cinema-goers and yellow press readers
would seem gentlemen scholars of the old school.
9
graphical novel The Pursuit of Love sets the experience o f a girl who
has been to school against that of her close friends who have not.
Here we are enabled to consider the simple value of schooling itself
by comparing children with every educationzil advantage except that
of formal schooling with a girl whose background in every way sim
ilar except that she has been to school:
The Radlett children read enormously by fits and starts in the
library at Alconleigh, a good, representative, nineteenth-century
library, which had been made by their grandfather, a most cultivat
ed man. But, while they picked up a great deal of heterogeneous
information and gilded it with their own originality, while they
bridged gulfs of ignorance with their charm and high spirits, they
never acquired any habit of concentration, they were incapable of
solid hard work. One result, in later life, was that they could not
stand boredom. Storms and difficulties left them unmoved, but day
after day of ordinary existence produced an unbearable torture of
ennui, because they completely lacked any form of mental discipline.
The very foundation o f late-20th-century ‘child-centred’ educa
tion is to exclude any form o f mental discipline. Children are to be
coaxed, wheedled and passively* ‘interested’ in their work. The
symptoms of the Radlett children will be recognised as exactly those
of the modem Comprehensive child. Boredom, lack o f concentra
tion, a craving for easy stimulation (to which the ever-cruder out
pourings of the mass-media shamelessly pander). In other words,
the effect of modern schooling on the moral and mental constitu
tion is precisely the same as the effect o f no schooling at all. The
average modern school-chUd, in return for all that school robs her
* The term ‘passive’ here is used in the light of the traditional conception of the
Passive Life. The two legitimate modes of life accepted by traditional societies
everywhere are the Contemplative Life and the Active Life. The Contemplative
Life, or bios theoretikon is the higher and more arduous of the two. The Active Life,
of which the Bhagavad Gita is perhaps the most thoroughgoing classical apologia
and exposition, is the life of those who perform the world’s work in the light of spir
itual and intellectual principles. The Passive life is the existence of the ignorant
who are merely pushed this way and that by their animal desires jmd aversions—
and thus, of course, by those who know how to manipulate those desires and aver
sions. These people are, in Hamlet’s words, “passion’s slaves’', passim and passim^
being closely related terms both etymologically and philosophic^y.
JO
of in terms o f freedom, individuality and imaginative life, receives
practically nothing. Her mind is not disciplined or toned; her abili
ty to take intelligent, disciplined interest in things is by no means
stimulated and may often have been killed, and she cannot even
write a letter.
Corporal punishment is not the issue here. The issue is discipline
in its most rudimentary sense. If schools have abandoned the notion
of discipline, then it is time we abandoned them, for without it they
have nothing whatever to give. Children can learn more and devel
op better left to themselves. Ten years in a modern State school is
ten years of heU for a sensitive child. Ten years being force-fed with
grubby cynicism, sexual prurience and cheap political ideology. In
those ten years a child loses her innocence, her charm, her fearless
confidence in Ufe, her imagination, her love of beauty, her sense of
adventure, her sense of honour, her freshness and her depth.
What does she gain in return?
* The authoress of this book is sceptical of the Home’s claimed 100% success rate.
I am less so. After aU, the Home’s opponents, who are many and powerful and
have the ear of the mass-media, would have to find only one girl who had complet
ed the course and returned to crime in order to refute the claim— while three or
four would reduce it to ridicule. Presumably they have not been able to do so. A
claim of a 95% or even a 99% success rate would be difficult if not impossible to
refute. Only a fool would claim a full 100% success rate unless it were true.
18
opportunity, to wear fluorescent flour-bags instead of clothes. Such
a generation can have no true self-respect, no sense of romance or
beauty, no spiritueil Julness. The imposition o f corporzil punishment
under such circumstances to queU the worst excesses would be like
putting a sticking-plaster on a sabre-wound.
What is needed, at the least, is a return to neatness and order; to
agreed standards; to dignity and courtesy and kindness; to modesty
and romance; to the things which make life worth living without
recourse to ever cruder and uglier stimuli. In such a world, corpo
ral punishment, intelligently employed, may have a part to play, but
corporal punishment alone cannot bring about such a world,
although I fully accept that the desire for a return of corporal pun
ishment may, in many people, be a desire for the return of such a
world and may even be a first faltering step toward it.
I shall be asked how I should bring about such a world. I can
only reply that I am not a social reformer. I do not know how or
whether such a world can be brought about. I do know that if it is
not brought about there will be nothing to look forward to in the
21St century but a long, slow (and perhaps not so slow) slide into fur
ther degeneration and eventual social breakdown.
I would suggest that the only thing that can be done at present is
for those who understand the position to disengage themselves as
far as possible from the present state of things— to throw away their
television sets and begin to build, among themselves, in miniature,
a social order suitable for sane people to live in.
The only answer to the problem is a new and better way of life;
and the first step toward that is for a courageous few to stop wait
ing for ‘something to happen’ outside themselves and to show the
way forward by getting on and living it.
19
Introduction
~*he Corporal Punishment of Schoolgirk: the tide alone raises
a more eyebrows, and more questions, than the entire con-
tents of the average book of educational theory. W hy on
earth should a book be written about corporal punishment? W hy of
schoolgirls in particular? And why now, of aU times, in these dying
years of the twentieth century? Most European nations stopped
beating schoolchildren long ago. Poland and HoUand led the way
in 1783 and 1820, while France gave it up in 1880. This century,
Portugal abolished it in 1950; Sweden in 1958; and Denmark and
Spain (then still under General Franco’s ultra-conservative regime)
in 1967. TraditionaUy-minded Switzerland, which only finally gave
the vote to women in some cantons in the 1990s, gave up corporal
punishment in 1970.
In the Anglo-Saxon world things came later but come they did—
or at least so it appeared. Under pressure from ‘Europe’, the cane
was abolished in state schools in mainland Britain at the end of the
’eighties; it was aboUshed in the largest province of Australia at the
same time and in New Zealand in 1990; and in those years, one by
one American cities and states began to abandon their chosen form
of discipline, the ‘paddle’ in their schools. By the early ’nineties in
Europe only the schools on the Isle of Man and a handful of tradi
tional private schools in mainland Britain continued to administer
corporal punishment to their pupils; and o f these, the number of
schools like Rodney School in Nottinghamshire which, at the time
of writing, continues to cane girls, was even smaller.
A sense of unease
The penal code of Singapore shows evidence o f an unspoken sense
of unease. While all meJes under the age of fifty are eligible for a
24
calling if they breaik the city’s laws, females of any age are exempt,
no matter how serious or how violent their crimes, and no matter
how robust their state of health. In Britain, too, when birching was
on the statute-books it was a wholly male punishment. When, in the
middle years of this century, a Channel Islands legislature intro
duced birching for both sexes they were immediately overturned by
a furious Westminster Parliament.
A case study illustrates the point: in the mid-1950s, the national
newspapers reported the case of a teenage boy who was birched for
having carnal relations with an under-age girl after the matter was
reported to the police by the girl’s irate father. The irony of it was
that the girl, a few weeks from her sixteenth birthday, was almost a
year older than the boy, and even the judge, in passing sentence,
acknowledged that it was the girl who had been the prime instiga
tor o f the act.
In British schools the corporal punishment of girls has always
been hedged about with more restrictions and caveats than that of
boys: whether forbidding them to be beaten at all or specifying that
a less severe implement be used or that girls be beaten across the
hand rather than across the bottom: which is to say, across a non-
sexual part o f the body rather than across a sexual one.
One o f the paradoxes of corporal punishment is that its support
ers can provide case-study evidence to prove that it has improved
discipline and performance in schools; whereas its opponents can
provide similar evidence to prove that it has been a source of per
verse sexual pleasure for many of those involved, particularly where
men are allowed to inflict it on girls.
26
Facts and Figures
31
U.S.A.: Corporal punishm ent statistics
fo r the year 1985-86
N um ber of % of enrolled
3^
Nevada 1,098 Idaho 0.37
Idaho 768 Colorado 0.26
Maryland 744 Alaska 0.24
Iowa 499 Wyoming 0.22
Montana 281 Montana 0.16
Alaska 235 California 0.14
Wyoming 215 Maryland 0.12
Nebraska 199 South Dakota 0.07
New York 121 Nebraska 0.06
Minnesota 107 Connecticut 0.02
Wisconsin 101 Utah 0.02
South Dakota 94 Minnesota o.oi
Connecticut 90 Wisconsin o.oi
Utah 55 New Jersey o.oi
New Jersey 11 North Dakota o.oi
North Dakota 10 Rhode Island o.oi
Rhode Island 3 New York 0
Hawaii 0 Hawaii 0
Maine 0 Maine 0
Massachusetts 0 Massachusetts 0
New Hsimpshire 0 New Hampshire 0
Vermont 0 Vermont 0
U .SA . 1,099,731 U .SA. 2.67
“Just occasionally I have to threaten my son with my shoe and ve^ty, very
occasionally, maybe once or twice ayear, I have to lay it across his bottom. ”
Lucinda Green, equestrienne
Daily Telegraph, Jvly 1993
“Both my parents were physical education teachers and th^ were good with
their aim. It did me a lot ofgood - it certainly didn’t do me any harm.”
Rachel Heyhoe-Flint, former England W om en’s Cricket
Captain
‘7 was punished as a child, but only when it was a dire emergency. I think
spare the rod and spoil the child”
Lucinda Green, equestrienne
“My father slapped me with a slipper. He hved rrm very much and hejust
thought I had stepped toofar over the line. Bad manners was the only reason I
was slapped.”
Jilly Cooper, novelist
Boys 18 15 10 12 29
Girls 5 2 3 I II
Boys 22 19 14 16 35
Girls 7 4 5 3 14
class parents, for example, admit to beating their boys with ‘imple
ments’, whilst only one in twenty treat their girls in this way. There
seems to be little reason to believe that the same parents who are
willing to admit to using corporal punishment when they are talk
ing about their sons suddenly become bashful about the subject
when they are talking about their daughters; and so it seems rea
sonable to assume that the sexes are frequently treated differently.
A typical example of this type of ‘boys only’ domestic punish
ment is described by the novelist Michele Roberts, speaking to the
Independent on Sunday in April 1994.
“I haven’t had corporal punishment, but my brother used to be
whacked by my father. He would be taken into the dining room, the
door would be closed and I would stand outside (while) he was
being beaten with a leather strap.”
In summary, while some girls do receive corporal punishment in
the home, far more o f them experience it at second-hand; through
watching— or hearing— their brothers being disciplined.
And as in the home, so at school. The corporal punishment of
schoolgirls has been, and stiU is, far more sparingly applied than the
punishment o f boys. This is particularly true in schools in England
and Wales.
36
Home caning of girls in the igjos
All this is in marked contrast to attitudes prevailing before the war.
^939> Picture Post, then Briteiin’s most popular illustrated news
magazine, published a long correspondence on the subject o f the
caning o f girls. The great majority o f the letters were in favour of it
and a very large proportion were from mothers who caned their
daughters and the impression given was that the caning of girls was
normally considered to be the mother’s job. Dozens of letters were
printed, but the editors stated that the number actually received ran
into hundreds, o f which those printed were a representative sample.
When the editors finally called a halt to the long-running corre
spondence, protests were received, including one from 250 mem
bers of a Mothers’ Social Welfare organisation. Their spokes
woman, Mrs. W .G . Lynford, wrote:
The editor rephed by pointing out that the very large volume of
post received on the subject made this impossible.
One further interesting point in relation to this correspondence
is that the Nazis appear to have used, years earUer, the propaganda
tactics of later 20th-century abolitionists. Mr. WiUiam James writes
in the issue of the 30th of September 1939: “Your readers will no
doubt be sorry to hear that Dr. Goebbels is having several million
copies of their letters on the subject of caning distributed in
America to prove that we are a nation o f sadists” to which the
Editor replied: “If he can prove the British a nation of sadists on the
strength of this correspondence it will be a small man’s biggest
achievement.”
37
Boys and Girls
“Girb get reportsfor a week. Boys might too but thqj>get canedforfighting
and bullying.” (Girl aged twelve in secondary school.)
“ Teacher smacks them with a ruler, only the boys. Doesn’t do anything to
naughty girls. ” (Girl aged eight in junior school.)
“The boys sometimes get slippered by a class teacher or caned by the head
master. Th^ wouldn’t cane us. We might have to copy out of a book.”
(Thirteen-year-old girl in secondary school.)
O f the girls who had been beaten, most had only been beaten
once, or twice at the very most. A few spoke of being caned (almost
invariably on the hand), whilst the remainder had been slippered
(across the bottom), smacked with a ruler (on the hand), or slapped
on the legs or bottom with the teacher’s hand.
Even in Scodand, where the corporal punishment of both sexes
39
Photograph taken on open day ofMatamuskeet High School, North Carolina in
iggo. The two paddles are classroom implements in everyday use; as such th^
are both slightly slimmer and lighter than the Principal’s ‘official’ paddle. Both,
judgingfrom the handles, have been well used.
42
“ Th^ cane boys for mucking about and sometimes ^rls too.
Th^ mostly give detention. I haven’t had either. Headmaster
canes boys on their bottoms and headmistress canes ^rls on the
hand. ”
Twelve-year-old girl in a mixed secondary school
Quoted in A Last Resort?, S.T.O.P.P., 1972
1. T h e c a n e
The most common corporal punishment used on girls in England
and Wales prior to abolition was the cane, a flexible rattan stick
about three feet in length, which was mosdy used on the hand. In
this case the girl would be made to stand with her arm extended,
palm facing upwards to receive, on average, two to three strokes.
Most of the girls punished in Britain’s remaining caning schools
are caned in this way.
Many boys, and a minority of girls, were caned across the bot
tom. The girl would be made to touch her toes or to lean across a
desk or chair for her punishment. Usually the caning would be
given across the seat of the skirt: it was extremely rare (although not
unheard-of) for it to be raised for a caning.
Most British canes were made by one company, a Surrey walk-
ing-stick maker by the name of Cooper’s; although in latter years a
printer from Bognor Regis entered the cane-making business and
advertised his wares in the back pages of The Teacher.
2. T h e t a w s e
In schools in Scodand and the north of England the favoured
implement was a heavy leather strap around twenty-two inches in
length and split for approximately a third to a half of this length into
two or three tails. This was invariably used on the open palm.
Versions of the tawse were adopted by schools in countries with
43
a high proportion of immigrant Scots. In Canada an undivided rub
ber and canvas version was developed, whilst in Australia an undi
vided leather version was— and is — used.
In South Africa’s Industrial Schools, the preferred implement is
a twenty-four by two-inch wooden-handled doubled leather ‘tawse’,
and unlike the Scottish version it is used on the bottom as well as on
the hands.
The majority of Scottish tawses were made by J. Dick and Sons
of LochgeUy, Fife.
3. T h e s l ip p e r
"The head would give the canefor boys or the slipperfor girls. Mot me. ”
Junior school girl, quoted in A Last Resort?, S.T.O.P.P..
In some British schools a rubber-soled gym shoe was used as a
‘milder’ alternative to the cane for girls and younger boys. This
appears to have been quite widespread in some areas. In
Leicestershire, where all of the seventy-six girls pimished during the
school year 1980-81 were slippered, this appears to have been
official policy.
The shpper was also used unofficially or semi-officially in some
schools for impromptu, informal punishments by physical educa
tion teachers. The slipper was used, in almost all cases, across the
bottom.
4. O t h e r p u n is h m e n t s .
Other punishments include the niler, used across the paJm or—
very occasionally— the knuckles; and slapping or smacking Mdth the
hand. Slapping was usually administered to the bottom or to the
backs of the legs. As with slippering and caning, it w2is— aind is—
extremely rare for skirts to be raised; although one example is given
in Catalogue of Cruelty, a 1984 S.T.O.P.P. document where the father
of one secondary-school girl is quoted as saying:
“My daughter and two other thirteen-year-olds were made to lift
their skirts by a female teacher, who smacked them on the bottom.”
At one time slappings, rulerings and other ‘unofficial’ punish
ments were widely used by teachers. At Elmhurst, the convent
school in Hertfordshire which was attended by the actress Hayley
44
Mills, in the early 1960s, girls were spanked with wooden hair
brushes by the nuns. In the words of one old girl:
“We were beaten for talking after light, reading ‘Forever Amber’
in chapel, keeping worms in one’s tooth mug, the usual. Say we
were talking after lights— the doors would be flung open. Sister
Mary Benjamin would snap on the light and say, ‘Pyjama trousers
in the middle,’ and then whack us with the back of a hairbrush.”
In 1967, The Times reported the case of a schoolmistress who was
fined five pounds for making a girl stand on a chair and spanking
her legs with the back of a clothes brush.
Evidence was given that the girl had not done any work at all for
the whole day and the teacher wainted to give her a shock to cure
her work-resistance. There was some disagreement about the sever
ity of the punishment, and how it would have compared with a
more ‘regular’ caning or slippering. The father said that his daugh
ter’s legs were red raw when she arrived home from school and that
he took her to the doctor, who said that there were bruises on both
legs from top to bottom. The doctor’s report, on the other hand,
mentioned one bruise on the right calf and one on the left thigh.
In recent years, however, these ‘alternative’ punishments were
largely abandoned in favour of less frequent, ‘official’ canings,
strappings and sUpperings.
T h e Pa d d l e
The paddle, a broad, flat wooden board, is the universal imple
ment of school discipline in the U.S.A.. Some versions have holes
drilled in them to increase the speed and parnfulness of the blows,
but most have a smooth striking-surface. It is extremely rare for it to
be used on any target other than the bottom; not least because the
weight and solidity of it can cause extensive damage to any less well-
padded parts of a child’s anatomy.
In sifting through hundreds of case studies whilst researching this
book, I have only come across one report of a paddling on a
different part of the body. In New Mexico, according to P.T.A.V.E.
(Parents and Teachers Against Violence in Education) a third grade
45
Corporal Punishment in Girls’ Schools
igS^ policy on corporal punishment in some girls’ secondary
schools which retained the cane, as set out in school prospectuses:
46
Lewis Girls M id- W hen other means o f dis
i Glamorgan cipline are found to be
ineffective, corporal pun
ishment may be adminis
tered by authorised mem
bers o f staff.
1
I ■
■■
Sacred Heart Newcastle Corporal punishment is
used only as a last resort in
j
cases o f bullying or persist
ent disruptive behaviour.
T h e Pastoral Deputy
Head is entirely responsi
ble for the administering
o f corporal punishment
but she may, on occasion,
delegate this responsibility.
47
girl was paddled across the backs of her thighs after refusing to lean
across the desk for a more conventional spanking. The girl’s princi
pal called for assistance from a teacher, who took hold of her by the
ankles zind lifted her legs off the floor, allowing the principal to
smack her on the backs of her legs, which were bare where her skirt
had ridden up. The result was that the skin was broken in several
places and large welts were visible for some time afterwards.
FightinglbuUying
Hannah McGrath, a fifteen-year-old pupil at St. John’s RC sec
ondary school in Liverpool, was given two strokes of the cane on
her hand in 1984 for fighting with another girl
S.T.O.P.P. News, April/May igg4
Aggressive behaviour
Tricia (name changed), a Warwickshire schoolgirl then aged fifteen,
spat at a sixth-former. Her parents then received a letter to say that
49
she would receive the tawse. When Mrs Watson (name changed),
the girl’s mother, complained, she was offered the option of tempo
rary suspension. Tricia’s mock ‘O ’ levels were approaching, and she
could not afford to miss any schooling, so she reluctandy agreed to
receive two strokes of the tawse on her hands.
Catalogue of Cruelty, S.T.O.P.P. 1984
Smoking
In 1985 a fifteen-year-old girl was caned across her hand by the
deputy head of Duchy Grammar School, Truro in Cornwall, after
she was caught smoking.
S.T.O.P.P. jVkwjj January 1986
General misbehaviour
Twelve-year-old Joanne Lund and two other girls at Our Lady’s
RC High School in Lancaster each received two strokes of the
tawse across their hands by a female teacher after a prank involving
eggs and flour being thrown at a girl who was celebrating her birth
day.
S.T.O.P.P. June/July 1985
50
COUTvtr(|.
n > i .» 2 y iy
a rlic lt ,3 ^ -1 ^ -,0./ r
^V"U •%X£ o f i5 -ig art
occajioT.a-ny ' paddltd’:
^rt. rtja ra qyJsT->or^ ,
^ t l ^ u s d<s> -hol f^atc. ?;‘>>al: a p i > ' i o ^ o f
^****^ 'f t ^ ' »H V 4l Sdnnrwt^tr C 49rp ortt\
p-w«i»VmtiN\ lo ^Vc 5 v .r 1 o c « 1 3o«raof
£<hu.i;on
U l'h c A J n y y n it’U r S co rp ersl y3t«n<SKmf/tl "X^wt
«r«%)i£r pretend ijhf.r,\hi. Av.<j£n^
"ktirvj ^addJti. caati, aTai^ rlaW
Tn£iv>V»tr |^r£i;n^ Ijo nc5*'^>,t o-f
^ V^dVL l 9Ji^ Ttae'Kt^s
ljVio u >1' pacU)e bous.
rnt ^ive, LjOUSOtne ■^nfof'nad^lOK^ a
ouy ^ c ^ o o l.T J c h ave some *^0 c")a5sroo»^ j a
^vj»v,YNdsSum a n «>u:ns o f ^ ijo f> \
Co-Educational C orporal
P unishm ent in A m erica
Paddling o f female pupils by male teachers and vice versa.
Extractfrom a letter received in igyy from a sixteen-year-old
female pupil at Johnson High, KentucJy.
ished for minor offences than are boys.
This distinction between the treatment of the sexes is particular
ly marked in England and Wales. It is present in other educational
cultures such as Scotland before abolition and in rural schools in
America’s Deep South; but to a much lesser degree. In American
schools, for example, almost a quarter of all spankings are adminis
tered to girls; compared with a fraction of that amount in England.
53
A Caning School
by Miss Marianne Martindale
PUNISHMENT
BOOK.
MANCHESTER:
THOMAS W YATT, 279, Deansgate.
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The mid-’60s: Caning revival— -punishment becomes much more
frequent and more severe. Four-stroke punishments are now common
with two strokes as the new minimum.
strokes each for “defacing ceiling” . In the Remarks, we read “Stock
room ceUing ruined” . Nonetheless, the great majority of canings are
individual.
In many cases the description of the offence is terse in the
extreme— “Rudeness” and “Disobedience” appear frequently.
Gerty Wood and Alice Ward are caned together on May the 15th
1930 for “extreme rudeness” . Many entries, however, tell a fuller
story. Julie Roberts is caned on May the 21st 1963 for “Throwing
stones at the house near the annexe” . While Clara Teale is caned
on the 24th of February 1947 for “Striking Headmistress, Hiding
coat of dehcate girl who has just come out of hospital and who had
to go home without coat on a bitter day.” Under Punishment Awarded
we learn that Clara was “caned on seat as she would not hold out
her hand.” Not surprisingly, the Remarks record: “A girl absolutely
out of hand. Note about bad behaviour sent to mother.” On Nov
ember the 30th 1936 Pat Corke was caned for an offence reticently
described as “Impatience” , however, under Remarks we learn that
“Pat had been asked to unpick her knitting and had not done so but
throvm her work across the classroom.”
Very definite patterns emerge from the book concerning the fre
quency and severity of punishment. From 1914 to 1918, punishment
is quite frequent. The level, if not “Victorian” is certainly
“Edwardian” . During this five-year period a total of 118 canings are
administered— an average of 23 per year.
In 1919 the number suddenly drops to four canings in the whole
year, and while the figure fluctuates somewhat, it never returns to
previous levels. Throughout the 1920s the average is 6.8 per year
(averages are based only on those years in which canings actually
take place). The change is very dramatic and coincides with the end
of the Great War.
Why did this happen? There was no change of Headmistress.
Miss Ada J. Wade is the Head from the beginning of the book until
at least 1935. Were directives sent out? Or were Miss Wade and her
staff simply and very suddenly affected by the Spirit of the ’20s? Not
quite so suddenly, perhaps, for in the first three years of the War the
average is 27.3 canings per year, while in the last two it is only i7-5-
In the 1930S the frequency drops again. The average is now only
61
M iss Marianne Martindale
displays a traditional English
school cane. Even the thick£r
examples— like the one shown
— are extremelyflexible. Most
British canes were made by one
company, a Surr^ walking-stick
maker by the name of Cooper’s.
Since abolition in State schools
th^ have become hard to find,
with only substandard imita
tions abounding in the ‘adult’
market.
C
c c
C
2-5 canings per year— only i8 are given throughout the decade. In
the 1940S total abolition appears to be approaching. Nothing could
be more striking than the contrast between the two wars. In the
First World War 118 canings were administered, throughout the
whole of the Second World War, not one! However, we must treat
this datum with some caution as it may be that wartime conditions
in some way led to the book’s falling into disuse over this period—
bearing in mind that Coventry was one of the most heavily-bombed
cities in the Kingdom. It is possible that the record continued in a
different place. Nonetheless, if it iy true that caning ceased for these
years, it is certainly consistent with the trend established in the peri
od leading up to them and widi the fact that although canings
resume in 1946, there are only three canings altogether for the rest
of the 40s.
In the ecirly 1950s there is something of a revival of caning. 13
canings are given in three years— an average for those years of 4.3
per year— higher than the 1930s; and then no canings are recorded
for six years from 1955 to i960— almost as long as the wartime gap.
In the 1960s something quite unexpected happens. Between 1961
and 1966 there is a definite revival of caning, particularly in the last
four years of the period. Not only do canings increase dramatically
in frequency, but the severity also increases to a surprising degree.
Before this time almost all canings consist of a single stroke with two
strokes being the maximum, very rarely given. The only exception
to this rule occurred on November the 18th 1931 when OUve Green
received three strokes for impudence. It is also noticeable that from
the ’30s onward canings of two strokes form a much higher pro
portion of the greatly reduced number of canings— a shift, perhaps
from the concept of “litde and (relatively) often” to that of the cane
as a severe last resort.
In 1961, after six years with no canings at all, three canings are
given— one of the previous maximum of two strokes and two, on dif
ferent occasions, not of three but of the previously unheard-of four.
In 1962 there are only two canings, but both are of four strokes
and in 1963 there are no less than twelve canings— the highest
annual total since 1922— half being of the previous rare maximum,
two strokes and the other half surpassing it— three of three strokes
and three of four strokes. Nor is 1962 a freak year. After three entire
decades in which the annual totals are one, two or three (if there are
any canings at all, and with the single exception of 1953), we have
eight in 1964 and nine in 1965— and the same pattern is maintained
of two strokes, the previous maximum, becoming the new mini
mum and accounting for only about half the punishments given.
The single change is that the three-stroke caning has now disap
peared and the alternative to two strokes is now always four strokes.
Altogether in the six years from 1961 to 1966 there are 39 can
ings— more than in the ’30s, ’40s and ’50s put together— of which
eighteen are of four strokes, seventeen of two strokes, four of three
strokes and none of one stroke.
Then, between 1966 and 1971 there are no canings and after a
brief revival in 1971 when four are given and the level of severity is
still high (two of two strokes, one of three, one of four), there is a sin
gle caning of “Diwan Chand (boy)” in 1972. The only boy in the
book and the final entry. After this, presumably, corporal punish
ment had been abolished defacto if not dejure.
Why, then, this sudden revival of corporal punishment in the
early-to-mid 1960s? Was it a healthy reaction against “the spirit of
the ’60s” ? Or was it simply that the general standards of behaviour
among schoolchildren were degenerating so rapidly that mistresses
felt impelled to take stem measures in a short-lived attempt to stem
the tide?
Certainly the kind of offence for which girls are caned is often
more serious than before. On the 27th of February 1964, JuUe
Roberts, Carol Hill and Diane Barr were caned— ^four strokes
each— for being “out of school looking for jobs & picked up by the
police with two boys of doubtful character.” Nothing like this
appears earUer in the book. On the 14th of May in the same year,
Christine Coles receives two strokes for “insulting remark and
swearing [at] a member of staff” . On the 29th of the same month
Margaret Donnelly is caned for “disobedience— being in yd. where
she should not be and throwing stones” . On the 15th of November
1965, Linda CockeriU receives a caning of four strokes for “calling
Miss Holdaway a ‘cheeky sod”’ and on the 2nd of March 1966
Pindy Kaur receives the same punishment for “truancy & telling lies
64
& forging letters as from parents” . Truancy is a word that occurs
much more frequently than before. A picture emerges of a genera
tion in which the worst elements are louder, rougher, and more
unpleasant than ever before and those in authority have not yet
abdicated the responsibility of doing something about it.
Nonetheless, there is also an increased strictness toward lesser
offences. Linda Wykes is caned on the 20th of February 1964 for
lateness— “6 times since January” . She receives two strokes for what
would certainly have been a one-stroke offence before the demise of
that penalty.
Is it too fanciful to see in the punishment record of this one
school in the 1960s the image of a world balanced on a knife- edge?
We naturally tend to view history with hindsight and to half-assume
that what did happen was what inevitably must have happened. It is
not so. It is entirely possible that in the early- to mid-1960s things
still might have gone either way. The forces of destruction and
degeneracy were stiU being met by a strong counter-reaction. If it
had been stronger, more determined and had been provided with a
sounder intellectual basis, the ugly, neurotic nightmare-world of the
1980s and ’90s might still have been avoided.
In the Punishment Book we see a reflection of one small theatre
of that war. We see the forces of chaos surging forward with the
crushing weight of an avalanche; standards undermined; new forms
of nastiness infiltrating the once-protected world of the school; girls,
good and “bad” , pawns in a greater and darker game being played,
essentially, by the mind-shapers of the mass-media; and we see the
forces of order reacting briefly and bravely with a belated firmness
and an unflinching resolution to protect the innocents in their
charge before their own confusion, demoralisation, rout and final
surrender.
Or is the surrender final?
65
The Bible Belt
R^ain notfrom chastening a child:for i f thou beat him with
the rod, he shall not die. For thou scourge him zmth the rod
and shalt deliver his soul...
Proverbs X X III, 13-14
A different approach
Because corporal punishment in the Bible Belt is seen as a positive
force which helps in the growth of children’s souls, rather than as
66
an unpleasant but necessary last resort, it is typically less hedged
around with restrictions and safeguards than it is in the secular or
moderate Church of England tradition of British education. For
this reason, the spanking of pupils— and even pupils in their late
teens— by a teacher of the opposite sex is not frowned upon in the
way that it is elsewhere.
Mary Ann Bemicky, one of the very few abohtionists amongst
the largely fundamentalist Tennesseeans, complained to the press
about the fact that a male teacher is allowed to take a female high
school pupil into a closed room to paddle her: “Even physicians are
required to have a nurse present,” she said. Miss Bernicky received
very little support. “Unfortunately,” she said, rather understating
the case in the face of the overwhelmingly hostile response she
received, “Tennessee is lagging behind the other states in response
to this issue.”
Canings per
School & age range Type loo pupils
Unnamed school X,
Slough (?), Berks Mixed secondary modem (?) 62.3
St. Cuthbert’s,
Newcasde (11-18) Catholic boys’ comprehensive 257
Litde Heath, Romford (12-16) Special 24.8
Ralph Gardner,
North Shields (11-16) Mixed comprehensive 23.1
73
The Problem of Over-use
Heavy-caning schools
74
Some questionable reasons for using corporal
punishment
(1) ‘Making aflippant remark’
At Bedwas Comprehensive School in Glamorganshire, a claiss
captain was caned for making a flippant remark to her class teacher
and for leaving school when she heard that she was to be caned.
According to the teacher who administers corporal punishment to
girls at Bedwas School, the girl had caused no problems whatsoev
er during the preceding twelve months.
77
One of the most-caned girls at the school, fourteen-year-old Sue
Olds, eventually left Bacon’s after refusing to accept another caning
for truancy. Interviewed by the London Evening Standard she said:
“I cannot go back there. I have been warned I will be caned and
I can’t stand it again. I want to go to another school. They have
caned me six or seven times at Bacon’s— once in front of some
boys— and every time I get Ul.”
79
called Oriel Road, where the girl lived. Her mother gave us
something to eat and then, in spite o f her daughter’s pleading,
called the police.
80
Excessive Severity
and other Complications
a n y of the examples of the over-use of corporal pun
Unnecessary humiliation
Beyond mere brute force and physical severity, punishments can be
made unnecessarily cruel by the addition of public humiliation. To
some extent aU punishments— whether corporal or otherwise— are
humiliating. That they are unpleasant and embarrassing to receive
is what makes them punishments.
However, in some punishments the element of shame is height
ened to an extreme level. In general, girls are far less likely to be
treated in this way than are boys, even where they are subject to
corporal punishment; but very occasionally, girls are subject to very
serious humiliation indeed.
In Britain, South Africa, Australia and in much of the English-
speaking world, girls are frequendy protected from many of the
stricter kinds of treatment to which boys are routinely subjected. To
give an everyday example, girls are commonly called by their first
names in British schools where boys are called by their surnames.
The fact that girls are most commonly caned on the hand can be
argued to be less to do with the degree of pain or damage caused (in
fact, a caning across the hand carries far more risk of injury than
one across the bottom) than with the fact that it is less undignified.
Whilst public beatings of girls are extremely rare, it was moder
ately common in Britain’s heavy-caning schools for boys to be
caned in public, and in front of mixed-sex audiences. Typically,
these canings would be carried out in front of a boy’s class or, more
dramatically, in front of his entire school. The author can give first
hand confirmation of this, having seen boys at her ovra school
caned in morning assembly watched by several hundred teenage
girls and boys in the mid-nineteen seventies. In one Catholic school
in North-West England in 1983, a mass caning was held in which,
according to S.T.O.P.P.:
“All the third and fourth year boys were caned in front of the
-97
entire school for some breach of discipline. They were paraded
through the assembly hall for the canings.”
The public beating entered the age of technology in the early
’nineties in America, when the principal of Hillcrest Elementary
School in Troy, Tennessee— ^who was eventually reprimanded by
his superiors— ^used the school public address system, turned up to
fuU volume, to broadcast the sound of three boys being paddled in
his study around the school. The boys, a third-grader, a fourth-
grader and a sixth-grader, had been misbehaving on the school bus.
Where girls are humiliated, it tends to be less extreme than the
humiliations that boys suffer. At Tudor House School, for example,
a girls’ private school in England, senior girls were caned in private
for extreme misbehaviour until the late 1980s, but were— and are—
punished for certain other forms of bad behaviour with a minor
humiliation: they are made to wear Lower School uniform for a day
or two.
The most extreme humiliations, however, seem to occur almost
as a matter of routine in Japan. The Japanese Justice Ministry’s
1991 report on corporal punishment mentions, for example, a
female gym teacher who caned seven boys across their bcire but
tocks in front of a mixed class because they were ‘not seriously par
ticipating’.
In another case a high school girl in the rural Shimane prefec
ture attempted suicide after having her bottom caned by a teacher
and then being made to remove her skirt and clean the corridor in
her underwear.
A level of impropriety
Beyond simply hitting too hard, or even causing pain and humilia
tion, there are punishments which appear to have a third and still
more serious dimension to them.
One example of such a punishment is the paddling given on
January 24th, 1984 by Frederick P. McCracken, a sixth-grade
teacher at Fountain Elementary School in the Roseville School
District, Minnesota, to Kirsti Haugh, an eleven year-old girl in his
class for the ‘offence’ of chewing gum.
The first thing to be said is that the spanking was outrageously
88
severe for such a minor breach of rules. The second is that it was
grossly humiliating, in that after paddling the girl himself, Mr.
McCracken allowed each of her twenty-five classmates to beat her
too. But more than these, Mr. McCracken’s conduct and motives
during the spanking were decidedly suspect.
The severity of it: as a result of her spanking Kirsti was treated at
South Macomb hospital for what doctors described as ‘severe bruis
es’ to her bottom.
Kirsti’s father, Harold Haugh, said that the paddle was drilled
with holes 2md wrapped around its perimeter and handle with black
tape. The holes— banned by many school districts— increase the
pain of a paddling by increasing its velocity through the air and by
drawing up and ‘blistering’ the flesh of the buttocks on impact.
The humiliation: after Mr. McCracken had used this paddle, all
but three of Kirsti’s classmates lined up in front of the classroom
and each struck her once on the backside. The three who refused
were Kirsti’s friends from her cheer-leading squad. Kirsti came
home half am hour late on the day of the incident, explaining that
she had been crying in a school lavatory.
The signs of suspicious motives: Kirsti was one of the prettier,
more sporty girls in her class; she was also typiceiUy well-behaved
and high-achieving; she was unfairly ‘marked out’ from the rest of
the class for unusually severe treatment; and the punishment was
carried out in an unusual manner. These are all characteristics
shared by a number of very unusual punishments carried out
almost exclusively by male teachers on pretty young girls.
Characteristics o f a ‘suspicious^punishment
Pretty and sporty: Kirsti was captain of the girls’ basketball and cheer-
leading squads. It is remarkable that cheerleaders are unusually
well-represented amongst the reported cases of ‘abusive’ punish
ments in American schools.
Unfairly ‘marked out’: “She didn’t even know there was a rule
against chewing gum,” said Kirsti’s father. Furthermore, the girl
had never known of any other pupils being treated in the way she
had been:
“She said this was the first time that she knew of that the other
pupils were allowed to use the paddle. She said other kids had been
paddled, but this was the first time the whole class had paddled any
body.”
Similar cases of unusual treatment of individual pupils have been
reported in English schools, particularly where men are zdlowed to
punish girls. The mother of a nine-year-old girl at a Church of
England primary school in Greater London, for example, told
S.T.O.P.P. that: “My daughter’s teacher keeps picking on her. On
a number of occasions he singled her out of a group of children who
were talking and slapped her across the backside or hit her with a
ruler on the knuckles.”
A case to answer
As the next chapter demonstrates, not all cases of apparent abuse
turn out to be so clear-cut when you look at them more closely.
Nevertheless, it is quite plain to see that real abuses of corporal pun
ishment can and do happen. People like Colin West and Kevin
Booth represent the strongest case that the supporters of corporal
punishment have to answer.
One way to approach it might be to argue that what these men
did to the girls in their care was wicked and illegal even in a society
that condones corporal punishment, and that they were quite right
ly prosecuted for their actions; it might be possible to argue that they
represent only a tiny minority of extreme, headline-grabbing cases
and that the vast majority of school punishments are nothing like
what they did; and it might be possible to argue that corporal pun
ishment properly controlled and administered can have a beneficial
effect on a school; but the fact remains that they were able to do
what they did, whatever the technicalities of the in loco parentis rul
ing, and that others like them may have committed similar crimes
and got away with it.
As it was. West received a six-month suspended sentence— a
non-punishment. Booth fared even better v^th a three-month one.
If these things are to be avoided in the future there is really only
one option: to remove the temptation and the opportunity for peo
ple like West and Booth. This means one of two things: either that
corporal punishment should be banned, or that male teachers
should be banned from punishing girls under any circumstances.
93
On B .B .C . Scotland’s “ Current Account”
programme in March ig8i. M iss Valerie
Thornton (pictured here), a former
Scottish schoolmistress, gave an account
and demonstration o f the use o f the tawse
to interviewer Sally Magnusson:
100
^Excessive^ caning on fourteen-year-old girVs hands?
In R. Gilchrist, a case decided in the Liverpool crime court, a
schoolmaster successfully appealed to Quarter Sessions against a
conviction for assault on a fourteen-year-old girl, for which he had
been fined five pounds.
The case for the girl, widely reported in the press, was that he
had excessively punished her by caning her on the hands between
fourteen and sixteen times, and that she stiU bore the marks four
weeks later.
However, the girl’s lawyers were, on cross-examining, unable to
produce any evidence to support the claimed number of strokes,
and the appeal court concluded that the actual number had been
no more than three times on each hand.
In weighing up the evidence both of the court and of an investi
gation by the Ministry of Education, the judge stated that it was
clear that the schoolmaster was doing good work at the school and
that he had given a great deal of thought to his conduct and teach
ing. Furthermore, he said that it was plain that the girl had deliber
ately maintained a dumb insolence both before and during her can
ing, which could have ruined school discipline and ruined a lot of
the headmaster’s good work. Parents, he said, should allow disci
pline in school to be maintained.
102
The Problem with Abolition
n the few years since the cane was abohshed in Britain’s schools
103
‘Persistent low-level misbehaviour’
The Scottish Council for Research in Education published a report
in 1992 which acknowledged the problem of extreme or violent mis
behaviour in schools but which pointed to the dramatic and all-per
vading increase in constant minor disobedience as being potential
ly even more serious.
“What really wears teachers down,” said Professor Pamela
Munn, one of the report’s authors, “is the ‘drip-drip effect’ of small
misdemeanours. It’s the regular talking out of turn, eating in class,
hindering other pupils. They are aU things that seem trivial out of
context but when they happen day in and day out they really get up
people’s noses [jic].”
As this type of misbehaviour has increased, so many parents are
less willing, or less able, to do anything to help. At one time the
threat of a letter home to parents, or of a telephone call, used to be
enough of a sanction in itself. Now, all too often, the immediate
result is that the parent arrives on the school doorstep threatening
to beat up the head or the teacher.
“All types of authority are challenged these days,” says Gareth
James, senior assistant secretary of the National Association of
Head Teachers. “The public are saying, ‘I have got rights,’ rather
than ‘I have got responsibilities’.”
The result is that more and more teachers are leaving the pro
fession. Those who remain are increasingly prone to stress and
depression and, as a consequence, they have lower levels of com
mitment and enthusiasm for their jobs. This in turn means that
their pupils’ education suffers.
February
L IV E R P O O L . Refusal to teach pupil who assaulted teacher
with milk bottle.
L A N C A S H IR E . Ban on eight-year old who constandy
abused teachers.
H U D D E R S F IE L D . Ban on child after he and his father
assaulted teacher.
March
IN N E R L O N D O N . Ban on child who threatened to kill a
teacher.
H U D D E R S F IE L D . Ban on nine-year-old after governors
insisted he came back to school after an assault.
April
B E R K S H IR E . Ban on a boy governors wanted to reinstate
after an assault.
W O R C E S T E R S H IR E . Ban on boy who constandy shouted
abuse.
G A T E S H E A D . Ban on teaching three pupils who set fire to
the school.
SH E F F IE L D . Refusal to teach three pupils who wrote
obscene graffiti on the school walls.
M ay
N O R T H E R N IR E L A N D . Refusal to teach pupil guilty o f
assault.
D E R B Y S H IR E . Refusal to admit seven-year-old boy with
violent history to school.
io6
June
N O R T H E R N IR E L A N D . Refusal to teach boys guilty o f
persistent sexual harassment.
W O L V E R H A M P T O N . Ban on child after family members
assaulted teacher.
B I R M IN G H A M . Ban on violent child transferred back to
school after another education authority rejected him.
J^y
L I V E R P O O L . Ban on violent child reinstated after parents
appealed to education authority.
B IR M IN G H A M . Refusal to teach child found guilty of
assault.
September
K IR K L E E S . Refusal to teach two pupils who had threatened
each other with knives.
N O R T H W A L E S . Ban on persistently disruptive and violent
pupil.
October
N O R T H W A L E S . Refusal to teach child after governors
overruled head’s decision to exclude pupil who made malicious
allegations about a teacher.
B IR M IN G H A M . Ban on teaching child readmitted to school
by governors after being expelled for violent behaviour.
November
S H E F F IE L D . Action after head failed to respond to assault
on teacher by a pupil.
C U M B E R L A N D . Ban on child governors wanted to rein
state after assault on a teacher.
D U R H A M . Refusal to teach child after governors refused to
back head in excluding child guilty o f assault.
December
W A R W IC K S H IR E . Ban on disturbed child allowed to
return after assaulting a teacher.
NORTH UM BERLAND. Refusal to teach child making
malicious allegations against staff.
L A N C A S H IR E . Refusal to teach pupil guilty o f assault.
Y O R K S H I R E . Strike call over decision to re-admit pupil sus
pended three times for violent behaviour in the class.
—
older generation of traditional teachers were stiU in place. Hopes
were pinned on the future and on the new generation of younger
progressive teachers.
There was a growing realisation that something wasn’t quite
right with the theory, but for many years it wasn’t acceptable to
mention the fact in educational debate: it marked one out as a
‘reactionary’. The first ‘official’ recognition of the problems o f ‘pos
itive discipline’ by the educational establishment came in 1989,
when a government committee under Lord Elton, recognised the
problem of persistent low-level misbehaviour under ‘positive disci
pline’ and recommended “whole-school” policies on discipline
which should include a range of sanctions as weU as rewards.
Since then, according to Dr. Eric Perkins, a Nottingham
University psychologist who runs courses on classroom manage
ment for teachers, schools have accepted that they must employ
negative as well as positive discipline; which is to say they must pun
ish as well as reward. The problem is that they have looked in vain
for solutions which are both acceptable to current educational
orthodoxy and effective.
Dr. Perkins has come to what many people will find an extraor
dinary or even unspeakable conclusion, and it concerns the use of
corporal punishment. Now, Dr. Perkins believes, it may start to
gain new credence amongst teachers.
His case is that the existence of corporal punishment used to
curb both extreme misbehaviour and, importantly, much of the
low-level misbehaviour which is such a problem nowadays. While
the cane was usually only used for serious offences, its presence may
have had a beneficial effect on pupils’ behaviour in general.
Dr. Perkins’ conclusions are echoed by David Hart, general sec
retary of the National Association of Head Teachers. Mr. Hart
believes there is a growing feeling of frustration at the lack of sanc
tions currendy available, especially now that parents can block a
detention and indefinite exclusions are no longer allowed. The
result, he thinks, will almost certainly be an even greater flood of per
manent exclusions and more tcdk about corporal pxmishment.
“Heads”, he said in an interview in The Independent on Sunday, “are be
ginning to wonder whether there is a case for corporal punishment.”
108
The Return of Corporal Punishment
Ill
^Traditional values’: Rodney School, Nottinghamshire
Rodney School is a ;(^4,ooo-a-year co-educational boarding school
near Newark, Nottinghamshire. A high proportion of the school’s
pupils are drawn from armed services families. Around thirty can-
ings a year are administered, either by the headmaster. Dr.
Christopher Reynolds, or by Miss Joan Thomas, the proprietress
and founder of the school. Speaiking to the London Evmivg Standard in
February 1991, Miss Thomas said:
“I cane the girls and Dr. Reynolds canes the boys. We usually give
two strokes on die hand. We think it’s right to treat the sexes alike.”
Occasionally, and for more serious offences, pupils are caned on
the bottom. When a punishment is merited, pupils— or their par
ents— are usually allowed to choose between caning and a non-cor-
poral punishment such as suspension. In this area, Rodney School
is perhaps closer to the newer generation of American-influenced
schools than to the older British model in which the Head’s decision
was absolute and there was no choice in the matter.
One recent caning case at the school was reported in the nation
al press. In March 1992, five eleven-year-old girls were caught in the
boys’ dormitory at night. Their parents were contacted and given
the choice of allowing their daughters to be expelled or caned. All
of the parents opted for caning, and so on the day after the incident,
the girls were sent to Miss Thomas’s office to receive their punish
ments. The girls were caned both on their hands and their bottoms.
The ringleader, who was given the most severe punishment, was
given seven strokes on her hands and five on her bottom.
Some time after the canings, an anonymous complaint about the
incident was forwarded to the social services department. Social ser
vices inspectors then visited the school and interviewed those
involved, but since the school was acting vsdthin the law no further
action was taken. However, a social worker leaked the story to
E.P.O.C.H., the anti-corporal punishment society, who then con
tacted the press. Interviewed by The Independent in June 1992, Dr.
Reynolds described the complaint as ‘a piece of mischief. “None of
the children or parents of the children involved were in any way
associated with contacting the social services department. The
school had the parents’ support for what happened.”
112
The proprietress o f Rodn^ School, M iss Joan Thomas, with four girls
whom she has caned:from left to right, Kathryn Lac^, Adele Kirkman,
Nicola W hitel^ and Joanne Gilmore.
“In modem times, Dr. Spock’s despotic benevolence has held such sway that
it has become a ghastly guilt trip. ”
Christina Hardyment, authoress of Perfect Parents
Daily Telegraph, 1995
118
Despite the efforts of E.P.O.C.H., and despite twenty years or more
in which the theories o f ‘progressive’ childcare writers have become
the orthodox view, the vast majority of Western parents still believe
that physical punishment has a role in the upbringing of children.
A survey taken in 1995 showed that no less than 97% of mothers use
corporal punishment on their children when necessary.
Furthermore, where before they were condemned or patronised
by the ‘experts’ for their behaviour, they are now beginning to
receive their explicit support. Even leaving aside Dr. Spock’s public
recantation of some of the excesses of his earlier theories, which
could be taken as the action of one rapidly becoming a grumpy old
man, many of the newer, younger theorists are beginning to stand
up for smacking:
AU of these views, and the many more like them that are increas
ingly heard from childcare experts today, would have been absolute
heresy even as litde as five or ten years ago.
119
A Future for Corporal Punishment?
T
IH E R E are, broadly speaking, two ways to look at corporal
punishment: either you agree with it, or you do not; and,
broadly speaking, there are two kinds of reasons for either
agreeing or disagreeing with it, the ideological reasons and the
pragmatic ones.
The purest anti-punishment idealists, the strict vegans of the edu
cation world, tend to be opposed to the whole idea of punishment,
corporal or otherwise. The purest j&ro-punishment idealists, on the
other hand, tend to think that children ought to be punished, and
preferably spanked. They think this either simply because they
believe that it is ‘good for their character’ or because the Bible says
so: “We are going to raise,” as the elder of the North East Kingdom
Community Church is quoted elsewhere in this book as saying, “a
lost generation unless they are properly spanked.”
Those with a pragmatic view on the subject of punishment tend
to use whichever methods seem to produce the best results, without
agonising too deeply over first principles. The result of this has
been, historically, that certain types of schools in certain types of
areas have used the cane, the strap or the paddle to deal with more
serious misbehaviour, while other types of schools in different areas
with more amenable pupils and fewer behaviour problems have
found that they have seldom or never needed to use them.
Today’s educational establishment hovers somewhere in the
middle of all this, in a kind of halfway house somewhere between a
pragmatic acceptance that punishment works, whatever the theories
of the ’sixties and ’seventies said; and an outright ideological rejec
tion of the idea of corporal punishment. The question to be asked is
whether there are good reasons for this, or whether it is a matter of
simple squeamishness over punishments that look too much like,
well, punishments.
At the end of a discussion of all these things, this book comes up
with a few suggestions of its own for a sensible and effective system
of discipline for the future.
120
The idealists
This non-punishment ‘positive discipUne’ approach which worked
its way into the educational mainstream from the ’sixties onwards,
was first— and in its purest form— used in small, independent ‘pro
gressive’ schools like Summerhill.
Summerhill was founded in 1927 by the Scottish educationalist
A.S. Neill, and was intended to remove all aspects of authoritarian
ism from education. Pupils could set their own standards of dress
and behaviour and attend as few or as many lessons as they want
ed to. Within lessons, they could steer the development of their
studies in auiy way that interested and motivated them. State
schools seldom went that far, but they did widely adopt the princi
ple of non-punitive ‘positive discipline’.
Many of the children came from wezilthy families (and particu
larly wealthy American families) and had, or developed in their time
at Summerhill, what are euphemistically known as ‘behaviour prob
lems’. Because of this, an increasing part of the curriculum came to
be taken up with counselling and psychotherapy. This, however,
made the school even more attractive to parents who themselves
were great beUevers in the power of this kind of therapy.
It has been argued elsewhere in this book that the evidence has
proved quite overwhelmingly that this approach does not work in
any sense that the average person would recognise, at least on a
large scale and given the fact that society is as it is. It has been
argued that behaviour became unmanageable, that the standard of
education plummeted, and that just about every measurable or
observable criterion of educational success took a nose-dive when
state schools started adopting these techniques.
The kindest way to put it is to say, as today’s textbooks have it,
that Summerhill was an interesting footnote in the development of
modern education, more influential in the principles it propounded
than successful in the sense of producing measurable resvdts.
To a true ideaJist, though, the kind of argument that is based on
‘standards’ and ‘results’ misses the entire point.
The point, they argue, is not to produce identical rows of silent
ly obedient pupils who know how to do well in exams, but to nour
121
ish the whole person; and if that means that they become a ‘failure’
by society’s standards, then that, they will say, is a price worth pay
ing. Furthermore, they would argue that their pupils’ common fail
ure to do well at exams or to get good jobs is largely the fault of an
aggressively competitive society that rewards the wrong kind of
achievement. In a just and fair society, such as the one they see
themselves as setting out to create, their pupils would be widely
recognised as the successes they know themselves to be.
Thousands of middle-class parents paid— and continue to pay—
thousands of pounds a year to send their children to schools like
Summerhill, despite the lurid press headlines of drug scandals and
sex scandals and despite the poor exam results; and this book, per
haps surprisingly, takes no issue with them at aU.
Both Britain and the U.S.A. have a long history of tolerance for
eccentricity. If these people choose to take a different view of edu
cational success; if they know what they are enrolling their children
for and know that it is unlikely to help them to ‘get on’ by the gen
eral standards of society; and if they are willing to pay for it, then
there is no good reason why they should not be allowed to do so.
There is a problem, however, where these methods are apphed
to the state schools that unsuspecting parents send their children to
in the hope and expectation of conventional things like good disci
pline, high quality teaching and good exam results. This is quite
another matter.
Much of what has been said about the anti-punishment idealists
can be applied equally well to the other end of the spectrum. Like
the Summerhill idealists, the Fundamentalists and traditionalists
base their view of corporal punishment not so much on whether it
is a useful or effective thing to do in certain circumstances, but on a
deeply-held personal belief system.
As for Summerhill, this book would argue that there is a place for
schools where spanking is used to enforce the link between calculus
and Corinthians, or geography and Genesis, if that is what parents
want; but it certainly isn’t in the State educational mainstream.
126
A Framework for the Future
In general
• CorporaJ punishment should be used as a last resort.
• Corporal punishment should be used only for the most serious
offences.
• ‘Dangerous’ punishments should be discouraged. In particular,
the practice of caning girls across the hand risks damage to del
icate bones and should be replaced, either by caning across the
bottom or by using a strap or similar ‘soft’ implement across the
hand.
• Corporal punishment should not be used for a first offence, unless
the offence is very serious indeed.
Avoiding abuse
• The In Loco Parentis ruling should be strictiy enforced under the
law, with gready increased penalties for the abuse of corporal
punishment.
• Punishment should be carried out by a person of the same sex.
• In particular, men should not be allowed to administer corporal
punishment to girls.
• Another teacher, preferably the child’s form teacher, should be
present during the punishment to ensure that it is administered
properly.
• Scrupulous records should be kept of all corporal punishments
administered, and these should be available for inspection by
governors, parents and other interested parties.
127
• Schools should be encouraged to offer pupils the choice between
corporal punishment and temporary suspension or other non
corporal punishments.
• Children should have the right of appeal: they should be allowed,
if they so wish, to present their case to another teacher or panel
of teachers.
• Pupils should be treated alike; girls should not expect to ‘get away’
with offences that boys are punished for.
128
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