Sem-3 (Sociology) RVS
Sem-3 (Sociology) RVS
Sem-3 (Sociology) RVS
Submitted By Submitted To
Acknowledgement
The completion of this project required counseling and assistance from many people and I’m really
thankful towards them for their support in my project.
I would like to thank our Vice Chancellor, Prof. Balraj Singh Chouhan Sir for awarding me
this great opportunity to conduct a research on a topic that has laid the foundation for a highly
enriching experience.
I would also like to extend my gratitude to our Head of Department Dr. V.S. Gigimon Sir for his
constant belief in us. I want to give special thanks to Dr. Deeplaxmi Chile Mam (Asst. Prof. of
Sociology) for her guidance throughout my journey and helping me out with the intricate details
of this topic and helping me out with things I couldn’t have on my own.
Once again, I would like to thank my subject teacher Ma’am for allotting me this immensely
interesting research topic and for her constant support through checks and reviews which in turn
aided me in completing this project with utmost sincerity.
I would also like to extend my gratitude to my parents, colleagues and friends for their continuous
support and the solutions given by them whenever I faced difficulties in my project.
Table of contents
01 Acknowledgement 2
02 Abstract 4
03 Research Problem 5
04 Research Objective 5
05 Hypothesis 5
06 Research Methodology 5
07 Literature Review 6
08 Chapter 1 7-9
Culture, Race, Ethnicity and their differences
09 Chapter 2 10-12
How are race and environment linked
10 Chapter 3 13-15
The Deep Links Between Racism and Climate Change
11 Chapter 4 16-17
Environmentalism’s Racism Theory, History & Suggestive
Reforms
12 Conclusion 18-20
13 Annexure: Bibliography 21
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Abstract
Culture, ethnicity and race are terms that we regularly befuddle and think mean something very
similar, yet they are really extraordinary. Culture is something we're educated by other people.
That is the way we learn culture, and by and large talking by older folks. Individuals who are more
established than us, that are passing something down, age to age. Identity has to do with ethnicity.
Where we originate from, so somebody is Asian, yet their various nationalities would be a Korean
individual, a Chinese individual, a Filipino individual. All Asian, however different identities.
Race is the most stacked term of all. What's more, that is on the grounds that race is really not
something that is hereditary, in spite of the fact that we like to believe that it is. It's something that
has to do with power orders. We've utilized race in this nation to cause one lot of individuals to
have more benefit and force than another. What's more, that is somewhat of an appalling little truth
that we don't prefer to discuss. However, actually race matters, and in families where we are more
than one race, or raising ethnic minorities who've been in focused gatherings, we need to figure
out how to discuss this. Or then again we won't have the option to learn and assist kids with figuring
out how to like what their identity is, and comprehend that they don't need to be casualties to
bigotry.
Combating environmental racism may risk falling down the policy in the age of COVID-19 – and
yet with non-white people more likely to die from the virus, the higher instances of complicating
factors such as asthma and heart disease brought about by exposure to pollution are likely to play
a part. Environmental racism is part of the broader picture of systemic racism, which must be
fought to bring about a fairer society.
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Research Problem
What role does culture and race play in shaping us the society and how does it affect environment
at large?
Research Objectives
• To understand the main reasons behind such a environmental degradation through the lens
of Race and culture.
• To analyse the problems caused in the social sphere due to racism induced declines.
• To point out the methods to be taken under practice to propagate better outcomes and
reforms in the concerned sphere.
Hypothesis
Due to increasing instances of rigid forms of racism and classism, Environmental rehabilitation
has suffered and in turn relapsed into a constant period of degradation.
Research Methodology
Only doctrinal research was taken into practice for shaping the project which was made possible
with the help of several Journals, Articles, Reports and Researches.
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Literature review
The Primary text used for the doctrinal part of this research is Environmental Policy Literature
(2014-2017), which is a report by 4 different researchers including Ryan Shanahan.
This research article documents and analyzes trends within the environmental policy literature
published between 2014 and 2017. It iterates that environmental policy scholarship has recently
shifted its focus from more traditional topics, such as watershed and ecosystem management, to
other modern issues, such as climate change and energy. The environmental policy literature has
increased in complexity and become more interdisciplinary in nature, which we illustrate with a
discussion of the energy justice literature. The methodological approaches used by environmental
policy scholars have also become increasingly diverse, with a notable uptick in statistical and
modeling approaches. We find that some topics, such as policy failure, gender issues, and energy
welfare policies are under‐explored, and certain regions within the world, such as developing
countries, are less frequently studied.
Chapter – 1
The words race, ethnicity and culture and their various derivatives are all very familiar: indeed,
the terms race and culture, if not ethnicity, are regularly used in everyday speech. Yet just what do
they actually mean? Are they merely synonyms for one another, are do they point to very different
dimensions of the social order? Although there can be little doubt that the social phenomena with
respect to which these terms are deployed issues are amongst those of the most pressing socio-
political importance in the contemporary world, a little reflection soon reveals that their precise
meaning is still surrounded by clouds of conceptual confusion. Nor is this confusion limited to
popular discourse: sociologists hardly do much better. This is most alarming. If n social scientists
lack an analytical vocabulary whose meanings are broadly agreed upon, there is little prospect of
them being able to construct viable descriptions – let alone insightful explanations – of the
phenomena they are seeking to understand, no matter how much the streets may be riven by ‘race
riots’, no matter how many holocausts may be precipitated by processes of ‘ethnic cleansing’, and
no matter how many aircraft may be flown straight into skyscrapers. In the absence of an
appropriate analytical vocabulary not only will the prospect of our being able to comprehend the
processes give rise to such confrontations be severely inhibited, but the prospects our being able
1
to identify the best means of resolving the underlying problems will remain remote.
Whilst ‘race’ – if the phenomenon it exists at all – is best understood as an aspect of a person’s
biological and hence genetic heritage, both culture and language (for the two phenomena are
closely akin to one another) are socially transmitted. Hence whilst our unique capacity to construct
our own linguistic and cultural codes is genetically hard-wired into our very being, this is
emphatically not the case with respect to the content of the codes which each of us actually deploys.
Hence a child born to European parents who was by some happenstance brought up by foster
parents in rural China would grow up speaking fluent Chinese, and with as much facility in Chinese
cultural styles as their step-brothers and stepsisters who were genetically wholly Chinese. The
1
Based on Easterly (2006), Hulse and Stone (2007), OECD (2011a), United Nations (2010). A Report of the World
Summit for Social Development, Copenhagen, 6-12 March 1995, para. 66.
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same would also be true the other way round – even if in physical terms both might stick out like
ugly ducklings. So in addition to one’s physical appearance, it is the capacity to deploy speech as
a mode of communication, and a similar ability (and indeed expectation) to code one’s behaviour
in cultural terms which is hereditarily transmitted – not the actual content of the language or the
culture in terms of which we learn to operate. Such codes are acquired as a product of social
experience, and not as a result of biological heredity.2
Human cultures are cognitive structures; and since culture also provides a vehicle for
communication, the phenomenon is best understood as the set of ideas, values and understandings
which people deploy within a specific network of social relationships use as a means of ordering
their inter-personal interactions and hence to generate ties of reciprocity between themselves; in
so doing it also provides the principal basis on which human beings give meaning and purpose to
lives. Culture – like language – is the foundation for the worlds of meaning which we create around
ourselves. But such meanings are never self-evident: they are always culturally coded. It follows
that those who are not familiar with the relevant code will always have difficulty in making
accurate sense of what is going on. 3
Just as human speech is incomprehensible to listeners who are unfamiliar with the linguistic code
being used by the speaker, so too with behaviour. .4
Whilst one can always attempt to “read” behaviour in terms of a more familiar code of one’s own,
any observer who is naïve enough to do so necessarily imposes his or her own interpretation on
what has been observed. Those who deploy such a strategy – whether they do so consciously or
not – may well feel quite satisfied with their own ‘understanding’ of what they have observed, no
matter how comprehensively they have misapprehended the purposes and intentions of those
whose behaviour they have observed. 5
Yet just how far are these strongly assimilationist (because vigorously anti-segregationist) policy
proposals likely to work? Once one takes the arguments developed by Gray and Parekh aboard,
2
Henslin, James. Social Problems: A Down-To-Earth Approach, 2008.
3
Saylor, Sociological Perspectives
4
Nilsson, Anders. (2003). Living Conditions, Social Exclusion and Recidivism Among Prison Inmates. Journal of
Scandinavian Studies in Criminology and Crime Prevention.
5
National Institute of Justice, Racial Output
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there are good reason for extreme skepticism. However well-intentioned these proposal may be,
they nevertheless wholly overlook four crucial points: the presence of ethnic disjunctions – and
hence a strong degree of segregation and a consequent absence of comprehensive ‘community
cohesion’ – is a routine feature of all plural societies such disjunctions are invariably widened if
coercive attempts are made to close them up: a recognition of the legitimacy of diversity is a
necessary prerequisite for any kind of serious progress in public policy cohesion is not to be found
in homogeneity, but rather in developing a modus vivendi around the least-worst options for all
concerned, no matter how seriously this may upset the established status quo that such a modus
vivendi is only likely to be achieved when formal recognition is given to the significance of ethnic
diversity in all spheres of public activity: only then will members of every component of in our
plural society begin to feel that they have a valued and meaningful stake is the established social
order.
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Chapter – 2
The dominant theoretical perspective which is advanced in the disparate studies on the relationship
between race, class and environmental quality is that environ mental inequities are the result of
institutionalized racism. Feagin and Eckberg's (1980) formulation on the dimensions of
discrimination provide a framework for understanding how housing discrimination, redlining,
residential segregation, market forces, discriminatory practices of federal agencies and local
governments, and lack of political and economic power in minority communities produce
environmental inequities in American society. They describe an interactive system which has
seven dimensions: (a) motivation, (b) discriminatory action, (c) effects, (d) the relation between
motivation and action, (e) the relation between action and effects, (b) the immediate organizational
institutional) context, and (g) the larger societal context. There are two main formulations of this
theoretical perspective; both explain how institutionalized racism results in minority communities
being targeted as sites for environmentally hazardous industries and facilities.
The first perspective emphasizes the functional link between racism, poverty and powerlessness.
Minority communities informed, less are organized, targeted for siting because they are poorer,
less and less politically influential (Bullard 1983, Takvorian 1993). To save time and money,
companies seek to locate environment 1993; tally hazardous industries in communities which will
put up the least resistance, which are less informed and less powerful politically, and are more
dependent upon local job development efforts Richard Lazarus (1992:6), Professor of Law at
Washington University Law School, states:
It is clear that the environmental statutes promise a great deal. But everyone knows that these laws
are not self-enforcing. Those who complain, who have greater access, who know how to tweak the
Congress people to do something are more likely to get the attention of very busy people. And the
people with greater know-how are generally those with greater political and economic resources,
who tend to be white.6
6
Allport, Gordon W. 1954. The nature of prejudice.
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The second perspective focuses particularly on how the link between race and environmental
inequity is essentially forged by segregated housing patterns which confine blacks, and other
people of color, to poor communities over burdened by environmental risks.
Income alone does not account for these above average percentages of the most polluted
communities; Housing segregation and development patterns play a key role in determining where
people live. Moreover, urban development and the "spatial configuration" of community’s flow
from the forces and relationships of industrial production which in turn, are Influenced and subi
dried by government policy. In contrast to blacks poor whites are more able to live in economically
varied areas and, therefore, benefit from the clout of other (white) middle-class residents with
whom they reside or live close to. As a result of residential segregation, redlining discriminatory
land use, and zoning regulations, there is a disproportionate location of environmental hazards in
minority communities and people of color face a disproportionate impact on their health and well-
being from pollution and environmental hazards:
The dynamics of segregation by allowing poor whites to benefit from middle class resistance to
hazardous waste facilities, and lowering land values in minority neighborhoods, may cause
disproportionate sittings in predominantly minority areas. The current political climate in middle
and upper-income areas is hostile toward waste facilities generally and hazardous waste facilities
particularly.
Both perspectives recognize that institutionalized racism is at the heart of environmental quality
and that problems related to poor environmental quality are compounded by a series of problems
also attributed to institutionalized racism:
On top of unequal housing opportunities poor health care, drugs and violence in neighborhoods
and other daunting obstacles to their right of pursuit of happiness, minorities are having to live
with bad air and tainted water that damages their health and sometimes takes their lives".
A central question in the debate over the causes of environmental inequality is whether the
differential levels of environmental quality are the result of class factors or racial dynamics-
whether the bias of distribution of environmental hazards is a function of poverty rather than race.
Clearly, poverty plays an important role. First, because of limited income, poor people cannot buy
their way out of polluted neighborhoods. Second, because land values are lower in most poor
neighborhoods, polluting industries seeking to reduce the costs of business are attracted to poor
neighborhoods. Third, wealthier communities can use their political clout and resources-time,
money, facts and knowledge-to pressure city governments not to grant permits to polluting
industries, in classic fashion. Fourth, because minorities are underrepresented in governing bodies,
they tend to be less aware of policies which are being implemented and lack critical resources
necessary to pressure government to protect their communities from hazards and threats. But a
growing number of studies on the distribution of specific environmental hazards and
environmental quality by race and income show that race is an independent factor, not reducible
to class, in predicting the distribution of environmental hazards:
Environmental inequities cannot be reduced solely to class factors class are intricately linked in
our society. However, race continues to be a potent race and predictor of where people live, which
communities get dumped on and which are spared. Racial bias creates and perpetuates unequal
environmental quality in communities of color and white communities.
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Chapter – 3
Climate change is the result of a legacy of extraction, of colonialism, of slavery. A lot of times
when people talk about environmental justice, they go back to the 1970s or ‘60s. But I think
about the slave quarters. I think about people who got the worst food, the worst health care, the
worst treatment, and then when freed, were given lands that were eventually surrounded by
things like petrochemical industries. The idea of killing black people or indigenous people, all of
that has a long, long history that is centered on capitalism and the extraction of our land and our
labor in this country.
For us, as part of the climate justice movement, to separate those things is impossible. The truth
is that the climate justice movement, people of color, indigenous people, have always worked
multi-dimensionally because we have to be able to fight on so many different planes.
“When I first came into this work, I was fighting police brutality at the Puerto Rican Legal
Defense Fund. We were fighting for racial justice. We were in our 20s and this is how we
started. It was only a few years after that I realized that if we couldn’t breathe, we couldn’t fight
for justice and that’s how I got into the environmental justice movement. For us, there is no
distinction between one and the other.”7
In our communities, people are suffering from asthma and upper respiratory disease, and we’ve
been fighting for the right to breathe for generations. It’s ironic that those are the signs you’re
seeing in these protests — “I can’t breathe.” When the police are using chokeholds, literally
people who suffer from a history of asthma and respiratory disease, their breath is taken away.
When Eric Garner died in 2014 from a New York City police officer’s chokehold, and we heard
he had asthma, the first thing we thought was, “This is an environmental justice issue.”
7
Yale Environment 360
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The communities that are most impacted by Covid, or by pollution, it’s not surprising that
they’re the ones that are going to be most impacted by extreme weather events. And it’s not
surprising that they’re the ones that are targeted for racial violence. It’s all the same
communities, all over the United States. And you can’t treat one part of the problem without the
other, because it’s so systemic.
With the arrival of slavery comes a repurposing of the land, chopping down of trees, disrupting
water systems and other ecological systems that comes with supporting the effort to build a
capitalist society and to provide resources for the privileged, using the bodies of black people to
facilitate that.
The same thing in terms of the disruption and the stealing of indigenous land. There was a taking
of land, not just for expansion, but to search for gold, to take down mountains and extract fossil
fuels out of mountains. All of that is connected, and I don’t know how people don’t see the
connection between the extraction and how black and indigenous people suffered as a result of
that and continue to suffer, because all of those decisions were made along that historical
continuum, all those decisions also came with Jim Crow. They came with literally doing
everything necessary to control and squash black people from having any kind of power.
You need to understand the economics. If you understand that, then you know that climate
change is the child of all that destruction, of all of that extraction, of all of those decisions that
were made and how those ended up, not just in terms of our freedom and taking away freedom
from black people, but hurting us along the way.
It’s all related. You can’t say that with Hurricane Maria in Puerto Rico and Hurricane Katrina in
New Orleans the loss of lives was simply because there was an extreme weather event. The loss
of life comes out of a legacy of neglect and racism. And that’s evident even in the rebuilding. It’s
really interesting to see what happens to the land after people have been displaced, how land
speculation and land grabs and investments are made in communities that, when there were black
people living there, had endured not having the things people need to have livable good lives.
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These things are connected. It’s comfortable for people to separate them, because remember that
the environmental movement, the conservation movement, a lot of those institutions were built
by people who cared about conservation, who cared about wildlife, who cared about trees and
open space and wanted those privileges while also living in the city, but didn’t care about black
people. There is a long history of racism in those movements.
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Chapter – 4
Poisoned tap water in Flint, Michigan. Toxic waste dumps in the Lower Rio Grande Valley. A
town in China where 80% of children have been poisoned by old computer parts. What do these
things have in common?
All are examples of environmental racism, a form of systemic racism whereby communities of
colour are disproportionately burdened with health hazards through policies and practices that
force them to live in proximity to sources of toxic waste such as sewage works, mines, landfills,
power stations, major roads and emitters of airborne particulate matter. As a result, these
communities suffer greater rates of health problems attendant on hazardous pollutants.
It was African American civil rights leader Benjamin Chavis who coined the term “environmental
racism” in 1982, describing it as “racial discrimination in environmental policy-making, the
enforcement of regulations and laws, the deliberate targeting of communities of colour for toxic
waste facilities, the official sanctioning of the life-threatening presence of poisons and pollutants
in our communities, and the history of excluding people of colour from leadership of the ecology
movements”. In practice, environmental racism can take many forms, from workplaces with
unsound health regulations to the siting of coal-fired power stations close to predominantly non-
white communities. It can mean citizens drinking contaminated groundwater or being schooled in
decaying buildings with asbestos problems.
Many of these problems face low-income communities as a whole, but race is often a more reliable
indicator of proximity to pollution. A landmark 2007 study by academic Dr Robert Bullard – the
“father of environmental justice” – found “race to be more important than socioeconomic status in
P a g e | 17
predicting the location of the nation’s commercial hazardous waste facilities”. He proved that
African American children were five times more likely to have lead poisoning from proximity to
waste than Caucasian children, while even black Americans making $50-60,000 a year were more
likely to live in polluted areas than their white counterparts making $10,000. In the UK meanwhile,
a government report found that black British children are exposed to up to 30% more air pollution
than white children. Indigenous populations often suffer from environmental racism. In the US,
Native Americans communities continue to be subjected to large amounts of nuclear and other
hazardous waste, as corporations take advantage of weaker land laws, whereby the federal
government holds land in “trust” on behalf of the tribes. Decades of uranium mining on the land
of the Navajo of New Mexico have caused longstanding problems in the community. From 1951
until 1971, the US Public Health Service performed a massive human medical experiment on 4,000
Navajo uranium miners, allowing them to work without informing them of the effects of radiation.
The effects were predictable: elevated levels of lung cancer and other diseases from breathing in
radon.
The 2016-17 protests against the Dakota Access Pipeline were another example where the tribes
came up against the power of policy and lost. The 1,172-mile oil pipeline was considered a threat
to the Standing Rock Indian Reservation’s water supply, as well as sites of historic importance and
culturally sensitive burial grounds. Though unsuccessful, the protests caught the public
imagination, drawing solidarity marches and support from Bernie Sanders. All too often however,
environmental racism occurs because communities lack the resources to raise awareness or fight a
costly legal battle – resources which are available to wealthier white communities, who are better
able to divert airport expansions, power stations or landfills elsewhere in a process known as
NIMBYism – standing for “not in my backyard”.
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Conclusion
In sharp contrast with this ideological drive towards institutional homogeneity, everyday
experience in the contemporary world has become even more diverse than it ever was before.
Given the ever-growing cheapness and efficiency of modern modes of communication, people and
ideas, let alone goods and services, have begun to move around the globe at an ever-increasing
speed. The resulting changes are coming thick and fast. Whilst industrialization has always been
associated with labour migration, the exhaustion of all nearby reservoirs of unskilled labour, the
demographic crisis resulting from the simultaneous impact of greater longevity and reduced
fertility throughout the Euro-American world, the ever widening rift in living standards as between
the predominantly Euro-American metropolis and its predominantly non-European periphery,
means that pressures on the borders are becoming increasingly intense. But at the same time it is
becoming increasingly apparent that it is impossible to construct borders which are wholly
impermeable to migrant entrepreneurs’ efforts to penetrate the boundaries of the ‘free’ world. As
a result all societies are becoming increasingly plural, and are set to become yet more so as the
future unfolds. As the contradictions precipitated by these developments grow clearer by the day,
so the need to find a resolution has become ever more pressing. Locking ourselves up in castles of
privilege would not only entail cutting off our noses to spite our faces, but will also steadily
undermine our own deepest values. A commitment to freedom, justice and equality cannot be
sustained in a radically polarised world. Yet the answer to these conundrums is not hard to discern.
There is no future whatsoever in the idle expectation that everyone can be forced to fit the same
mould, thereby eliminating all.
Environmental issues disproportionately impact people of color As the coronavirus pandemic has
revealed, people of color have been disproportionately impacted by Covid-19, especially in the
United States and UK who track this data. There are many reasons for the racial disparities, such
as poorer environmental conditions around homes, weaker public service provision in areas of
higher black and minority populations, as well as more marginalized manufacturing employment
leading to greater front line exposure to the coronavirus and other health risks associated with
heavy industries.
Also, people of color are more likely to be exposed to polluted air, water, soil and poorer industrial
working conditions. Climate change and environmental degradation is disproportionately
P a g e | 19
impacting people of color from poorer countries too, in particular low lying coastal and island
communities impacted by rising sea levels, indigenous populations impacted by deforestation in
the Amazon and Indonesia, water pollution throughout India and growing desertification across
Africa. So, people of color are often on the front lines of environmental challenges, with fewer
resources to protect themselves against the impact.
Lack of racial diversity among leadership of major environmental organizations. Among these
large organizations, it was shown that at both the Board of Directors level as well as in the C-suite
(executives directly reporting to the CEO), people of color only occupy 20% of these positions,
with very little change in the decade since diversity issues started to be prominently surfaced
among the environmental community. Even looking at the C-suite, many executives of color are
in support functions rather than in budget-controlling leadership roles. This has implications for
the strategy and sort of environmental work that is supported and funded.
As the nature of financing for environmental causes also changes with the emergence of new
forms of for-profit impact investment funds – often supported by large family offices - that seek
to identify revenue generating opportunities that also have positive environmental impact, there is
opaqueness around Diversity and Inclusion metrics. Transparency on where grants go can help
identify whether there are structural barriers to a level playing field for people of color to receive
environmental funding to scale up their work, or whether such funds are truly being used to address
major environmental challenges. Projects need be better tracked and have diversity and inclusion
metrics reported upon, in order to identify and eliminate the structural barriers to a level playing
field for all environmental activists and entrepreneurs.
Lack of diversity among Corporate Chief Sustainability Officers Over the past decade, a new
position has been created in the corporate C-suite around the world, the Office of the Chief
Sustainability Officer. Almost every major corporation now has a Chief Sustainability Officer to
address environmental concerns and the footprint of their company. These roles carry a lot of
influence in the environmental movement. However, a look through the 50 largest companies listed
on the US stock market with Chief Sustainability Officers reveal that less than 10% are people of
color (and even fewer are black or from indigenous backgrounds). There is an under-representation
of people of color at the highest levels of the environmental.
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Nationally, we need to be looking at stopping pipelines — reducing carbon but also reducing other
pollutants. We need to start focusing on regenerative economies, creating community cooperatives
and different kinds of economic systems that make it possible for people to thrive economically
while at the same time taking us off the grid.
In every community there are different things people are doing, everything from putting solar in
public housing to community-owned solar cooperatives. This is not the ‘60s or the ‘70s or the ‘80s
where we follow one iconic leader. This is a time where we need to have numerous people really
taking on the charge of directing something that’s big and complex.
A just transition is a process that moves us away from a fossil fuel economy to local livable
economies, to regenerative economies. Those are different economies of scale that include not just
renewable energy but healthy food and all of the things that people need in order to thrive. The
word justice here is important because for a long-time people would talk about sustainability, that
you could have sustainability without justice, and the climate movement focused on reducing
carbon but didn’t really care about other pollutants.
Globalization has increased the opportunity for environmental racism on an international scale. It
refers to the dumping of pollutants such as e-waste on the global south, where safety laws and
environmental practices are more lax. More than 44 million tonnes of e-waste was generated
globally in 2017 – 6kg for every person on the planet – and of that, each year around 80% is
exported to Asia. One e-waste hub is the town of Guiyu in China, where heaps of discarded
computer parts piled by the river contaminate the water supply with cadmium, copper and lead.
Water samples showed lead levels 190 times higher than WHO limits. Even a slight increase in
lead levels, meanwhile, can affect IQ and academic performance in children. Other examples
include the mass shipment of spent American batteries to Mexico, where illegal waste dumps from
plants operated by American, European and Japanese companies have resulted in soaring rates of
anencephaly (when babies are born without brains).
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Annexure
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