Facing - Human - Capital - Challenges

Facing Human
Capital Challenges
of the 21st Century
Education and Labor Market Initiatives
in Lebanon, Oman, Qatar,
and the United Arab Emirates
Executive Summary
Gabriella Gonzalez | Lynn A. Karoly | Louay Constant

Hanine Salem | Charles A. Goldman
R AND- QATA R POLI C Y I NS TI TU TE

This study was conducted by researchers in RAND Education and
RAND Labor and Population in the United States and at the RAND-
Qatar Policy Institute (RQPI) in Doha, Qatar. This study results from
the RAND Corporation’s continuing program of self-initiated research.
Support for such research is provided, in part, by the generosity of
RAND’s donors and by the fees earned on client-funded research.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Facing human capital challenges of the 21st century : education and labor market
initiatives in Lebanon, Oman, Qatar, and the United Arab Emirates : executive
summary / Gabriella Gonzalez ... [et al.].
p. cm.
ISBN 978-0-8330-4568-3 (pbk. : alk. paper)
1. Labor market—Arab countries. 2. Human capital—Arab countries.
3. Education and state—Arab countries. 4. Manpower policy—Arab countries.
5. Manpower planning—Arab countries. I. Gonzalez, Gabriella C., 1972–
II. Gonzalez, Gabriella. III. Title: Education and labor market initiatives in Lebanon,
Oman, Qatar, and the United Arab Emirates : executive summary.
HD5812.3.A6F332 2008
331.10917'4927—dc22
2008038526
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Preface
Many nations are making efforts to address human resource devel-

opment challenges and any existing mismatch between the skills and
technical knowledge of their secondary and post-secondary education
graduates and the needs of the labor market. RAND recently examined
such efforts in four Middle Eastern countries: Lebanon, Oman, Qatar,
and the United Arab Emirates (UAE). The study focused on reforms
enacted or under way that were designed to improve the human capi-
tal, or skills and technical knowledge, of the nation’s population or to
facilitate the employment of human capital in diverse sectors of the
economy. The case study approach juxtaposed the three Arab Gulf
countries of the group (Oman, Qatar, and the UAE) and the one Arab
non-Gulf country (Lebanon) to showcase similarities and differences
in the reform strategies these countries were employing as of 2006. The
nations were compared in terms of challenges faced, reforms enacted,
and efforts to assess the effects of reforms.
This executive summary is a bilingual (English and Arabic) com-
panion to the RAND monograph covering the full details of the study:
Facing Human Capital Challenges of the 21st Century: Education and
Labor Market Initiatives in Lebanon, Oman, Qatar, and the United
Arab Emirates (Gabriella Gonzalez et al., MG-786-RC, 2008), which
is available in English and includes a complete list of references, some
of which are cited in this document. There is also a related RAND
research brief, Addressing Human Capital Challenges: Assessing the Expe-
riences of Four Countries in the Arab Region (RB-9383-RC), available in
iii
iv Facing Human Capital Challenges of the 21st Century, Executive Summary
both English and Arabic. All of the documents published for the study
can be accessed in full text on the RAND website: www.rand.org.
Both this executive summary and the full-study monograph
should be of interest to policymakers in the Arab world who want to
understand the evolution and progress of education and labor market
reforms designed to advance human capital development and enhance
workforce competitiveness in the 21st century global economy. These
documents will also be useful to readers who have a general interest in
human capital and economic initiatives.
The study was conducted by researchers in two units of the
RAND Corporation—RAND Education and RAND Labor and Pop-
ulation—both in the United States and at the RAND-Qatar Policy
Institute (RQPI) in Doha, Qatar. This study resulted from RAND’s
continuing program of self-initiated research, support for which is pro-
vided, in part, by the generosity of RAND’s donors.
Contents
Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . iii
Figures . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vii
Tables . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ix
Acknowledgments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xi
CHAPTER ONE
Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Human Resource Challenges Faced by the Arab Region . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Research Questions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
Analytic Approach . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
Diagnosis and Articulation of the Problem: What Are the Human
Resource Challenges Faced by Each Country? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
Approaches to Addressing the Problem: What Reforms Have Been
Developed or Are Under Way? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
Availability of Resources for Policy Evaluation: What Mechanisms
Are in Place for Evaluating Policy? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8
Approach to Data Collection and Interviews . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
Rationale for Country Selection. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
Limitations of the Study. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12
Organization of This Document . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13
CHAPTER TWO
Economic and Sociopolitical Context for Reform in the Four
Study Countries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
Reliance on Natural Resources for National Wealth . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
v
vi Facing Human Capital Challenges of the 21st Century, Executive Summary
Sociopolitical System: The Role of Participatory Democracy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19

Diversity of the Economy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22
Composition of the Labor Pool. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24
The Case-Study Approach . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28
CHAPTER THREE
Human Resource Challenges and Reform Efforts in Qatar, UAE,
Oman, and Lebanon . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29
Qatar. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29
Human Resource Challenges . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29
Reform Efforts Under Way . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31
The United Arab Emirates . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34
Human Resource Challenges . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34
Reform Efforts Under Way . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36
Sultanate of Oman . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38
Human Resource Challenges . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39
Lebanon . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42
Human Resource Challenges . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42
CHAPTER FOUR
Conclusions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47
Significant Human Resource Challenges . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 48
Active Engagement with Reforms to Education and Training Systems,
Labor Markets, and the Economy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51
Education and Training Reforms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51
Reforms to the Labor Market and Economy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55
Lack of High-Quality Data and Evaluation Systems . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58
Value of Policy Evaluation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65
Figures
2.1 Classification of Study Countries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16

3.1 Schematic of Challenges Faced by Qatar: Need to Address
an Underqualified and Unprepared National Workforce . . . . . . 30
3.2 Schematic of Challenges Faced by the UAE: Need to
Balance Nationalization Efforts with Policies Promoting
Economic Growth . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34
3.3 Schematic of Challenges Faced by Oman: Need to Meet
the Challenges of a Changing Economy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39
3.4 Schematic of Challenges Faced by Lebanon: Need to
Achieve Political Stability While Addressing Human
Resource Issues . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43
vii
Tables
1.1 Categories of Human Capital Reforms Covered in Study . . . . . . . . 7

1.2 Interviews Conducted, by Sector and Country. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10
2.1 Key Economic Indicators of Study Countries, 2004 . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19
2.2 Governance Models in Study Countries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20
2.3 Key Demographic Indicators of Study Countries, 2004 . . . . . . . . . 25
2.4 Key Labor Market Indicators of Study Countries, 2004 . . . . . . . . 26
2.5 Key Education Indicators of Study Countries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28
3.1 Summary of Education and Labor Market Reforms
Under Way in Qatar . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32
Under Way in the UAE. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37
Under Way in Oman . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41
3.4 Summary of Education and Economic Reforms Under
Way in Lebanon . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44
4.1 Human Resource Challenges Affecting Study Countries . . . . . . . 48
4.2 Education and Training Reforms in Study Countries . . . . . . . . . . . . 52
4.3 Labor Market and Other Economic Reforms in Study
Countries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 56
4.4 Censuses and Specialized Surveys in Study Countries . . . . . . . . . . 60
ix
Acknowledgments
We gratefully acknowledge the participation of a number of officials

and other individuals from the countries analyzed in our study. These
people generously provided their time and made resources and mate-
rials available to us to facilitate our analysis; they also reviewed early
drafts of the country chapters to check for factual errors. They include
officials representing the Ministry of Manpower (Oman), the Dubai
Education Council (UAE), Ministry of Higher Education (Oman),
Ministry of Education (Lebanon, Oman, Qatar), Knowledge Village
(UAE), Academic City (UAE), Supreme Education Council (Qatar),
Education City (Qatar), Ministry of Civil Service (Oman, Qatar), Min-
istry of Economy (Lebanon), Ministry of Finance (Lebanon), Ministry
of National Economy (Oman), Ministry of Economy and Planning
(Lebanon, UAE, Qatar), Ministry of Reform (Lebanon), Ministry of
Social Affairs (Lebanon), College of Business and Economics of UAE
University, Office of the Prime Minister (Lebanon), Gulf Research
Center (UAE), and Qatar University, and representatives of the petro-
leum industry (UAE, Qatar).
We wish to thank several RAND colleagues who provided early
direction and support and pointed us to sources of information and
data. They are Claude Berrebi, Keith Crane, Cassandra Guarino, Fran-
cisco Martorell, C. Richard Neu, Cathleen Stasz, and Gail Zellman.
We also gratefully acknowledge the comments and suggestions of
Sue Bodilly, Brent Bradley, Michael Rich, and James Thomson that
stemmed from an interim project briefing given in April 2006, as well
as the comments and suggestions we received from members of the
xi
xii Facing Human Capital Challenges of the 21st Century, Executive Summary
Board of Overseers of the RAND-Qatar Policy Institute at a brief-

ing given in May 2007. Catherine Augustine, Dominic Brewer, and
Elaine Reardon reviewed the report and provided helpful comments
on its direction and analytic framework. We are grateful for their
comments.
We also thank Lawrence Tingson and Reham Al Sayed, both of
whom provided us with administrative, logistical, and research support.
We alone, however, claim full responsibility for any errors within.
CHAPTER ONE
Introduction
Human Resource Challenges Faced by the Arab Region
According to the Framework for Action adopted for Arab states by the
2000 Regional Conference on Education for All (United Nations Edu-
cation, Scientific, and Cultural Organization [UNESCO], 2000b),
millions of individuals in the Arab region1 are being deprived of edu-
cation, and millions are receiving education of poor quality. In addi-
tion, most of those receiving an education are not being appropriately
prepared for the technological era or the potential for international
competition in the new millennium. While primary education enroll-
ments are relatively high (90 percent or higher), secondary and post-
secondary education remains elusive for most. And illiteracy rates in
the region are high—68 million illiterate people, 63 percent of them
females—largely because of the lack of education for older groups. For
many countries in the region (Egypt, Sudan, Morocco, Mauritania,
Yemen, Tunisia, Algeria, Djibouti, Iraq, and Oman), illiteracy is the
number one challenge.
Many other of the region’s countries have addressed the basic
education needs of their populations, overcoming the problem of illit-
eracy and the gender gap related to it (e.g., the UAE, Bahrain, Jordan,
1 According to UNESCO, the Arab region countries are Algeria, Bahrain, Djibouti, Egypt,
Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Libya, Malta, Mauritania, Morocco, Oman, Qatar, Saudi
Arabia, Somalia, Sudan, Syria, Tunisia, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), and Yemen.
1
2 Facing Human Capital Challenges of the 21st Century, Executive Summary
Kuwait, Lebanon, Libya, Palestine, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and Syria)

(UNESCO, 2000b). However, the workforce in the vast majority of
Arab nations either lacks the skills needed for important sectors of
industry and the economy or lacks the skills essential for fueling entre-
preneurship and growth in new areas of opportunity. Labor market
and economic reforms are needed to increase the role of the private
sector, to diversify economies (especially away from oil domination),
and to reduce unemployment, particularly among young nationals
(World Bank, 2004).2
The 2003 Arab Human Development Report, which carries the sub-
title Building a Knowledge Society, cites lack of knowledge capital as the
main long-term problem faced by the Arab world and calls declining
quality the most important challenge faced by Arab education (United
Nations Development Programme [UNDP], 2003). A key compo-
nent of a knowledge society, or a knowledge economy, is reliance on
the intellectual capabilities of the workforce, rather than on material
products or national resources (Powell and Snellman, 2004). The 2003
report notes that the knowledge gap, not the income gap, “determines
the prospects of countries in today’s world economy” (UNDP, 2003,
p. 35).
Human capital—the learning, abilities, skills, and knowledge of
an individual—can be used in the labor market as a form of currency
(or capital) in exchange for wages or earnings. Human capital is often
considered a key predictor of a person’s employment and wages. Human
capital theory (Becker, 1964) suggests that investments in human capi-
tal can be through formal schooling or on-the-job training, both of
which raise workers’ productivity and therefore increase their wages
or earnings. Most studies show that formal schooling is an important
factor in explaining variations of salary and wages in well-developed
countries (Cohn and Addison, 1998) and in some less-developed coun-
tries (Psacharopoulos, 1985, 1994). One expectation is that widespread
2 We use the term nationals to mean citizens of a country. Expatriates, or non-nationals, are
members of the immigrant population residing in a country that are not citizens. In the Gulf
countries, non-nationals are often low-skilled laborers or highly skilled employees who are in
the country for a set period, much like “guest workers” in the United States or Europe.
Introduction 3
investment in human capital will create the skill base in the labor force
that is indispensable for a country’s economic growth.
Globalization and technological changes have made human capi-
tal development increasingly important for a nation’s economic prog-
ress (Korpi and Tahlin, 2006). Labor markets around the world are
going beyond countries’ borders, calling for individuals to have specific
technology-based skills. However, recent studies found that those edu-
cated in the Arab region are ill prepared to enter the world of work in
a global economy. According to the results of the Monitoring Learning
Achievement project conducted by UNESCO and the United Nations
Children’s Fund (UNICEF) between 1993 and 1998, primary educa-
tion in the Arab states appears to be of poor quality and fails to pro-
vide for students’ basic learning needs (UNESCO, 2000a). For exam-
ple, the project’s study of English language found that despite English
being the language of technology, students in the Arab region were
not receiving the amounts and kinds of English instruction needed to
communicate effectively and to keep up with advances in information
technology. Given that the human capital needs of countries change
over time with the advent of new technology, improving the quality of
education now constitutes a main challenge for the Arab states.
The demand for labor in both growing and emerging economic
sectors is outpacing the supply of local populations’ workforce skills.3
This skill mismatch can lead to either low wages or unemployment.
Research shows that labor demand and supply imbalances (skill mis-
matches) that affect workers with the poorest labor market prospects
(i.e., those with the lowest education levels) worsen the overall perfor-
mance of a country’s economy by increasing the unemployment rate
(Manacorda and Petrongolo, 1999). Because of limits in the quality
of education that students in the Arab world receive, a large gap exists
between the demand for human capital skills and the supply of those
skills through the native workforces of the region (UNDP, 2003). Fur-
thermore, the World Bank’s 2008 report on education reform in the
Middle East, The Road Not Traveled: Education Reform in the Middle
3 See Autor, Katz, and Kearney, 2006, for documentation of the link between the expan-
sion of information technology and the rise in skill demand.
East and Africa, notes that Middle Eastern countries have not been able
to “capitalize on the progress made in increasing the level of human
capital in the labor force over time” (World Bank, 2008, p. 296).
Rising unemployment has meant that fewer people can be productive
in the workforce. At the same time, the workforce in these countries is
relatively unproductive, further exacerbating the region’s slow returns
to human capital investment (World Bank, 2008).
Demographic growth poses another challenge for education sys-
tems in the Arab region. According to UNESCO, the annual average
growth rate for 2000–2010 is estimated at 1.2 percent for the world,
1.5 percent for developing countries, and 2.5 percent for the Arab states
(UNESCO, 2000a). The population of 5- to 18-year-olds in the Arab
states is projected to be 110 million by 2010. If the enrollment ratio in
general education is 80 percent, the Arab states will have to ensure edu-
cational opportunities to 88 million students by 2010 (current figures
hold this number at 59 million students). This places pressure on the
education system in terms of expenditures, management, and finding
qualified teachers for these children (UNESCO, 2000a).
There are additional challenges beyond skill mismatch and
an expanding youth population. Many Arab states, particularly the
wealthier Gulf nations, face a labor deficit caused by inadequate prepa-
ration of the national labor pool, and many Gulf nations have a lim-
ited private sector and/or limited experience with entrepreneurship. In
addition, females continue to participate in the labor market less than
fully, and they experience occupational segregation, certain jobs being
considered more appropriate for females than for males. Other Arab
states experience a high rate of outmigration because their labor mar-
kets cannot absorb recent graduates.
Policymakers in the Arab world are therefore paying close atten-
tion to human resource development, the match between the popula-
tion’s skills and the skills demanded in the labor market, and the asso-
ciated need for quality education. Deficiencies in these areas threaten
to undermine progress toward creating the type of society—a knowl-
edge and information society—needed to effectively address increas-
ingly complex 21st century issues related to community well-being and
development.
Introduction 5
Research Questions
We documented measures that have been taken to address the human

resource and labor market issues faced by four countries in the Arab
region as they enter the 21st century global economy. The four countries
chosen—Lebanon, Oman, Qatar, and the UAE—provide examples of
the diversity and similarity in the challenges that the region faces and
the responses to those challenges. We asked the following questions:
t What are the human resource challenges that these countries

face?
t What education, human capital, and labor market reforms have
recently been implemented or are under way to address these
challenges?
t What mechanisms and information are used to assess whether
reforms are meeting their objectives, and is there evidence of
success?
Analytic Approach
Our study assumed that a country’s human resource base should have
skills that match labor market needs and that countries seek to design
a set of institutions and incentives to minimize any perceived mis-
matches. Thus, our goal was to identify the range of human resource
challenges faced by our focal countries and to describe the reform
measures each country has implemented to address them. With this
objective in mind, we arrived at a three-part analytic framework that
follows our research questions: We first identified the most-pressing
human resource issues for each country; we then catalogued the policy
approaches to address the human resource problems; and, finally, we
examined the availability of resources for evaluating the policies that
have been put in place. At each stage of our approach, we drew on the
perspective of key informants in each country studied, as well as public
reports and our analysis of various secondary data sources. We now
turn to each component of our analytic approach.
Diagnosis and Articulation of the Problem: What Are the Human

Resource Challenges Faced by Each Country?
Access to information on key education, training, and labor market
indicators is a vital part of diagnosing and articulating the nature of
any human resource challenges a country may be facing. Basic data
on population (disaggregated by nationality, age, gender); primary,
secondary, and post-secondary education outcomes; and labor market
indicators, such as labor force participation and unemployment rates
and the sectoral composition of employment, should be readily avail-
able to make an accurate diagnosis.
To understand the nature of the most-prominent human resource
issues in our four countries, we analyzed data available through in-
country and international sources and examined reports and other
sources of information to determine what has been diagnosed as the
important human resource issues faced by each country. These analyses
were supplemented by interviews with key decisionmakers in institu-
tions responsible for education and labor outcomes to give us an under-
standing of their perception and articulation of the problem.
Approaches to Addressing the Problem: What Reforms Have Been

Developed or Are Under Way?
To ascertain whether our study countries were addressing human
resource challenges, we collected, through key informant interviews
and various publicly available secondary sources, information on
enacted or underway reform policies specifically designed to improve
the human capital of a country’s population or to facilitate the employ-
ment of human capital in diverse sectors of the economy. Table 1.1
provides the categories of reforms we considered, grouping the reforms
into those related to education and training and those related to the
labor market and the economy.
In terms of education and training reforms, we focused on those
designed to increase participation in or raise the quality of primary
and secondary schooling. We were also interested in reforms targeting
higher education that had such objectives as raising participation rates
in post-secondary or post-graduate schooling, increasing the knowl-
edge and skills that students obtain, and shifting the mix of students
Introduction 7
Table 1.1
Categories of Human Capital Reforms
Covered in Study
Reform Categories and Subcategories
Education and training
Primary and secondary education
Post-secondary and post-graduate education
Training
Labor market and economy
Labor market reforms
Economic privatization
Economic diversification
in terms of fields of study or professional specialties. Reforms targeting

training institutions were another area of focus, whether the programs
concerned new labor market entrants or the retraining of the current
workforce. In each of these areas, reforms could be aimed at public-
sector institutions, private-sector institutions, or both.
We also considered a set of reforms designed to promote the use of
human resources through more-general reforms to the labor market or
the economy. In the case of the labor market, these could encompass,
for example, reforms affecting employment conditions in the public or
the private sector, the provision of employee benefits by public or pri-
vate employers, or the role of non-nationals in the labor market. The
reforms could be designed to affect the decisionmaking of individuals
in or outside the labor force (e.g., increasing labor force participation
rates or making certain sectors of the economy more or less attractive
for employment) or of employers (e.g., making certain workers more or
less attractive for employment). Broader economic reforms could also
have implications for the use of human capital. In this domain, we
focused on reforms designed to promote the private sector (particularly
relevant in those economies with a large public sector) or greater eco-
nomic diversification (an issue in the resource-rich countries that are
highly dependent on income from a specific source, such as petroleum

products). Reforms aimed at privatization and diversification typically
have reform elements designed to address the labor needs of the private
sector or the sectors targeted for expansion.
For the range of reforms shown in Table 1.1, we looked for ways
in which reform efforts might complement each other or, alternatively,
might be at cross purposes. At the same time, the categories of reforms
we focused on covered only a portion of the broader economic, politi-
cal, and social reforms implemented or in the planning stages in our
four study countries or the Arab region more generally. Thus, for exam-
ple, we did not focus on economic reforms affecting financial markets,
other economic sectors (e.g., health care), trade, or government unless
they had some bearing on human capital formation or use.
Availability of Resources for Policy Evaluation: What Mechanisms

Are in Place for Evaluating Policy?
Accurate diagnosis and articulation of a problem depend on the avail-
ability of data and information from which an appropriate policy
approach can be devised. In addition, a country must be able to track
and report on progress in addressing identified problems. As part of the
third component of our approach, we documented whether our four
focal countries had put into place mechanisms to evaluate progress in
achieving reform goals.
Effective policy-evaluation resources that track and report prog-
ress typically include regular population and labor force surveys that
measure economic outcomes and social indicators, as well as careful
administration of student assessments and collection of other informa-
tion on education outcomes. Equally important is appropriate analysis
of collected data, as well as clear and transparent reporting of results
so that what is learned is ultimately useful to policymakers and other
stakeholders. An effective system of data collection and policy evalu-
ation provides policymakers with information about whether a given
policy is working or not and, if not, what needs to be done so that it
achieves its intended outcome. Again, drawing on information from
interviews and secondary sources, we examined the extent to which
these mechanisms were in place in each study country.
Introduction 9
Approach to Data Collection and Interviews
As previously indicated, we used two sources of data to collect timely

information about human resource challenges, reform efforts under
way in our selected countries, and data available for policy evaluation.
One source of information involved analysis of population, economic,
education, and labor market data from country-level government orga-
nizations and from international databases available from the UNDP,
UNESCO, the World Bank, and the International Monetary Fund
(IMF). These secondary data sources provide a context for understand-
ing the human capital challenges faced by each of the countries.4
The second data source was information provided in interviews
with knowledgeable officials in the government and private sector of
each study country. For information on the human resource challenges
that Qatar faces and reform efforts that are under way in that country,
we analyzed notes from interviews conducted by RAND from 2001
through 2006 for studies assessing the primary and secondary educa-
tion system (see Brewer et al., 2007), post-secondary education system
(see Stasz et al., 2007), the labor market, civil service and training, and
the country’s national university.
Based on information provided by those studies on Qatar, we
developed a semi-structured interview protocol for our interviews with
key informants in the public and private sectors in our other three study
countries. We conducted our interviews in Lebanon, Oman, and the
UAE between January and August 2006. During our country visits,
we conducted meetings with high-level officials across various sectors,
including education, economy, civil service, manpower and vocational
training, and data collection and planning. To understand how gov-
ernment initiatives were being received by the populace and whether
reform efforts were meeting intended goals, we also met with leaders
of private and quasi-private non-governmental organizations (NGOs)
and research firms.
4 The secondary data sources on which we relied follow international standards in sam-
pling methods and administration to targeted populations. When links to websites contain-
ing the datasets are available, we provide them for those readers who wish to consult the
sources directly.
Table 1.2 lists, by country, the sectors in which we conducted

interviews in Lebanon, Oman, and the UAE and on which we gath-
ered information from studies on Qatar. Although we aimed for inter-
views in all sectors in each country, on many occasions we could not
gain access to officials. In the case of “administrative reform and social
affairs,” only Lebanon has an office devoted to this sector. In the case
of “manpower and vocational training,” Qatar does not have a specific
office devoted to this sector. Instead, the “civil service and labor” sector
develops policies related to manpower.
Although interviews were tailored by sector, the questions
required interviewees to reflect on the most-significant challenges that
the country faces related to human capital formation and development.
We asked whether officials considered the education system of the
country, the labor pool and workers’ skills, or the economy and associ-
ated labor market as the greatest priority for the country and why. We
also wanted to understand the key national policy priorities and role
of the specific ministry or organization in formulating and addressing
those priorities. We asked officials to tell us the important initiatives
or reforms related to human capital or human resource development in
the previous five years in the country. We questioned the motivation
for reforms, the process for formulating and implementing reforms,
Table 1.2
Interviews Conducted, by Sector and Country
Sector Lebanon Oman Qatar UAE
Manpower and vocational training √ N/A √
Primary, secondary, and higher education √ √ √ √
Civil service and labor √ √
Economy, finance, and planning √ √ √ √
Administrative reform and social affairs √ N/A N/A N/A
General government √
Private and mixed sector √ √
NOTE: N/A = not applicable (ministry or sector does not exist).

Introduction 11
and the challenges the country faced in ensuring that reforms were
successfully implemented. Finally, we asked what types of mechanisms
were in place (e.g., data collection or evaluation efforts) to inform
policymaking and whether there were any mechanisms to help policy-
makers better understand the success or failure of reform efforts.
We used the interview notes to provide an overview of the areas of
human capital deficits in each country and the types of reforms under
way, and to provide guidance on where to find published information.
We then relied primarily on secondary data and published documents
for much of the detailed analysis in the study. As a result, we do not
directly reference or quote specific officials with whom we spoke in our
chapters on the case studies. Instead, we use the interview information
to describe the general nature of each country’s reform efforts. When
other materials provided a source of information about specific aspects
of the reforms, those materials are directly cited. In the absence of a
specific citation, the source is presumed to be information gathered
during our interviews.
Rationale for Country Selection
Our study approach juxtaposes three Gulf countries—Oman, Qatar,

and the UAE—and one non-Gulf country—Lebanon—to showcase
similarities and differences in the reform strategies employed. Qatar
and the UAE, with their similar geographic and cultural histories, share
many demographic and economic characteristics. They also face simi-
lar workforce challenges because of their reliance on imported labor to
fill skill gaps in their national labor pools. Oman shares strong political
and cultural similarities with its fellow Arab Gulf Cooperation Coun-
cil (GCC) members,5 but its lesser dependence on natural resources for
its wealth has caused its economic and sociodemographic development
to differ from that of the other GCC members in important ways.
Lebanon serves as a stark contrast to the Gulf countries because it is a
5 The GCC was established in 1981 to foster relations among the countries in the Arabian
Gulf. Its members are Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the UAE.
major exporter of labor and is undergoing significant rebuilding after

a prolonged civil war. We selected these countries to illustrate the dif-
ferences in the challenges being faced by what many outside the region
consider to be a homogenous group of nations.
In addition to taking into consideration the country-level charac-
teristics in choosing our study countries, we factored in a number of
logistic constraints. First, our data collection effort took place between
January and August 2006. Because of this time constraint, we had
limited time to arrange for visits, gain access to key informants, collect
data, and follow leads on information within each country. Second,
particularly for high-level government officials, we expected large
delays in getting appointments, without which a personal connection
or introduction would have been impossible to secure. We therefore
made the purposeful decision to select countries that would allow for
ease of access: countries close to the RAND office in Doha, Qatar, and
within which we had collegial relationships. Qatar offered a unique
opportunity in that RAND had assisted in the design and implemen-
tation of reforms to the kindergarten through grade 12 (K–12) educa-
tion system and to Qatar University, its primary national university,
from 2001 to 2006. We intended to include Jordan and Kuwait as part
of the case studies but ended up excluding them. In the case of Jordan,
it became clear that we did not have the personal connections needed
for ready access to key informants. In the case of Kuwait, after we had
conducted an initial set of interviews, the political climate of the coun-
try changed: The emir dissolved the parliament, and many government
ministries temporarily closed. Shortly thereafter, the emir died, where-
upon our attempts to reschedule did not succeed in securing interviews
because it was anticipated that the ministerial cabinet would change.
Limitations of the Study
It is important to keep in mind several limitations of our analysis. First,

we provide a portrait of policies and reform measures under way in each
country, yet our study stopped short of formally evaluating whether the
policies and reforms were meeting their intended goals. This is largely
Introduction 13
because many of the policies were in their nascent stages and it was
therefore too early to assess the effects of the changes. A related issue is
that the information needed to evaluate the effects of specific reforms
was often not available. However, where possible, we point to evidence
that may be suggestive of the early effects of specific reform efforts.
Second, given the diversity of the countries in the Arab region in terms
of history, political systems, economies, and demographic makeup, we
did not seek to generalize the human resource challenges or reform
efforts experienced by the four study countries to other countries in the
Arab world. Nevertheless, by documenting how these four countries
are responding to what are, in many cases, challenges that are shared
by other countries in the region, we provide a catalogue of the range
of education and labor market reforms that may serve as models for
other countries and, eventually, lessons learned about what does and
does not work.
Organization of This Document
Chapter Two describes the economic and sociopolitical histories of

our four study countries. Chapter Three focuses on the human capital
reform initiatives in place or under way in those countries. Chapter
Four then presents a synthesis perspective on the reforms under way in
the four study countries and discusses implications for human capital
reforms throughout the Arab region.
CHAPTER TWO
Economic and Sociopolitical Context for Reform

in the Four Study Countries
We classified the countries in our study on the basis of four characteris-

tics: source of national wealth, nature of sociopolitical system, diversity
of economy, and composition of labor pool.1 These four characteristics
are intrinsically tied to each other. The countries that rely on natural
resources for their wealth have similar political systems, have a large
public sector that serves as the dominant employer in the country, and
need to import expatriate (skilled and unskilled) labor to fill shortages
in their local labor pools. Conversely, the countries that have a variety
of sources of national wealth share a longer history of participatory
government, have a balance between the public and private sectors, and
rely less on expatriate labor. Figure 2.1 shows how the countries fit in
our classification scheme.
Reliance on Natural Resources for National Wealth
As Figure 2.1 shows, two countries in our study, Qatar and the UAE,
are classified as resource rich, whereas the other two, Oman and
1 Some of these characteristics are used in other sources to classify countries in the Arab
world. For example, the World Bank divides countries in the Middle East and North Africa
(MENA) region into those that are resource rich versus resource poor, and labor abundant
versus labor scarce (World Bank, 2004). Three of our four study countries—Oman, Qatar,
and the UAE—are classified as resource rich and labor scarce; our fourth country, Lebanon,
is classified as resource poor and labor abundant.
15
Figure 2.1
Classification of Study Countries
Reliance on natural resources for national wealth

Resource rich Resource poor/dwindling
Qatar Lebanon
UAE Oman
Sociopolitical system
Ruling elite Full participatory democracy
Qatar Lebanon
UAE
Oman (some participation)
Diversity of economy
Dominated by single industry Balanced across multiple
and large public sector industries and large private sector
Qatar Lebanon
Oman
UAE
Composition of labor pool

Predominantly non-nationals Predominantly nationals
Qatar Lebanon
UAE Oman
RAND MG786/1-2.1
Lebanon, fall at the opposite extreme, that of having poor or dwin-

dling natural resources from which to generate wealth. Qatar and the
UAE rely largely on oil as their dominant source of national income,
although that resource is diminishing in both Qatar (which increas-
ingly relies on natural gas production) and the UAE (where oil is
mainly concentrated in Abu Dhabi, and the other emirates have only
limited supplies). In Qatar, the Qatar Planning Council estimates that
oil and gas account for more than 60 percent of gross domestic product
(GDP), roughly 85 percent of export earnings, and 70 percent of gov-
ernment revenues (Qatar Planning Council, 2006). According to 2005
figures from the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries
Economic and Sociopolitical Context for Reform in the Four Study Countries 17
(OPEC), oil production in Qatar reached 7.6 million barrels per day
(bbl/day), with proven oil reserves of 15.2 billion barrels estimated to
continue for 23 years (OPEC, 2006). Qatar’s natural gas production
reached 43.5 billion standard cubic meters (cu m), and its reserves,
which exceed 25 trillion cu m, are more than 5 percent of the world
total and are the third largest in the world, behind Russia and Iran.
Qatar is expected to become the world’s top exporter of liquefied natu-
ral gas in the near future (OPEC, 2006). Of the countries in our study,
the UAE has the largest reserves of oil, estimated at 98 billion barrels
in 2005, or approximately 100 years at current production levels. The
UAE’s oil production is 2.378 million bbl/day, and its natural gas pro-
duction is 46.6 billion cu m, with 6 trillion cu m of proven reserves.
The UAE’s Ministry of Information and Culture reports that in 2004,
oil and gas production alone accounted for a large portion (30 percent)
of the UAE’s GDP, giving Abu Dhabi (the emirate in which most of
that production takes place) the strongest economy in the country. Yet
the growing manufacturing and construction sectors in emirates such
as Dubai are beginning to account for significant shares of economic
activity (14 and 8 percent, respectively) (UAE Ministry of Information
and Culture, 2006).2
Qatar and the UAE can be characterized as “oil states” in that the
sale of oil, rather than the production capabilities of the state’s popula-
tion, is the generator of the state’s wealth (Mohammed, 2003). This,
plus the lack of domestic taxation, means that wealth does not tend
to circulate in the economy (Beblawi and Luciani, 1987). Reliance
on natural rather than human resources for the wealth of a country
has had a major impact on the other three domains of our classifica-
tion scheme. When oil was discovered in the Arab Gulf region, exist-
ing family rulers became the major recipients of the income; at the
same time, the rulers directed large sums of that income toward socio-
economic development projects. Before long, these Gulf states sup-
2 Forty-four percent of the UAE’s GDP is accounted for by the services sector, which
includes government services. The total non-oil-related contribution toward the UAE’s GDP
in 2004 is listed at 230 billion dirhams, or 71 percent (UAE Ministry of Information and
Culture, 2006).
ported their citizenry through public-sector employment or social

welfare while relying on expatriates to fill any perceived shortages in
the skilled and unskilled labor pools.
Conversely, Lebanon and Oman are not able to rely predomi-
nantly on natural resources for their national wealth. Although the
production and sale of oil contribute to Oman’s national GDP, its
economy is more diverse than those of the large oil states, Qatar and
the UAE. The reason for this greater diversity is twofold: Oil was dis-
covered relatively late in Oman (1964) compared with its Gulf neigh-
bors (early 1930s), and Oman’s oil reserves are quickly dwindling. Leb-
anon’s GDP also does not rely on the production or sale of oil. Oil has
never been a source of wealth for Lebanon; instead, Lebanon has relied
on strong financial and service sectors, particularly before and after its
1975–1990 civil war.
Table 2.1 summarizes several key economic indicators for our
study countries as of 2004.3 Qatar and the UAE, both classified as
“high income” countries by the World Bank, are the wealthiest coun-
tries in our study, with gross national income (GNI) per capita figures
in 2004 sizably larger than those of Lebanon or Oman, which are both
classified as “upper middle income” countries.4 Qatar and the UAE also
have the fastest-growing economies, with 2004 real growth rates of 9.9
and 8.5 percent, respectively. Oman has the slowest-growing economy,
at 3.1 percent real growth, and Lebanon falls in between, with a 6.3
3 Table 2.1 and several others that follow in this chapter rely primarily on country-level
data compiled by international agencies—e.g., the World Bank as part of its World Develop-
ment Indicators (World Bank, 2007). In some cases, these data differ from statistics available
from sources within our study countries. However, we prefer to use the data from the inter-
national sources for this introductory discussion because these sources attempt to produce
statistics that are as comparable across countries as possible, which often means adjustments
have been made to official statistics prepared by country government agencies. When an
indicator of interest for this chapter was not available from an international source, we report
the relevant indicator from the country-specific source, when available, and note on the table
any variation across countries in the year or definition of the indicator.
4 Based on 2004 GNI per capita using the World Bank Atlas method, high-income coun-
tries exceed GNI per capita of $10,066, and upper-middle-income countries are in the range
of $3,256 to $10,065. The World Bank does not report GNI per capita for Qatar for 2004
but estimates it as being in the high-income range.
Table 2.1
Key Economic Indicators of Study Countries, 2004
GNI per Real GDP GDP Contribution

Capita (U.S. $) Growth by Sector (percent UNDP HDI
Country [classification] (percent/year) distribution) [classification]
Lebanon 6,040 6.3 Industry: 22 0.774

[upper middle Services: 71 [medium]
income] Agriculture: 7
Oman 9,070 3.1 Industry: 56 0.810

[upper middle Services: 42 [high]
income] Agriculture: 2
Qatar n.a. 9.9 Industry: 76 0.844

[high income] Services: 24 [high]
Agriculture: <1
UAE 23,770 8.5 Industry: 55 0.839

[high income] Services: 42 [high]
Agriculture: 3
SOURCES: GNI per capita, real GDP growth, and GDP contribution by sector are from
World Bank, 2007, for Lebanon, Oman, and UAE; and from Qatar Planning Council,
2005b, p. 17, and World Bank, 2007, Table 1.1, for Qatar. UNDP HDI figures are from
UNDP, 2006, Table 1.
NOTES: n.a. = not available. GNI per capita was calculated using the World Bank Atlas
method.
percent real growth rate. Using a broader measure of development

that captures life expectancy and education (measured by adult liter-
acy and gross school enrollment at the primary, secondary, and post-
secondary levels) in addition to the standard of living (measured by
GDP per capita), the UNDP ranks Qatar, the UAE, and Oman as
“high” human development countries and Lebanon as a “medium”
human development country.
Sociopolitical System: The Role of Participatory

Democracy
The three Gulf states in our study are classified as being dominated
by a ruling elite, whereas Lebanon is the outlier because of its history
(albeit a tumultuous one) of participatory democracy (see Figure 2.1).
Table 2.2 summarizes the governance models of our study countries
Table 2.2
Governance Models in Study Countries
Lebanon Oman Qatar UAE
Type of Parliamentary Monarchy Constitutional Federation of

governance republic emirate emirates
Executive President, Sultan Emir Federal Supreme

branch Council of Council
Ministers
Legislative Unicameral None None None

brancha parliament
Advisory None State council, Shura Council Federal National

bodies Consultative Council
council
Justice and Multireligious, Islamic, civil Islamic, civil Islamic, civil

legal system civil
Voting rights All citizens age All citizens age All citizens age Limited
21 and aboveb 21 and above 18 and above
SOURCES: U.S. Department of State, 2007a through c and 2008.

a Has authority to write and pass legislation.
b Compulsory for adult males; authorized for females with an elementary
education.
along five dimensions that describe the political and legal structures in
place, as well as the nature of the voting rights extended to citizens.
The political and legal infrastructures of the three Gulf nations
have dramatically expanded as a result of oil revenues, and the expan-
sion in oil revenues has enhanced the social and economic well-being
of the people in these countries. Despite such advancements, however,
ruling families retain ultimate decisionmaking authority. Executive
and legislative powers in the three Gulf states are in the hands of the
rulers and their appointed councils of ministers (Mohammed, 2003).
As heads of state, however, rulers can wield a great deal of power and
can intervene in the consultative branch at will (which is what hap-
pened in another Gulf country, Kuwait, when the parliament was
dissolved in 2006). The three Gulf countries today are not absolute
monarchies; some participatory assemblies are allowed, and each coun-
try has some form of a constitution (as does Lebanon). Furthermore,
enfranchisement seems an important goal to the rulers of Qatar and

Oman, who recently passed laws to extend voting to all citizens, male
and female. The president of the UAE’s Federal Supreme Council also
passed a law, in August 2006, to allow select members of the public to
vote for 50 percent of the members of the Federal National Council, a
political body that plays an advisory role to the Federal Supreme Coun-
cil. Furthermore, the rulers in the three Gulf states do not have dictato-
rial powers. They are bound by shari’a (Islamic law), by age-old tribal
customs and values, and by the process of shura (consultation).
To understand the link between a country’s reliance on oil wealth
and its political system, it is important to consider the genesis of the
nation-state for Arab Gulf countries. Gulf countries as distinct nation-
states initially formed as a strategic location for British trade ships en
route to India. At the turn of the 20th century, many tribal leaders in the
Gulf signed agreements that allowed Britain to oversee all foreign rela-
tions of the fledgling nation-states without interfering in their domestic
politics. Under these agreements, Britain recognized the tribal leader as
the representative of the people in that region. In turn, Britain offered
the leaders protection from other countries or tribes in the region. No
Gulf state was allowed to deal with another country, large or small;
all foreign relations were conducted on their behalf by Britain. This
protective relationship with Britain acted like a cocoon that preserved
the tribes’ social traditions and political systems, thus permitting the
continued adherence to Arab tribal customs. It also contributed to the
survival of their cultural institutions despite the dramatic impact of the
great oil wealth of the past 50 years (Zahlan, 1998).
Once oil was discovered in the early 1930s, rulers received
monthly retainer fees as part of the agreements with Britain and the oil
companies. These monthly fees brought the rulers financial indepen-
dence from the people: Taxation was no longer required. Eventually,
the rulers disbursed large sums of the oil wealth for socioeconomic
development projects. As the oil revenues increased, the former rudi-
mentary methods of ruling inevitably became obsolete, and complex
government bureaucracies were established (World Bank, 2004). The
transformation of societies once heavily dependent on pearl production
and trade to societies receiving the benefits of a social welfare state has,
in some regards, resulted in a tacit acceptance of the political status quo

(Zahlan, 1998).
Lebanon’s political history differs greatly from that of the three
Arab Gulf states in our study. Lebanon has a long history of ethnic and
religious heterogeneity that has fed into a political system of plurality
and participatory democracy. Lebanon’s constitution, written in 1926,
supports a balance of power among religious groups in the country,
and an unwritten “National Pact” (al Mithaq al Watani) from 1943
stipulates that the president be a Maronite Christian, the prime min-
ister a Sunni Muslim, and the speaker of parliament a Shiite Muslim
(Collelo, 1989). After gaining its independence from France in 1943
(full withdrawal of French troops did not occur until 1946), Leba-
non vacillated between periods of prosperity and peace and periods
of political turmoil, the latter epitomized by its civil war from 1975
to 1990, after which came a number of political reform measures to
ensure the sustainability of peace. Today, Lebanon is a parliamentarian
republic with a sectarian-based electoral system. Direct elections must
take place every four years for parliament members. In turn, parlia-
ment elects a president every six years, and the president and parlia-
ment together choose a prime minister.
Diversity of the Economy
Diversity of the economy, by which we mean both the extent to which

the economy depends on a single industry or sector as opposed to a
more diversified mix and the extent to which employment is diversified
between the public and private sectors, is another distinguishing fea-
ture for the four study countries (see Figure 2.1). We define the public
sector as those organizations that are exclusively government institu-
tions, such as ministries and government councils. These are different
from state-owned enterprises, which are fully owned by the state. In
the oil-dependent countries in our study, oil and gas companies are
state-owned enterprises.
Figure 2.1 classifies both public-sector institutions and state-
owned enterprises as part of the public sector. The mixed sector consists
of establishments owned by the government in partnership with a local

national or foreign entity (examples include Qatar Airways in Qatar
and United Emirates Airline in the UAE, both of which are 50 per-
cent state owned and 50 percent privately owned). The private sector
is defined as those establishments that are fully privately owned and
operated. We classified Qatar at the one extreme, with a large public
sector and heavy reliance on the oil industry, and Lebanon at the other
extreme, with a large private sector and a more diversified set of indus-
tries. Oman and the UAE lie between these two extremes.
Data presented in Table 2.1 confirm these distinctions between
our study countries in terms of the sectoral composition of GDP. Of
the countries in our sample, Qatar has the least diversified economy,
with 76 percent of the GDP contributed by industry, notably oil and
gas. Oman and Lebanon have more-diversified economies, with indus-
try accounting for just 22 percent of Lebanon’s GDP and 56 percent of
Oman’s. Over 70 percent of Lebanon’s GDP comes from the services
sector, which includes a wide variety of private enterprises. It is striking
that the UAE, a country with a historically oil-dependent economy,
shows signs of economic diversification, with the industry sector con-
tributing 55 percent of its GDP and services contributing 42 percent.
Whether the government is a large employer or owner of key
industries is another important indicator of the economy’s diversity
for our four countries. The governments of Qatar and the UAE are the
largest employers in their countries, and employment of nationals is
highly concentrated in the public sector. Oman has a mixed economy,
with both the private and the public sector employing nationals. Leba-
non has a strong entrepreneurial history and a small and limited public
sector.
Because the governments of the three Gulf states in our study
are not directly involved in the process of oil production (state-owned
enterprises are responsible for production), these states retain the essen-
tial political characteristics of earlier, pre-oil days, when the pearling
industry dominated the structure of society. The government’s princi-
pal activity in the economy is to allocate, not generate, funds. Govern-
ment departments responsible for administering welfare policies (e.g.,
ministries of education, health, water, and electricity) are not usually
headed by members of the ruling families; nor are the ministries of

commerce, which are responsible for implementing the commercial
laws that protect nationals from expatriate competition.
The administrative sectors in these three countries employ a
much higher proportion of the economically active population than
do the administrative sectors in the non-oil-producing countries of the
Arab world. About 50 percent of economically active nationals are in
government service, where they enjoy many privileges—in salaries,
qualifications, and fringe benefits—not necessarily available to non-
nationals. All nationals in Oman, Qatar, and the UAE are provided
with education free of charge from grade school to post-graduate study.
All three countries also have scholarships available for nationals for
study abroad. And utilities (gas, water, electricity, telephone, etc.) are
subsidized for nationals. In addition to being excluded from these
privileges, non-nationals can only do business with a national partner
and, with few exceptions, cannot own more than 49 percent of any
company.
In direct contrast to the large public sectors characteristic of these
Gulf nations, the bulk of the Lebanese population is employed by
the private sector. Lebanon capitalizes on its multilingual population
(Arabic, English, and French are all commonly used), its geographic
location along the Mediterranean Sea, and its financial institutions to
compensate for not having large amounts of natural resources to rely
on.
Composition of the Labor Pool
Another feature that differentiates the four study countries is labor

pool composition (see Figure 2.1). As is true for most Arab Gulf coun-
tries, working people in Qatar and the UAE are predominantly non-
nationals (this applies to the population as a whole, as well). As Tables
2.3 and 2.4 indicate, nationals of Qatar and the UAE are a minority
in their own countries. In Qatar, non-nationals make up 81 percent of
the population of nearly 800,000 persons and 89 percent of the labor
force. In the UAE, which comprises about 4.3 million persons, non-
Table 2.3
Key Demographic Indicators of Study Countries, 2004
Population Growth
Total Population (annual percent Non-Nationals Age 0–14
Country (1,000s) change) (percent) (percent)
Lebanon 3,540 1.0 6.6 29.1
Oman 2,534 0.9 23.9a 34.9
Qatar 777 5.8 80.8 22.3
U.A.E 4,320 6.7 78.1b 22.4
SOURCES: Total population, population growth, and share of those age 0–14 are
from World Bank, 2007. Percent non-national figures are from Lebanon Central
Administration for Statistics, 2005, Tables 6 and 7; Oman Ministry of National
Economy, 2005; Qatar Planning Council, 2005a, Tables 11 to 16; and UAE Ministry of
Economy, Statistics Abstract, 2006, Table 1.
a Figure is for 2003.
b Figure is for 2005.
nationals are 78 percent of the population and 91 percent of the labor

force. In both countries, the population is growing rapidly, between 6
and 8 percent per year as of 2004, although the share of the population
under age 15, at 22 percent, is close to the average for all high-income
countries (about 18 percent) (World Bank, 2007). Moreover, the offi-
cial unemployment rate is very low, less than 5 percent in each case
according to recent labor force surveys. Non-national workers in these
two countries are found primarily in the service industries, in either
low- or high-skilled fields. Nationals, in contrast, work primarily in the
public sector as civil servants. The increase in oil production, leading
to growth in the welfare state and the existence of vast state bureau-
cracies, has unwittingly resulted in a distancing of the rulers and the
development of a broad upper class of nationals, without a concomitant
strengthening of a working class of nationals. In turn, the development
of these two countries’ infrastructures has often been designed, imple-
mented, and undertaken not by nationals, but by a cadre of foreigners
(Mohammed, 2003).
At the other end of Figure 2.1’s spectrum are Oman and Leba-
non, where nationals predominate in the labor pool and, likewise, in
the population as a whole. Unlike its Arab Gulf neighbors, Oman,
Table 2.4
Key Labor Market Indicators of Study Countries, 2004
Labor Force Non-Nationals Unemployment Rate

Country (1,000s) (percent) (percent)
Lebanon 1,163 n.a. 8.1
Oman 873a 49.3a 13.0 b
Qatar 444 88.1 3.9c
UAE 2,731 90.7 8.2 (M)d

19.7 (F)
SOURCES: Lebanon 2004 figures are from Lebanon Central

Administration for Statistics, 2005, Tables 15 and 19; Oman 2003 figures
are from Oman Ministry of National Economy, 2005; Oman 2000 figure
is from Oman Ministry of National Economy, 2004; Qatar 2004 figures
are from Qatar Planning Council, 2005a, Table 13; Qatar 2001 figure is
from Qatar Planning Council, 2002, Tables 5 and 36; UAE 2004 figures
are from Centre for Labour Market Research and Information, 2005,
Table 2.1 and p. 29.
NOTES: n.a. = not available. Labor force and unemployment rate take
into account those age 15 and above.
b Figure is for 2000.
c Figure is for 2001.
d UAE unemployment rate is reported separately for males (M) and
females (F) and is for nationals only.
with a total population of 2.5 million, has a much lower representa-

tion of non-nationals in the population and labor force: 24 and 49
percent, respectively (see Tables 2.3 and 2.4). This is in part because of
Oman’s position in the first domain in Figure 2.1. Oman has a dwin-
dling supply of oil and gas resources and thus cannot sustain a large
public sector to employ its nationals (it cannot afford a large social wel-
fare system). In consequence, the nationals turn to the private sector
for employment. In contrast to Qatar and the UAE, Oman has a much
lower rate of population growth (less than 1 percent in 2004), but a
considerably higher share (almost 35 percent) of its population is under
age 15. In addition, the unemployment rate is considerably higher, esti-
mated at 13 percent.
Lebanon has an even lower share of non-nationals in its popula-
tion. Although Lebanon has not administered a national census since
1932, recent estimates from a household survey indicate that non-

Lebanese make up only 7 percent of the population of 3.5 million.
There is no available figure for the non-Lebanese share of the labor
force. As in Oman, population growth in Lebanon is about 1 percent
per year as of 2004, and the share of the population under age 15 (29
percent) is almost as high as Oman’s. With a national unemployment
rate of 8 percent in 2004 (11 percent for those age 20 to 24 and 16 per-
cent for those age 25 to 29), emigration to another country for work is
often seen as a viable option for unemployed Lebanese youth.
Beyond the differences in the size and composition of the labor
pool in our four study countries, there are differences in the invest-
ments made in the population’s, and hence the labor force’s, knowledge
and skills, and the resulting patterns do not always accord with a coun-
try’s level of wealth. Data in Table 2.5 show that literacy rates are at or
near 100 percent for males and females age 15 to 24 in Oman and are
nearly as high in the other three countries, although young males in
the UAE have a literacy rate of just 88 percent. In terms of gross enroll-
ment ratios, Qatar and Lebanon demonstrate the highest rates at the
primary level, and Qatar has the highest rate at the secondary level.5
Enrollment at the post-secondary level is highest in Lebanon, whose
rate far exceeds those of the other countries (although this indicator is
not available for the UAE). Given the UAE’s lower performance on lit-
eracy rates and enrollment ratios, it is not surprising that it spends the
least of the four study countries on public education as a share of GDP
despite its high level of income. In contrast, Oman spends 4.6 per-
cent of its total GDP on education, the largest percentage of the study
countries and a figure comparable to the average spending on educa-
tion as a percentage of GDP (5.0 percent) for the member states of the
5 Gross enrollment ratios are determined by dividing the number of children

enrolled at a given education level by the number of children of official school age
for that education level (multiplied by 100). Given enrollment delays and grade
repetition, gross enrollment ratios (especially at the primary level) may exceed 100.
Net enrollment ratios are determined by dividing the number of children of official
school age for a given education level that are enrolled at that level by the number
of children of official school age for that level (again multiplied by 100). Thus, net
enrollment ratios cannot exceed 100.
Table 2.5
Key Education Indicators of Study Countries
2000–2004 Literacy
Rate of Persons
Age 15 to 24 2002 Public
(percent) 2004 Gross Enrollment Ratio Expenditure
on Education
Post- (as percentage
Country Males Females Primary Secondary Secondary of GDP)
Lebanon 97 93 106.8 88.7 47.6 2.6
Oman 100 97 87.3 86.4 12.9 4.6
Qatar 94 96 101.7 96.8 19.1 3.6a
UAE 88 95 83.8 66.4 n.a. 1.6
SOURCES: Literacy rates are from Population Reference Bureau, 2006; gross
enrollment ratios and education expenditures are from World Bank, 2007, and
UNESCO, 2006.
NOTE: n.a. = not available.
Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD)

in the same period (OECD, 2005).
The Case-Study Approach
Our case-study approach allowed us to highlight issues that cut across

our four countries and to draw lessons learned from the differences
and similarities in policy responses to those issues while considering
the unique political, historical, economic, and demographic features of
each country. Given the nature of case-study research, we do not rec-
ommend generalizing to other countries in the Arab world. However,
our analytic framework and methodology, both discussed in Chapter
One, can be readily applied to examine the same issues in other nations
of the Arab world.
CHAPTER THREE
Human Resource Challenges and Reform Efforts

in Qatar, UAE, Oman, and Lebanon
This chapter summarizes the human resource challenges and human

capital reform initiatives in place or under way in our four study coun-
tries. We begin with Qatar and the UAE because these two countries
are the most similar in the group: They are resource rich, are governed
by a ruling elite, have a large or relatively large public sector, and have
a labor market dominated by non-nationals. We then discuss Oman,
which is like Qatar and the UAE in that it is governed by a ruling
elite, but has dwindling resources and a more diverse economy with
less reliance on expatriate labor. We end with Lebanon, because it con-
trasts most sharply with the other three countries: It is the only non-
Gulf country of the four and has few natural resources, a participa-
tory democracy, a large private sector, and minimal reliance on foreign
labor.
Qatar
Human Resource Challenges
Qatar faces challenges similar to those of Oman and the UAE: how to
enhance the human capital of its nationals and how to promote their
employment in the private sector to ensure the nation’s economic sta-
bility. Figure 3.1 diagrams the human resource challenges faced by the
country.
29
Figure 3.1
Schematic of Challenges Faced by Qatar: Need to Address an
Underqualified and Unprepared National Workforce
Reliance on Lack of incentives for

non-national nationals to move out
skilled workers of public sector
Underqualified
and and unprepared
national population
Large Mismatch between
public-sector labor market demands
employer and nationals’ skills
RAND MG786/1-3.1
Qatar is one of the world’s wealthiest nations. Endowed with tre-

mendous reserves of natural gas but a small population of nationals,
it has relied in recent decades on a large influx of foreign workers to
exploit its natural resources. Employment of nationals has concentrated
in the government, where they enjoy generous benefits and attractive
working conditions and thus have little incentive to work in the private
sector. Our analyses of data from the Ministry of Education, Supreme
Education Council, Qatar University, and Qatar’s labor force survey
show that graduates of Qatar’s K–12 public education system score far
below international standards in core subjects and that there are too few
graduates in the science, engineering, and technology fields, which are
the fields particularly in demand in the private sector. Unemployment
is particularly high among young persons, especially male nationals.
According to our interviewees in the private and public sectors of
the country, Qatar’s leadership recognizes that to promote economic
stability, it must encourage the employment of Qataris in the mixed and
private sectors. Although Qatar will remain one of the richest nations
in the world in the coming decades, it will not be able to compete in
the knowledge economy of the 21st century if its public sector remains
the largest employer of nationals. Until Qatar’s young nationals receive
the education and training needed to equip them with the appropriate
skills for the market, the pool of Qatari human resources entering the
market will be unqualified. This could threaten Qatar’s long-term eco-
nomic viability. One way to mitigate this issue is to increase the flow
Human Resource Challenges and Reform Efforts 31
of foreign labor into the country, but attempts to restrict in-migration

and the push to employ nationals through “Qatarization” policies sug-
gest that the leadership wants to increasingly rely on its own people to
address future human resource needs.
Reform Efforts Under Way

Qatar is poised to be a major leader in human capital development in
the region. The country has embarked on one of the region’s most com-
prehensive reform efforts, one that encompasses reforms in education
and training and in the labor market and economy that are intended to
enhance the employability of Qatari nationals in the modern techno-
logical, global economy. Table 3.1 lists Qatar’s reforms, which, accord-
ing to an article in Science magazine, have been called the region’s “most
ambitious, far-reaching, and focused” reform efforts to date (Frank,
2006).
As one example, Qatar’s education reforms are arguably the most
comprehensive in the region, with changes initiated in 2002 that address
the management and delivery of educational services, the curriculum,
and the quality of teachers and other critical resources. Qatar’s reform
provides for a decentralized, independent system of primary and second-
ary schools that operates alongside the country’s traditional Ministry of
Education schools. The schools in the new system, called Independent
schools, are overseen by a newly developed Education Institute. Princi-
pals in these schools make their own staffing and pedagogical decisions,
and the schools use newly developed curriculum standards in mathe-
matics, science, and English (benchmarked to international standards)
and in Arabic (the first of their kind). The standards encourage critical
thinking and problem solving as part of their learning tools. Training
programs for teachers and administrators and investments in informa-
tion technology further enhance the quality of the educational inputs.
Another part of the education reform is a system for evaluating student
progress in all publicly funded schools; it includes annual standards-
based assessments and surveys administered to all students and their
parents, teachers, and school administrators. Results from the assess-
ments and surveys are distributed to all schools in the form of a school
Table 3.1
Summary of Education and Labor Market Reforms Under Way in Qatar
Establishment of coordinating bodies
School organizational change
Standards-based accountability
Restructured curriculum
National student assessment and evaluation
Participation in international student assessments
Professional development for teachers and administrators
Integration of information technology in learning environment
Reform of administrative, curricular, and academic standards of national

university
Establishment of foreign or private higher education institutions
Scholarship programs (for low-income students or in targeted fields and

institutions)
Training system
Establishment of technical/vocational college
Public-private partnerships to train nationals
Independent certification of post-secondary training institutions
Establishment of goals for employment of nationals in private sector
Elimination of automatic employment of nationals in public sector
Equalization of worker rights or access to benefits in public and private

sectors
Other economic reforms
Allowance of foreign ownership of companies in selected sectors
Establishment of free zones exempt from government requirements

report card.1 Qatar is also participating in three international assess-

ments (Programme for International Student Assessment [PISA], Prog-
ress in International Reading Literacy Study [PIRLS], and Trends in
International Mathematics and Science Study [TIMSS]) that will allow
comparisons among Qatar’s students and students around the world.
The national and international assessments will enable policymakers to
gauge how well the country’s education reform efforts are doing over
time.
Qatar is implementing its education reforms and working toward
labor market reforms at a faster pace than other countries in the region,
partly because it only began these changes five years ago. Until the
present emir, Sheikh Hamad Bin Khalifa Al Thani, came to power in
1995, few economic or education reforms had occurred. Training in
Qatar is piecemeal at this point, however, and incentives for nationals
to take jobs in the private sector remain inadequate. Also, the data on
labor market indicators are inadequate, making it difficult to match
nationals to jobs in the private sector. All of these factors thwart Qata-
rization goals.
In sum, Qatar has a long road ahead but has put into place a
focused effort to ameliorate inadequacies in the skills of its national
population. The fruits of its reform efforts may not be realized for
another generation, after students experiencing the K–12 education
reform have met the new standards in mathematics and science. For
future students, the systemization of data collection efforts that began
in 2006 with Qatar’s participation in the IMF’s General Data Dissemi-
nation System (GDDS) will provide a feedback mechanism for making
the reforms under way even more effective.2
1 As of 2007, only Independent schools participate in the student assessments.

2 Established in 1997, the GDDS provides economic, financial, and sociodemographic data
about member countries to the public. Its primary purposes are to encourage member coun-
tries to improve data quality, provide a framework for evaluating needs for data improve-
ment, and guide member countries in the dissemination to the public of comprehensive,
timely, accessible, and reliable statistics. See IMF, undated, for downloadable GDDS data
on member countries.
The United Arab Emirates
Of the four countries examined in our study, the UAE has the
largest oil reserves, estimated in 2005 by OPEC at 98 billion barrels,
or approximately 100 years at current production levels (OPEC, 2005).
The boom in oil production over the past few decades has brought
about great infrastructure developments, necessitating a large influx
of non-national labor to fill deficiencies in the skills of the nation-
als. Indeed, the UAE’s population rose dramatically as large waves of
migrants—mostly from other Arab and South Asian nations—arrived
seeking work opportunities. More recently, there has been a steady
influx of African, European, and North American migrants. Accord-
ing to the UAE Ministry of Economy, non-nationals make up about
80 percent of the UAE population (UAE Ministry of Economy, Statis-
tics Abstract, 2006).

The UAE faces a number of economic and demographic challenges to
its future stability, as shown in Figure 3.2. Similar to Qatar and Oman,
the government sector has become the largest employer of the country’s
nationals.
The Emirati population experiences a relatively low labor force
participation rate, and this is especially the case for female nationals.
Figure 3.2
Schematic of Challenges Faced by the UAE: Need to Balance Nationalization
Efforts with Policies Promoting Economic Growth
Rapid pursuit of
economic growth Fastest growth in
and diversification private sector Initiatives to promote
higher education and
and
training, diversify
Mismatch economy, and
between promote employment
labor market Increasing need to
of nationals
demands and rely on non-national
nationals’ skills workforce to fill jobs
RAND MG786/1-3.2
In addition, the UAE is experiencing a population boom among its

youth. Recent figures estimate that 38 percent of nationals are under
age 15. Recognizing these issues, UAE leadership has focused on
increasing the labor force participation rate of nationals and ensuring
that the growing youth population is prepared for work outside the
government sector. In particular, the government has tried to address
both the surge in the growth of non-national laborers in the country
and the low labor force participation rates of nationals through poli-
cies that promote the development of training opportunities and post-
secondary education programs and, more recently, through primary
and secondary education reform efforts. The primary goals of these ini-
tiatives are to enhance the skills of Emiratis and promote their employ-
ment in the private sector.
Over a period of only 15 years, the UAE has witnessed tremen-
dous growth—the nation’s GDP and population have doubled. These
developments have brought important opportunities but have also cre-
ated significant challenges. Much of the population growth is from
in-migration of non-nationals to meet labor market needs. As of 2005,
nationals made up just 22 percent of the total population of the UAE;
the remaining portion was made up of foreign residents of different
nationalities. The distribution of nationals versus non-nationals is
even starker in the labor force: Emiratis are just 8 percent of the total
workforce. An important factor driving this disparity is the low labor
force participation of nationals: just 19 percent of working-age female
nationals and 69 percent of working-age male nationals are in the labor
force.
Another important issue is that although the share of Emirati
females enrolled in UAE government secondary and post-secondary
institutions is notably higher than the share of Emirati males, the labor
force participation of Emirati females is low, suggesting that education
outcomes are not appropriately aligned with workforce needs. A large
segment of the more-educated working-age population of nationals is
not participating in the workforce. Furthermore, findings from labor
market studies suggest that nationals require additional training to be
adequately prepared to meet the needs of the workforce, particularly in
technical skills and “soft” skills, such as communication, customer ser-
vice, and interpersonal relations. The emirates of Abu Dhabi and Dubai
have been promoting economic diversification and privatization, which
means that Emiratis must ultimately be prepared to meet the needs of
newly emerging sectors. Nationals have traditionally expected to be
automatically eligible for employment in government jobs. These indi-
cators are troubling and could undermine the long-term sustainability
of the growth and development achieved so far. Continued heavy reli-
ance on a largely foreign labor force may hinder the development of a
national human resource base with the skills needed in a rapidly glo-
balizing economy.

Our analysis of secondary data sources and discussions with UAE
policymakers provided acknowledgment of the country’s human
resource challenges. To address these issues, the country has embarked
on the initiatives summarized in Table 3.2.
The UAE has implemented a number of initiatives to enhance the
human capital of its citizen population—for example, investments in
education and training. Many have only recently been implemented,
however, and will take time to produce tangible results. Policymakers
recently brought primary and secondary education reform to the fore-
front, forming the Abu Dhabi and Dubai Education councils to set
new priorities for the government education system. Their formation
was based on recognition that graduates were not prepared to meet
the human resource needs of UAE’s oil- and gas-associated industries
in Abu Dhabi and the rapidly growing and diversifying manufactur-
ing, services, communications, and tourism sectors in Dubai. The Abu
Dhabi Education Council authorized a pilot program involving the
establishment of government-school clusters administered by a number
of carefully selected Education Management Organizations as an alter-
native governance model, as well as reforms in how the traditional gov-
ernment schools were being run by the Ministry of Education. The
Ministry of Education itself, under the leadership of a new minister,
began considering whether to grant more autonomy to the individual
emirates to manage their own education affairs with the support and
guidance of the Ministry. It also recently scrapped the secondary school
Table 3.2
Summary of Education and Labor Market Reforms Under Way in the UAE
Formation of education councils to oversee education reform and align

education outcomes with national workforce needs
Implementation of new models of schooling emphasizing bilingual education

(Arabic and English), greater support and training for principals and teachers,
and a student-centered instructional approach in select government schools
Promotion of private- and public-sector partnerships to manage K–12 schools
Decentralization of decisionmaking authority and granting of more

autonomy to K–12 schools
Requirement for academic accreditation of post-secondary education

institutions
Student internship programs to develop better links with local business

community
Establishment of theme cities to attract international post-secondary

academic and training institutions’ branch campuses
Training system
Establishment of institutions to provide retraining and match job-seeking

nationals to vacancies
Establishment of goals for employment of nationals in private sector,

residency restrictions, and penalties for hiring non-nationals to increase the
share of Emiratis in the workforce
Expansion of pension benefits for nationals beyond the government sector to

encourage nationals to seek employment in the growing private sector

exit exam with the goal of developing a more formative and continuous
system of assessing student achievement throughout their school years.
Furthermore, it implemented a new school model in a select number of
government schools, termed “Al Ghad schools,” with an emphasis on
a modern, bilingual curriculum; use of student-centered instructional
approaches; greater integration of technology; and the availability of
more-continuous professional development and support for school
leaders and teachers.
Labor market policies, such as encouraging the employment of
nationals through Emiratisation, are intended to increase the share
of nationals in target sectors over a shorter timeframe than can be
achieved through education and training initiatives. However, Emi-
ratisation goals have not been consistently met; and at the national
level, the establishment of free zones, in which companies are not sub-
ject to labor laws and requirements, may further slow Emiratisation’s
progress.
Progress in achieving both the short- and the long-term goals
through these initiatives is best assessed by putting into place mecha-
nisms for the collection and analysis of education and labor market
data that can be used for research by multiple stakeholders to produce
findings that will inform decisionmaking. These mechanisms can also
provide information that will assist policymakers in appropriately bal-
ancing priorities and modifying policies to successfully reach the mul-
tiple national goals.
Sultanate of Oman
The Sultanate of Oman, situated at the entrance to the Arabian Gulf,

is historically and economically unique compared with the other Gulf
nations in this study. Its history is one of independence from foreign
occupation since its leadership deposed Portuguese colonists in the
mid-1700s, and one of alternating between trade and expansionism,
and isolation (Cecil, 2006).

Oman is dealing with a less than certain economic future because its
oil reserves—its major source of revenue since oil was discovered here
in 1964—are quickly being depleted. This uncertainty about Oman’s
economic future has forced leadership to take measures to promote
the sustainability of the country’s economy and the employability of
its people through a number of education and labor market initiatives.
Since the mid-1990s, the government has increased funding for sectors
that can provide sustainable economic growth, such as agriculture and
fishing. It has also encouraged tourism and constructed light industrial
parks with the objective of exporting consumer goods. In addition, the
government has embarked on a long-term strategy to enhance the skills
and human resources of its citizenry through reforms to the education
system and by encouraging the opening of private higher education
institutions and training centers.
Given its large youth population, relatively wide disparities in
income and quality of living standards within its citizenry population,
and dwindling revenues from natural resources, Oman faces hurdles
that the other two Gulf nations in our study, Qatar and the UAE, do
not currently face. These are represented in Figure 3.3.
Figure 3.3
Schematic of Challenges Faced by Oman: Need to Meet the Challenges of a
Changing Economy
Saturated public
Dwindling oil sector
reserves
Concerns about
and
unemployment
Growing youth Mismatch between labor
population market demands and
recent graduates’ skills
RAND MG786/1-3.3

In a conference in 1995, Oman’s leadership developed what is referred
to as the Vision for Oman’s Economy: Oman 2020, a map for the coun-
try’s economic development (Oman Ministry of Education, 2004). The
Vision laid out a set of five-year plans for enhancing Oman’s econ-
omy in the education and labor market sectors. Compared to Qatar
and the UAE, Oman has had the longest time to develop and imple-
ment reforms in these two sectors. Since 1995, Oman has been initi-
ating reforms to its elementary, secondary, and post-secondary educa-
tion systems, and it more recently began making improvements to its
post-secondary education sector by bringing in foreign universities and
vocational institutions. Additionally, the government has developed
partnerships with private-sector employers to train nationals for the job
market. Various labor market reforms have also been initiated, such as
Omanization policies to encourage employment of qualified nationals
in the private sector and to support entrepreneurial nationals who start
their own businesses. Table 3.3 lists the gamut of reforms under way.
Faced with the prospect of dwindling natural resources and
spurred by the Vision, Oman initiated reforms to its publicly funded
education system earlier than the other Gulf countries in this study
did. In 1998, Oman’s Ministry of Education initiated its Basic edu-
cation school system, which runs parallel to the Ministry’s General
education school system, beginning with students in grades 1 and 2
in 17 primary schools; the number of students and schools participat-
ing in the Basic education school system grows each year. The Basic
system reorganized the structure of schooling into two cycles: Cycle 1
covers students in grades 1 through 5; cycle 2 covers students in grades
6 through 10. After grade 10, students have the option of entering
the labor market or continuing their schooling in grades 11 and 12,
which prepare them for higher education. Other changes introduced as
part of the Basic education reform include lengthening the school year,
school day, and class period time; changing the curriculum to empha-
size critical thinking, English language, information and communi-
cation technology, mathematics, and science; encouraging the use of
formative and continuous assessments in the classroom so that teachers
Table 3.3
Summary of Education and Labor Market Reforms Under Way in Oman
School organizational change
Restructured curriculum
Training for teachers and administrators
Integration of information technology
Requirement for academic accreditation of post-secondary education

institutions
Scholarship programs (for low-income students/in targeted fields and

institutions)
Establishment of private higher education institutions
Training system
Establishment of technical/vocational colleges
Public-private partnerships to train nationals
Establishment of goals for employment of nationals in private sector,

residency restrictions, and penalties for hiring non-nationals to increase the
share of Omanis in the workforce
Equalization of worker rights or access to benefits in public and private

sectors
Training and financial support for nationals to start new businesses
Incentives to expand peripheral industries
Implementation of free trade agreements and free trade zones
Divestment of government-owned companies

can receive feedback on student performance and skills; and raising

teacher qualifications and the classroom supports they receive.
Although the Omanization policies seem to be helping nationals
find jobs in the private (particularly the banking) sector, Oman faces
a contradiction similar to one faced by the UAE: The existence of free
trade zones, in which labor laws are not enforced, may significantly
deter employers from hiring nationals. Furthermore, as in Qatar, no
link has yet been established between the education and manpower
sectors to coordinate education, training, and employment initiatives.
Perhaps Oman’s strategic plan (still in draft form at the time of our
study) will offset the lack of coordination among the sectors.
Lebanon
Lebanon, the one non-Gulf state in our study, borders disputed land
and is caught in the heart of the Arab-Israeli conflict. Despite being
geographically small, Lebanon has a heterogeneous population that
represents diverse ethnic and religious groups and is thus particularly
susceptible to the region’s extended political turmoil. The 15-year civil
war that began in 1975 demarcates a devastating period in the history
of modern Lebanon. During the war, most of the country’s infrastruc-
ture was damaged, hundreds of thousands of Lebanese were killed or
injured, and around one-quarter of the population was displaced. The
ramifications of the immense economic, social, and political destruc-
tion caused by this conflict continue to surface and obstruct full recov-
ery 16 years after the war’s end.

Lebanon faces a different mix of challenges than the three Gulf coun-
tries in our study face (see Figure 3.4). In contrast to the nations that
rely predominantly on natural resources and have large public sectors,
Lebanon enjoys a strong and talented local workforce and a robust pri-
vate sector. It has always compensated for its lack of natural resources
by capitalizing on the wealth of its skilled local human resources. Yet
the continued political instability has brought about a brain drain:
Figure 3.4
Schematic of Challenges Faced by Lebanon: Need to Achieve Political
Stability While Addressing Human Resource Issues
Public debt burden

Political, social, despite progress toward Brain drain and skills
and religious economic recovery gap in remaining
factions
workforce
and
Limited resources for High youth
Regional human capital unemployment
instability development
initiatives
RAND MG786/1-3.4
Large numbers of skilled and qualified Lebanese citizens continue to

leave Lebanon for countries all over the world in pursuit of a more pros-
perous and stable future. Lebanon also must contend with disparities
in living conditions that generate differences in access to and quality of
educational opportunities.
Lebanon is striving to rebuild the country’s infrastructure and
reform its economy in the aftermath of civil war. In doing so, it faces a
challenging set of human resource hurdles. Similar to the other coun-
tries in this study, Lebanon has made tremendous progress in raising
primary and secondary school enrollment rates and narrowing the
gender gap. Yet a widely held view, confirmed by international assess-
ments of student performance, is that the country’s primary and sec-
ondary education system is not adequately preparing Lebanese stu-
dents to succeed in today’s knowledge economy. The picture is mixed
at the post-secondary level of the education system, as well. Lebanon’s
rate of granting university degrees is one of the highest in the Middle
East. However, similar to what is happening in the other countries in
our study, relatively few students graduate in the science, mathematics,
or engineering fields, which are highly demanded fields for workers in
such sectors of the economy as banking and information technology,
where growth is targeted. This mismatch in skills among both the non-
college-bound and the college-graduate population has led to high
unemployment rates among the country’s youth. Furthermore, the
political and economic instability of the recent past has caused Lebanon
to lose many of its best and brightest, thereby diminishing the value of
one of the region’s best systems of higher education. Like Oman, Leba-
non must also contend with the need to raise living standards among a
substantial share of the population: upwards of one-third of Lebanon’s
people according to some estimates of material deprivation.

Our analyses of available secondary data sources and interviews with
government officials in the country show a widespread understanding
of the human resource challenges that the country faces. To address
these challenges, Lebanon has focused its most recent efforts on broad-
based reforms of its economy and public sector. This strategy recog-
nizes the need to put the country on a path toward sustained economic
growth and higher living standards. Unlike the Gulf countries in this
study, Lebanon has not undertaken major reforms of its education and
training systems or the labor market more generally. Instead, it has
focused on economic recovery, part of which entails improving the effi-
ciency of government. Table 3.4 summarizes the reform efforts under
way in Lebanon.
Table 3.4
Summary of Education and Economic Reforms Under Way in Lebanon
Participation in international assessments
Divestment of government-owned companies
Implementation of free trade agreements and free trade zones
Training and other supports for more-efficient public administration

Lebanon has made important gains since the end of the civil war
in 1990, but a number of challenges continue to jeopardize the sustain-
ability of reforms put in place to date and the commitment to imple-
ment future reform programs: the ongoing instability in the inter-
nal political situation, as well as the spillover effects of conflict in the
region; the fragile state of the economic recovery, including the impact
of public debt accumulation; and the shortage of qualified senior staff
in the government ministries who are capable of undertaking the
reform activities. Of particular concern to the Lebanese government
is the fact that ongoing reforms do not entail enforceable transpar-
ency and accountability components. A shared view expressed during
our interviews was that in order to successfully push the administra-
tive reform agenda forward, concepts of transparency and accountabil-
ity, as well as structured reporting, need to be fully integrated into all
ongoing and future reform programs. Recent efforts to collect data on
housing, the labor market, and living conditions are certainly a step in
the right direction. However, we found that in Lebanon, just as in the
other study countries, the use of collected data to inform future policy
initiatives is limited.
CHAPTER FOUR
Conclusions
The countries examined in this study face a number of human resource

challenges, to a large extent reflecting the range of issues affecting
countries throughout the Arab region. Our four study countries are
at various stages of implementing reforms and policy initiatives to
address these challenges. We found that while the motivations for these
reforms and other initiatives are oftentimes similar, the countries’ spe-
cific approaches can be distinctly different. More common across the
study countries is a gap between implementation of reforms and evalu-
ation of whether they are having the intended effect. In many cases, the
reforms have only recently gotten under way, so it may be too early to
measure their impact. In other cases, the lack of systematic assessment
stems from gaps in the data available for tracking the effects of policy
changes.
In this chapter, we synthesize what we learned from our four
study countries about the human resource challenges they face, the
range of reforms and other initiatives that have been implemented or
are under way, and the extent to which these changes are being or can
be evaluated with existing data. We conclude by highlighting what will
be gained by making policy evaluation an integral part of the reform
process, including the benefits that will accrue to all countries in the
region in the form of lessons learned and knowledge gained from the
extensive changes under way.
47
Significant Human Resource Challenges
Table 4.1 summarizes the array of significant human resource chal-

lenges being faced by our four study countries. Each row in the table
delineates a challenge affecting at least one of the countries; a check
mark in a country’s column indicates that the challenge affects that
particular country. Two check marks side by side in a column indi-
cate that the issue is having an even greater effect on that particular
country.
The first challenge, relevant for the three Gulf countries—most
prominently the labor-importing resource-rich countries of Qatar
and the UAE—is heavy reliance on non-nationals to meet labor force
needs for both skilled and unskilled workers. The dominance of non-
nationals in the workforce stems both from the relatively small popula-
tion base that existed in these countries when rapid economic growth
took place following the discovery of oil and gas, and from the relatively
Table 4.1
Human Resource Challenges Affecting Study Countries
Challenge Lebanon Oman Qatar UAE
Labor force made up mostly of non- √ √√ √√

nationals; low labor force participation
among nationals
Employment of nationals focused in √ √√ √√

government sector; private-sector
employment less attractive to nationals
Unemployment rates high among young √ √ √ √

first-time workers
Education and training system not preparing √ √ √ √

students well for the workforce
Brain drain diminishes benefit of a strong √

higher education sector
Disparities in living standards affect access to √ √

and quality of education opportunities
NOTES: √ = issue affects country; √√ = issue is relatively more prominent in this

country than in the others.
Conclusions 49
low labor force participation rate of nationals, particularly in the pri-

vate quasi-government sectors, where few nationals are employed.
Having a large non-national population in the labor force poses
a political and economic conundrum for rulers in the Gulf countries.
On one hand, few if any nationals are willing to take jobs performed
by non-nationals because of the perception that such jobs are low in
prestige (in the case of, for example, low-skilled jobs) or offer arduous
working conditions (in the case of, for example, positions outside the
government sector). Moreover, research conducted in Qatar found that
potential employers believe that nationals lack the skills necessary to
compete in higher-skilled jobs, such as English language skills, soft
skills (e.g., a good work attitude), and information and communication
technology skills (Stasz et al., 2007). On the other hand, this system
is not self-sustaining. Non-national workers have terminal residency
permits that allow them to be in the country for a limited time and
must be “sponsored” by a national employer. Further, children born to
non-nationals in a Gulf country are not citizens of that country; they
are citizens of their parents’ country of origin. Officials we spoke with
in Qatar, the UAE, and even Oman considered expatriate workers,
because of their status as temporary residents, to be, at a minimum,
not vested in the country’s development and, at most, potential secu-
rity threats or even criminal threats because of their lack of allegiance
to the country.
Linked to the issue of high proportions of non-national workers
in our three Gulf countries is the issue of relatively low labor force par-
ticipation rates for nationals. In Oman, Qatar, and the UAE, the labor
force participation rates for male and female nationals are 15 to 40
percentage points lower than those for non-nationals. And for cultural
and religious reasons, the rate for female nationals is considerably lower
than that for male nationals, despite the tendency for females to have
higher educational attainment. Thus, the labor capacity of the citizen
population—both male and female—is underutilized.
A second issue that the Gulf countries in our study face—again,
most importantly for Qatar and the UAE—is the concentration of
national workers in the public sector. This reflects the historically pref-
erential treatment nationals have received in the public sector, where
compensation, working conditions, job security, and prestige are

higher than in the private sector. Government jobs in Qatar, the UAE,
and, for a limited time, Oman have been a way to transfer the wealth
derived from oil and gas exploitation to the country’s citizen popula-
tion. In effect, employment in the public sector has become a form of
welfare granted by the ruling elite in the resource-rich Gulf countries.
This is not a sustainable employment system, however. At some point,
proceeds from oil and gas revenue will no longer be able to support
the social welfare system of guaranteed government employment now
in effect in these countries. And because these government jobs do
not require workers to learn technological skills or engage in entrepre-
neurial activities that could help propel the country’s economy away
from reliance on natural resources, nationals who rely on government
employment are not developing the skills needed to compete in the
global economy.
The third challenge, which uniformly affects all four study coun-
tries, is high rates of unemployment among young first-time workers.
No data on unemployment rates by age were available for Oman and
the UAE, but this issue was consistently raised in our meetings with
officials. Unemployment is even more likely for young females, com-
pared with young males, as they make the transition from school to
work. The high unemployment rates signal a problem in matching
workers to jobs at these young ages, a problem caused in part by a
mismatch between the skills of labor market entrants and the needs of
employers, especially those in the private sector.
The skill mismatch is a symptom of the fourth issue, which also
affects all four study countries: the perception that the education and
training systems do not effectively prepare students for the needs of
the 21st century global economy. Our study countries have success-
fully expanded educational opportunities to all citizens at the primary
education level, and literacy rates have risen rapidly through time, but
there was general acknowledgment by our interviewees that the quality
of the primary and secondary education systems in these countries is
not yet up to international standards. Secondary school graduates are
considered unprepared to directly enter the labor market with relevant
skills or to enter competitive university programs. These concerns were
Conclusions 51
validated in our study with certain evidence: low performance levels

on internationally benchmarked student assessments; the low share of
students whose studies at the secondary and post-secondary levels con-
centrate in the critical fields of science, mathematics, engineering, and
technology; and low rates of obtaining post-secondary degrees, espe-
cially for male nationals in the Gulf states.
Two other issues in Table 4.1 pertain to Lebanon and Oman,
the two middle-income countries in our analysis. For Lebanon, the
outmigration of university-level graduates in recent decades because of
the 1975–1990 civil war and ongoing political and economic instabil-
ity has diminished the benefits to the country of producing graduates
from what is considered to be one of the region’s finer higher educa-
tion systems. In addition, both Lebanon and Oman, with lower per
capita income and higher disparities in living standards, must contend
with disparities in access to and quality of educational opportunities
for their populations.
Active Engagement with Reforms to Education and

Training Systems, Labor Markets, and the Economy
The human resource challenges are the motivators of a series of reforms

implemented or under way in our four study countries. Our analysis
led us to group reforms into two broad categories: changes in the edu-
cation and occupational training system designed to raise the skills of
the population, and changes to the labor market and economy aimed at
facilitating the use of human capital in diverse sectors of the economy.
We now summarize the approaches identified for our study countries.
Education and Training Reforms

Table 4.2 summarizes the education and training reforms in place or
planned in the four study countries, grouping the various elements
of these reforms into three areas: primary and secondary education,
higher education, and training systems. These reforms are generally
aimed at increasing access to or quality of the education and training
provided. It is evident from the pattern of check marks that Lebanon
Table 4.2
Education and Training Reforms in Study Countries
Reform Area and Element Lebanon Oman Qatar UAE
Establishment of coordinating bodies √ √
School organizational change √ √ √
Standards-based accountability √
Restructured curriculum √ √
National assessment and evaluation √
Participation in international assessments √ √
Training for teachers and administrators √ √
Integration of information technology √ √
Higher education
Establishment of coordinating bodies √
Administrative, curricular, and academic √

standards reforms
International accreditation of higher √ √

education programs
Establishment of private higher education √ √ √

institutions
Scholarship programs √ √
University-based job placement √

program(s)
Training systems
Establishment of coordinating bodies √
Establishment of technical/vocational √ √ √
colleges
Public-private partnerships to train √ √ √

nationals
Independent certification of post- √

secondary training institutes
Conclusions 53
has not been actively engaged in reforms to the education and train-
ing system except for participating in international student assessments
(i.e., the 2003 TIMSS). This is not an indication that the country’s
leadership fails to recognize the importance of an effective education
system for future economic success. Instead, it is the recognition that
the country’s basic infrastructure and pubic-sector institutions need
to be rebuilt before fundamental changes can be made to the educa-
tion and training systems. The three Gulf countries also recognize the
importance of advancing their education and training systems. With
greater resources to devote to reform at all levels—primary and second-
ary education, higher education, and training—the three Gulf coun-
tries have engaged in more-extensive reforms.
Primary and Secondary Education Reforms. As summarized in
the first panel of Table 4.2, Oman and Qatar are engaged in broad-
based reforms to their primary and secondary education systems.
Initiated in 2002, Qatar’s education reforms address the man-
agement and delivery of educational services, the curriculum, and the
quality of teachers and other critical resources. Qatar’s reform instituted
a decentralized system of primary and secondary schools that operates
alongside the country’s traditional Ministry of Education schools and is
overseen by the newly developed Education Institute. The Independent
schools that make up the new system use newly developed curriculum
standards in mathematics, science, and English (benchmarked to inter-
national standards) and in Arabic (the first of their kind) that encour-
age critical thinking and problem solving as part of their learning tools.
All Independent and Ministry schools participate in a school evalua-
tion system. Reports on the schools are publicly available and can be
used by parents in deciding where to send their school-age children.
Seeking to gradually implement education changes in the coun-
try, members of Oman’s Ministry of Education deliberately decided to
transition the education system from the established General system to
the new Basic system in only a few grades and schools each year. There-
fore, the small proportion of students in the Basic (rather than the Gen-
eral) program has not changed much since the reform’s inception. In
consequence, the portion of students graduating from the Basic system
is small, making it difficult to tell whether the reform’s goals are taking
hold. It is also difficult to determine whether the training initiatives

under way in the country are meeting their intended goals. Numerous
programs are available for nationals, but it is not clear whether there is
an overall strategy or unifying force organizing these programs. When
asked how the success of training programs is measured, our inter-
viewees stated that the feedback received is informal in nature; there is
no formalized feedback system that would enable officials to determine
success.
In the UAE, policymakers have recently brought primary and
secondary education reform to the forefront. Formation of the Abu
Dhabi and Dubai Education councils, which are to set new priori-
ties for the government education system, and recent reforms to the
Ministry of Education itself, which is under the leadership of a new
minister—these are signs of the potential for fundamental change to
UAE’s education system.
Higher Education and Training Reforms. Table 4.2’s second panel
summarizes the initiatives that address the higher education system.
These reform elements consist of a mixture of strategies designed to
focus on quality through curricular changes, international accredita-
tion, and other reforms; to expand access by introducing new higher
education institutions and providing scholarships; and to strengthen
links to the labor market through job placement programs. The three
Gulf countries in our study have reexamined the quality of their avail-
able post-secondary options and have adopted several approaches to
both enhance quality within existing institutions and increase the
number of quality post-secondary programs available to students. For
example, Qatar is implementing reforms to its one national university
in an effort to promote faculty research, increase financial transpar-
ency, and improve student learning. Higher education institutions in
the UAE and Oman have sought international accreditation for all or
some of the academic programs in their main institutions. All three
Gulf countries have increasingly come to rely on foreign universities
and the private sector to meet their growing post-secondary education
needs. Qatar and the UAE have instituted education and “knowledge”
centers to attract international colleges and universities to establish sat-
ellite campuses in their countries. In Qatar’s case, the foreign institu-
Conclusions 55
tions are specifically targeted and subsidized; in the UAE, the centers
are open to a wider array of providers that operate on a cost-recovery
basis. In addition, scholarships are being used, in Oman to allow stu-
dents from low-income families to attend higher education, and in
Qatar to provide incentives for university students to major in high-
priority fields. In the UAE, another focus at the post-secondary level
is matching students to jobs. UAE University, the Higher Colleges of
Technology (HCT), and Zayed University have programs in place to
improve the school-to-work transition through the provision of special-
ized instruction relevant to the private sector and through the use of
internships and other job placement programs.
The goal of raising the skills of the current and future workforce
has required a focus not just on primary, secondary, and post-secondary
education, but on the training system, as well. Table 4.2’s third panel
lists the various reform elements specific to the training systems in our
study countries. While efforts to address training needs are in process
in the three Gulf countries, they are not as systematic or sustained as
the education reforms. In the UAE, training issues are but one focus
of the coordinating education councils, which also concentrate on pri-
mary, secondary, and higher education reforms. For all three countries,
there is an effort to expand the number of technical and vocational col-
leges and to forge public-private partnerships to expand opportunities
to train nationals, especially in skills required for the private sector. In
Qatar, officials have established an independent certification of train-
ing programs to ensure their quality.
Reforms to the Labor Market and Economy

The four countries in our study have also engaged in initiatives that
target the labor market and the economy more generally; these are
summarized in Table 4.3. The labor market reforms are specific to the
three Gulf countries and aim to address some of the labor market bar-
riers that have precluded the employment of nationals in the private
sector. The broader economic reforms seek to diversify and privatize
the economy and, in the case of Lebanon, provide for a more efficient
public sector. These reforms potentially allow for use of the country’s
human capital throughout the economy.
Table 4.3
Labor Market and Other Economic Reforms in Study Countries
Reform Element Lebanon Oman Qatar UAE
Quotas for employment of nationals in √ √ √

private sector
Rewards and sanctions for employment √ √

of nationals in targeted sectors
Elimination of automatic employment of √

nationals in public sector
Equalization of worker rights or access to √ √ √

benefits in public and private sectors
Training and financial support to start √

new business
Establishment of job placement/matching √

and training bureau
Incentives to expand peripheral industries √ √
Divestment of government-owned √ √
companies
Allowance of foreign ownership of √ √

companies in selected sectors
Implementation of free trade agreements √ √

and free trade zones
Establishment of free zones exempt from √ √ √

government requirements
Training and other supports for more √

efficient public administration
The labor market reforms (Table 4.3, first panel) in the Gulf coun-
tries consist of approaches geared to give employers incentives to hire
nationals through quotas or sanctions. Another approach is to make
private-sector employment more attractive to nationals by equalizing
employment conditions between the public and private sectors. And
yet another approach is to introduce institutions that facilitate the tran-
Conclusions 57
sition of nationals to private-sector work through training and financial

support or through job matching. For example, in the UAE, Emiratisa-
tion has been a goal since the late 1990s. Quotas in the banking sector
were subsequently extended to the insurance and trade sectors, and
financial penalties may be applied to companies that repeatedly fail to
meet Emiratisation targets. Such quotas for targeted industries have
been used in Oman and Qatar, as well. To give nationals an incentive
to work in the private sector, all three countries have passed laws to
equalize workers’ rights or access to benefits in the public and private
sectors. Qatar also eliminated the entitlement of nationals to jobs in
the public sector. Other incentives for workers include training and
financial support to start new businesses, as provided in Oman; and
Emiratis potentially benefit from publicly sponsored job banks, career
counseling, and training programs designed to match workers to pri-
vate-sector jobs.
Table 4.3 also shows (bottom panel) the variety of measures
being pursued by the four countries to diversify their economies, pro-
mote their private sectors, and raise public-sector efficiency as a way to
employ the citizenry and enhance the sustainability of their economies.
For example, Oman is diversifying industries by offering tax incentives
to foreign companies to open branch offices and plants in the country,
and the UAE has targeted expansion of the industrial and manufactur-
ing base related to the oil and gas sectors. A related strategy to diversify
the economy, one employed in Oman and Lebanon, is privatization
of public utilities and other government-owned firms, such as petro-
leum companies. Diversification has also been promoted, in Oman
and Qatar, by relaxing restrictions on foreign ownership of compa-
nies in targeted sectors. Lebanon and Oman have entered into free
trade agreements and used other strategies to promote foreign trade.
Related approaches in Oman, Qatar, and the UAE include opening
free zones—areas in which companies face reduced taxes, are exempt
from government regulations (e.g., labor laws and capital controls), and
benefit from well-developed infrastructure and facilities—to expand
and create new areas of economic activity, particularly through foreign
investment. In Lebanon, in light of its level of public-sector indebted-
ness, economic reform efforts have focused on creating a more efficient
public sector by providing training and developing a more rational

human resource strategy for the government sector.
Lack of High-Quality Data and Evaluation Systems
Given the challenges affecting our study countries and the reforms that
have been implemented or are under way, it is relevant to ask whether
systematic efforts are in place to assess the effects of these reforms and
whether there is evidence of their success. Our analysis indicates that
there has been no deliberate strategy of evaluating the effects of the
reforms covered in our study. For many of these reforms, implementa-
tion was recent, so there has been little time to assess their effects. At
the same time, for both recent reforms and those implemented up to a
decade ago, evaluation has generally not been an integral part of plan-
ning for or implementing policy changes.
We did find several instances in which formal evaluations accom-
panied policy changes or limited efforts were made to assess trends
in outcomes before and after reforms were put in place. For example,
evidence from Qatar’s national student assessments shows that stu-
dent performance is higher in the new, Independent schools, which
are part of the primary and secondary education reforms under way
in the country. Data on student performance over time suggest that
Oman’s education reforms may be having the desired effect, although
there are other factors that could explain the improved student out-
comes. The rates of Emiratisation and Omanization are on the rise
in key sectors according to some figures, possibly because of policies
designed to achieve this outcome—although, again, other factors may
be responsible for the gains, or there may be factors limiting the real-
ized improvements (e.g., conflicting policies, such as the use of free
zones, where employers are exempt from hiring quotas for nationals).
Finally, an evaluation of the UAE University internship program indi-
cates that it did not lead to the desired types of job placements in the
private sector.
Evaluation efforts in the four study countries are partly hampered
by limited experience with program and policy evaluation and by data
Conclusions 59
gaps. In the Gulf countries, collection of economic and demographic

data has been constrained by several historical factors that have left
legacies of great mistrust in data collection, as well as a poor infrastruc-
ture for implementing data collection activities. The factors include
(Mohammed, 2003)
t Lack of administrative “state” structures. On the Arabian main-

land, small wadis were separated by large expanses of uninhabited
desert roamed by wandering tribes whose survival depended on
trading the produce of their herds and their livestock with coastal
towns. Coastal towns, with their settled populations, were led
by tribal sheikhs—for example, Doha under the Al Thanis, Abu
Dhabi under the Al Nuhayyans—the closest that the region came
to having a government structure.1
t Frequent and unmonitored population movements. Persian trad-
ers, African slaves, bedouins—these are some of the populations
making frequent and unmonitored moves, limiting the ability to
conduct traditional population-based surveys.
t Social and cultural norms. Many of these do not lend themselves
to divulging private information.
For countries in the Gulf, collection of statistical information on

the population began in the 1940s, when states needed this information
to redistribute oil revenues. The first oil shock in 1973 necessitated that
censuses be conducted. In the case of Lebanon, our non-Gulf country,
collection of census data dates to the early part of the 20th century,
although data collection efforts have since been hampered by the civil
war and sectarian rivalries, which made gathering accurate data on the
distribution of the population politically untenable.
In the last few decades, each country in our study has attempted
to establish government entities to oversee the collection of data. These
include Lebanon’s Central Administration for Statistics; Oman’s Min-
istry of National Economy, which oversees economic data collection
1 Bahrain was the only country in which a rudimentary administrative system existed,
managed by a literate minority.
and has acquired considerable authority over national policymaking;

Qatar’s Planning Council; and the UAE’s Ministry of Economy and
Planning, and National Human Resource and Employment Author-
ity (Tanmia). However, issues of coordination remain. For example,
each emirate in the UAE is in charge of its own census—only in 2005
did the seven emirates combine efforts to have the UAE Ministry of
Economy and Planning perform the census.
Although the four countries are making strides in developing
national sources of data, comprehensive and systematic data collection
has only recently been emplaced, and gaps in data collection efforts
remain. Table 4.4 summarizes the censuses and specialized surveys
conducted in the four study countries up to 2006. The specialized sur-
veys we focused on include those covering population and housing (in
lieu of a full census or enumeration), labor force participation, and
household income and expenditures—topical areas relevant for
understanding a population’s human capital accumulation and uti-
lization. Lebanon has the earliest census of the study countries but
has yet to repeat the enumeration completed in 1932. It has filled in
the data gap with other, specialized surveys, but they have been very
irregular. Of the Gulf countries, the UAE has the longest and most
Table 4.4
Censuses and Specialized Surveys in Study Countries
Data Collection Category Lebanon Oman Qatar UAE
Census 1932 1993 1986 1975

2003 1997 1980
2004 1985
1995
2005
Population and housing 1994–1996

survey
Household labor force 1970 1996 2001

survey 1997 2000 2006
2006
Household income and 2004 1991–1992 1982

expenditure survey 1999–2002 1988
2001
Conclusions 61
regular history of conducting censuses, but it has not implemented

other surveys to capture labor force activity (beyond what is captured
in the census) and household income or expenditures. Oman and Qatar
have both collected specialized surveys of this nature but only on an
irregular schedule.
Other data, beyond that obtained from the sources in Table 4.4,
are also relevant for examining human capital development. For exam-
ple, each of our study countries has administrative data, typically avail-
able on an annual basis, on aspects of the primary, secondary, and
higher education systems. Qatar is the only country that is also system-
atically collecting data on student performance.
Our study countries generally intend to increase the frequency and
quality of their data collection efforts. Future plans call for members
of the GCC (which includes the three Gulf countries in this study) to
collect census data in a coordinated effort in 2010. Qatar has indicated
plans to collect labor force data annually; Oman plans to do the same
with income and expenditure data. Each country, with the exception
of the UAE, has also joined the IMF GDDS, which requires the devel-
opment of systematic data collection efforts following international
standards in areas relevant for analyzing human capital development.
The countries covered in our study should be commended for
making efforts to collect data on the population and labor force, but
significant improvements could be made to many of the data collection
processes and goals and to the use of these data. In general, the analysis
of data and the use of evaluation results to inform policymaking have
not become entrenched activities in the countries we studied. Some
government ministries have begun to recognize the value of policy
evaluation, but there has not been a strong institutional commitment
to using data and evaluation methods in support of policymaking.
Value of Policy Evaluation
As the Arab countries respond to the human resource challenges they

face, tremendous energy and resources are being devoted to initia-
tives to raise the skills of the population and ensure that the resulting
human capital is fully used throughout the economy. However, there

are limits to the use of national policy that countries should take into
consideration.
Policymaking needs to balance the complex demands of a coun-
try’s social culture and its economic realities. For example, workforce
flows, strife within or directly outside a country’s borders, a popula-
tion’s adaptability to major changes in education or labor market
structures—these are all part of the context within which policymak-
ers must develop policies. To ensure that resources are used wisely, it
is critical to evaluate whether policy changes and other initiatives are
having their intended effect and whether reforms are having unin-
tended consequences. For example, the three Gulf countries in our
study are in various stages of investing in initiatives to improve the
quality of primary, secondary, and higher education. A key issue is
whether families and students will respond to the new opportunities so
that future students making the transition from school to work do so
with the skills required by employers. Related issues include whether
education institutions can keep up with the demand of young people,
and even older workers, for educational opportunities. Furthermore,
the extent to which the private sector will continue to offer sufficient
opportunities, with commensurate compensation for higher levels of
skill attainment, is unknown. These issues can be investigated by mon-
itoring through time students’ academic achievement and educational
attainment and the success of new entrants to the labor market. Other
investigations can address the factors that are driving choices made by
students, workers, and employers and how responsive they are to par-
ticular incentives.
Ultimately, for reforms to be their most effective, policy evalua-
tion must become an essential component of the process of change, so
that initiatives can be refined and improved based on measured effects.
With evaluation also comes the potential to minimize unintended con-
sequences and identify barriers to successful implementation. More-
over, the extensive range of reforms under way throughout the Arab
world offers a tremendous opportunity to learn from the cross-country
experimentation and to build a knowledge base of lessons learned and
strategies that can be transferred from one county to another. Coun-
Conclusions 63
tries in the Arab world will then have the information essential for
making the best investments in the human capital of their people in
the decades to come.
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‫‪٥٩‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺘﺎﺟﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻭﻏﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﺤﺪﺙ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺟﻮ ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻣﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ‬
‫ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺙ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺷﻤﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻬﺪﻑ ﻟﺘﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺟﻮﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻻﺑﺘﺪﺍﺋﻲ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﺘﺜﻤﻞ ﺇﺣﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺠﺎﺑﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺋﻼﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻄﻼﺏ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻔﺮﺹ ﺍﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺪﻣﻪ ﺑﺤﻴﺚ ﻳﻤﻜﻦ ﻟﻠﻄﻼﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺘﻘﻠﻴﻦ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺑﺬﻟﻚ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻄﻠﻮﺑﺔ ﻷﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﺘﻀﻤﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﻠﺔ ﻗﺪﺭﺓ‬
‫ﻫﻴﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻃﻠﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺘﻰ ﻛﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻟﻠﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺹ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻼﻭ ًﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﺤﺪ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ‬
‫ﻛﺎﻓﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﺾ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻟﻤﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺣﻴﺎﺯﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﻋﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ‪.‬‬ ‫ٌ‬ ‫ﻟﻔﺮﺹ‬
‫ٌ‬
‫ﻭﻳﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺔ ﺍﻹﻧﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﻛﺎﺩﻳﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻜﺘﺴﺒﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺣﺪﻳﺜﺎ ﻟﺴﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺗﺘﻨﺎﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻄﻼﺏ ﺑﻤﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻧﺠﺎﺡ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻀﻤﻴﻦ ً‬
‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺠﺮﻳﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻄﻼﺏ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﻝ‬
‫ﻭﺃﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻭﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺠﺎﺑﺘﻬﻢ ﻟﺤﻮﺍﻓﺰ ﻣﺤﺪﺩﺓ‪.‬‬
‫ﻳﺠﺐ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺗﻘﻴﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻣﻜﻮًﻧﺎ ﺃﺳﺎﺳﻴًﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻟﺘﺼﺒﺢ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ‬
‫ﻓﺎﻋﻠﻪ ﺑﺄﻛﺒﺮ ﻗﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺛﻢ ﻳﻤﻜﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺗﺤﺴﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎ ًﺩﺍ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺘﻢ‬
‫ﻗﻴﺎﺳﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻴﻴﻢ ﻳﺒﺮﺯ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺟﻮﺓ ﻭﺗﺤﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﺋﻖ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻘﻒ‬
‫ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺟﺢ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻼﻭ ًﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻳﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﻨﻄﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺳﻊ ﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻓﺮﺻﺔ ً‬
‫ﻫﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻌﻠﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺒﺎﺩﻟﺔ ﻋﺒﺮ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﻭﺑﻨﺎء ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺓ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺃﻧﺤﺎء ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ‬
‫ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﻭﺱ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻢ ﺗﻌﻠﻤﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻻﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﻴﺠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﻤﻜﻦ ﻧﻘﻠﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﻷﺧﺮﻯ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺛﻢ ﺳﻴﺘﻮﺍﻓﺮ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻼﺯﻣﺔ ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺃﻓﻀﻞ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻱ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ ﺑﺸﻌﻮﺑﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺩﻣﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻯ ﻓﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺨﺺ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬﻯ‬ ‫‪٥٨‬‬
‫ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﻼﻑ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻢ ﺍﻟﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﺬﻛﻮﺭﺓ ﺑﺎﻟﺠﺪﻭﻝ‬
‫‪ ،٤٫٤‬ﺗﻌﺪ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺻﻠﺔ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻱ‪ .‬ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺘﻠﻚ ﻛﻞ‬
‫ﺇﺩﺍﺭﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﺘﻮﺍﻓﺮ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﺓ ﻭﻓﻖ ﻣﺒﺪﺃ ﺳﻨﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺨﺘﺺ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺭﺩﺓ ﺑﺪﺭﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺑﺠﻮﺍﻧﺐ ﺃﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻻﺑﺘﺪﺍﺋﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﻌﺪ ﻗﻄﺮ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﺑﺠﻤﻊ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺃﺩﺍء ﺍﻟﻄﻼﺏ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﻣﻌﺪﻝ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺟﻬﻮﺩ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ٍ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺘﺰﻡ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺸﻤﻠﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎ‬
‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩﺗﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﻬﺪﻑ ﺍﻟﺨﻄﻂ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻷﻋﻀﺎء ﺑﻤﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺠﻲ )‪(GCC‬‬
‫)ﻭﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺙ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺭﺩﺓ ﺑﻬﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ( ﻟﺠﻤﻊ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺇﺣﺼﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺟﻬﻮﺩ‬
‫ﻣﻨﺴﻘﺔ ﺑﺤﻠﻮﻝ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ .٢٠١٠‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﻋﻠﻨﺖ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺧﻄﻄﻬﺎ ﻟﺠﻤﻊ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ‬
‫ﺳﻨﻮﻱ؛ ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﺨﻄﻂ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﻟﻠﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺜﻞ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺧﻞ ﻭﺍﻹﻧﻔﺎﻕ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻧﻀﻤﺖ ﻛﻞ‬
‫ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﺷﻤﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎء ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻟﻨﺸﺮ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺑﻊ‬
‫ﻟﺼﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺪ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺘﻄﻠﺐ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺟﻬﻮ ٍﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴ ٍﺔ ﻟﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻟﺘﺘﺒﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎﻻﺕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﻠﺔ ﺑﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻱ‪.‬‬
‫ﻳﺠﺐ ﺍﻹﻃﺮﺍء ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻏﻄﺘﻬﺎ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻟﻘﻴﺎﻣﻬﺎ ﺑﺒﺬﻝ ﺟﻬﻮ ٍﺩ ﻟﺠﻤﻊ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻳﺠﺐ ﺇﺩﺧﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺴﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﻫﺎﻣﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻜﺜﻴﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻋﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻟﻢ ﺗﺼﺒﺢ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬
‫ٍ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭﺃﻫﺪﺍﻓﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ً‬
‫ﺭﺍﺳﺨﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻗﻤﻨﺎ‬ ‫ً‬
‫ﺃﻧﺸﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻴﻴﻢ ﻹﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﺿﻌﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺑﺪﺭﺍﺳﺘﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺑﺪﺃ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍء ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺄﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺗﻘﻴﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻧﻪ‬
‫ﻟﻢ ﻳﻜﻦ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﻲ ﻗﻮﻱ ﻻﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭﺳﺒﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻴﻴﻢ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻋﻢ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺿﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺗﻘﻴﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﺘﺠﺎﻭﺏ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﺟﻬﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﻢ‬
‫ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﻛﻤﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻄﺎﻗﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻟﻠﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻬﺪﻑ ﻟﺰﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻭﺿﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻱ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺗﺞ ﻓﻲ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﺐ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻊ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﺗﺰﺍﻝ‬
‫ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﻔﺮﻭﺿﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺘﻌﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ‬
‫ﻭﺿﻌﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﺤﺘﺎﺝ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺇﺟﺮﺍء ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻧﺔ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻘﺪﺓ ﻟﻠﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻭﻭﺍﻗﻌﻬﺎ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ .‬ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺪ‪-‬ﺗﺪﻓﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺰﺍﻉ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬
‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ ﺃﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻬﺎ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮ ﻭﺗﺒﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﻟﺘﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺷﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻫﻴﺎﻛﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﺳﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪-‬ﺟﺰءًﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺘﻌﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺍﺿﻌﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎﺗﻬﻢ ً‬
‫ﻭﻓﻘﺎ‬
‫ﻟﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻀﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﻜﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻬﻢ ﺗﻘﻴﻴﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫‪٥٧‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺘﺎﺟﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻷﺭﺑﻌﺔ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻃﻔﺮﺍﺕ ﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ‪،‬‬
‫ﻣﺆﺧﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺛﻢ‬
‫ً‬ ‫ﺇﻻ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻟﻢ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺷﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻭﺑﺄﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺳﻮﻯ‬
‫ﻻ ﺗﺰﺍﻝ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻓﺠﻮﺍﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺟﻬﻮﺩ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻠﺨﺺ ﺍﻟﺠﺪﻭﻝ ‪ ٤٫٤‬ﺍﻹﺣﺼﺎءﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﺭﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻢ ﺇﺟﺮﺍﺅﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻷﺭﺑﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺷﻤﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ‬
‫ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ .٢٠٠٦‬ﻭﺗﺸﻤﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻄﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻯ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻧُﺮﻛﺰ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺗﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ‬
‫)ﺑﺪﻻ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻹﺣﺼﺎء ﺍﻟﺮﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ( ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻹﺳﻜﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺪﺧﻞ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻔﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ‪-‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻌﺪ ﻣﺠﺎﻻﺕ ﻫﺎﻣﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺻﻠﺔ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﻴﻌﺎﺏ ﺗﺰﺍﻳﺪ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻻﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﺓ ﻣﻨﻪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﺪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻷﻗﺪﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺇﺟﺮﺍء ﺇﺣﺼﺎء ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻷﺭﺑﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺷﻤﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺇﻻ ﺃﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺃﺗﻤﻪ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ‬
‫‪ .١٩٣٢‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻗﺎﻡ ﺑﺴﺪ ﻓﺠﻮﺓ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺗﻘﺎﺭﻳﺮ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻧﻬﺎ ﻟﻢ ﺗﻜﻦ‬
‫ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺞ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺘﻠﻚ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻷﻗﺪﻡ‬
‫ٍ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﻤﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻷﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣًﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺇﺟﺮﺍء ﺍﻹﺣﺼﺎءﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻧﻬﺎ ﻟﻢ ﺗﻘﻢ ﺑﻌﻤﻞ ﺗﻘﺎﺭﻳﺮ ﻻﻟﺘﻘﺎﻁ ﻧﺸﺎﻁ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ )ﺑﺨﻼﻑ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻮ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﺣﺼﺎء ﺍﻟﺮﺳﻤﻲ( ﻭﺍﻟﺪﺧﻞ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻔﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻗﻄﺮ ﻭﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﻘﺎﺭﻳﺮ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻮﻉ ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺗﻢ ﻭﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ٌ‬
‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ‪٤٫٤‬‬
‫ﺍﻹﺣﺼﺎءﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﺭﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺷﻤﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻗﻄﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺌﺔ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ‬
‫‪١٩٧٥‬‬ ‫‪١٩٨٦‬‬ ‫‪١٩٩٣‬‬ ‫‪١٩٣٢‬‬ ‫ﺍﻹﺣﺼﺎء ﺍﻟﺮﺳﻤﻲ‬

‫‪١٩٨٠‬‬ ‫‪١٩٩٧‬‬ ‫‪٢٠٠٣‬‬
‫‪١٩٨٥‬‬ ‫‪٢٠٠٤‬‬
‫‪١٩٩٥‬‬
‫‪٢٠٠٥‬‬
‫–‬ ‫–‬ ‫–‬ ‫‪١٩٩٦–١٩٩٤‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻹﺳﻜﺎﻥ‬
‫–‬ ‫‪٢٠٠١‬‬ ‫‪١٩٩٦‬‬ ‫‪١٩٧٠‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ‬

‫‪٢٠٠٦‬‬ ‫‪٢٠٠٠‬‬ ‫‪١٩٩٧‬‬
‫‪٢٠٠٦‬‬
‫–‬ ‫‪١٩٨٢‬‬ ‫‪١٩٩٢–١٩٩١‬‬ ‫‪٢٠٠٤‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺪﺧﻞ ﻭﺍﻹﻧﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻲ‬

‫‪١٩٨٨‬‬ ‫‪٢٠٠٢–١٩٩٩‬‬
‫‪٢٠٠١‬‬
‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻯ ﻓﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺨﺺ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬﻯ‬ ‫‪٥٦‬‬
‫• ﻧﻘﺺ ﻫﻴﺎﻛﻞ "ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ" ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﻳﺔ‪ :‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺗﺘﺴﻢ ﺑﺎﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺃﻭﺩﻳﺔ ﺗﻔﺼﻠﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺎﺣﺎﺕ ﺷﺎﺳﻌﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺮﺍء ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﺄﻫﻮﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺘﺠﻮﻝ ﺑﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﺒﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺮﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ‬
‫ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻓﻲ ﺑﻘﺎﺋﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﻴﻊ ﺇﻧﺘﺎﺝ ﻗﻄﻌﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺩﻭﺍﺟﻨﻬﺎ ﻟﻠﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺣﻠﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﺤﻜﻢ‬
‫ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﺪﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺣﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻤﺄﻫﻮﻟﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﻮﺥ ﺍﻟﻘﺒﺎﺋﻞ ‪ -‬ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﺜﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺁﻝ‬
‫ﺛﺎﻧﻲ ﻳﺤﻜﻤﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺣﺔ ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺗﺨﻀﻊ ﺃﺑﻮ ﻇﺒﻲ ﻟﺤﻜﻢ ﺁﻝ ﻧﻬﻴﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﻭﻟﻢ ﺗﺤﻆ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻄﻘﺔ‬
‫ﺑﻬﻴﻜﻞ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﻲ ﺇﻻ ﻣﻨﺬ ﻋﻬ ٍﺪ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ‪٣١.‬‬
‫• ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺳﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻣﺘﻜﺮﺭﺓ ﻭﻏﻴﺮ ﻣُﺮﺍﻗﺒﺔ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺭﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺒﻴﺪ ﺍﻷﻓﺎﺭﻗﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﺪﻭ ‪-‬‬
‫ﻫﺬﻩ ﻫﻲ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﻛﻴﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻟﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻜﺮﺭﺓ ﻭﻏﻴﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺍﻗﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻘﻮﺽ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺗﻘﺎﺭﻳﺮ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﺔ ﺗﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ‪.‬‬
‫• ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﻳﻌﺰﻑ ﺍﻟﻜﺜﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻋﻦ ﺇﻓﺸﺎء ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺑﺪﺃﺕ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺣﺼﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺣﻘﺒﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺭﺑﻌﻴﻨﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺎﺟﺖ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﻟﻬﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻹﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻋﻮﺍﺋﺪ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻂ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﻠﺰﻣﺖ ﺍﻟﺼﺪﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻄﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻰ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ١٩٧٣‬ﺇﺟﺮﺍء ﺇﺣﺼﺎءﺍﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺴﻜﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺃﻣﺎ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺑﺪﺭﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﺮﺟﻊ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺣﺼﺎءﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺑﻬﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺑﺪﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺴﺒﺐ ﺍﻟﺤﺮﺏ ﺍﻷﻫﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺰﺍﻋﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻄﺎﺋﻔﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻋﺎﻗﺔ ﺟﻬﻮﺩ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺟﻌﻞ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺔ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‬
‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ٍ‬ ‫ﺃﻣﺮﺍ ﻏﻴﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ ً‬
‫ﺣﺎﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺼﺮﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﻧﺸﺎء ﻛﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﻟﻤﺮﺍﻗﺒﺔ ﺟﻤﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﺘﻀﻤﻦ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻜﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﻛﺰﻳﺔ ﻟﻺﺣﺼﺎء ﺑﻠﺒﻨﺎﻥ؛ ﻭﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ ﺑﺴﻠﻄﻨﺔ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺮﺍﻗﺐ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺗﻤﺘﻠﻚ ﺳﻠﻄﺔ ﻛﺒﻴﺮﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﻭﺍﺿﻌﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ؛ ﻭﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﺘﺨﻄﻴﻂ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺮﻱ؛ ﻭﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺨﻄﻴﻂ‬
‫ﻭﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺗﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺗﻮﻇﻴﻒ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ ﺑﺎﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ )ﺗﻨﻤﻴﺔ(‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻊ ﺫﻟﻚ‬
‫ﻻ ﺗﺰﺍﻝ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻣﺸﺎﻛﻞ ﺗﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻨﺴﻴﻖ‪ .‬ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗﺘﻮﻟﻰ ﻛﻞ ﺇﻣﺎﺭﺓ ﺑﺎﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺔ ﺇﺟﺮﺍء ﺍﻹﺣﺼﺎءﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﻬﺎ ‪ -‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪٢٠٠٥‬‬
‫ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﻊ ﺑﺘﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺟﻬﻮﺩﻫﺎ ﻟﺠﻌﻞ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺨﻄﻴﻂ ﺑﺎﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﺑﺎﻹﺣﺼﺎء‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺨﻠﺼﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﺒﺪﺍﺋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﺨﻀﻊ ﻹﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﻗﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻌﻠﻤﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫‪١‬‬
‫‪٥٥‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺘﺎﺟﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻗﻄﺎﻉ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻓﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺐ ﻭﻭﺿﻊ ﺇﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺔ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻴﺔ‬
‫ٍ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻧﻘﺺ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺠﻮﺩﺓ ﻭﺃﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻴﻴﻢ‬

‫ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺭﺩﺓ ﺑﺪﺭﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎ ﻭﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻢ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺃﻭ ﻳﺠﺮﻱ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﻣﻮﺭ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﻠﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺴﺘﻔﺴﺮ ﻋﻤﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺟﻬﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﺭﻳﺔ‬
‫ﻟﺘﻘﻴﻴﻢ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﻫﺬﻩ ﻭﻣﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﺠﺎﺣﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺸﻴﺮ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻨﺎ‬
‫ﺇﻟﻰ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺇﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩﺓ ﻟﺘﻘﻴﻴﻢ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻏﻄﺘﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ‬
‫ﻣﺆﺧﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺛﻢ ﻟﻢ ﻳﺘﺢ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ‬‫ً‬ ‫ﺗﻢ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﻜﺜﻴﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﻫﺬﻩ‬
‫ً‬
‫ﻟﺘﻘﻴﻴﻢ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺗﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﻢ ﻳﻤﺜﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻴﻴﻢ ﺟﺰءًﺍ ﻣﻜﻤﻼ ﻟﻠﺘﺨﻄﻴﻂ ﻟﺘﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺤﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻢ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﻬﺎ ﻃﻮﺍﻝ ﻋﻘﺪ ﻣﻀﻰ‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﻮﺻﻠﻨﺎ ﻟﻠﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﻣﺜﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺭﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺗﻘﻴﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﺗﻀﻤﻨﺖ ﺟﻬﻮ ًﺩﺍ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﺓ ﻟﺘﻘﻴﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ‪ .‬ﻓﻌﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺳﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﺜﺎﻝ‪ :‬ﻳﺸﻴﺮ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺴﺘﺨﻠﺺ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻘﻴﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻄﻼﺏ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﺑﻘﻄﺮ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻉ‬
‫ﺃﺩﺍء ﺍﻟﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﻟﺤﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻌﺪ ﺟﺰءًﺍ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺑﺘﺪﺍﺋﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺒﻼﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﻘﺘﺮﺡ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺃﺩﺍء ﺍﻟﻄﻼﺏ ﺑﻤﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺑﻌﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺪ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺟﻮ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺴﻨﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﺸﻴﺮ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻷﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻣﻌﺪﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻃﻴﻦ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﻗﺪ ﺗﻔﺴﺮ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﻄﻼﺏ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻉ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻄﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻗﺪ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻟﻠﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﻤﻤﺔ‬
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‫ﻣﺴﺒﻘﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺗﺞ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻥ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﺷﺮﻧﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺌﻮﻟﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻤﻜﺎﺳﺐ ﺃﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﺑﺘﻘﻴﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺴﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻌﺎﺑﻬﺎ )ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﺜﺎﻝ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻀﺎﺭﺑﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﻟﺤﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻳُﻌﻔﻰ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺃﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻛﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺣﺼﺺ ﺗﻮﻇﻴﻒ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻦ(‪.‬ﻭﺃﺧﻴﺮﺍً ‪ ،‬ﻳﻮﺿﺢ ﺗﻘﻴﻴﻤًﺎ ﻟﺒﺮﻧﺎﻣﺞ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺢ ﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺒﻴﺔ ﺑﺠﺎﻣﻌﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻧﺎﻣﺞ ﻷﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻴﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻮﻇﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺟﻮﺓ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﻌﺮﺿﺖ ﺟﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻴﻴﻢ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻷﺭﺑﻊ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻹﻋﺎﻗﺔ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺟﺰﺋﻲ‬
‫ﻧﻈﺮﺍ ﻟﻠﺨﺒﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺪﻭﺩﺓ ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺮﻧﺎﻣﺞ ﻭﺗﻘﻴﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻭﻓﺠﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺗﻢ ﻓﺮﺽ‬ ‫ً‬
‫ﻗﻴﻮﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻤﻮﻏﺮﺍﻓﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﺪﻳﺪ‬
‫ﻣﻮﺭﻭﺛﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺸﻚ ﻓﻲ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻟﻀﻌﻒ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺧﻠﻔﺖ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺘﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﺃﻧﺸﻄﺔ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﺘﻀﻤﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻠﻲ‪:‬‬
‫)ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‪.(٢٠٠٣ ،‬‬
‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻯ ﻓﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺨﺺ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬﻯ‬ ‫‪٥٤‬‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺗﻢ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻠﻬﺎ ﻟﻤﻨﺢ ﺃﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺣﻮﺍﻓﺰ ﻟﺘﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﺤﺼﺺ‬
‫ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍءﺍﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺘﻤﺜﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻵﺧﺮ ﻓﻲ ﺟﻌﻞ ﺗﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﺻﺐ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ‬
‫ﺟﺎﺫﺑﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻟﺔ ﺃﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻋﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻋﻼﻭ ًﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻳﺘﻤﺜﻞ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻫﻴﺌﺎﺕ ﺗﺴﻬﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻦ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻌﻤﻞ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺐ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻋﻢ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺃﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﻮﻇﻴﻔﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ "ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻃﻴﻦ"‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ ً‬
‫ﻫﺪﻓﺎ ﻣﻨﺬ‬
‫ﻻﺣﻘﺎ ﻟﺘﺸﻤﻞ ﻗﻄﺎﻋﻲ‬‫ﺃﻭﺍﺧﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻌﻴﻨﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﻢ ﻣﺪ ﻧﻄﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﺤﺼﺺ ﺑﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﻜﻴﺔ ً‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﻋﻘﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻔﺸﻞ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺘﻜﺮﺭ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ "ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻃﻴﻦ"‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺗﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺤﺼﺺ ﻟﻠﺼﻨﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻬﺪﻓﺔ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﻄﺮ ﻛﺬﻟﻚ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻤﻨﺢ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﻓﺰ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﻞ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺭﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺙ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻟﻤﻌﺎﺩﻟﺔ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﻴﻦ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻋﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﻐﻠﺒﺖ ﻗﻄﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪ .‬ﺗﺸﺘﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺍﻓﺰ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﻟﻠﻌﺎﻣﻠﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺐ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻋﻢ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻟﺒﺪء ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻳﻊ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻫﻮ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻋﻤﺎﻥ؛ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﺴﺘﻔﻴﺪ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺗﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺎﺣﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺒﻨﻮﻙ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺨﻀﻊ ﻟﻺﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﺳﺘﺸﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﻬﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺑﺮﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺐ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﻤﻤﺔ ﻟﻤﻮﺍﻓﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﻴﻦ ﻟﻠﻮﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺎﺣﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ‪.‬‬
‫ﻳﻌﺮﺽ ﺍﻟﺠﺪﻭﻝ ‪) ٤٫٣‬ﺍﻟﺠﺰء ﺍﻟﺴﻔﻠﻲ( ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻹﺟﺮﺍءﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺴﻌﻰ ﻟﺘﻄﺒﻴﻘﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻷﺭﺑﻌﺔ ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻧﻈﻤﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻭﺯﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﻓﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻛﺴﺒﻴﻞ ﻟﺘﻮﻇﻴﻒ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﺍﻣﺔ ﺍﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻋﺒﺮ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﺮ ﺣﻮﺍﻓﺰ‬
‫ﺿﺮﻳﺒﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺸﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ ﻟﻔﺘﺢ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﻓﺮﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﻣﺼﺎﻧﻊ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻬﺪﻓﺖ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺳﻊ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻧﺘﺎﺟﻴﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﻠﺔ ﺑﻘﻄﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻂ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻐﺎﺯ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺇﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻣﺘﺼﻠﺔ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺘﻨﻮﻳﻊ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺑﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻭﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺃﻻ ﻭﻫﻲ ﺧﺼﺨﺼﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻭﻏﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻤﻠﻮﻛﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﺷﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﺮﻭﻝ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺗﻢ ﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻮﻳﻊ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﻄﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ‬
‫ﺗﺨﻔﻴﻒ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﻔﺮﻭﺿﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻤﻠﻚ ﺍﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻟﺸﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻄﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻬﺪﻓﺔ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻗﺎﻡ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻭﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻻﻧﻀﻤﺎﻡ ﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺓ ﺣﺮﺓ ﻭﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﻣﺎ ﺇﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﻴﺠﻴﺎﺕ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﻟﺘﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﺘﻀﻤﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﻄﺮ ﻭﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﻓﺘﺢ‬
‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺓ ﺣﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺘﻢ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺗﺨﻔﻴﻒ ﺍﻟﻀﺮﺍﺋﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻛﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬
‫ﻣُﻌﻔﺎﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ )ﻣﺜﻞ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ ﻭﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ( ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﻟﻤُﺠﻬﺰﺓ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺟﻴﺪ ‪ -‬ﻛﻞ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺑﻬﺪﻑ ﻧﺸﺮ ﻭﺇﻧﺸﺎء‬
‫ﻭﺑﺨﺎﺻﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﺎﻝ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﺮﻛﺰ ﺟﻬﻮﺩ‬‫ً‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﻟﻸﻧﺸﻄﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻓﻲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺿﻮء ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﺑﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻧﺸﺎء‬
‫‪٥٣‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺘﺎﺟﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬

‫ﺍﺿﻄﻠﻌﺖ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻷﺭﺑﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺷﻤﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎ ﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﺴﺘﻬﺪﻑ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬
‫ً‬
‫ﺷﻤﻮﻻ؛ ﻭﻗﺪ ﺗﻢ ﺗﻠﺨﻴﺺ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﺪﻭﻝ ‪ .٤٫٣‬ﻭﺗﺨﺘﺺ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ‬
‫ٍ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬
‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺑﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺙ ﻭﺗﻬﺪﻑ ﻟﻤﻌﺎﻟﺠﺔ ﺑﻌﺾ ﻗﻴﻮﺩ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﻋﺎﻗﺖ ﺗﻮﻇﻴﻒ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﺴﻌﻰ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻋﻢ ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭﺧﺼﺨﺼﺘﻪ ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻗﻄﺎﻉ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ‬
‫ﻓﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺘﻤﻞ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺘﻴﺢ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻱ ﻟﻠﺪﻭﻟﺔ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﻣﺠﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ‪٤٫٣‬‬
‫ﺳﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻭﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺷﻤﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ‬
‫ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺤﺼﺺ ﺍﻟﻤُﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﻟﺘﻮﻇﻴﻒ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ‬
‫‪9‬‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻜﺎﻓﺂﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍءﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﻟﺘﻮﻇﻴﻒ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ‬
‫‪9‬‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻬﺪﻓﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻠﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻇﻴﻒ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻘﺎﺋﻲ ﻟﻠﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ‬
‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺤﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻤﻤﻨﻮﺣﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﺎﻣﻠﻴﻦ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻮﺻﻮﻝ‬
‫‪9‬‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻤﻤﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻄﺎﻋﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ‬
‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﺟﺪﻳ ٍﺪ‬
‫ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺐ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻋﻢ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻟﺒﺪء‬
‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﺇﻧﺸﺎء ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻟﻠﺘﻌﻴﻴﻦ‪/‬ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﻮﻇﻴﻔﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺐ‬

‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ‬
‫‪9‬‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻓﻴﺮ ﺣﻮﺍﻓﺰ ﻟﻤﺪ ﻧﻄﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‬
‫‪9‬‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮﺩ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻤﻠﻮﻛﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ‬
‫‪9‬‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻤﺎﺡ ﺑﺘﻤﻠﻚ ﺍﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻟﻠﺸﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻄﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﺪﺩﺓ‬

‫ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺤﺮﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﻳﺔ‬
‫‪9‬‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﺮﺓ‬
‫‪9‬‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﺇﻋﻔﺎء ”ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﻟﺤﺮﺓ“ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻄﻠﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺐ ﻭﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﻢ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﻟﺘﻔﻌﻴﻞ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﺓ‬
‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺃﻛﺒﺮ‬
‫ﺗﺘﺄﻟﻒ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ )ﺍﻟﺠﺪﻭﻝ‪ ،٤٫٣‬ﺍﻟﺠﺰء ﺍﻷﻭﻝ( ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻯ ﻓﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺨﺺ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬﻯ‬ ‫‪٥٢‬‬
‫ﻳﺘﻢ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺇﻋﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻟﻬﺎ؛ ﺃﻣﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻔﺘﺢ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬
‫ً‬
‫ﻭﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺃﻛﺒﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺰﻭﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﻭﻓﻖ ﻣﺒﺪﺃ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﻠﻔﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺢ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﺪﻑ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﺴﻤﺎﺡ ﻟﻠﻄﻼﺏ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﻨﺘﻤﻮﻥ ﻟﻌﺎﺋﻼﺕ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﻋﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻄﺮ ﻓﻠﺘﻮﻓﻴﺮ ﺣﻮﺍﻓﺰ ﻟﻄﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻟﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺨﻔﺾ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ٍ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﻓﻲ ﺣﻘﻮﻝ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺃﻭﻟﻮﻳﺔ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻙ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﻣﺠﺎﻝ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺑﻤﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﻳﺘﻢ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﻛﻴﺰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻄﻼﺏ ﻟﻠﻮﻇﺎﺋﻒ‪.‬‬ ‫ٌ‬
‫ﻭﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﻭﻛﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ )‪ (HCT‬ﻭﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺯﺍﻳﺪ ﺑﺘﻄﺒﻴﻖ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺍﻣﺞ ﻟﺘﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺇﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ‬
‫ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺻﻠﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ ﻭﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻨﺢ ﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺐ ﻭﻏﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻇﻴﻒ‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﻄﻠﺐ ﺍﻟﻬﺪﻑ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ ﺑﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﻛﻴﺰ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺐ ﻭﻟﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﻛﻴﺰ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻻﺑﺘﺪﺍﺋﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﻭﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻯ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺴﺮﺩ ﺍﻟﺠﺰء ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺠﺪﻭﻝ ‪ ٤٫٢‬ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺪﺩﺓ ﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺐ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺸﻤﻠﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺗﺠﺮﻱ ﺍﻟﺠﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﺩﻓﺔ ﻟﺘﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺐ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺙ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻧﻬﺎ ﻻ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﻘﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮﺓ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﺸﺎﻛﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺴﻘﺔ ﻓﺤﺴﺐ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺮﻛﺰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻻﺑﺘﺪﺍﺋﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺙ ﺟﻤﻴﻌﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﻢ ﺑﺬﻝ ﺟﻬ ٍﺪ ﻟﻨﺸﺮ ﻋﺪ ٍﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻬﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﻟﺘﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺮﺍﻛﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻋﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ ﺑﻬﺪﻑ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺹ ﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺐ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻦ‪،‬‬
‫ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻄﻠﻮﺑﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ‪ .‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻄﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺃﺳﺲ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺌﻮﻟﻮﻥ‬ ‫ً‬
‫ﺷﻬﺎﺩ ًﺓ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ ﻟﺒﺮﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺐ ﻟﻀﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﻮﺩﺗﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫‪٥١‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺘﺎﺟﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺇﻃﺎﺭ ﺳﻌﻴﻬﻢ ﻹﺩﺧﺎﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﻮﻥ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺇﻟﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻭﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻗﻠﻴﻠﺔ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻛﻞ ﻋﺎﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺛﻢ‪ ،‬ﻟﻢ ﺗﺘﻐﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻀﺌﻴﻠﺔ ﻟﻠﻄﻼﺏ ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺮﻧﺎﻣﺞ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﻲ )ﻭﻟﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻧﺎﻣﺞ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ( ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻛﺒﻴﺮﺓ ﻣﻨﺬ ﺑﺪء ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻄﻼﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺨﺮﺟﻴﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺿﺌﻴﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺠﻌﻞ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﻌﺐ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺳﻴﺘﻢ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﻬﺎ ﺃﻡ ﻻ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﻌﺐ‬
‫ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺐ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺟﻮﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺘﺎﺡ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ‬
‫ﻭﺍﺿﺤﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺇﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻋﺎﻣﺔ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ً‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﻣﺞ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﻻ ﻳﺒﺪﻭ‬
‫ﻗﻮﺓ ﻣﻮﺣﺪﺓ ﺗﻨﻈﻢ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﻣﺞ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻨﺪ ﺳﺆﺍﻟﻬﻢ ﺑﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﻧﺠﺎﺡ ﺑﺮﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺐ‪،‬‬
‫ﺃﺟﺎﺏ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﺮﻳﻨﺎ ﻣﻌﻬﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻼﺕ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﻠﻮﻫﺎ ﺗﻌﺪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﻬﺎ؛ ﻓﻼ ﻳﻮﺟﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﺫﻭ ﺻﻔﺔ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺄﻧﻪ ﺗﻤﻜﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻟﻨﺠﺎﺡ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﺆﺧﺮﺍ ﺑﻮﺿﻊ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ‬‫ً‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﺿﻌﻮ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻻﺑﺘﺪﺍﺋﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺼﺪﺍﺭﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻌﺪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺑﺄﺑﻮ ﻇﺒﻲ ﻭﺩﺑﻲ ﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺪ‬
‫ﺃﻭﻟﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﻲ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻷﺧﻴﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺟﺮﺕ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﻗﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺇﺣﺪﺍﺙ‬
‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺟﺬﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﺎﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺐ ﻳﻠﺨﺺ ﺍﻟﺠﺰء ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺠﺪﻭﻝ ‪ ٤٫٢‬ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺧﻠﻴﻂ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻹﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﻴﺠﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺘﻨﺎﻭﻝ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﺘﺄﻟﻒ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﻫﺬﻩ ﻣﻦ ٍ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤُﺼﻤﻤﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﺮﻛﻴﺰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺠﻮﺩﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺇﺩﺧﺎﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻫﺞ ﻭﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻲ‬
‫ﻋﺎﻝ‬
‫ﻭﻏﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ؛ ﻭﻟﻤﺪ ﻧﻄﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﻮﺻﻮﻝ ﻋﺒﺮ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﺮ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ٍ‬
‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﻭﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻣﻨﺢ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﻴﺔ؛ ﻭﻟﺘﻘﻮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻊ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﻇﻴﻔﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺩﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺙ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺭﺩﺓ ﺑﺪﺭﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎ ﺑﺈﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﺧﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻮﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺨﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺎﺣﺔ ﻟﻤﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﺒﻨﺖ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﻟﺘﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺍﻟﺠﻮﺩﺓ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﺯﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﻟﺠﻮﺩﺓ ﻟﻤﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺎﺣﺔ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻄﻼﺏ‪ .‬ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺑﺘﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺟﻬ ٍﺪ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﻟﺘﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺸﻔﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺗﻌﻠﻢ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻄﺎﻟﺐ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺳﻌﺖ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﻭﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﻟﻠﺤﺼﻮﻝ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﻲ ﻟﻜﺎﻓﺔ ﺑﺮﺍﻣﺠﻬﺎ ﺍﻷﻛﺎﺩﻳﻤﻴﺔ ﺑﻬﻴﺌﺎﺗﻬﺎ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻟﺠﺰ ٍء ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﻗﺪ ﺳﻌﺖ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺙ ﻟﻼﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ ﻟﺘﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎﺗﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺰﺍﻳﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻱ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻗﻄﺮ ﻭﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﺑﺈﻧﺸﺎء ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭ"ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻴﺔ" ﻟﺠﺬﺏ ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﻹﻧﺸﺎء‬
‫ﻓﺮﻭﻉ ﻟﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺑﻼﺩﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﻗﻄﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗُﺴﺘﻬﺪﻑ ﺍﻟﻤﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻛﻤﺎ‬
‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻯ ﻓﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺨﺺ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬﻯ‬ ‫‪٥٠‬‬
‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ‪٤٫٢‬‬
‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺐ ﺑﺎﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺷﻤﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﻭﻋﻨﺼﺮﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻻﺑﺘﺪﺍﺋﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻱ‬
‫‪9‬‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﺇﻧﺸﺎء ﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﻨﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻨﺴﻴﻖ‬
‫‪9‬‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻤﻲ ﻟﻠﻤﺪﺭﺳﺔ‬
‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺎﺳﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ‬
‫‪9‬‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻫﺞ ﻣُﻌﺎﺩ ﻫﻴﻜﻠﺘﻬﺎ‬
‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻴﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫‪9‬‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻴﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ‬
‫‪9‬‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺐ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺪﻳﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫‪9‬‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﺩﻣﺞ ﺗﻘﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻲ‬
‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﺇﻧﺸﺎء ﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﻨﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻨﺴﻴﻖ‬
‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻨﻬﺠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻛﺎﺩﻳﻤﻴﺔ‬
‫‪9‬‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻲ ﻟﺒﺮﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻲ‬
‫‪9‬‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻝ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ‬ ‫ﺇﻧﺸﺎء ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ٍ‬
‫‪9‬‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺢ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺞ‪/‬ﺑﺮﺍﻣﺞ ﺗﻮﻇﻴﻒ ﺍﻟﺨﺮﻳﺠﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺟﻮﺩﺓ ﺑﺎﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺃﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺐ‬
‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﺇﻧﺸﺎء ﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﻨﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻨﺴﻴﻖ‬
‫‪9‬‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﺇﻧﺸﺎء ﻛﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﻨﻴﺔ‪/‬ﻣﻬﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫‪9‬‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻛﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ ﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺐ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺓ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﻬﻴﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺐ ﻟﻤﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﻣﺎ‬
‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻱ‬
‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻻﺑﺘﺪﺍﺋﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﻢ ﺗﻠﺨﻴﺼﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﺰء ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺠﺪﻭﻝ ‪،٤٫٢‬‬
‫ﺍﺿﻄﻠﻌﺖ ﻗﻄﺮ ﻭﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺷﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻟﻨﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻻﺑﺘﺪﺍﺋﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻱ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﺘﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺑﻘﻄﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻢ ﺇﻃﻼﻗﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،٢٠٠٢‬ﻣﻊ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﻭﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺨﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻫﺞ ﻭﻛﻔﺎءﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﻏﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻣﺔ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺓ‬
‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻻﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﻻﺑﺘﺪﺍﺋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻳﺔ ﻳﻌﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺮﻳﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻧﺸﺎء ٍ‬
‫ﺑﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻟﻤﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﻟﻮﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﺒﻼﺩ ﻭﻳﺘﻢ ﺍﻹﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﺴﺘﺨﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻫﺞ‬
‫ﺣﺪﻳﺜﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺿﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﺍﻹﻧﺠﻠﻴﺰﻳﺔ )ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺔ ﺣﺴﺐ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﺗﻢ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮﻫﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ( ﻭﺍﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ )ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻮﻋﻬﺎ( ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺤﻔﺰ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﻜﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺪﻱ ﻭﺣﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬
‫ﻛﺠﺰ ٍء ﻣﻦ ﺃﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﺸﺎﺭﻙ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ ﻭﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻄﺮ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻘﻴﻴﻢ ﻟﻠﻤﺪﺍﺭﺱ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﺼﺪﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﺭﻳﺮ ﻋﻦ ﺃﺩﺍء ﺍﻟﻤﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﻣﺘﺎﺣﺔ ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺧﻼﻟﻬﺎ ﺃﻭﻟﻴﺎء ﺍﻷﻣﻮﺭ ﺇﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺄﻱ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻳﺮﺳﻠﻮﻥ ﺃﺑﻨﺎءﻫﻢ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫‪٤٩‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺘﺎﺟﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﻄﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺃﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺐ ﻭﺃﺳﻮﺍﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬
‫ﺗﻌﺪ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﻭﺭﺍء ﺳﻠﺴﻠﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻢ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺃﻭ ﻳﺠﺮﻱ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻷﺭﺑﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺷﻤﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺗﻮﺻﻠﻨﺎ ﻋﺒﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺇﻟﻰ‬
‫ﺗﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﻓﻲ ﻓﺌﺘﻴﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﺘﻴﻦ‪ :‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﻄﺮﺃ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺐ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﻇﻴﻔﻲ ﺗﻬﺪﻑ ﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﻄﺮﺃ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺗﻬﺪﻑ‬
‫ﻟﺘﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻱ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻄﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻧﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻵﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺗﻠﺨﻴﺺ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺪﺩﺓ ﻟﻠﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺸﻤﻠﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺐ‬

‫ﻳﻠﺨﺺ ﺍﻟﺠﺪﻭﻝ ‪ ٤٫٢‬ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺐ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﻄﻂ ﻟﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺭﺑﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺷﻤﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﻫﺬﻩ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ ﻣﺠﺎﻻﺕ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻻﺑﺘﺪﺍﺋﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﻭﺃﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺐ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﻬﺪﻑ‬
‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻮﺻﻮﻝ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺐ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﺟﻮﺩﺗﻬﻤﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺸﻴﺮ ﻧﻤﻮﺫﺝ ﻋﻼﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺿﻮﺡ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺿﻄﻼﻉ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺐ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎء ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻣﺆﺷﺮﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﺸﻞ ﻗﻴﺎﺩﺓ‬
‫ً‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻴﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻄﻼﺏ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ )ﺗﻘﻴﻴﻢ ‪ TIMSS‬ﻟﻌﺎﻡ ‪ .(٢٠٠٣‬ﻭﻻ ﻳﻌﺪ ﺫﻟﻚ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻌﺎﺏ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻔﻌﺎﻝ ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﻨﺠﺎﺡ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﺒﺪﻻ ﻣﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺇﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺤﺎﺟﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻟﺒﻼﺩ ﺇﻟﻰ‬ ‫ً‬
‫ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺇﻧﺸﺎء ﻗﺒﻞ ﺇﺟﺮﺍء ﺃﻳﺔ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺟﺬﺭﻳﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺐ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﻘﺮ ﺩﻭﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺙ ﺑﺄﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺐ ﺑﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻓﻤﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺮﺭ‬
‫ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺼﻬﺎ ﻟﻠﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ ‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻻﺑﺘﺪﺍﺋﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻲ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺐ ‪ -‬ﺍﺿﻄﻠﻌﺖ ﺩﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺙ ﺑﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺃﺷﺪ ﻛﺜﺎﻓﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻯ ﻓﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺨﺺ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬﻯ‬ ‫‪٤٨‬‬
‫ً‬
‫ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻧﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺗﻨﺎ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﻦ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﻟﺸﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻋﺮﺿﺔ ﻟﻠﺒﻄﺎﻟﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻜﻞ‬
‫ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ‬
‫ٍ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﺸﺒﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺃﺛﻨﺎء ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﺸﻴﺮ ﻣﻌﺪﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﻄﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺗﻔﻌﺔ‬
‫ﺇﻟﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﻴﻦ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻮﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﻋﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺼﻐﻴﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﺸﺄﺕ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺟﺰﺋﻲ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻟﻌﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﻟﺴﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬
‫ً‬
‫ﻭﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﻫﺆﻻء ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺃﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪،‬‬
‫ﻳﻌﺪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﻟﻤﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺃﻋﺮﺍﺽ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺆﺛﺮ ﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺭﺑﻊ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺭﺩﺓ ﺑﺎﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ :‬ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺇﻋﺪﺍﺩ ﺃﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺐ ﻟﻠﻄﻼﺏ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻓﻌّﺎﻝ‬
‫ﻟﺘﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻲ ﻟﻠﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺸﺮﻳﻦ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻷﺭﺑﻊ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺭﺩﺓ‬
‫ﺑﺪﺭﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎ ﺑﻤﺪ ﻧﻄﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺹ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻟﻴﺼﻞ ﻟﻜﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻻﺑﺘﺪﺍﺋﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺑﻤﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﺍﺯﺩﺍﺩﺕ ﻧﺴﺐ ﺗﻌﻠﻢ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍءﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺑﺔ ﺑﺴﺮﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻊ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻻ ﻳﺰﺍﻝ ﻫﻨﺎ‬
‫ﺇﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻣﻤﻦ ﺃﺟﺮﻳﻨﺎ ﻣﻌﻬﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻼﺕ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺑﻌﺪﻡ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﺟﻮﺩﺓ ﺃﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻻﺑﺘﺪﺍﺋﻲ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﺑﻬﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﻨﻈﺮ ﻟﺨﺮﻳﺠﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻳﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻧﻬﻢ‬
‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺆﻫﻠﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻄﻠﻮﺑﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﺧﻮﻝ ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮ ًﺓ ﻟﺴﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺃﻭ ﺩﺧﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻣﺞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺗﻨﺎﻓﺴﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺗﻢ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺎﻁ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻫﺬﻩ ﻓﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎ )ﻗﻢ ﺑﻤﺮﺍﺟﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻮﻝ‬
‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ‪ :‬ﻣﻌﺪﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﺩﺍء‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﻭﻝ ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺩﺱ ﺑﺎﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ( ﻋﺒﺮ ٍ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺨﻔﻀﺔ ﻭﻓﻖ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻘﻴﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻄﻼﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﻴًﺎ؛ ﺍﻧﺨﻔﺎﺽ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻄﻼﺏ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻳﺪﺭﺳﻮﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﻭﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﻭﻳﺮﻛﺰﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻣﺔ ﻣﺜﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺿﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻬﻨﺪﺳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻘﻨﻴﺔ؛ ﺍﻧﺨﻔﺎﺽ ﻣﻌﺪﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ‬
‫ً‬
‫ﻭﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺑﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺞ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻱ‪،‬‬
‫ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻗﻀﻴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﺟﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻟﺠﺪﻭﻝ ‪ ٤٫١‬ﺗﺘﻌﻠﻘﺎﻥ ﺑﻠﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭﻋﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺘﻴﻦ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﺘﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﺧﻞ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻨﺎ‪ .‬ﻓﺒﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺃﺩﺕ ﻫﺠﺮﺓ ﺧﺮﻳﺠﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻮﺩ ﺍﻷﺧﻴﺮﺓ ﻫﺮﺑًﺎ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺤﺮﺏ ﺍﻷﻫﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺷﻬﺪﺗﻬﺎ ﻓﺘﺮﺓ ‪ ١٩٩٠-١٩٧٥‬ﺇﻟﻰ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺨﺮﻳﺠﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺘﺠﻴﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺃﻓﻀﻞ ﺃﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ‬
‫ﺑﺪﺧﻞ‬
‫ٍ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭﻋﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻠﺘﻴﻦ ﺗﺘﺴﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ً‬
‫ﻭﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﻌﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﻨﻄﻘﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻓﺮﻭﻕ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ٍﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻴﺸﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻠﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻭﻕ ﻓﻲ ﺣﺼﻮﻝ‬ ‫ٍ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺨﻔﺾ ﻟﻠﻔﺮﺩ‬
‫ٍ‬
‫ﺳﻜﺎﻧﻬﻤﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺹ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﺓ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺹ‪.‬‬
‫‪٤٧‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺘﺎﺟﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ‪٤٫١‬‬
‫ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺆﺛﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺭﺩﺓ ﺑﺎﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺪﻱ‬
‫ﺗﺘﺄﻟﻒ ﺃﻏﻠﺐ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ؛ ﻣﻊ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺿﺌﻴﻠﺔ ﻣﻦ‬
‫‪99‬‬ ‫‪99‬‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ‬
‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﻇﻴﻒ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﻲ؛ ﻣﻊ ﻛﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻇﻴﻒ‬

‫‪99‬‬ ‫‪99‬‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ ﺃﻗﻞ ﺟﺬﺑًﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻉ ﻣﻌﺪﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﻄﺎﻟﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﺳﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﺣﺪﻳﺜﻲ ﺍﻻﻟﺘﺤﺎﻕ ﺑﺴﻮﻕ‬

‫‪9‬‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬
‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺃﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺐ ﺑﺈﻋﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﻄﻼﺏ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺟﻴﺪ‬

‫‪9‬‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﻟﻼﻟﺘﺤﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ‬
‫ﺗﻘﻠﻞ ﻫﺠﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﺓ ﻣﻦ ﻗﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻷﻛﺜﺮ‬

‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺃﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻴﺸﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ‬

‫‪9‬‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺹ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﺗﻬﺎ‬
‫ً‬
‫ﺑﺮﻭﺯﺍ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺔ‪ = 9 :‬ﺍﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺗﺆﺛﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪ = 99 ،‬ﺍﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ‬
‫ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺗﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺩﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎ ‪ -‬ﻭﺗﻌﺪ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻘﻄﺮ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ ‪ -‬ﺃﻻ ﻭﻫﻲ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺰ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻌﻜﺲ‬
‫ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺘﻠﻘﺎﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻮﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻮﻳﻀﺎﺕ ﻭﺃﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻭﺍﻷﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻮﻇﻴﻔﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻜﺎﻧﺔ ﺃﻓﻀﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﺋﺮﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻟﻮﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﺑﻘﻄﺮ ﻭﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﺒﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺳﺒﻴﻼ ﻟﻨﻘﻞ ﺍﻟﺜﺮﻭﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻢ ﺟﻤﻌﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻂ ﻭﺍﻟﻐﺎﺯ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﻃﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪.‬‬‫ً‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻟﺬﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻇﻴﻒ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺃﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺮﺧﺎء ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﻤﻨﺤﻪ ﺍﻟﻨﺨﺒﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻛﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻟﻐﻨﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻊ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻮ ﻻ ﻳﻌﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﻇﻴﻒ ﺩﺍﺋﻤًﺎ‪ .‬ﻓﺈﻟﻰ‬
‫ﺣ ٍﺪ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻟﻦ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﻋﻮﺍﺋﺪ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻂ ﻭﺍﻟﻐﺎﺯ ﻗﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﻋﻢ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺮﺧﺎء ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ‬
‫ﻭﻧﻈﺮﺍ ﻷﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﻇﺎﺋﻒ‬
‫ً‬ ‫ﻳﻮﻓﺮﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻇﻴﻒ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﺎً ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ‪.‬‬
‫ﻻ ﺗﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﻠﻢ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﻘﻨﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻻﺿﻄﻼﻉ ﺑﺄﻧﺸﻄﺔ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺃﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺄﻧﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﺗﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﻓﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺑﻌﻴ ًﺪﺍ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻼ ﻳﻘﻮﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻇﻴﻒ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻼﺯﻣﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻨﺎﻓﺲ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺳﻮﺍء‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻉ ﻧﺴﺐ‬
‫ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺭﺑﻌﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﺆﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺬﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﺘﻤﺜﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﻄﺎﻟﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﺳﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﺣﺪﻳﺜﻲ ﺍﻻﻟﺘﺤﺎﻕ ﺑﺴﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻢ ﺗﺘﻮﺍﻓﺮ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻣﻌﺪﻻﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﻄﺎﻟﺔ ﺣﺴﺐ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺮ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻫﺬﻩ‬
‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻯ ﻓﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺨﺺ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬﻯ‬ ‫‪٤٦‬‬
‫ﻳﺘﻤﺜﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺪﻱ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﺛﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﺼﻠﺔ ﺑﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺙ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺒﺮﺯ ﺑﺪﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻗﻄﺮ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﻐﻨﻴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻮﺭﺩﺗﻴﻦ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﺸﺪﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﻟﻜﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﻝ ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﻬﺎﺭﺓ ﺃﻭ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﻣﻴﻬﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻟﺘﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ٍ‬
‫ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﻨﺸﺄ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﺍﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﺑﻜﻠﺘﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺘﻴﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺓ ﺻﻐﻴﺮﺓ‬
‫ﺳﺮﻳﻊ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻋﻘﺎﺏ ﺍﻛﺘﺸﺎﻑ‬ ‫ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬
‫ٍ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮ‬
‫ﻧﺴﺒﻴًﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﺟﺪﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ٍ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻂ ﻭﺍﻟﻐﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺍﻻﻧﺨﻔﺎﺽ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺒﻲ ﻟﻤﻌﺪﻝ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺨﺎﺻﺔ‬
‫ﻗﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻦ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ ﺷﺒﻪ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺗﻮﻇﻴﻒ ﻋﺪ ٍﺩ ٍ‬
‫ً‬
‫ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻐﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻟﻐﺰﺍ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴًﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳًﺎ‬‫ﻗﻄﺎﻉ ٍ‬ ‫ﻳﻤﺜﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬
‫ٍ‬
‫ﻟﺤﻜﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺞ‪ .‬ﻓﻤﻦ ﺟﻬﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﻘﻞ ﺑﻞ ﻳﻨﻌﺪﻡ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﻟﻲ ﻭﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﻳﻘﻮﻡ‬
‫ﺑﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺘﺮﺑﻮﻥ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﻨﻈﺮﻭﻥ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻘﻠﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻴﺒﺘﻬﻢ )ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻟﻮﻇﺎﺋﻒ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺘﻄﻠﺐ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﺜﺎﻝ( ﺃﻭ ﻇﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻴﺔ )ﻣﺜﻞ ﺃﺣﻮﺍﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﺜﺎﻝ(‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻼﻭ ًﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﺝ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ‬
‫ﺗﻢ ﺇﺟﺮﺍﺅﻩ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺑﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻣﻔﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺃﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺑﻌﺪﻡ ﺍﻣﺘﻼﻙ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻦ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻤﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻀﺮﻭﺭﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻨﺎﻓﺴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻮﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺘﻄﻠﺐ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻠﻐﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻧﺠﻠﻴﺰﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ )ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﻗﻒ ﺍﻟﺠﻴﺪﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ( ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺗﻘﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻻﺕ )ﺳﺘﺎﺯ ﻭﺁﺧﺮﻭﻥ ‪ .(٢٠٠٧‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﺔ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﻳﻌﺪ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ‬
‫ﻗﺎﺋﻤًﺎ ﺑﺬﺍﺗﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻤﺘﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻐﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻦ ً‬
‫ﺇﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﻣﺆﻗﺘﺔ ﺗﺘﻴﺢ ﻟﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺟﺪ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ ﻟﻔﺘﺮﺓ‬
‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺛﻢ ﻳﺠﺐ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺨﻀﻌﻮﺍ ﻟـ "ﻛﻔﺎﻟﺔ" ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻭﻃﻨﻲ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﻟﺬﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﻳﻌﺪ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻃﻔﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﻨﺠﺒﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﻐﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺇﺣﺪﻯ ﺩﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﻃﻨﻲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ؛ ﺣﻴﺚ‬
‫ﻳﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﻄﻔﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﻃﻨﻲ ﻣﺴﻘﻂ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻷﺑﻮﻳﻦ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺌﻮﻟﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﺪﺛﻨﺎ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﻢ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻗﻄﺮ ﻭﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﻭﺣﺘﻰ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺘﺮﺑﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻧﻬﻢ ﻻ ﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪ‬
‫ﻧﻈﺮﺍ ﻟﻮﺿﻌﻬﻢ ﻛﻤﻘﻴﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺆﻗﺘﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺃﻏﻠﺐ ﺍﻷﺣﻮﺍﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﻮﻧﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ ً‬
‫ﻧﻈﺮﺍ ﻻﻧﻌﺪﺍﻡ ﻭﻻﺋﻬﻢ ﻟﻠﺒﻼﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳ ٍﺪ ﻟﻸﻣﻦ ﺃﻭ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﻟﻠﺠﺮﻳﻤﺔ ً‬
‫ﺗﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﺨﻔﺎﺽ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺒﻲ ﻟﻤﻌﺪﻻﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﺑﻘﻀﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻉ ﻧﺴﺐ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ ﺑﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺙ‪ .‬ﻓﻔﻲ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﻄﺮ ﻭﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬
‫ً‬
‫ﻭﺇﻧﺎﺛﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺗﺒﻠﻎ‬ ‫ﺫﻛﻮﺭﺍ‬
‫ً‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﺗﻨﺨﻔﺾ ﻣﻌﺪﻻﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻦ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ‪ ١٥‬ﺇﻟﻰ ‪ ٤٠‬ﻧﻘﻄﺔ ﻣﺌﻮﻳﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ‪ .‬ﻭﻷﺳﺒﺎﺏ ﺛﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺩﻳﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﺨﻔﺾ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ‬
‫ٍ‬ ‫ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﻋﻦ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻴﻞ ﺍﻹﻧﺎﺙ ﻟﺒﻠﻮﻍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﺎﺕ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ٍ‬
‫ﺫﻛﻮﺭﺍ ً‬
‫ﻭﺇﻧﺎﺛﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤﻴ ٍﺔ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻜﺬﺍ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﺗﺘﻢ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﺓ ﻣﻦ ﻃﺎﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻟﻠﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻊ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺘﺎﺟﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺗﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻢ ﺗﻨﺎﻭﻟﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻋﺪ ًﺩﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﻧﻄﺎﻕ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﻳﻌﻜﺲ ﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺎﻛﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺆﺛﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﺘﻮﺍﺟﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺭﺑﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺭﺩﺓ ﺑﺪﺭﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﻤﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺗﻮﺻﻠﻨﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﺘﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﺍﻓﻊ‬
‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﻫﺬﻩ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﻜﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﻗﺪ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ‬
‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻷﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺔ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺭﺩﺓ ﺑﺎﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻓﺠﻮ ٍﺓ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ‬
‫ﻛﺜﻴﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻻﺕ‪،‬‬‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﻭﺗﻘﻴﻴﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻟﻬﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺟﻮ‪ .‬ﻓﻔﻲ ٍ‬
‫ﻣﺆﺧﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺛﻢ ﻗﺪ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ ﻷﻭﺍﻧﻪ ﺗﻘﻴﻴﻢ‬
‫ً‬ ‫ﻟﻢ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺣﺎﻻﺕ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻳﻨﺸﺄ ﻧﻘﺺ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻴﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﺠﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺟﻮﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺎﺣﺔ ﻟﺘﻌﻘﺐ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻧﻘﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﻤﺰﺍﻣﻨﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺧﺮﺟﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺷﻤﻠﺖ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻷﺭﺑﻌﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﺟﻬﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻧﻄﺎﻕ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺻﻼﺡ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻢ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﻬﺎ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻱ ﻣﺪﻯ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺃﻭ ﻳﻤﻜﻦ ﺗﻘﻴﻴﻢ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺟﻮﺩﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﻧﺨﺘﻢ ﺑﺘﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﻓﺎﺋﺪﺓ ﺟﻌﻞ ﺗﻘﻴﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺟﺰءﺍً ﺃﺳﺎﺳﻴﺎً ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻤﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺳﺘﻌﻮﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﺎﻓﺔ ﺩﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺩﺭﻭﺱ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺘﻔﺎﺩﺓ ﻭﻣﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻣﻜﺘﺴﺒﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﺭﻳﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺔ ﻫﺎﻣﺔ‬

‫ﻳﻠﺨﺺ ﺍﻟﺠﺪﻭﻝ ‪ ٤٫١‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻷﺭﺑﻌﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻨﺎﻭﻟﻨﺎﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻮﺿﺢ ﻛﻞ ﺻﻒ ﺑﺎﻟﺠﺪﻭﻝ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺆﺛﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﺓ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻗﻞ؛ ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﺸﻴﺮ ﻋﻼﻣﺔ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺪﻱ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺆﺛﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‬
‫ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺪﺍً‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺸﻴﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻋﻼﻣﺘﻲ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﺠﺎﻭﺭﺗﻴﻦ ﺑﻌﻤﻮ ٍﺩ ﻭﺍﺣ ٍﺪ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺃﻛﺒﺮ ﻟﻬﺬﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺪﺩﺓ‪.‬‬
‫‪٤٥‬‬
‫‪٤٣‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﺟﻬﻮﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ‬
‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ‪٣٫٤‬‬
‫ﻣﻠﺨﺺ ﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﺮﻋﻴﺔ ﻟﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺐ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻴﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ‬ ‫·‬
‫ﺳﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬
‫ﺟﺮﺩ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻤﻠﻮﻛﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ‬ ‫·‬
‫ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺤﺮﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﺮﺓ‬ ‫·‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺐ ﻭﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﻢ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﻟﺘﻔﻌﻴﻞ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺃﻛﺒﺮ‬ ‫·‬
‫ﺣﻘﻖ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻜﺎﺳﺐ ﻫﺎﻣﺔ ﻣﻨﺬ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﺮﺏ ﺍﻷﻫﻠﻴﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،١٩٩٠‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﻻ ﺗﺰﺍﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺗﻬﺪﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﺍﻣﺔ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﻄﺒﻘﺔ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻨﺎ ﻫﺬﺍ ﻭﺍﻻﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ﺑﺘﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﺑﺮﺍﻣﺞ‬
‫ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ‪ :‬ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻤﺮﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ‬
‫ﺍﻵﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺘﺸﺮﺓ ﻟﻠﺼﺮﺍﻉ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﻨﻄﻘﺔ؛ ﻭﺍﻟﺤﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻬﺸﺔ ﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻧﻌﺎﺵ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻚ‬
‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺗﺰﺍﻳﺪ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ؛ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻘﺺ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻛﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﻇﻔﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺆﻫﻠﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻟﻮﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﺄﻧﺸﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﺤﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻘﻮﻝ ﺃﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻤﺮﺓ‬
‫ﻻ ﺗﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻜﻮﻧﺎﺕ ﺷﻔﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺔ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﻦ ﻟﻠﺘﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺧﺎﺻﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺇﺣﺪﻯ ﻭﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺘﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻢ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣًﺎ ً‬
‫ﻋﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﺑﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺟﺔ ﻟﺪﻣﺞ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺸﻔﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺤﺎﺳﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﺭﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻈﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﻛﺎﻓﺔ ﺑﺮﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻤﺮﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻴﺔ ﺑﻬﺪﻑ ﺩﻓﻊ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺞ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﻱ ُﻗ ُﺪﻣًﺎ ﺑﻨﺠﺎﺡ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﺠﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﺤﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﻟﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﻹﺳﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﺳﻮﻕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻭﻇﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻴﺸﺔ ﺧﻄﻮ ًﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﺗﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻴﺢ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻊ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﺘﺸﻔﻨﺎ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻢ ﺟﻤﻌﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻟﺼﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻴﺔ ﻣﺤﺪﻭ ًﺩﺍ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻯ ﻓﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺨﺺ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬﻯ‬ ‫‪٤٢‬‬
‫ﻳﻨﺎﺿﻞ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻹﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺑﻨﺎء ﺍﻟﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻭﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻩ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻋﻘﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺤﺮﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻫﻠﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻠﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﺬﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻳﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﻤﺎ ﻫﻮ‬
‫ﻛﺒﻴﺮﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﻧﺴﺐ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺭﺩﺓ ﺑﻬﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻖ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻘﺪﻣًﺎ ً‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺴﺠﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﻻﺑﺘﺪﺍﺋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻳﺔ ﻭﺗﻀﻴﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﻔﺠﻮﺓ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺴﻴﻦ‪ .‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺇﺣﺪﻯ ﺍﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺘﺸﺮﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﻄﺎﻕ ﻭﺍﺳﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﻛﺪﺗﻬﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻴﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﻷﺩﺍء ﺍﻟﻄﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻴﺮ ﺇﻟﻰ‬
‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﻼءﻣﺔ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻻﺑﺘﺪﺍﺋﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﺑﺎﻟﺒﻼﺩ ﻹﻋﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﻄﻼﺏ ﺍﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻧﻴﻴﻦ ﻟﻠﻨﺠﺎﺡ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺑﻌﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﻣﺸﻮﺷﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻤﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻲ‪ .‬ﻓﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻣﻨﺢ ﺍﻟﺸﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﻴﺔ ﺑﻠﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﺪ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺐ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺳﻂ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻊ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﻤﺎ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺭﺩﺓ ﺑﺪﺭﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﻗﻠﻴﻞ ﻧﺴﺒﻴًﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻄﻼﺏ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺿﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻬﻨﺪﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺘﺨﺮﺝ ﻋﺪ ٌﺩ ٌ‬
‫ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﻛﺜﺮ ﻃﻠﺒًﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﺎﻣﻠﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻄﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﻜﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺗﻘﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﺴﺘﻬﺪﻑ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻧﺘﺞ ﻋﻦ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﺘﺤﻘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻭﺧﺮﻳﺠﻴﻬﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺴﺐ ﺑﻄﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﺮﺗﻔﻌﺔ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺷﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻋﻼﻭ ًﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﺃﺩﻯ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺮﺓ ﺍﻷﺧﻴﺮﺓ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ‬
‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻟﻠﻜﺜﻴﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺃﺩﻯ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺾ ﻗﻴﻤﺔ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺃﻓﻀﻞ ﺃﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻲ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﻤﻨﻄﻘﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﻏﺮﺍﺭ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻠﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺎﺟﺘﻪ ﻟﺮﻓﻊ ﻣﻌﺪﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻴﺸﺔ‬
‫ﻭﻓﻘﺎ ﻟﺒﻌﺾ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﺮﻣﺎﻥ‬‫ﻭﺳﻂ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﻛﺒﻴﺮﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻜﺎﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻞ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺛﻠﺚ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﺍﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻧﻲ ً‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺩﻱ‪.‬‬
‫ﺟﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﺭﻳﺔ‬

‫ﻳُﻈﻬﺮ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻨﺎ ﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺎﺣﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﺑﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻣﻊ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﺒﻼﺩ ﻭﻋﻴًﺎ ﺫﺍﺋﻊ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻠﻤﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ‬
‫ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ ﻫﺬﻩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻡ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺮﻛﻴﺰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺣﺪﺙ ﺍﻟﺠﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺒﺬﻟﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻩ ﻭﻗﻄﺎﻋﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﻘﺮ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻹﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺤﺎﺟﺔ ﻟﻮﺿﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻘﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺗﺠﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺋﻢ ﻭﻣﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻴﺸﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺗﻔﻌﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﻴﺾ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺭﺩﺓ ﺑﻬﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻟﻢ ﺗﻘﻢ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ‬
‫ً‬
‫ﻭﺑﺪﻻ ﻣﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ‪،‬‬ ‫ً‬
‫ﺷﻤﻮﻻ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺒﻴﺮﺓ ﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺐ ﻟﺪﻳﻪ ﺃﻭ ﻟﺴﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ‬
‫ﻗﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺮﻛﻴﺰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﻧﺘﻌﺎﺷﺔ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﺠﺰ ٍء ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﻓﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻠﺨﺺ ﺍﻟﺠﺪﻭﻝ ‪ ٣٫٤‬ﺟﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪٤١‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﺟﻬﻮﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ‬
‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬
‫ً‬
‫ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻤﺘﻠﻚ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪﺓ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﻭ ًﺩﺍ‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﻘﻊ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺍﻟﺼﺮﺍﻉ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ‪ .‬ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺻﻐﺮ ﺣﺠﻤﻪ ﺍﻟﺠﻐﺮﺍﻓﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﺇﻻ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻳﻤﺘﻠﻚ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﺔ ﺳﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮﺓ ﺗﺘﺄﻟﻒ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻋﺮﻗﻴﺔ ﻭﺩﻳﻨﻴﺔ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻋﺔ ﻭﻣﻦ ﺛﻢ‬
‫ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﻋﺮﺿﺔ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻟﻼﺿﻄﺮﺍﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻤﺘﺪﺓ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﻨﻄﻘﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﻌﺮﻑ ﻓﺘﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺤﺮﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻫﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﻣﺖ ﻟﺨﻤﺴﺔ ﻋﺸﺮ ﻋﺎﻣًﺎ ﺑﺪءًﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ١٩٧٥‬ﺑﻜﻮﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﺘﺮﺓ ﺩﻣﺎﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬
‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺪﻳﺚ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﺪ ُﺩﻣﺮﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺒﻼﺩ ﺃﺛﻨﺎء ﺍﻟﺤﺮﺏ ﻛﻤﺎ ﺳﻘﻂ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻵﻻﻑ‬
‫ﻗﺘﻴﻞ ﻭﺟﺮﻳﺢ‪ ،‬ﺇﻟﻰ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺪ ﺭﺑﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒًﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻻ ﺗﺰﺍﻝ ﺗﺪﺍﻋﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻧﻴﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ٍ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﻣﺎﺭ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺧﻠﻔﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺤﺮﺏ ﺗﺒﺪﻭ ﻟﻠﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺗﻌﻮﻕ‬
‫ﻋﻮﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ ﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ ﻋﻬﺪﻫﺎ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ‪ ١٦‬ﻋﺎﻣًﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﺮﺏ‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ‬

‫ﺧﻠﻴﻄﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﻳﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻋﻦ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﺟﻬﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺙ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﻳﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻓﺨﻼﻓﺎ ﻟﺘﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺃﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺭﺩﺓ ﺑﺪﺭﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎ‪).‬ﺃﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻟﺸﻜﻞ ‪.(٣٫٤‬‬
‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻭﺗﻤﺘﻠﻚ ﻗﻄﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻣﺔ ﻛﺒﻴﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻘﻮﻯ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﺗﺘﺴﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﺓ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻜﻔﺎءﺓ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻗﻄﺎﻉ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻓﻌّﺎﻝ‪ .‬ﻭﺩﺍﺋﻤًﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻠﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﻘﺺ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻋﺒﺮ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻊ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺃﺩﺕ‬
‫ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻫﺠﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﻮﺍﺻﻞ ﺃﻋﺪﺍ ٌﺩ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ٌﺓ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻧﻴﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻬﺮﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺆﻫﻠﻴﻦ ﻣﻐﺎﺩﺭﺗﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺃﻧﺤﺎء ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ ﺳﻌﻴًﺎ ﻭﺭﺍء‬
‫ﻭﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺃﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﺒﺎﻳﻦ ﻓﻲ ﻇﺮﻭﻑ‬
‫ً‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺩﻫﺎﺭﺍ‬
‫ً‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻴﺸﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻨﺘﺞ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﻕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﺮﺹ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﺗﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﻜﻞ ‪٣٫٤‬‬
‫ﺭﺳﻢ ﺗﺨﻄﻴﻄﻲ ﻟﻠﺘﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﻮﺍﺟﻬﻬﺎ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺟﺔ ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻊ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ‬
‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻯ ﻓﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺨﺺ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬﻯ‬ ‫‪٤٠‬‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻟﻢ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺇﺟﺮﺍء ﺃﻱ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻵﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻗﻄﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻟﺘﻨﺴﻴﻖ‬
‫ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺐ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﻇﻴﻒ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻘﻄﺮ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺘﻤﻞ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺨﻄﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻟﻌﻤﺎﻥ )ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻻ ﺗﺰﺍﻝ ﻓﻲ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﺴﻮﺩﺓ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺇﺟﺮﺍء ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎ ﻫﺬﻩ(‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻘﺺ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺴﻴﻖ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻋﺎﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ‪٣٫٣‬‬
‫ﻣﻠﺨﺺ ﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭﺳﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻤﻲ ﻟﻠﻤﺪﺭﺳﺔ‬ ‫·‬
‫ﻣﻨﺎﻫﺞ ﻣُﻌﺎﺩ ﻫﻴﻜﻠﺘﻬﺎ‬ ‫·‬
‫ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺐ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺪﻳﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫·‬
‫ﺩﻣﺞ ﺗﻘﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫·‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ‬
‫ﻣﺘﻄﻠﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻷﻛﺎﺩﻳﻤﻲ ﻟﻤﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻱ‬ ‫·‬
‫ﺑﺮﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺢ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﺔ )ﻟﻠﻄﻼﺏ ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻟﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺨﻔﺾ‪ /‬ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﻘﻮﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﻬﻴﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻬﺪﻓﺔ(‬ ‫·‬
‫ﻋﺎﻝ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ‬
‫ﺇﻧﺸﺎء ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ٍ‬ ‫·‬
‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺐ‬
‫ﺇﻧﺸﺎء ﻛﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﻨﻴﺔ‪/‬ﻣﻬﻨﻴﺔ‬ ‫·‬
‫ﺷﺮﺍﻛﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ ﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺐ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫·‬
‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻟﺘﻮﻇﻴﻒ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ ﻭﻓﺮﺽ ﻗﻴﻮﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﻭﻋﻘﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺍﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻟﺰﻳﺎﺩﺓ‬ ‫·‬
‫ﺣﺼﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﻧﻴﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ )ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻤﻴﻦ(‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺤﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻤﻤﻨﻮﺣﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﺎﻣﻠﻴﻦ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻮﺻﻮﻝ ﻟﻠﻤﻤﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻄﺎﻋﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ‬ ‫·‬
‫ﺗﻮﻓﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺐ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻋﻢ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻟﻠﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻦ ﻟﺒﺪء ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻳﻊ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺓ‬ ‫·‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻤﺎﺡ ﺑﺘﻤﻠﻚ ﺍﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻟﻠﺸﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻄﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﺪﺩﺓ‬ ‫·‬
‫ﺗﻮﻓﻴﺮ ﺣﻮﺍﻓﺰ ﻟﻤﺪ ﻧﻄﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‬ ‫·‬
‫ﺇﻋﻔﺎء“ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﻟﺤﺮﺓ ”ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻄﻠﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ‬ ‫·‬
‫ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺤﺮﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﺮﺓ‬ ‫·‬
‫ﺟﺮﺩ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻤﻠﻮﻛﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ‬ ‫·‬
‫‪٣٩‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﺟﻬﻮﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ‬

‫ﻓﻲ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺍﻟﻤﺆﺗﻤﺮﺍﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،١٩٩٥‬ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺑﻮﺿﻊ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻌﺮﻑ ﺑـ "ﺭﺅﻳﺔ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ُﻋﻤﺎﻥ"‪ :‬ﺧﺮﻳﻄﺔ ﺑﺘﻄﻮﺭ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻹﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪-‬ﻋﻤﺎﻥ ‪) ٢٠٢٠‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،(٢٠٠٤ ،‬ﻭﻓﻰ ﺿﻮء ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺮﺅﻳﺔ ﺗﻢ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺧﻄﻄﺎً ﺧﻤﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﺘﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬
‫ً‬
‫ﻓﻤﻘﺎﺭﻧﺔ ﺑﻘﻄﺮ ﻭﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻐﻄﻲ ﻗﻄﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭﺳﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺘﺎ ﺃﻃﻮﻝ ﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺭﺅﻳﺔ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻄﺎﻋﻴﻦ ﻟﺪﻳﻬﺎ ﻭﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻨﺬ‬‫ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻐﺮﻗﺖ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ ً‬
‫ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،١٩٩٥‬ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺈﻃﻼﻕ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺄﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻻﺑﺘﺪﺍﺋﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﻭﻣﺎ‬
‫ﻣﺆﺧﺮﺍ ﺑﺈﺩﺧﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺴﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻟﻤﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﻣﺎ‬
‫ً‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﻟﺪﻳﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ‬
‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﻋﺒﺮ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺏ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻬﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ‬
‫ﺇﻟﻰ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺑﺈﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﺷﺮﺍﻛﺎﺕ ﻣﻊ ﺃﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ ﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺐ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻦ ﻟﺴﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﻢ ﺇﻃﻼﻕ ﺧﻄﻂ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻋﺔ ﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ‬
‫"ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻤﻴﻦ" ﻟﺘﺸﺠﻴﻊ ﺗﻮﻇﻴﻒ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺆﻫﻠﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ ﻭﻟﺪﻋﻢ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻦ ﺫﻭﻱ‬
‫ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻷﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﺪء ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻳﻌﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ‪ .‬ﻳﺴﺮﺩ ﺍﻟﺠﺪﻭﻝ ‪ ٣٫٣‬ﺳﻠﺴﻠﺔ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﺭﻳﺔ‬
‫ﻓﻌﻘﺐ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻀﺎﺅﻝ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻭﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺅﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻋﺖ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﻟﻨﻈﺎﻣﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﻤﻮﻟﻪ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﺒﻜﺮ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺘﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺠﻴﺘﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻠﺘﻴﻦ ﺗﺸﻤﻠﻬﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،١٩٩٨‬ﺃﻃﻠﻖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺑﻌﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺪﺭﺳﻲ ﻟﻠﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻌﻤﻞ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻮﺍﺯﻱ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺪﺭﺳﻲ ﻟﻠﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺑﻊ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻮﺯﺍﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺑﺪﺃ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻄﻼﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺣﻠﺘﻴﻦ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻰ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ‪ ١٧‬ﻣﺪﺭﺳﺔ؛ ﻭﻳﻨﻤﻮ ﻋﺪﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻄﻼﺏ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺘﺮﻛﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺪﺭﺳﻲ ﻟﻠﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﻞ ﻋﺎﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﻗﺮ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﻴﻜﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﺪﺭﺳﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﺗﻴﻦ ‪ :‬ﺗﻐﻄﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻄﻼﺏ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻰ‬
‫ﻭﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﻣﺴﺔ؛ ﺃﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻓﺘﻐﻄﻲ ﺍﻟﻄﻼﺏ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺩﺳﺔ ﻭﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺷﺮﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﺘﻮﺍﻓﺮ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﻄﻼﺏ ﺧﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺪﺧﻮﻝ ﻟﺴﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺃﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺻﻠﺔ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺘﻬﻢ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺼﻔﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺩﻱ‬
‫ﻋﺸﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ ﻋﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻠﺘﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﻫﻤﺎ ﻟﻠﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺘﻢ ﺇﺩﺧﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﻛﺠﺰ ٍء‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺗﺸﻤﻞ ﻣﺪ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﻲ ﻭﻣﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﺤﺼﺔ؛‬
‫ﻭﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻫﺞ ﻟﺘﺤﻔﻴﺰ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﻜﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺪﻱ ﻭﺗﻌﻠﻢ ﺍﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﺍﻹﻧﺠﻠﻴﺰﻳﺔ ﻭﺗﻘﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻻﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺿﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮﻡ؛ ﻭﺗﺸﺠﻴﻊ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻴﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﻮﻳﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻤﺮﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﺑﺤﻴﺚ‬
‫ﻳﺘﺎﺡ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻼﻡ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺩﺍء ﺍﻟﻄﻼﺏ ﻭﻣﻬﺎﺭﺍﺗﻬﻢ ﻭﺯﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﻣﺆﻫﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻢ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻋﻢ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺤﺼﻞ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻤﻴﻦ ﺃﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﺜﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ )ﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﻜﻴﺔ( ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ‬
‫ﺗﻮﺍﺟﻬﻪ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ‪ .‬ﻓﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺤﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻻ ﻳﺘﻢ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ‬
‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪ ﻳﻌﻴﻖ ﺃﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﻋﻦ ﺗﻮﻇﻴﻒ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻦ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻼﻭ ًﺓ‬
‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻯ ﻓﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺨﺺ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬﻯ‬ ‫‪٣٨‬‬
‫ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺔ ُﻋﻤﺎﻥ‬
‫ً‬
‫ﻣﻜﺎﻧﺔ ﻓﺮﻳﺪ ًﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻮﻳﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺘﻞ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺔ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻌﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ً‬
‫ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻧﺔ ﺑﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺭﺩﺓ ﺑﻬﺬﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺒﺪﺃ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬
‫ﻣﻨﺬ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻟﻬﺎ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻻﺣﺘﻼﻝ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻗﺎﺩﺗﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺨﻠﺺ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻌﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺗﻐﺎﻟﻴﻴﻦ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﺼﻒ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻣﻦ ﻋﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﺸﻬﺪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻬﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺳﻊ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺰﻟﺔ‬
‫)ﺳﺴﻴﻞ‪.(٢٠٠٦ ،‬‬

‫ﻧﻈﺮﺍ ﻷﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻃﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻂ ﻟﺪﻳﻬﺎ ‪-‬‬
‫ﺗﺘﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﺃﻗﻞ ﻣﻊ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻲ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ً‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻌﺪ ﻣﺼﺪﺭ ﺍﻟﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻲ ﻣﻨﺬ ﺍﻛﺘﺸﺎﻑ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻂ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ - ١٩٦٤‬ﻳﺘﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻬﻼﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﺮﻋﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺩﻓﻌﺖ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺸﻜﻮﻙ ﺑﺸﺄﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻗﺎﺩﺗﻬﺎ ﻻﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺇﺟﺮﺍءﺍﺕ ﻟﺘﻌﺰﻳﺰ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﺪﺍﻣﺔ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻭﺇﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺗﻮﻇﻴﻒ ﻣﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻋﺪ ٍﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭﺳﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ .‬ﻓﻤﻨﺬ ﻣﻨﺘﺼﻒ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻌﻴﻨﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺑﺰﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﻮﻳﻞ ﻟﻠﻘﻄﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ‬
‫ﻧﻤﻮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺋﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻟﺰﺭﺍﻋﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺑﺘﺸﺠﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺣﺔ‬ ‫ﻳﻤﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ٍ‬
‫ً‬
‫ﻭﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﺍﺿﻄﻠﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺇﻧﺸﺎء ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺻﻨﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺗﺴﺘﻬﺪﻑ ﺗﺼﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺒﻀﺎﺋﻊ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻬﻼﻛﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺑﺈﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ ﺍﻷﻣﺪ ﺗﻬﺪﻑ ﻟﺘﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ ﻟﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻭﺗﺸﺠﻴﻊ ﺇﻧﺸﺎء ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻲ‬
‫ﻭﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺐ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺑﺎﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺗﺰﺍﻳﺪ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺳﻜﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﻭﻕ ﻛﺒﻴﺮﺓ ﻧﺴﺒﻴًﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺧﻞ‬
‫ﻭﺭﻗﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻴﺸﺔ ﻟﺪﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻬﺎ ﻭﺗﻀﺎﺅﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﺋﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﺪ ًﺩﺍ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻻ ﺗﻮﺍﺟﻬﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺠﻴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺭﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﺮ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻟﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺘﻢ ﻋﺮﺽ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺸﻜﻞ ‪٣٫٣‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﻜﻞ ‪٣٫٣‬‬
‫ﺭﺳﻢ ﺗﺨﻄﻴﻄﻲ ﻟﻠﺘﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﺟﻬﻬﺎ ُﻋﻤﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺟﺔ ﻟﻤﺠﺎﺑﻬﺔ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻐﻴﺮ‬
‫‪RAND MG786Z1-3.3‬‬
‫‪٣٧‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﺟﻬﻮﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ‬
‫ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﺑﺘﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﻋﺪ ٍﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻟﺘﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻱ‬
‫ﻟﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻬﺎ‪.‬ﻣﺜﻞ‪ :‬ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺐ ؛ ﻓﺎﻟﻜﺜﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﻟﻢ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺇﻻ ﻓﻲ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻊ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﺳﺘﺴﺘﻐﺮﻕ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﻟﻠﺨﺮﻭﺝ ﺑﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺳﺔ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﻡ‬
‫ﻣﺆﺧﺮﺍ ﺑﺪﻓﻊ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻻﺑﺘﺪﺍﺋﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﻟﻤﻮﻗﻊ ﺍﻟﺼﺪﺍﺭﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ً‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺿﻌﻮ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺑﺄﺑﻮ ﻇﺒﻲ ﻭﺩﺑﻲ ﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻠﺴﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻌﺪﻡ ﺟﺎﻫﺰﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺨﺮﻳﺠﻴﻦ ﻟﺘﻠﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺼﻠﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻔﻂ ﻭﺍﻟﻐﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺃﺑﻮ ﻇﺒﻲ ﻭﻗﻄﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﻨﻴﻊ ﻭﺍﻟﺨﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻻﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺣﺔ ﺳﺮﻳﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺩﺑﻲ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﻡ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺑﺄﺑﻮ ﻇﺒﻲ ﺑﺈﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺞ ﺇﺭﺷﺎﺩﻱ ﻳﺘﻀﻤﻦ ﺇﻧﺸﺎء ﻗﻄﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻛﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮﺫﺝ‬
‫ٍ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﺗﺨﻀﻊ ﻹﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﻋﺪ ٍﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺘﻘﺎﺓ ﺑﺤﺮﺹ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ‬
‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺷﺮﻋﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﻗﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺗﻀﻊ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺢ ﻣﺰﻳ ٍﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﻼﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﻺﻣﺎﺭﺍﺗﻴﻴﻦ ﻹﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺷﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﻬﻢ‬
‫ﻣﺆﺧﺮﺍ ﺑﺈﻟﻐﺎء ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺨﺮﺝ‬
‫ً‬ ‫ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﻢ ﻭﺍﻹﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺍﺭﺓ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺪﺭﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻳﺔ ﺑﻬﺪﻑ ﺇﻧﺸﺎء ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻨﻲ ﻭﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﻟﺘﻘﻴﻴﻢ ﺇﻧﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻄﻼﺏ ﺧﻼﻝ‬
‫ﺳﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻼﻭ ًﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺍﺓ ﺑﺘﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﻧﻤﻮﺫﺝ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺪ ٍﺩ‬
‫ﻣُﺤﺪ ٍﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻃﻠﻖ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ "ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﻟﻐﺪ" ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﻨﺎﻫﺞ‬
‫ﻣﺘﻄﻮﺭﺓ ﻭﺛﻨﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻠﻐﺔ؛ ﻭﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺃﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﺇﺭﺷﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺗﺮﻛﺰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻄﺎﻟﺐ؛ ﻭﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻨﻴﺔ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﺃﻛﺒﺮ؛ ﻭﺗﻮﻓﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻋﻢ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺨﺼﺼﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﻤﺪﻳﺮﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻭﻣﻌﻠﻤﻴﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﻌﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﺸﺠﻴﻊ ﺗﻮﻇﻴﻒ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ "ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻃﻴﻦ"‬
‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺓ ﻋﻦ ﺇﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﻴﺠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺴﺘﻬﺪﻑ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﺣﺼﺔ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺗﻴﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻬﺪﻓﺔ ﻋﺒﺮ‬
‫ﺇﻃﺎﺭ ﺯﻣﻨﻲ ﺃﻗﺼﺮ ﻋﻤّﺎ ﻳﻤﻜﻦ ﺇﻧﺠﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺐ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻊ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻟﻢ‬
‫ﻳﺘﻢ ﺍﻟﻮﻓﺎء ﺑﺄﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻃﻴﻦ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ؛ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪ ﻳﺆﺩﻱ ﺇﻧﺸﺎء "ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺤﺮﺓ " ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻻ ﺗﺨﻀﻊ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻟﻘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻭﻣﺘﻄﻠﺒﺎﺗﻪ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺇﺑﻄﺎء ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻃﻴﻦ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﻤﻜﻦ ﺗﻘﻴﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻗﺼﻴﺮﺓ ﻭﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺪﻯ ﺑﻬﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﺒﺮ‬
‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﺁﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻟﺘﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭﺳﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻭﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺇﺟﺮﺍء ﺍﻷﺑﺤﺎﺙ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺎﺭﻛﻴﻦ ﻻﺳﺘﺨﻼﺹ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺗﻔﻴﺪ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﻤﻜﻦ ﻟﻬﺬﻩ ﺍﻵﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﺮ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺄﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪﺓ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻧﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻭﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻌﺪﺩﺓ ﺑﻨﺠﺎﺡ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻯ ﻓﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺨﺺ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬﻯ‬ ‫‪٣٦‬‬
‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ‪٣٫٢‬‬
‫ﻣﻠﺨﺺ ﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭﺳﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ‬
‫ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻟﻤﺮﺍﻗﺒﺔ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭﻣﻄﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻣﻊ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‬ ‫·‬
‫ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﺃﻧﻤﺎﻁ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺗﻨﺘﻬﺞ ﺃﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺛﻨﺎﺋﻲ ﺍﻟﻠﻐﺔ )ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻧﺠﻠﻴﺰﻳﺔ( ﻭﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺍﻟﻤﺰﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﻢ‬ ‫·‬
‫ﻟﻠﻤﺪﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﺝ ﺃﺳﻠﻮﺏ ﺇﺭﺷﺎﺩﻱ ﻳﺮﻛﺰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻋﻨﺪ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﺍﻛﺔ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻋﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻹﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺭﻳﺎﺽ ﺍﻷﻃﻔﺎﻝ ﻭﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻟﺼﻒ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ ﻋﺸﺮ‬ ‫·‬
‫ﺇﻟﻐﺎء ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻳﺔ ﺳﻠﻄﺔ ﺻﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻣﺰﻳ ٍﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﻼﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺭﻳﺎﺽ ﺍﻷﻃﻔﺎﻝ ﻭﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫·‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﻒ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ ﻋﺸﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ‬
‫ﻣﺘﻄﻠﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻷﻛﺎﺩﻳﻤﻲ ﻟﻤﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻱ‬ ‫·‬
‫ﺑﺮﺍﻣﺞ ﻣﻨﺢ ﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺐ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﻟﻠﻄﻼﺏ ﺑﻬﺪﻑ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻊ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻷﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻲ‬ ‫·‬
‫ﺇﻧﺸﺎء ﻣﺪﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﺠﺬﺏ ﻣﻘﺎﺭ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﻉ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻛﺎﺩﻳﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﻤﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ‬ ‫·‬
‫ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻱ‬
‫ﺇﻧﺸﺎء ﻫﻴﺌﺎﺕ ﻟﺘﻮﻓﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺐ ﻭﺗﻮﻓﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻮﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﻟﻠﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﻋﻴﻦ ﻟﻠﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﻇﺎﺋﻒ‬ ‫·‬
‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻟﺘﻮﻇﻴﻒ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ ﻭﻓﺮﺽ ﻗﻴﻮﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﻭﻋﻘﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺍﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ‬ ‫·‬
‫ﻟﺰﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﺣﺼﺔ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺗﻴﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ )ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻃﻴﻦ(‬
‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﺵ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﺍﻟﻤﻤﻨﻮﺡ ﻟﻠﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻮﻓﺮﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﻲ ﻟﺘﺸﺠﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻲ‬ ‫·‬
‫ﻟﻠﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺷﺊ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻤﺎﺡ ﺑﺘﻤﻠﻚ ﺍﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻟﻠﺸﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻄﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﺪﺩﺓ‬ ‫·‬
‫ﺇﻋﻔﺎء "ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﻟﺤﺮﺓ" ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻄﻠﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ‬ ‫·‬

‫‪٣٥‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﺟﻬﻮﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ‬
‫ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﻫﺎﻣﺔ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺗﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺠﻼﺕ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﻭﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ‬
‫ﻋﻦ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺗﻴﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺗﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻣﻨﺨﻔﻀﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻷﻣﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺸﻴﺮ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﻬﻨﺎﻙ ﻗﻄﺎﻉ‬
‫ً‬
‫ﻭﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ‬ ‫ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻷﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤًﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻻ ﻳﺸﺎﺭﻙ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺇﻟﻰ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﺨﻠﺼﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺣﺎﺟﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻦ ﺇﻟﻰ‬
‫ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺐ ﺇﺿﺎﻓﻲ ﻟﻴﺘﻢ ﺇﻋﺪﺍﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻟﺘﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺧﺎﺹ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻨﻴﺔ ﻭ" ﺍﻟﻤﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ "ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺻﻞ ﻭﺧﺪﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻼء ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺪﻋﻢ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺗﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﻴﻤﻮﻥ ﺑﺄﺑﻮ ﻇﺒﻲ ﻭﺩﺑﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﺨﺼﺨﺼﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻳﺠﺐ ﺇﻋﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺗﻴﻴﻦ ﻟﺘﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺣﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﺍﻹﻧﺸﺎء‬
‫ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻮﻗﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﺔ ﺃﻧﻬﻢ ﻣﺆﻫﻠﻮﻥ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺗﻠﻘﺎﺋﻲ ﻟﺸﻐﻞ ﺍﻟﻮﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﻌﺪ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﺆﺷﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺰﻋﺠﺔ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻗﺪ ﺗﻘﻮﺽ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﺍﻣﺔ ﻣﻌﺪﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻢ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻵﻥ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻮﺍﺻﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻀﺨﻤﺔ ﻗﺪ ﻳﻌﻴﻖ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺇﻛﺴﺎﺑﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻄﻠﻮﺑﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻳﻄﺒﻖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﻟﻤﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ‪.‬‬

‫ﺃﻭﺟﺪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻨﺎ ﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎﺕ ﻣﻊ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺑﺎﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺇﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍ ﺑﺘﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ً‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ‬
‫ﺍﺿﻄﻠﻌﺖ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﺨﺼﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﺪﻭﻝ ‪.٣٫٢‬‬
‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻯ ﻓﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺨﺺ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬﻯ‬ ‫‪٣٤‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﻜﻞ ‪٣٫٢‬‬
‫ﺭﺳﻢ ﺗﺨﻄﻴﻄﻲ ﻟﻠﺘﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﺟﻬﻬﺎ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺟﺔ ﻟﻤﻮﺍﺯﻧﺔ ﺟﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﻣﻴﻢ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺰﺯ ﻟﻠﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺗﻨﺨﻔﺾ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺗﻴﻴﻦ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻤﺜﻞ ﻫﺬﻩ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﺔ‬
‫ً‬
‫ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻋﺎ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻬﺪ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺗﻴﺎﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﺪﺩ ﺳﻜﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﺎﺏ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺃﺷﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺍﻷﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﺨﻔﺎﺽ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ‪ ٣٨‬ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺎﺋﺔ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﻦ ‪ ١٥‬ﻋﺎﻣًﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺳﺘﻴﻌﺎﺑًﺎ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﻟﻬﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﻜﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﺭﻛﺰﺕ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰ ﺃﻋﺪﺍﺩ‬
‫ﺳﻜﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻨﺎﻣﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﻞ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺣﺎﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺸﻜﻞ‬
‫ﺧﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﺔ ﻗﻀﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻋﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﻴﻦ ﺍﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺑﺎﻟﺒﻼﺩ ﻭﻣﻌﺪﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺨﻔﻀﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺗُﻌﺰﺯ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﻓﺮﺹ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺐ ﻭﺑﺮﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻟﻤﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺟﻬﻮﺩ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ‬
‫ﻣﺆﺧﺮﺍ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﺘﻠﺨﺺ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﻬﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻻﺑﺘﺪﺍﺋﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺬﻭﻟﺔ‬
‫ﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺗﻴﻴﻦ ﻭﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺗﻮﻇﻴﻔﻬﻢ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ‪.‬‬
‫ً‬
‫ﻫﺎﺋﻼ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻓﺘﺮﺓ ﺯﻣﻨﻴﺔ ﺗﺒﻠﻎ ‪ ١٥‬ﻋﺎﻣًﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺪﺕ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﻧﻤ ًﻮﺍ‬
‫ﻓﺮﺻﺎ‬
‫ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﺯﺩﺍﺩ ﺇﺟﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺗﺞ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻤﻌﺪﻝ ﺍﻟﻀﻌﻒ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﻭﺟﺪﺕ ﻣﻌﺪﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮ ﻫﺬﻩ ً‬
‫ﻫﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﻠﻘﺖ ﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﻛﺒﻴﺮﺓ‪ .‬ﻓﻐﺎﻟﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺘﺠﺖ ﻋﻦ ﻫﺠﺮﺓ ﺍﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ‬
‫ﻟﺘﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ .‬ﻓﻔﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،٢٠٠٥‬ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻮﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ‪ ٢٢‬ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺎﺋﺔ ﻓﻘﻂ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺇﺟﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺳﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ؛ ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺒﻘﻴﺔ ﺗﺘﺄﻟﻒ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ‬
‫ً‬
‫ﺑﺮﻭﺯﺍ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺣﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺴﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻦ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺗﺒﺪﻭ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ‪ .‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﻤﺜﻞ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺗﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ‪ ٨‬ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺎﺋﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺇﺟﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻙ‬
‫ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻫﺎﻡ ﻳﺪﻓﻊ ﺑﺎﺗﺠﺎﻩ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﺃﻻ ﻭﻫﻮ ﺍﻧﺨﻔﺎﺽ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﻤﺜﻠﻮﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ‪ ١٩‬ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺎﺋﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻹﻧﺎﺙ ﻓﻲ ﺳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭ ‪ ٦٩‬ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺎﺋﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺳﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪.‬‬
‫‪٣٣‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﺟﻬﻮﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ‬
‫ً‬
‫ﻣﺮﻛﺰﺍ‬ ‫ً‬
‫ﻃﻮﻳﻼ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺇﻻ ﺃﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺒﺬﻝ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻟﻲ ﺟﻬ ًﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺈﻳﺠﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﻳﺰﺍﻝ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ‬
‫ﻟﺘﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﻜﻔﺎءﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻻ ﺗﺠﻨﻰ ﺛﻤﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﻹﺻﻼﺡ ﻫﺬﻩ‬
‫ﺇﻻ ﻓﻲ ﺟﻴﻞ ﺁﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺇﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻄﻼﺏ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﺨﻀﻌﻮﻥ ﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺭﻳﺎﺽ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻃﻔﺎﻝ ﻭﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻟﺼﻒ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ ﻋﺸﺮ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺿﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮﻡ‪ .‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻄﻼﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ‪ ،‬ﻓﺴﻴﻌﻤﻞ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺟﻬﻮﺩ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺪﺃﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ٢٠٠٦‬ﺑﻤﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ‬
‫ﻗﻄﺮ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻟﻨﺸﺮ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ )‪ (GDDS‬ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺑﻊ ﻟﺼﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺪ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﺮ ﺁﻟﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﻹﺿﻔﺎء ﻣﺰﻳ ٍﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﺭﻳﺔ‪.٢‬‬
‫ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ‬

‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻷﺭﺑﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻢ ﺗﻨﺎﻭﻟﻬﺎ ﺑﻬﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻔﺮﺩ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ )‪(UAE‬‬
‫ﺑﺎﻣﺘﻼﻛﻬﺎ ﻷﻛﺒﺮ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻃﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻂ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﺑﻴﻚ )‪ (OPEC‬ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪٢٠٠٥‬‬
‫ﺑـ ‪ ٩٨‬ﻣﻠﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻣﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻘﺮﺏ ﻣﻦ ‪ ١٠٠‬ﻋﺎﻡ ﻭﻓﻖ ﻣﻌﺪﻻﺕ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻟﻴﺔ )‪OPEC,‬‬
‫‪ .(2005‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﺩﻯ ﺍﻻﺯﺩﻫﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﻴﺮ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻧﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻂ ﻃﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺼﺮﻣﺔ‬
‫ﺇﻟﻰ ﺇﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﻃﻔﺮﺍﺕ ﻫﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺪﺍﻡ ﺃﻋﺪﺍ ٍﺩ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ٍﺓ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﻝ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻦ ﻟﺴﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﺠﺰ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﻤﺘﻠﻜﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻮﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ‬
‫ﻣﻮﺟﺎﺕ ﻛﺒﻴﺮﺓ‬
‫ٍ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺍ ﻟﻘﺪﻭﻡ‬
‫ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ً‬
‫ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺩﺍﺩ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺳﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ‪ -‬ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻭﺩﻭﻝ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ ‪ -‬ﺳﻌﻴًﺎ ﻟﻠﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﻭﻣﺆﺧﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﺗﺪﻓﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻓﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺇﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴﺎ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺹ ﻋﻤﻞ‪.‬‬
‫ً‬
‫ﻭﺃﻭﺭﻭﺑﺎ ﻭﺃﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻟﺸﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﻮﻓﻘﺎ ﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍﺓ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻳﺸﻜﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺘﺮﺑﻮﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺗﺼﻞ ﺇﻟﻰ ‪ ٨٠‬ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺎﺋﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺇﺟﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺳﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ‬
‫)ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺰ ﺇﺣﺼﺎﺋﻲ ‪.(٢٠٠٦‬‬

‫ﺗﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﻋﺪ ًﺩﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻤﻮﻏﺮﺍﻓﻴﺔ ﺑﺸﺄﻥ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻫﻮ ﻣﻮﺿﺢ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ‪ .٣٫٢‬ﻭﻛﻤﺎ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻘﻄﺮ ﻭﻋﻤﺎﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﻲ ﻫﻮ ﺟﻬﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻇﻴﻒ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻰ ﻟﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ ٢‬ﻭﻳﻮﻓﺮ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻟﻨﺸﺮ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ )‪ ،(GDDS‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﻢ ﺇﻧﺸﺎﺅﻩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،١٩٩٧‬ﻟﻠﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﻣﺎﻟﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺩﻳﻤﻮﻏﺮﺍﻓﻴﺔ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻷﻋﻀﺎء‪ .‬ﻭﺗﺘﻠﺨﺺ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻓﻬﺎ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺗﺸﺠﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻷﻋﻀﺎء ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺟﻮﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭﻭﺿﻊ ﺇﻃﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻟﺘﻘﻴﻴﻢ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭﺇﺭﺷﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻷﻋﻀﺎء ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺍﻹﺣﺼﺎﺋﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﺻﻮﻝ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻭﺍﻟﺠﺪﻳﺮﺓ ﺑﺎﻟﺜﻘﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‪ .‬ﺃﻧﻈﺮ ‪ IMF‬ﻟﺘﻨﺰﻳﻞ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ‪GDDS‬‬
‫ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻷﻋﻀﺎء‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻯ ﻓﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺨﺺ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬﻯ‬ ‫‪٣٢‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻊ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﺗﺰﺩﺍﺩ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺐ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺷﻴﺌﺎ ً‬
‫ﻓﺸﻴﺌﺎ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺍﻓﺰ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺮﻳﻴﻦ ﻟﺸﻐﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﺻﺐ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ ﻻ ﺗﺰﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺮ ً‬
‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺔ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﻼءﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺎﺣﺔ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻣﺆﺷﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺗﺠﻌﻞ‬
‫ﺃﻣﺮﺍ ﺻﻌﺒًﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺛﻢ ﺗﻌﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﻣﻞ‬
‫ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻦ ﻟﻠﻮﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺎﺣﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ ً‬
‫ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺛﺔ ﺟﻤﻴﻌﻬﺎ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ "ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻄﻴﺮ"‪.‬‬
‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ‪٣٫١‬‬
‫ﻣﻠﺨﺺ ﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭﺳﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺑﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻗﻄﺮ‬
‫ﺇﻧﺸﺎء ﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﻣﻌﻨﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻨﺴﻴﻖ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻤﻲ ﻟﻠﻤﺪﺭﺳﺔ‬
‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺎﺳﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ‬
‫ﻣﻨﺎﻫﺞ ﻣُﻌﺎﺩ ﻫﻴﻜﻠﺘﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺗﻘﻴﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻄﻼﺏ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻘﻴﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻄﻼﺏ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺪﻳﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺩﻣﺞ ﺗﻘﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ‬
‫ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻨﻬﺠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻛﺎﺩﻳﻤﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺠﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺇﻧﺸﺎء ﻫﻴﺌﺎﺕ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺃﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺢ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﺔ )ﻟﻠﻄﻼﺏ ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻟﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺨﻔﺾ ﺃﻭ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﻘﻮﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﻬﻴﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻬﺪﻓﺔ(‬
‫ﺇﻧﺸﺎء ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﻓﻨﻴﺔ‪/‬ﻣﻬﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺷﺮﺍﻛﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ ﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺐ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺓ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ ﻟﻬﻴﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺐ ﻟﻤﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻱ‬
‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻟﺘﻮﻇﻴﻒ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ )ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻄﻴﺮ(‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻠﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻇﻴﻒ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻘﺎﺋﻲ ﻟﻠﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺤﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻤﻤﻨﻮﺣﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﺎﻣﻠﻴﻦ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻮﺻﻮﻝ ﻟﻠﻤﻤﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻄﺎﻋﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻤﺎﺡ ﺑﺘﻤﻠﻚ ﺍﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻟﻠﺸﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻄﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﺪﺩﺓ‬
‫ﺇﻋﻔﺎء ”ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﻟﺤﺮﺓ“ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻄﻠﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ‬
‫‪٣١‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﺟﻬﻮﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ‬

‫ﺣﻘﻘﺖ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﺯ ًﻧﺎ ﻟﺘﺼﻴﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻛﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺮﻭﺍﺩ ﺑﻤﺠﺎﻝ ﺗﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﻨﻄﻘﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﺪ‬
‫ً‬
‫ﺷﻤﻮﻻ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻬﺪﻑ ﺍﻟﺠﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻨﻴﺔ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺿﻄﻠﻌﺖ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺟﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ‬
‫ﺑﺈﻧﺠﺎﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺐ ﺑﺴﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺇﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺗﻮﻇﻴﻒ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺮﻳﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﺪﻳﺚ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺴﺮﺩ ﺍﻟﺠﺪﻭﻝ ‪٣٫١‬‬
‫ﻭﻭﻓﻘﺎ ﻹﺣﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺸﻮﺭﺓ ﺑﻤﺠﻠﺔ ‪،Science‬‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻄﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍ" ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻳﻮﻣﻨﺎ ﻫﺬﺍ‬
‫ً‬ ‫ﻃﻤﻮﺣﺎ ﻭﺍﻷﻭﺳﻊ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﺟﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ" ﺍﻷﺩﻕ ﻭﺍﻷﻛﺜﺮ‬
‫)ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻚ ‪.(٢٠٠٦‬‬
‫ﻣﺜﺎﻻ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺳﺒﻖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺮﻳﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻷﻛﺜﺮ ﺷﻤﻮﻻً‬ ‫ً‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﻤﻨﻄﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻗﺪ ﺗﻢ ﺇﺩﺧﺎﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ٢٠٠٢‬ﺑﺤﻴﺚ ﺗﺘﻨﺎﻭﻝ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﻭﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺨﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻫﺞ ﻭﻛﻔﺎءﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﻏﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻣﺔ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻻﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﻻﺑﺘﺪﺍﺋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻳﺔ ﻳﻌﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺮﻳﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻧﺸﺎء ٍ‬
‫ﺑﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻟﻤﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﻟﻮﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﺒﻼﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﺨﻀﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﺪﺍﺭﺱ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ ﻹﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺣﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﻮﻳﻦ‪ .‬ﻳﻘﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺪﻳﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻬﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﺪﺭﺍﺱ ﺑﺎﺗﺨﺎﺫ‬
‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻭﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺃﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺲ )ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺪﺍﻏﻮﺟﻴﺎ(‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﺴﺘﺨﺪﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻣﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻫﺞ ﺣﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﺍﻹﻧﺸﺎء ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺿﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﺍﻹﻧﺠﻠﻴﺰﻳﺔ‬
‫)ﻗﻴﺎﺳﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻴﺔ( ﻭﺍﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ )ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻮﻋﻬﺎ(‪ .‬ﻭﺗﺸﺠﻊ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﻜﻴﺮ‬
‫ً‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺪﻱ ﻭﺣﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻛﺠﺰ ٍء ﻣﻦ ﺃﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺐ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﻌﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺪﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻘﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺟﻮﺩﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺪﺧﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺃﻛﺒﺮ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺟﺰ ٌء ﺁﺧﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻳﺘﻤﺜﻞ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻧﺸﺎء‬
‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻟﺘﻘﻴﻴﻢ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﻄﻼﺏ ﻓﻲ ﻛﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻤﻮﻟﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ؛ ﻭﻳﺸﺘﻤﻞ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ٍ‬
‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻘﻴﻴﻢ ﻭﺗﻘﺎﺭﻳﺮ ﺳﻨﻮﻳﺔ ﺗﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻤﻬﺎ ﻟﻜﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻄﻼﺏ ﻭﺁﺑﺎﺋﻬﻢ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﻣﺪﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﺪﺍﺭﺱ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺘﻢ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﺨﻠﺼﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻴﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﺭﻳﺮ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻓﻲ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﻄﺎﻗﺔ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﻟﻠﻤﺪﺭﺳﺔ‪ .١‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻗﻄﺮ ﻓﻲ ﺛﻼﺙ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺗﻘﻴﻴﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺞ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻴﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻲ ﻟﻠﻄﻼﺏ )‪ (PISA‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍءﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ‬
‫)‪ (PIRLS‬ﻭﺍﻹﺗﺠﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺿﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ )‪ (TIMSS‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺳﺘﺘﻴﺢ‬
‫ﺇﺟﺮﺍء ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻧﺔ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻄﻼﺏ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺮﻳﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻟﻄﻼﺏ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺃﻧﺤﺎء ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺳﺘﺘﻴﺢ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﺭﻧﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﻮﺍﺿﻌﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺪﻯ ﻓﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ ﺟﻬﻮﺩ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﺒﻼﺩ ﺑﻤﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﻗﻄﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﻬﺎ ﻭﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺑﺎﺗﺠﺎﻩ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ‬
‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺑﺴﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺑﺴﺮﻋﺔ ﺃﻛﺒﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﻨﻄﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺮﺟﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﺐ‬
‫ﺟﺰﺋﻴًﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺷﺮﻭﻋﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺇﺟﺮﺍء ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻨﺬ ﺧﻤﺴﺔ ﺃﻋﻮﺍﻡ ﻣﻀﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺤﺘﻰ ﺗﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﻷﻣﻴﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ ﺣﻤﺪ ﺑﻦ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﺁﻝ ﺛﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻢ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،١٩٩٥‬ﻟﻢ ﻳﻜﻦ ﻗﺪ ﺗﻢ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺳﻮﻯ‬
‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،٢٠٠٧‬ﻟﻢ ﻳﺸﺎﺭﻙ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻘﻴﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻄﻼﺏ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻤﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫‪١‬‬
‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻯ ﻓﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺩﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺨﺺ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬﻯ‬ ‫‪٣٠‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﻜﻞ ‪٣٫١‬‬
‫ﺭﺳﻢ ﺗﺨﻄﻴﻄﻲ ﻟﻠﺘﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﺟﻬﻬﺎ ﻗﻄﺮ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺟﺔ ﻟﻤﺠﺎﺑﻬﺔ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﺆﻫﻠﺔ ﻭﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺪﺓ‬
‫ﻛﺒﻴﺮﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﺯ‬
‫ﻓﻨﻈﺮﺍ ﻻﻣﺘﻼﻛﻬﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻃﻴًﺎ ً‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪ ﻗﻄﺮ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺩﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ ﺛﺮﺍءً‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻣﻊ ﻗﻠﺔ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪﺕ ﻗﻄﺮ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻮﺩ ﺍﻷﺧﻴﺮﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﺪﻓﻖ ﺃﻋﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺒﻴﺮﺓ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻻﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺭﻛﺰﺕ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺗﻮﻇﻴﻒ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﺘﻤﺘﻌﻮﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺑﻤﻤﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﻫﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﻭﺃﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺟﺬﺍﺑﺔ ﻭﻣﻦ ﺛﻢ ﻻ‬
‫ﻳﺠﺪﻭﻥ ً‬
‫ﺣﺎﻓﺰﺍ ﻳﺪﻓﻌﻬﻢ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﻞ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ‪ .‬ﺃﻇﻬﺮ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻨﺎ ﻟﻠﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺭﺩﺓ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻷﻋﻠﻰ ﻟﻠﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻗﻄﺮ ﻭﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﺑﻘﻄﺮ ﺗﺴﺠﻴﻞ ﺧﺮﻳﺠﻲ‬
‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺭﻳﺎﺽ ﺍﻷﻃﻔﺎﻝ ﻭﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻟﺼﻒ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ ﻋﺸﺮ ﻟﺮﺻﻴﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺟﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻳﻨﺨﻔﺾ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻛﺒﻴﺮﺓ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺗﺨﺮﺝ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻗﻠﻴﻞ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻄﻼﺏ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻬﻨﺪﺳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺸﺘﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻄﻠﺐ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﺮﺗﻔﻊ ﻣﻌﺪﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﻄﺎﻟﺔ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﺧﺎﺻﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺬﻛﻮﺭ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻓﻘﺎ ﻟﻸﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺃﺟﺮﻳﻨﺎ ﻣﻌﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﺑﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻄﺎﻋﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ ﺑﺎﻟﺒﻼﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ً‬
‫ﺗﻘﺮ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺮﻳﺔ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﻴﻞ ﻟﺘﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻳﻜﻤﻦ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺗﻮﻇﻴﻒ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺮﻳﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺘﻠﻂ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻥ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺳﺘﻈﻞ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﺓ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺩﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ ﺛﺮﺍ ًء ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺩﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻧﻬﺎ ﻟﻦ ﺗﺘﻤﻜﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻓﺴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳُﻤﻴﺰ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻣﺎ ﻇﻞ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﺑﻬﺎ ﻫﻮ‬
‫ﺟﻬﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻇﻴﻒ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻦ‪ .‬ﻓﻤﺎ ﻟﻢ ﻳﺘﻠﻖ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺮﻱ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺐ ﺍﻟﻼﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬
‫ﻟﺼﻘﻠﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﺳﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﺴﻮﻕ‪ ،‬ﺳﺘﻜﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻀﻤﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺴﻮﻕ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺆﻫﻠﺔ‪ .‬ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺄﻧﻪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻴﻮﻳﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺮﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﻴﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﺘﻠﺨﺺ ﺇﺣﺪﻯ ﺳﺒﻞ ﺗﺨﻔﻴﻒ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﺃﻋﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺑﺎﻟﺒﻼﺩ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ‬
‫ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻣﺤﺎﻭﻻﺕ ﻟﻔﺮﺽ ﻗﻴﻮﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻬﺠﺮﺓ ﻟﻠﺒﻼﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻓﻊ ﺑﺎﺗﺠﺎﻩ ﺗﻮﻇﻴﻒ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ‬
‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ "ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻄﻴﺮ"‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻌﻜﺲ ﺭﻏﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﺃﻛﺒﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻟﺘﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ‪:‬‬
‫ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﺟﻬﻮﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻄﺮ ﻭﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ ُ‬
‫ﻭﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻳﻠﺨﺺ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻤﻮﻝ‬
‫ﺑﻬﺎ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻷﺭﺑﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺸﻤﻠﻬﺎ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻧﺒﺪﺃ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎ ﺑﻘﻄﺮ ﻭﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﻧﻈﺮﺍ ﻟﻜﻮﻧﻬﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺘﻴﻦ ﺍﻷﻛﺜﺮ ﺗﺸﺎﺑﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ‪ :‬ﻫﺬﺍ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻛﻮﻧﻬﻤﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ ً‬
‫ﻏﻨﻴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺗﻮﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺨﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻛﻤﺔ ﺑﻬﻤﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻷﻣﻮﺭ ﻭﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻗﻄﺎﻉ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﺃﻭ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ‬
‫ﻧﺴﺒﻴًﺎ ﻭﺳﻮﻕ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺧﺎﺿﻊ ﻟﻬﻴﻤﻨﺔ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﻃﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﻳﻦ‪ .‬ﺛﻢ ﻧﻤﻀﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻟﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺸﺒﻪ ﻗﻄﺮ ﻭﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﻨﺨﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻛﻤﺔ ﺑﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻢ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻤﺘﻠﻚ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺘﻀﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﻭﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎ ًﺩﺍ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ً‬
‫ﺗﻨﻮﻋﺎ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﺃﻗﻞ‬
‫ﻧﻈﺮﺍ ﻻﺧﺘﻼﻓﻪ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻛﺒﻴﺮﺓ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺘﺮﺑﺔ‪ .‬ﺛﻢ ﻧﺨﺘﻢ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺑﻠﺒﻨﺎﻥ ً‬
‫ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺛﺔ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻧﻪ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻷﺭﺑﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻻ ﻳﻨﺘﻤﻲ ﻟﻤﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ‬
‫ﻗﻠﺔ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﻭﻛﻮﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﻜﻤﻪ ﺩﻳﻤﻘﺮﺍﻃﻴًﺎ ﻗﺎﺋﻤًﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﻭﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻗﻄﺎﻉ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻨﺨﻔﺾ ﻟﻠﻐﺎﻳﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻗﻄﺮ‬
‫ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻬﺔ ﻟﺘﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﺟﻬﻬﺎ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻲ‬
‫ٍ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻗﻄﺮ‬
‫ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻱ ﻟﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻬﺎ ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺗﻮﻇﻴﻔﻬﻢ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ ﻟﻀﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﻟﺒﻼﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻮﺿﺢ ﺍﻟﺸﻜﻞ ‪ ٣٫١‬ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ‪.‬‬
‫‪٢٩‬‬
‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺸﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﺨﺺ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬﻱ‬ ‫‪٢٨‬‬
‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ‪٢٫٥‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺆﺷﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‬
‫ﻣﻌﺪﻝ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺮﺍءﺓ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺑﺔ ﻟﻸﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺗﺘﺮﺍﻭﺡ ﺃﻋﻤﺎﺭﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ ١٥‬ﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻧﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ‬ ‫‪ ٢٤‬ﻋﺎﻣًﺎ )ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺌﻮﻳﺔ(‬
‫ﺇﺟﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﺴﺐ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﺠﻴﻞ ﻟﻌﺎﻡ ‪٢٠٠٤‬‬ ‫ﻟﻸﻋﻮﺍﻡ ‪٢٠٠٤-٢٠٠٠‬‬
‫ﻟﻌﺎﻡ ‪) ٢٠٠٢‬ﻣﻘﺪﺭًﺍ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺌﻮﻳﺔ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ‬
‫ﺇﺟﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺗﺞ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻲ(‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺑﺘﺪﺍﺋﻲ‬ ‫ﺃﻧﺜﻰ‬ ‫ﺫﻛﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪ‬
‫‪٢٫٦‬‬ ‫‪٤٧٫٦‬‬ ‫‪٨٨٫٧‬‬ ‫‪١٠٦٫٨‬‬ ‫‪٩٣‬‬ ‫‪٩٧‬‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬
‫‪٤٫٦‬‬ ‫‪١٢٫٩‬‬ ‫‪٨٦٫٤‬‬ ‫‪٨٧٫٣‬‬ ‫‪٩٧‬‬ ‫‪١٠٠‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺃ‬
‫‪٣٫٦‬‬ ‫‪١٩٫١‬‬ ‫‪٩٦٫٨‬‬ ‫‪١٠١٫٧‬‬ ‫‪٩٦‬‬ ‫‪٩٤‬‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺮ‬
‫‪١٫٦‬‬ ‫)ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺘﻮﻓﺮ(‬ ‫‪٦٦٫٤‬‬ ‫‪٨٣٫٨‬‬ ‫‪٩٥‬‬ ‫‪٨٨‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ‪ :‬ﻣﻌﺪﻻﺕ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍءﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺑﺔ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻦ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪٢٠٠٦،‬؛ ﺃﻣﺎ ﺇﺟﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﺴﺐ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﺠﻴﻞ ﻭﻧﻔﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻓﻬﻲ‬
‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﻚ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻲ‪ ،٢٠٠٧ ،‬ﻭﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻧﺴﻜﻮ‪.٢٠٠٦ ،‬‬
‫ﺃ ﺍﻟﺮﻗﻢ ﻟﻌﺎﻡ ‪.١٩٩٨‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺞ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺒﻊ ﻓﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻟﺔ‬
‫ﺃﺗﺎﺡ ﻟﻨﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺞ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺒﻊ ﻓﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﺟﺮﻳﻨﺎﻫﺎ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻂ ﺍﻟﻀﻮء ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺘﺮﻛﺔ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻷﺭﺑﻌﺔ ﻭﺍﺳﺘﺨﻼﺹ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﻭﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻔﺎﺩﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﻪ ﻭﺍﻻﺧﺘﻼﻑ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺠﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﻟﺘﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻳﺪﺓ ﻟﻜﻞ ﺑﻠﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻊ ﺍﻷﺧﺬ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻤﻴﺰ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻧﻨﺎ ﻻ ﻧﻮﺻﻲ ﺑﺘﻌﻤﻴﻢ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ‪ .‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻳﻤﻜﻦ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﺇﻃﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻨﻬﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺒﻌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻠﺬﻳﻦ ﺗﻤﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺘﻬﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻬﻮﻟﺔ ﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﻤﺎﺛﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺑﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ‪.‬‬
‫‪٢٧‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻷﺭﺑﻌﺔ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‬
‫‪ ٨٨‬ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺎﺋﺔ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﺔ ﺇﺟﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﺴﺐ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﺠﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺪﻱ ﻛﻞ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﻗﻄﺮ ﻭﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻌﺪﻻﺕ ﻟﻠﺘﺴﺠﻴﻞ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻻﺑﺘﺪﺍﺋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺣﻴﻦ ﺗﺴﺠﻞ ﻗﻄﺮ‬
‫ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻌﺪﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﺠﻴﻞ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻱ‪ ٥.‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺪﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﺠﻴﻞ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻣﺎ‬
‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﻓﻬﻮ ﺍﻷﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﻲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻣﻌﺪﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﺠﻴﻞ ﻟﺪﻳﻬﺎ ﻣﻌﺪﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﺠﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺣﻠﺔ )ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﺆﺷﺮ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺘﻮﻓﺮ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ(‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻊ ﻣﺮﺍﻋﺎﺓ ﺍﻧﺨﻔﺎﺽ ﺃﺩﺍء ﻣﻌﺪﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺮﺍءﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺑﺔ ﻭﻧﺴﺐ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺴﺠﻴﻞ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻟﻢ ﻳﻜﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺪﻫﺶ ﺃﻥ ﻧﺠﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﻷﻗﻞ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺭﺑﻌﺔ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ً‬
‫ﺇﻧﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺻﻔﻪ ﻳﻤﺜﻞ ﺟﺰءًﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺇﺟﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺗﺞ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻲ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻉ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺪﺧﻞ ﺑﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﻜﺲ ﻣﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻔﻖ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ ‪ ٤٫٦‬ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺎﺋﺔ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺇﺟﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺗﺞ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﻣﺌﻮﻳﺔ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ‬
‫ﻣﻘﺪﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺌﻮﻳﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺇﺟﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺗﺞ‬
‫ﺃﻧﻪ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻣﻤﺎﺛﻞ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﺪﻝ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺇﻧﻔﺎﻗﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ً‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻲ )‪ ٥٫٠‬ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺎﺋﺔ( ﻟﻠﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻷﻋﻀﺎء ﻓﻲ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬
‫)‪ (OECD‬ﻓﻲ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺮﺓ )ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪.(٢٠٠٥ ،‬‬
‫‪ ٥‬ﻳﺘﻢ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺪ ﺇﺟﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﺴﺐ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﺠﻴﻞ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻗﺴﻤﺔ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺍﻷﻃﻔﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺠﻠﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ ﺇﺣﺪﻯ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺪﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻃﻔﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺑﻠﻐﻮﺍ ﺍﻟﺴﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﻤﻲ ﻟﺪﺧﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﻤﺪﺭﺳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ )ﻣﻀﺮﻭﺑًﺎ ﻓﻲ ‪ .(١٠٠‬ﺑﺎﻓﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺗﺄﺧﺮ‬
‫)ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻻﺑﺘﺪﺍﺋﻲ( ﻗﺪ ﺗﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫ً‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﺴﺠﻴﻞ ﻭﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺇﺟﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﺠﻴﻞ‬
‫‪ ١٠٠‬ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺎﺋﺔ‪ .‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﺻﺎﻓﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﺠﻴﻞ ﻓﻴﺘﻢ ﺍﺣﺘﺴﺎﺑﻪ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻗﺴﻤﺔ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺍﻷﻃﻔﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺑﻠﻐﻮﺍ ﺍﻟﺴﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﻤﻲ ﻟﺪﺧﻮﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺪﺭﺳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺇﺣﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﺠﻠﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺍﻷﻃﻔﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺑﻠﻐﻮﺍ ﺍﻟﺴﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﻤﻲ ﻟﺪﺧﻮﻝ‬
‫ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺣﻠﺔ )ﻣﻀﺮﻭﺑًﺎ ﻣﺮﺓ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﻓﻲ ‪ .(١٠٠‬ﻭﺑﺬﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﻳﻤﻜﻦ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺻﺎﻓﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﺠﻴﻞ ‪ ١٠٠‬ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺎﺋﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺸﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﺨﺺ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬﻱ‬ ‫‪٢٦‬‬
‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ‪٢٫٤‬‬
‫ﻣﺆﺷﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪٢٠٠٤ ،‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺘﺮﺑﻮﻥ ﻣﻤﻦ ﻻ ﻳﺤﻤﻠﻮﻥ‬
‫ﻣﻌﺪﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﻄﺎﻟﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ‬
‫ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪ‬
‫)ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺌﻮﻳﺔ(‬ ‫)‪) (١,٠٠٠s‬ﺑﺎﻵﻻﻑ(‬
‫)ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺌﻮﻳﺔ(‬
‫‪٨٫١‬‬ ‫)ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺘﻮﻓﺮ(‬ ‫‪١,١٦٣‬‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬

‫ﺏ‬
‫‪١٣٫٠‬‬ ‫ﺃ‬
‫‪٤٩٫٣‬‬ ‫ﺃ‬
‫‪٨٧٣‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺝ‬
‫‪٣٫٩‬‬ ‫‪٨٨٫١‬‬ ‫‪٤٤٤‬‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺮ‬
‫ﺩ‬
‫‪) ٨٫٢‬ﻟﻠﺬﻛﻮﺭ(‬ ‫‪٩٠٫٧‬‬ ‫‪٢,٧٣١‬‬ ‫ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬
‫‪) ١٩٫٧‬ﻟﻺﻧﺎﺙ(‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ ‪:‬ﺍﻷﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﻠﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻟﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ٢٠٠٤‬ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻦ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﺣﺼﺎء ﺍﻟﻤﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺑﺎﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،٢٠٠٥ ،‬ﺍﻟﺠﺪﺍﻭﻝ ‪ ١٥‬ﻭ‪١٩‬؛‬
‫ﺍﻷﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﻌﻤﺎﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ ﺑﻌﻤﺎﻥ‪٢٠٠٥ ،‬ﺏ؛ ﺍﻟﺮﻗﻢ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ ﺑﻌﻤﺎﻥ ﻟﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ٢٠٠٠‬ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻋﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ ﺑﻌﻤﺎﻥ‪ ٢٠٠٤،‬؛ ﺍﻷﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻗﻄﺮ ﻟﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ٢٠٠٤‬ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﺘﺨﻄﻴﻂ ﺑﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻗﻄﺮ‪ ٢٠٠٥ ،‬ﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺠﺪﻭﻝ‬
‫‪١٣‬؛ ﺍﻟﺮﻗﻢ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ ﺑﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻗﻄﺮ ﻟﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ٢٠٠١‬ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻋﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﺘﺨﻄﻴﻂ ﺑﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻗﻄﺮ‪ ،٢٠٠٢ ،‬ﺍﻟﺠﺪﺍﻭﻝ ‪ ٥‬ﻭ‪٣٦‬؛ ﺍﻷﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﺪﻭﻟﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﻟﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ٢٠٠٤‬ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻋﻦ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺃﺑﺤﺎﺙ ﻭﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ )‪ ،(CLMRI‬ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،٢٠٠٥‬ﺍﻟﺠﺪﻭﻝ ‪٢٫١‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺼﻔﺤﺔ ‪.٢٩‬‬
‫ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ‪ :‬ﺗﻢ ﺍﻷﺧﺬ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻷﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺗﺒﻠﻎ ﺃﻋﻤﺎﺭﻫﻢ ‪ ١٥‬ﻋﺎﻣًﺎ ﺃﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﻋﻨﺪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻭﻣﻌﺪﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﻄﺎﻟﺔ‬
‫ﺃ ﺍﻟﺮﻗﻢ ﻟﻌﺎﻡ ‪.٢٠٠٣‬‬
‫ﺏ ﺍﻟﺮﻗﻢ ﻟﻌﺎﻡ ‪.٢٠٠٠‬‬
‫ﺝ ﺍﻟﺮﻗﻢ ﻟﻌﺎﻡ ‪.٢٠٠١‬‬
‫ﺩﻭﺭﺩ ﻣﻌﺪﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﻄﺎﻟﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻨﻔﺼﻞ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻜﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﻹﻧﺎﺙ ﻭﻫﻮ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﻓﻘﻂ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺗﻔﻌﺔ ﻣﺜﻠﻤﺎ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﺘﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻳﺤﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻊ ﻭﺻﻮﻝ‬
‫ﻣﻌﺪﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﻄﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ‪ ٨‬ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺎﺋﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪) ٢٠٠٤‬ﻳﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻷﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺗﺘﺮﺍﻭﺡ‬
‫ﺃﻋﻤﺎﺭﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ ٢٠‬ﻭ ‪ ٢٤‬ﻋﺎﻣًﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ‪ ١١‬ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺎﺋﺔ ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺗﺒﻠﻎ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻷﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺗﺘﺮﺍﻭﺡ‬
‫ﺃﻋﻤﺎﺭﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ ٢٥‬ﻭ‪ ٢٩‬ﻋﺎﻣًﺎ ‪ ١٦‬ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺎﺋﺔ(‪ ،‬ﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﺍﻟﻬﺠﺮﺓ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺑﻠﺪ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺑﻐﺮﺽ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺃﺣﺪ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺨﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﻘﺒﻞ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻌﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﻄﺎﻟﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻫﻮ ﺃﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺣﺠﻢ ﻭﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻷﺭﺑﻌﺔ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﻭﻣﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﻭﻣﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﺗﺘﻼءﻡ ﺩﺍﺋﻤًﺎ ﺍﻷﻧﻤﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺗﺠﺔ‬
‫ﻣﻊ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺛﺮﻭﺓ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺿﺢ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺭﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﺪﻭﻝ ‪ ٢٫٥‬ﺃﻥ ﻣﻌﺪﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺮﺍءﺓ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺑﺔ ﺗﻘﺎﺭﺏ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ‪ ١٠٠‬ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺎﺋﺔ ﻟﻜﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﻹﻧﺎﺙ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻤﺮ ‪ ١٥‬ﺣﺘﻰ ‪ ٢٤‬ﻋﺎﻣًﺎ‬
‫ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻣﻤﺎﺛﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺛﺔ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟﻚ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺪﻝ ﻣﺮﺗﻔﻊ ً‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻥ ﻣﻌﺪﻝ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺮﺍءﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺑﺔ ﻟﺼﻐﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﻳﺼﻞ ﺇﻟﻰ‬
‫‪٢٥‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻷﺭﺑﻌﺔ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‬
‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ‪٢٫٣‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺆﺷﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪٢٠٠٤ ،‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺘﺮﺑﻮﻥ ﻣﻤﻦ ﻻ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻧﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺮ ‪١٤–٠‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻲ‬
‫ﻳﺤﻤﻠﻮﻥ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪ‬ ‫)ﺗﻐﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪ‬
‫)ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺌﻮﻳﺔ(‬ ‫)‪) (١,٠٠٠‬ﺑﺎﻵﻻﻑ(‬
‫)ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺌﻮﻳﺔ(‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻮﻳﺔ(‬
‫‪٢٩٫١‬‬ ‫‪٦٫٦‬‬ ‫‪١٫٠‬‬ ‫‪٣,٥٤٠‬‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬
‫‪٣٤٫٩‬‬ ‫‪٢٣٫٩‬‬
‫ﺃ‬
‫‪٠٫٩‬‬ ‫‪٢,٥٣٤‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﻥ‬
‫‪٢٢٫٣‬‬ ‫‪٨٠٫٨‬‬ ‫‪٥٫٨‬‬ ‫‪٧٧٧‬‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺮ‬
‫‪٢٢٫٤‬‬ ‫ﺏ‬
‫‪٧٨٫١‬‬ ‫‪٦٫٧‬‬ ‫‪٤,٣٢٠‬‬ ‫ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻲ ﻟﻠﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻤﻦ ﺗﺘﺮﺍﻭﺡ ﺃﻋﻤﺎﺭﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ ١٤-٠‬ﻋﺎﻣًﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺎﺓ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﻚ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻲ ﻟﻌﺎﻡ ‪ .٢٠٠٧‬ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺌﻮﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻐﺘﺮﺑﻴﻦ ﺗﻢ ﺍﻟﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﺣﺼﺎء ﺍﻟﻤﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺑﺎﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫‪ .٢٠٠٥‬ﺍﻟﺠﺪﺍﻭﻝ ‪ ٦‬ﻭ‪ ٧‬ﻣﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ ﺑﻌﻤﺎﻥ‪٢٠٠٥ ،‬ﺏ ﻭﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﺘﺨﻄﻴﻂ ﺑﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻗﻄﺮ ‪٢٠٠٥‬ﺏ؛ ﺍﻟﺠﺪﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﻦ ‪ ١١‬ﺇﻟﻰ‬
‫‪ ١٦‬ﻣﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﺧﻼﺻﺔ ﺍﻻﺣﺼﺎءﺍﺕ‪ ،٢٠٠٦،‬ﺍﻟﺠﺪﻭﻝ ‪.١‬‬
‫ﺃ ﺍﻟﺮﻗﻢ ﻟﻌﺎﻡ ‪.٢٠٠٣‬‬
‫ﺏ ﺍﻟﺮﻗﻢ ﻟﻌﺎﻡ ‪.٢٠٠٥‬‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﻴﺾ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺸﻜﻞ ‪ ٢٫١‬ﺗﻘﻊ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﺴﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﻃﻨﻮ ﺗﻠﻚ‬
‫ﻭﺃﻳﻀﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﻤﺜﻠﻮﻥ ﻏﺎﻟﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺟﻴﺮﺍﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻠﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻤﺜﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺘﺮﺑﻮﻥ ﺑﻌﻤﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺼﻞ ﺇﺟﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺳﻜﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ‪ ٢٫٥‬ﻣﻠﻴﻮﻥ‬
‫ﻣﻮﺍﻃﻦ ‪ -‬ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺃﻗﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ‪ ٢٤‬ﻭ‪ ٤٩‬ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺎﺋﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﻟﻲ )ﺍﻧﻈﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺠﺪﺍﻭﻝ ‪ ٢٫٣‬ﻭ‪ .(٢٫٤‬ﻭﻳُﻌﺰﻯ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺑﺼﻔﺔ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎﻝ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺸﻜﻞ ‪ .٢٫١‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺘﻀﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻂ ﻭﺍﻟﻐﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ‬
‫ﻻ ﻳﻤﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﺮ ﻗﻄﺎﻉ ﻋﺎﻡ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﻟﺘﻮﻇﻴﻒ ﻣﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ )ﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﻤﻘﺪﻭﺭ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺿﺨﻢ(‪ .‬ﻭﺗﺒﻌًﺎ ﻟﺬﻟﻚ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻮﻥ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ ﻟﻠﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﻭﻇﺎﺋﻒ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻗﻄﺮ ﻭﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﺪ ﻣﻌﺪﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻧﺨﻔﺎﺿﺎ )ﺃﻗﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ‪ ١‬ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺎﺋﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،(٢٠٠٤‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺷﺮﻳﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻤﻦ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ‬
‫ﻫﻢ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺳﻦ ‪ ١٥‬ﻋﺎﻣًﺎ ﺃﻛﺒﺮ ﺑﻜﺜﻴﺮ )ﺗﺒﻠﻎ ‪ ٣٥‬ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺋﺔ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒًﺎ( ﻋﻼﻭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺪﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﻄﺎﻟﺔ ﺑﻬﺎ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﻜﺜﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﻘﺪﺭ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪ ١٣‬ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺎﺋﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻣﺎ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻓﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺘﺮﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺳﻜﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻷﻗﻞ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻌﻤﻞ‬
‫ﺇﺣﺼﺎء ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻣﻨﺬ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،١٩٣٢‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺪﻳﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﺧﻴﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺭﺩﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺼﺎء ﺃﺟﺮﺗﻪ‬
‫ﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﻴﺮ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻐﻴﺮ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻧﻴﻴﻦ ﻳﺸﻜﻠﻮﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ‪ ٧‬ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺎﺋﺔ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﺎﻟﻎ ﻋﺪﺩﻫﻢ ‪ ٣٫٥‬ﻣﻼﻳﻴﻦ ﻧﺴﻤﺔ‪ .‬ﻫﺬﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﻳﺘﻮﺍﻓﺮ ﺭﻗﻢ ﻳﻮﺿﺢ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﻣﺴﺎﻫﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﻴﺮ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻧﻴﻴﻦ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻎ ﻣﻌﺪﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ‪ ١‬ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺎﺋﺔ ﺳﻨﻮﻳًﺎ ‪ -‬ﺷﺄﻧﻪ ﺷﺄﻥ ﻣﻌﺪﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،٢٠٠٤‬ﻭﻛﺬﺍ ﺗﻌﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻤﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺳﻦ ‪ ١٥‬ﻋﺎﻣًﺎ‬
‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺸﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﺨﺺ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬﻱ‬ ‫‪٢٤‬‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﻴﺾ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻡ ﻣﻦ ﺧﺎﺻﻴﺔ ﺍﻣﺘﻼﻙ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﻴﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻤﻴﺰ ﺗﻠﻚ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﻢ ﺗﻮﻇﻴﻒ ﺍﻷﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻈﻤﻰ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻧﻴﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ‪ .‬ﻫﺬﺍ‬
‫ﻭﻳﻌﻤﻞ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﺓ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺳﻜﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺩﺭﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺪﺙ ﺑﻠﻐﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﺓ )ﺣﻴﺚ‬
‫ﻳﺸﻴﻊ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﻠﻐﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻧﺠﻠﻴﺰﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ( ﻭﻣﻮﻗﻌﻪ ﺍﻟﺠﻐﺮﺍﻓﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺳﺎﺣﻞ‬
‫ﻓﻀﻼ ﻋﻦ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺗﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﺾ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻣﺘﻼﻛﻪ ﻟﻜﻤﻴﺎﺕ ﻛﺒﻴﺮﺓ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻮﺳﻂ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﻤﻜﻨﻪ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﺔ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ‬
‫ﺗﻌﺪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﺔ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﻴﺰﺓ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﺗﺒﺮﺯ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻷﺭﺑﻌﺔ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‬
‫)ﺍﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻟﺸﻜﻞ ‪ .(٢٫١‬ﻓﻤﺜﻠﻤﺎ ﻫﻮ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻋﻦ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺑﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺃﻏﻠﺐ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﻴﻦ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻗﻄﺮ ﻭﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﻣﻦ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺃﺑﻨﺎء ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ‪) ،‬ﻭﻳﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﻫﺬﺍ‬
‫ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺟﻪ ﻋﺎﻡ(‪ .‬ﻭﻛﻤﺎ ﻫﻮ ﻣﻮﺿﺢ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﺪﻭﻟﻴﻦ ‪ ٢٫٣‬ﻭ‪،٢٫٤‬‬ ‫ً‬
‫ﻓﺈﻥ ﻣﻮﺍﻃﻨﻲ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻗﻄﺮ ﻭﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﻳﻤﺜﻠﻮﻥ ﺃﻗﻠﻴﺔ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺑﻼﺩﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﻓﻔﻲ‬
‫ﻗﻄﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺘﺮﺑﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺃﺑﻨﺎء ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ‪ ٨١‬ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺎﺋﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﺒﻠﻎ‬
‫ﻋﺪﺩﻫﻢ ‪ ٨٠٠٠٠٠‬ﺷﺨﺺ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﻤﺜﻠﻮﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ‪ ٨٩‬ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺎﺋﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﺑﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺒﻠﻎ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺳﻜﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻲ ‪ ٤٫٣‬ﻣﻼﻳﻴﻦ ﻧﺴﻤﺔ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﺸﻜﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺘﺮﺑﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺃﺑﻨﺎء ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ‪ ٧٨‬ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺎﺋﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﻳﻤﺜﻠﻮﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ‪ ٩١‬ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺎﺋﺔ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﻛﻠﺘﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺘﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻳﺸﻬﺪ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﻤ ًﻮﺍ ﺳﺮﻳﻌًﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺗﺘﺮﺍﻭﺡ ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ ٦‬ﻭ ‪٨‬‬
‫ﻭﻓﻘﺎ ﻹﺣﺼﺎءﺍﺕ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،٢٠٠٤‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺷﺮﻳﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺎﺋﺔ ﺳﻨﻮﻳًﺎ ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ً‬
‫ﻣﻤﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺳﻦ ‪ ١٥‬ﻋﺎﻣًﺎ ‪ -‬ﻭﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﻤﺜﻠﻮﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ‪ ٢٢‬ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺎﺋﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﺗﻘﺎﺭﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺗﻔﻊ )ﺣﻮﺍﻟﻲ ‪ ١٨‬ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺋﺔ( )ﺍﻟﺒﻨﻚ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻲ‪ .(٢٠٠٧ ،‬ﻋﻼﻭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﻣﻌﺪﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﻄﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﻤﻲ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻻﻧﺨﻔﺎﺽ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻮ ﺃﻗﻞ‬
‫ﻭﻓﻘﺎ ﻟﻼﺳﺘﻘﺼﺎءﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﺧﻴﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻨﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ‪ ٥‬ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺎﺋﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻛﻞ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ً‬
‫ﻭﻳﺘﻮﺍﺟﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺘﺮﺑﻮﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺨﺪﻣﻴﺔ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺃﺳﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟﻚ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺘﻄﻠﺐ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻨﺨﻔﻀﺔ ﻭﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺘﻄﻠﺐ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣ ٍﺪ‬
‫ﺳﻮﺍء‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﻴﺾ ﻣﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻤﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﻃﻨﻮ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺃﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‬
‫ﻛﻤﻮﻇﻔﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﻧﻴﻴﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﻴﻴﻦ‪ .‬ﻫﺬﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺴﺒﺒﺖ ﺍﻟﺰﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻧﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻂ ‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﺩﺕ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺗﻨﺎﻣﻲ‬
‫ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﻓﺎﻫﻴﺔ ﻭﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺮﻭﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ‪ -‬ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﺑﺘﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﺎﻡ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻏﻴﺮ‬
‫ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﻋﻦ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﻧﺸﻮء ﻗﻄﺎﻉ ﻋﺮﻳﺾ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻦ‪،‬‬
‫ﺩﻭﻥ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺐ ﻟﻠﻄﺒﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻦ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻏﺎﻟﺒًﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺘﻴﺔ ﻟﻬﺬﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﻳﻦ ﻭﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻳﺪ ﻛﻮﺍﺩﺭ ﺃﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﺍﺳﻄﺔ ﻣﻮﺍﻃﻨﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﻳﻦ )ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‪.(٢٠٠٣ ،‬‬
‫‪٢٣‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻷﺭﺑﻌﺔ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‬
‫ﻗﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺨﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﻭﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺸﻤﻞ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻛﺒﻴﺮﺓ ﻭﻣﺘﻨﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺮﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﻳﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ ‪ -‬ﺑﻤﺎ ﻳﺮﺑﻮ ﻋﻠﻰ ‪ ٧٠‬ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺎﺋﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺇﺟﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺗﺞ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻲ ﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻼﻓﺖ ﻟﻼﻧﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺑﺎﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻂ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﺗﺒﺪﻱ ﺩﻻﺋﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﺴﺎﻫﻢ ﻗﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫‪ ٥٥‬ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺎﺋﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺇﺟﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺗﺞ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻲ ﻟﻬﺎ ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻳﺴﺎﻫﻢ ﻗﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺨﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪ ٤٢‬ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺎﺋﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺇﻥ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻷﻛﺒﺮ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺠﻬﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻜﺔ‬
‫ﺩﺍﻻ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺆﺷﺮﺍ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻣﻬﻤًﺎ ً‬
‫ً‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺼﻨﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﻳﻌﺘﺒﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺭﺑﻌﺔ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﺘﻌﺪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻗﻄﺮ ﻭﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻷﻛﺒﺮ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﺘﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﻮﻇﻴﻒ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺗﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻂ ﻳﻘﻮﻡ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻟﻪ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻋﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ ﺑﺘﻮﻇﻴﻒ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻦ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬
‫ﺻﻐﻴﺮﺍ ﻭﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‬
‫ً‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻳﻞ ﻭﻗﻮﻱ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﺎﻝ ﺍﻷﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺤﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻳﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺎﻁ‪.‬‬
‫ﻧﻈﺮﺍ ﻟﻌﺪﻡ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺛﺔ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮ‬ ‫ً‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺇﻧﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻂ )ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﻤﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻤﻠﻮﻛﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺆﻭﻟﺔ ﻋﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺎﺝ(‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﺘﻔﻆ ﺑﺎﻟﺨﺼﺎﺋﺺ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺠﻮﻫﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺿﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﻓﺘﺮﺓ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻂ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺻﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﻠﺆﻟﺆ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺋﺪﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺑﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺘﻤﺜﻞ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻠﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﻷﻣﻮﺍﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻴﺲ ﺇﻳﺠﺎﺩﻫﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻮﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺆﻭﻟﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﻋﺎﻳﺔ )ﻣﺜﻞ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺼﺤﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻴﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﻟﻜﻬﺮﺑﺎء( ﻓﻌﺎﺩﺓ ﻻ ﻳﺘﻮﻟﻰ ﺭﺋﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎ ﺃﻋﻀﺎء ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﺳﺮ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻛﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ‬
‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻮﻃﺔ ﺑﻬﺎ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺤﻤﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻓﺴﺔ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺛﺔ ﺑﺘﻮﻇﻴﻒ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺃﻛﺒﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﺸﻄﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳًﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻇﻴﻒ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﺑﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﻏﻴﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺘﺠﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﻔﻂ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ‪ .‬ﻫﺬﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ‪ ٥٠‬ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺎﺋﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﻄﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳًﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺨﺪﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﺘﻤﺘﻌﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺰﺍﻳﺎ — ﻣﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺮﻭﺍﺗﺐ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺆﻫﻼﺕ ﻭﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎ ﺇﺿﺎﻓﻴﺔ — ﻭﻻ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﺰﺍﻳﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﻓﺮﺓ ﺑﺎﻟﻀﺮﻭﺭﺓ ﻟﻠﻤﻐﺘﺮﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻤﻦ‬
‫ﻻ ﻳﺤﻤﻠﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺴﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻳﺤﺼﻞ ﻛﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﻄﺮ ﻭﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻣﺠﺎ ًﻧﺎ ﺑﺪﺍﻳﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻻﺑﺘﺪﺍﺋﻴﺔ ﻭﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﻮﻓﺮ‬
‫ﻣﻨﺤﺎ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻦ ﻟﻠﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺭﺝ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺘﺄﻣﻴﻦ‬‫ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺛﺔ ً‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺍﻓﻖ )ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﺯ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻴﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﻟﻜﻬﺮﺑﺎء ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻔﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺇﻟﺦ( ﻟﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻳُﺴﺘﺜﻨﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺘﺮﺑﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻻﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻋﻼﻭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻻ ﻳﻤﻜﻨﻬﻢ ﺇﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺇﻻ ﺑﻤﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺷﺮﻳﻚ‬
‫ﻭﻃﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎءﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻴﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﺍ ﻻ ﻳﻤﻜﻨﻬﻢ ﺍﻣﺘﻼﻙ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺗﺰﻳﺪ ﻋﻦ ‪ ٤٩‬ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺎﺋﺔ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺃﻳﺔ ﺷﺮﻛﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺸﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﺨﺺ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬﻱ‬ ‫‪٢٢‬‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻟﻪ ﻋﻦ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪) ١٩٤٣‬ﻟﻢ ﺗﻨﺴﺤﺐ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻋﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺗﺄﺭﺟﺤﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻓﺘﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺧﺎء ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﻭﻓﺘﺮﺍﺕ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫‪ ،(١٩٤٦‬ﺷﻬﺪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﻠﺨﺺ ﺍﻻﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻧﺸﻮﺏ ﺣﺮﺏ ﺃﻫﻠﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺒﻠﺪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺮﺓ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺎﻡ‬
‫‪ ١٩٧٥‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،١٩٩٠‬ﺗﻢ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻹﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻀﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﺍﻣﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻵﻥ‪ ،‬ﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﺑﺮﻟﻤﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻳﺤﻜﻤﻬﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻲ ﻃﺎﺋﻔﻲ‪ .‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺇﺟﺮﺍء‬
‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮﺓ ﻛﻞ ﺃﺭﺑﻌﺔ ﺃﻋﻮﺍﻡ ﻻﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺃﻋﻀﺎء ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﺪﻭﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺭﺋﻴﺴﺎ ﻟﻠﻮﺯﺭﺍء‪.‬‬
‫ﺭﺋﻴﺴﺎ ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﻛﻞ ﺳﺘﺔ ﺃﻋﻮﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺛﻢ ﻳﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻌًﺎ ً‬
‫ً‬
‫ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ‬

‫ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻧﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺬﻟﻚ ﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺻﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻗﻄﺎﻉ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ‬
‫ﺗﻨﻮﻋﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻣﺪﻯ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻇﻴﻒ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺘﻠﻂ ﺍﻷﻛﺜﺮ ً‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻋﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺘﻢ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﺑﺄﻧﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻈﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻌﺪ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺣﺼﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻈﻤﺎﺕ ﻋﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻤﻠﻮﻛﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻤﺘﻠﻜﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‪ .‬ﻓﻔﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺗﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻂ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺪ ﺷﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻂ ﻭﺍﻟﻐﺎﺯ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﻤﻠﻮﻛﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ً‬
‫ﻫﺬﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺼﻨﻒ ﺍﻟﺸﻜﻞ ‪ ٢٫١‬ﻛﻼ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﻳﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻤﻠﻮﻛﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻛﺠﺰء ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺘﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺘﻠﻂ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻳﺔ‬
‫ﻣﻤﻠﻮﻛﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺸﺮﺍﻛﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺟﻬﺔ ﻣﺤﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺟﻬﺔ ﺃﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ )ﻣﻦ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻷﻣﺜﻠﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﺨﻄﻮﻁ ﺍﻟﺠﻮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺮﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻄﺮ ﻭﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻛﻼﻫﻤﺎ ﻣﻤﻠﻮﻙ ﻟﻠﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪ ٥٠‬ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺎﺋﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻳﻤﺘﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ‪ ٥٠‬ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺎﺋﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺒﻘﻴﺔ(‪ .‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ ﻓﻴﺘﻢ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻪ ﺑﺄﻧﻪ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻤﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻤﻠﻮﻛﺔ ﻟﻠﻘﻄﺎﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ ﺑﺎﻟﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺘﻢ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺗﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺍﺳﻄﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻘﺪ ﻭﺿﻌﻨﺎ ﻗﻄﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺣﺪ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﻴﺾ ‪-‬‬
‫ﻗﻄﺎﻋﺎ ﻋﺎﻣًﺎ ﻭﺍﺳﻊ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﻭﺗﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻄﻴﺔ ‪ -‬ﻭﻭﺿﻌﻨﺎ‬‫ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﻤﺘﻠﻚ ً‬
‫ً‬
‫ﺧﺎﺻﺎ ﻭﺍﺳﻊ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﻓﻀﻼ ﻋﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ً‬
‫ﻗﻄﺎﻋﺎ ً‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻑ ﺍﻵﺧﺮ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﻤﺘﻠﻚ‬
‫ﺗﻨﻮﻋﺎ‪ .‬ﺃﻣﺎ ُﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﻓﺘﻘﻌﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻛﺜﺮ ً‬
‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﻴﺾ‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﺆﻛﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺭﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﺪﻭﻝ ‪ ٢٫١‬ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‬
‫ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻋﻲ ﻹﺟﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺗﺞ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻲ‪ .‬ﻓﺘﻌﺪ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻷﻗﻞ‬
‫ﺗﻨﻮﻋﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺷﻤﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﺴﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﺔ ‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻂ‬ ‫ً‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻐﺎﺯ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺧﺎﺹ ‪ -‬ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪ ٧٦‬ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺎﺋﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺇﺟﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺗﺞ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻲ‪ .‬ﻓﻲ ﺣﻴﻦ ﺗﺤﻈﻰ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺗﻨﻮﻋﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ‪ ٢٢‬ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺎﺋﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺇﺟﻤﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺎﺕ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ً‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺗﺞ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻲ ﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ‪ ٥٦‬ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺎﺋﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺇﺟﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺗﺞ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻲ ﻟﻌﻤﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺸﺎﺭﻙ‬
‫‪٢١‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻷﺭﺑﻌﺔ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‬
‫ﻓﻬﻢ ﻣﻘﻴﺪﻭﻥ ﺑﺎﻟﺸﺮﻳﻌﺔ )ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ( ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺒﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﻳﻤﺔ ﻭﺑﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻮﺭﻯ‬
‫)ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺎﻭﺭ(‪.‬‬
‫ﻟﻔﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺮﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺜﺮﻭﺓ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻄﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺒﻊ‬
‫ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻬﻢ ﺃﻥ ﻧﻀﻊ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺃﺻﻞ ﻗﻮﻣﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺗﻜﻮﻧﺖ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺑﺎﺩﺉ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﻛﻘﻮﻣﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻤﻴﺰﺓ ﺗﺤﺘﻞ ﻣﻮﻗﻌًﺎ ﺇﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﻴﺠﻴًﺎ ﻟﻠﺴﻔﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻳﻄﺎﻧﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺠﻬﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻬﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻬﻞ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺯﻋﻤﺎء ﺍﻟﻘﺒﺎﺋﻞ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺑﺘﻮﻗﻴﻊ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺴﻤﺢ ﻟﺒﺮﻳﻄﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺎﻹﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻘﻴﻤﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺷﺌﺔ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺪﺧﻞ ﻓﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎﺗﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﻤﻮﺟﺐ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﻓﺖ‬
‫ﺑﺮﻳﻄﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺰﻋﻤﺎء ﺍﻟﻘﺒﺎﺋﻞ ﻛﻤﻤﺜﻠﻴﻦ ﻋﻦ ﺷﻌﻮﺏ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻄﻘﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﺪﻭﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺑﺮﻳﻄﺎﻧﻴﺎ‬
‫ﺑﺘﻮﻓﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﺤﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﻟﻬﺆﻻء ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺩﺓ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺒﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺟﻮﺩﺓ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﻨﻄﻘﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﻠﻢ ﻳﻜﻦ‬
‫ﻛﺒﻴﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺎﻓﺔ‬
‫ﺻﻐﻴﺮﺍ ﺃﻭ ً‬
‫ً‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻤﻮﺣﺎ ﻷﻱ ﺑﻠﺪ ﺧﻠﻴﺠﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻊ ﺑﻠﺪ ﺁﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺍ ًء ﻛﺎﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪ‬
‫ً‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﺘﻢ ﺑﻮﺍﺳﻄﺔ ﺑﺮﻳﻄﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻴﺎﺑﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺠﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﻜﺎﻧﺖ‬
‫ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺑﺮﻳﻄﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻤﺜﺎﺑﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻧﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻘﺒﺎﺋﻞ ﻭﺍﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺟﻮﺩﺓ ﺑﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﺎ ﺃﺗﺎﺡ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺻﺔ ﻟﻤﻮﺍﺻﻠﺔ ﺍﻻﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺎﺩﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﺒﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﺮﺟﻊ ﺍﻟﺤﻔﺎﻅ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺒﻠﻴﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺑﻘﺎء ﺍﻟﻤﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻟﺘﻠﻚ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﻌﻮﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺃﺣﺪﺛﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﺜﺮﻭﺓ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻄﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﻴﺮﺓ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﺨﻤﺴﻴﻦ‬
‫ﻋﺎﻣًﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺼﺮﻣﺔ )ﺯﻫﻼﻥ‪.(١٩٩٨ ،‬‬
‫ﺑﻤﺠﺮﺩ ﺍﻛﺘﺸﺎﻑ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻂ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﺍﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺛﻴﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﺎﻡ ﻳﺘﻠﻘﻮﻥ‬
‫ﺭﺳﻮﻣًﺎ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﺔ ﻛﺠﺰء ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺮﻣﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺑﺮﻳﻄﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻭﺷﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻂ‪ .‬ﻓﻤﻨﺤﺖ‬
‫ﻧﻮﻋﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻟﻠﺤﻜﺎﻡ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻬﺮﻳﺔ ً‬
‫ﻭﺃﺧﻴﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺃﻧﻔﻖ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﺎﻡ ﻣﺒﺎﻟﻎ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻃﺎﺋﻠﺔ‬
‫ً‬ ‫ﺃﻣﺮﺍ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻳًﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﺸﻌﺐ‪ :‬ﻭﻟﻢ ﻳﻌﺪ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺍﻟﻀﺮﺍﺋﺐ ً‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﻋﺎﺋﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺜﺮﻭﺓ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻄﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻊ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺓ‬
‫ﺃﻣﺮﺍ ﺣﺘﻤﻴًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻧﺸﺄﺕ‬
‫ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻢ ً‬‫ﻋﺎﺋﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻂ‪ ،‬ﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﺍﻟﺘﺨﻠﻲ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻕ ﺍﻟﺒﺪﺍﺋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺒﻌﺔ ً‬
‫ﺃﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﻣﻌﻘﺪﺓ )ﺍﻟﺒﻨﻚ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻲ‪ .(٢٠٠٤ ،‬ﻭﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻧﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻟﻠﺆﻟﺆ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﺓ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺗﺘﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺮﻋﺎﻳﺔ‬
‫ﻧﻮﻋﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﺒﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﻀﻤﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻗﺪ ﺃﻭﺟﺪ ‪ -‬ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﺷﻜﺎﻝ ‪ً -‬‬
‫)ﺯﻫﻼﻥ‪.(١٩٩٨ ،‬‬
‫ﻛﺒﻴﺮﺍ ﻋﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻠﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ً‬
‫َ‬
‫ﺗﺠﺪﺭ ﺍﻹﺷﺎﺭﺓ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻳﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎ ً‬
‫ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺛﺔ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ .‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻃﻮﻳﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﻗﻲ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺷﺠﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﻷﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻤﻘﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺪﻋﻢ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻜﺘﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﻢ ﻭﺿﻌﻪ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،١٩٢٦‬ﻓﻜﺮﺓ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺟﻮﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻳﻨﺺ "ﺍﻟﻤﻴﺜﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ" ﻏﻴﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﻣﻨﺬ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ١٩٤٣‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴًﺎ ﻣﺎﺭﻭﻧﻴًﺎ ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍء‬
‫ﻣﺴﻠﻤًﺎ ﺳﻨﻴًﺎ ﻭﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤًﺎ ﺷﻴﻌﻴًﺎ )ﻛﻮﻟﻴﻠﻮ‪ .(١٩٨٩ ،‬ﻭﺑﻌﺪ ﺣﺼﻮﻝ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺸﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﺨﺺ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬﻱ‬ ‫‪٢٠‬‬
‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ‪٢٫٢‬‬
‫ﻧﻤﺎﺫﺝ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻢ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻱ ﺇﻣﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﺃﻣﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻢ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻷﻋﻠﻰ ﻟﻼﺗﺤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻣﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻉ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬﻱ‬
‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍء‬
‫ﻻ ﻳﻮﺟﺪ‬ ‫ﻻ ﻳﻮﺟﺪ‬ ‫ﻻ ﻳﻮﺟﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺃﺣﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺃ‬

‫ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻉ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻌﻲ‬
‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ ﺍﻻﺗﺤﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﺸﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻻ ﻳﻮﺟﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﻴﺎﻛﻞ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺸﺎﺭﻳﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺸﺎﺭﻱ‬
‫ﺇﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺇﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺇﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﺎﻧﺎﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﺋﻲ‬

‫ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‬
‫ﻣﺘﺎﺣﺔ ﻟﺠﻤﻴﻊ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻦ‬

‫ﻣﺘﺎﺣﺔ ﻟﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻦ‬
‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻦ ‪ ٢١‬ﻋﺎ ًَﻣﺎ ﻓﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﻮﻳﺖ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺳﻦ ‪ ١٨‬ﻓﻤﺎ ﻓﻮﻕ‬
‫‪ ٢١‬ﻓﻤﺎ ﻓﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺏ‬
‫ﻓﻮﻕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ ‪:‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ‪٢٠٠٧ ،‬ﺃ‪ ،‬ﺏ ﻭﺝ ﻭ‪.٢٠٠٨‬‬

‫ﺃ ﻳﻤﺘﻠﻚ ﺳﻠﻄﺔ ﺻﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﻭﺗﻤﺮﻳﺮﻫﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﺏ ﺇﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﻟﻐﻴﻦ ﻭﻣﺮﺧﺺ ﻟﻺﻧﺎﺙ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺻﻼﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻻﺑﺘﺪﺍﺋﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻟﻘﺪ ﺷﻬﺪﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻌﻴﺔ ﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺛﺔ ﺗﻮﺳﻌًﺎ‬
‫ﻛﺒﻴﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﻋﺎﺋﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻂ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﻋﺰﺯﺕ ﺍﻟﺰﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﺋﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻂ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺮﻓﺎﻫﻴﺔ‬
‫ً‬
‫ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﺗﺰﺍﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺳﺮ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻛﻤﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻄﻠﻘﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺻﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬﻳﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻌﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺑﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺛﺔ ﺑﺄﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﺎﻡ ﻭﻣﺠﺎﻟﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍء ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻗﺎﻣﻮﺍ ﺑﺘﻌﻴﻴﻨﻬﺎ‬
‫)ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‪ .(٢٠٠٣ ،‬ﻭﺑﻮﺻﻔﻬﻢ ﺭﺅﺳﺎء ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﻳﻤﻜﻦ ﻟﻠﺤﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻔﻮﺫﻫﻢ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺪﺧﻞ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺸﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻳﺮﻏﺒﻮﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻚ )ﻣﺜﻠﻤﺎ ﺣﺪﺙ ﻓﻲ ﺑﻠﺪ ﺧﻠﻴﺠﻲ‬
‫ﺁﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﻜﻮﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺗﻢ ﺣﻞ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ .(٢٠٠٦‬ﻫﺬﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻢ ﻳﻌﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻢ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺛﺔ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻄﻠﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻤﺎﺡ ﺑﺈﻧﺸﺎء ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎﻟﺲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﻟﺪﻯ ﻛﻞ ﺑﻠﺪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭ )ﻣﺜﻠﻤﺎ ﻓﻌﻞ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ(‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﺆﺧﺮﺍ‬
‫ً‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺍ ﻣﻨﺢ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﻮﻳﺖ ً‬
‫ﻫﺪﻓﺎ ﻣﻬﻤًﺎ ﻟﺤﻜﺎﻡ ﻗﻄﺮ ﻭﻋﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻣﻮﺍ‬
‫ً‬
‫ﺫﻛﻮﺭﺍ ﻭﺇﻧﺎﺛﺎ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻗﺎﻡ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬
‫ًَ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺎﺣﺎ ﻟﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻦ‪،‬‬
‫ﺃﻣﺮﺍ ً‬
‫ﺑﺘﻤﺮﻳﺮ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻟﺠﻌﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﻮﻳﺖ ً‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻷﻋﻠﻰ ﻟﻼﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺑﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﺑﺘﻤﺮﻳﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺃﻏﺴﻄﺲ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،٢٠٠٦‬ﻳﺴﻤﺢ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺃﻋﻀﺎء ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﻟﻠﺘﺼﻮﻳﺖ ﻻﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ‪ ٥٠‬ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺎﺋﺔ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﺸﺎﺭﻳًﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻷﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺃﻋﻀﺎء ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ ﺍﻻﺗﺤﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺗﻠﻌﺐ ً‬
‫ﻟﻼﺗﺤﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﻳﻤﺘﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﺎﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺛﺔ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻳﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪١٩‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻷﺭﺑﻌﺔ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‬
‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ‪٢٫١‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺆﺷﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪٢٠٠٤ ،‬‬
‫ﻣﻌﺪﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮ ﺍﻟﻔﻌﻠﻲ‬

‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﻋﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺎﻫﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺇﺟﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺗﺞ‬ ‫ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺇﺟﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﺧﻞ‬
‫ﻹﺟﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺗﺞ‬
‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺞ ﺍﻷﻣﻢ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﺍﻹﻧﻤﺎﺋﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻲ ﺣﺴﺐ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻣﻲ )ﺑﺎﻟﺪﻭﻻﺭ ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻲ(‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻲ )ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫]ﺍﻟﺘﺼﻨﻴﻒ[‬ ‫)ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺌﻮﻳﺔ(‬ ‫]ﺍﻟﺘﺼﻨﻴﻒ[‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺌﻮﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ(‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﺔ‪٢٢ :‬‬
‫‪٠٫٧٧٤‬‬ ‫‪٦,٠٤٠‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺨﺪﻣﺎﺕ‪٧١ :‬‬ ‫‪٦٫٣‬‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬
‫]ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ[‬ ‫]ﺩﺧﻞ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻮﺳﻂ[‬
‫ﺍﻟﺰﺭﺍﻋﺔ‪٧ :‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﺔ‪٥٦ :‬‬
‫‪٠٫٨١٠‬‬ ‫‪٩,٠٧٠‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺨﺪﻣﺎﺕ‪٤٢ :‬‬ ‫‪٣٫١‬‬
‫]ﻣﺮﺗﻔﻊ[‬ ‫]ﺩﺧﻞ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻮﺳﻂ[‬
‫ﺍﻟﺰﺭﺍﻋﺔ‪٢ :‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﺔ‪٧٦ :‬‬
‫‪٠٫٨٤٤‬‬ ‫)ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺘﻮﻓﺮ(‬
‫ﺍﻟﺨﺪﻣﺎﺕ‪٢٤ :‬‬ ‫‪٩٫٩‬‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺮ‬
‫]ﻣﺮﺗﻔﻊ[‬ ‫]ﺩﺧﻞ ﻣﺮﺗﻔﻊ[‬
‫ﺍﻟﺰﺭﺍﻋﺔ‪١> :‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﺔ‪٥٥ :‬‬ ‫ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬

‫‪٠٫٨٣٩‬‬ ‫‪٢٣,٧٧٠‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺨﺪﻣﺎﺕ‪٤٢ :‬‬ ‫‪٨٫٥‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬
‫]ﻣﺮﺗﻔﻊ[‬ ‫]ﺩﺧﻞ ﻣﺮﺗﻔﻊ[‬
‫ﺍﻟﺰﺭﺍﻋﺔ‪٣ :‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﻨﺼﻴﺐ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺇﺟﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻣﻲ ﻭﻣﻌﺪﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮ ﺍﻟﻔﻌﻠﻲ ﻹﺟﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺗﺞ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺴﺎﻫﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺇﺟﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺗﺞ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻲ ﺣﺴﺐ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺎﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﻚ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻲ ﻟﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،٢٠٠٧‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﻠﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﻓﻬﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺎﺓ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﺘﺨﻄﻴﻂ ﺑﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻗﻄﺮ‪ ،٢٠٠٥،‬ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ‪ ،١٧‬ﻭﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﻚ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻲ ﻟﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ٢٠٠٧‬ﻭﺍﻟﺠﺪﻭﻝ ‪١٫١‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ ﺑﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻗﻄﺮ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﻋﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺞ ﺍﻷﻣﻢ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﺍﻹﻧﻤﺎﺋﻲ ﻟﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،٢٠٠٦‬ﺍﻟﺠﺪﻭﻝ ‪.١‬‬
‫ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ‪ :‬ﻳﺘﻢ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺇﺟﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﺃﻃﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﻚ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ :‬ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻤﻘﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ‬
‫ﻳﻘﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﺸﻜﻞ ‪ ٢٫١‬ﺑﺘﺼﻨﻴﻒ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻷﺭﺑﻌﺔ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ‪ -‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺠﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺛﺔ ‪ -‬ﻛﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺿﻌﺔ ﻟﺤﻜﻢ ﺍﻟﺼﻔﻮﺓ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻛﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻳﺨﺮﺝ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﻨﻴﻒ ﻟﻤﺎ‬
‫ﻣﻠﻴﺌﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺿﻄﺮﺍﺑﺎﺕ( ﻓﻲ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻤﻘﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ‬‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﺎ ً‬
‫ً‬ ‫ﻟﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ )ﻭﺇﻥ ﻛﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻠﺨﺺ ﺍﻟﺠﺪﻭﻝ ‪ ٢٫٢‬ﻧﻤﺎﺫﺝ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻢ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺟﻮﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ‬
‫ً‬
‫ﻓﻀﻼ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﺴﺔ ﺃﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺗﺘﻨﺎﻭﻝ ﺑﺎﻟﻮﺻﻒ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺑﻬﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﻟﻤﻤﻨﻮﺣﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻦ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺸﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﺨﺺ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬﻱ‬ ‫‪١٨‬‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺠﻴﺔ )ﻓﻲ ﺑﺪﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺛﻴﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺮﻳﻦ(‪ ،‬ﻭﺛﺎﻧﻴًﺎ ﻫﻮ ﺃﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻃﻲ‬
‫ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﻻ ﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﺇﺟﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺗﺞ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻲ ﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻧﺘﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻂ ﻳﺘﻀﺎءﻝ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ‪ً .‬‬
‫ً‬
‫ﻣﻄﻠﻘﺎ ﺃﺣﺪ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﺜﺮﻭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻻ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻂ ﺃﻭ ﺑﻴﻌﻪ‪ .‬ﻓﻠﻢ ﻳﻜﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻂ ً‬
‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭﺑﻌﺪ ﻓﺘﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺤﺮﺏ ﺍﻷﻫﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﺫﻟﻚ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻄﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺨﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻳﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺕ ﻣﻦ ‪١٩٩٠-١٩٧٥‬‬
‫ﻳﻠﺨﺺ ﺍﻟﺠﺪﻭﻝ ‪ ٢٫١‬ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺆﺷﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ٣.٢٠٠٤‬ﻭﺗﻌﺪ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻗﻄﺮ ﻭﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ ‪ -‬ﻛﻼﻫﻤﺎ ﺗﻢ‬
‫ﺗﺼﻨﻴﻔﻬﻤﺎ ﻣﻦ ِﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﻚ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻲ ﻛﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺫﺍﺕ "ﺩﺧﻞ ﻣﺮﺗﻔﻊ"‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻷﻛﺜﺮ ﺛﺮﺍ ًء ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ‬
‫ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺇﻥ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺇﺟﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻣﻲ )‪ (GNI‬ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪٢٠٠٤‬‬
‫‪٤‬‬
‫ﻛﺜﻴﺮﺍ ﻣﻨﻪ ﻓﻲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺃﻭ ُﻋﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻠﺬﻳﻦ ﺗﻢ ﺗﺼﻨﻴﻔﻬﻤﺎ ﻛﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺫﺍﺕ "ﺩﺧﻞ ﻓﻮﻕ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ"‪.‬‬ ‫ﺃﻛﺒﺮ ً‬
‫ﻫﺬﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻗﻄﺮ ﻭﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﺑﺎﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺎﺕ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻷﺳﺮﻉ ﻧﻤ ًﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ‬
‫ﺑﻠﻐﺖ ﻣﻌﺪﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮ ﺍﻟﻔﻌﻠﻴﺔ ﻟﻬﻤﺎ ﻧﺴﺐ ‪ ٩٫٩‬ﻭ ‪ ٨٫٥‬ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺎﺋﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪.٢٠٠٤‬‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺣﻴﻦ ﺗﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺄﺑﻄﺄ ﻣﻌﺪﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺑﻠﻎ ﻣﻌﺪﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮ ﺍﻟﻔﻌﻠﻲ ﻟﻬﺎ‬
‫‪ ٣٫١‬ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺎﺋﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻳﺄﺗﻲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﺒﻠﻎ ﻣﻌﺪﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮ ﺍﻟﻔﻌﻠﻲ ﻓﻴﻪ ‪ ٦٫٣‬ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺎﺋﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺃﻭﺳﻊ ً‬
‫ﻧﻄﺎﻗﺎ ﻟﻠﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ )ﻳﺘﻨﺎﻭﻝ ً‬
‫ﻗﻴﺎﺳﻪ ﺑﻤﺪﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻷﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﻟﻐﻴﻦ ﻟﻠﻘﺮﺍءﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺑﺔ ﻭﺇﺟﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﺠﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻻﺑﺘﺪﺍﺋﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﻭﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻱ( ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻴﺸﺔ )ﺍﻟﺬﻱ‬
‫ﻳﺘﻢ ﻗﻴﺎﺳﻪ ﺑﻨﺼﻴﺐ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺇﺟﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺗﺞ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻲ(‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﻒ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺞ ﺍﻷﻣﻢ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﺍﻹﻧﻤﺎﺋﻲ‬
‫ﻛﻼ ﻣﻦ ﻗﻄﺮ ﻭﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﻭﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺫﺍﺕ "ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﻣﺮﺗﻔﻊ" ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‬ ‫ً‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺻﻨﻒ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﺒﻠﺪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻻﺣﻘﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‬‫‪ ٣‬ﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﺠﺪﻭﻝ ‪ ٢٫١‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺠﺪﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺮﺩ ً‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺎﺣﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻢ ﺟﻤﻌﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺍﺳﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻛﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ‪ -‬ﻣﺜﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﻨﻚ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻲ ﻛﺠﺰء‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﻣﺆﺷﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﻟﻪ )ﺍﻟﺒﻨﻚ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻲ‪ .(٢٠٠٧ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻻﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻋﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺣﺼﺎﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺎﺣﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺟﻮﺩﺓ ﺑﺎﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻊ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻧﻨﺎ ﻧﻔﻀﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺭﺩﺓ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺪﻳﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﻷﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﺎﻭﻝ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺍﻹﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺇﺟﺮﺍء ﺇﺣﺼﺎﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻈﻬﺮ‬
‫ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺃﻭﺟﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻧﺔ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﺎ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻏﺎﻟﺒًﺎ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻗﺪ ﺗﻢ ﺇﺟﺮﺍء ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻼﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﺣﺼﺎﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﻋﺪﺗﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻮﻛﺎﻻﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﻓﺮ ﻣﺆﺷﺮ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺋﺪﺓ ﻟﻬﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻧﻨﺎ ﻧﺬﻛﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﺆﺷﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺼﺪﺭ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺑﺎﻟﺒﻠﺪ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺠﺪﻭﻝ ﺑﺄﻱ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﻟﻤﺆﺷﺮ‪.‬‬
‫‪ ٤‬ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎ ًﺩﺍ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺇﺟﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻣﻲ ﻟﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ٢٠٠٤‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﻢ ﺍﺣﺘﺴﺎﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ‬
‫ﺩﻭﻻﺭﺍ‬
‫ً‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﺃﻃﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﻟﻠﺒﻨﻚ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺇﺟﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻣﻲ ‪١٠٠٦٦‬‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺗﻔﻊ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﺮﺍﻭﺡ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺧﻞ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺩﻭﻻﺭﺍ‪ .‬ﻫﺬﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻢ ﻳﺬﻛﺮ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﻚ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺇﺟﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻣﻲ ﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻗﻄﺮ ﻟﻌﺎﻡ ‪،٢٠٠٤‬‬
‫ً‬ ‫‪ ٣٢٥٦‬ﻭ ‪١٠٠٦٥‬‬
‫ﻭﻟﻜﻨﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﻩ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻣﻌﺪﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺗﻔﻊ‪.‬‬
‫‪١٧‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻷﺭﺑﻌﺔ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‬
‫ﻭﻳﻌﺪ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻃﻲ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺛﺎﻟﺚ ﺃﻛﺒﺮ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻃﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﺎ ﻭﺇﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﻫﺬﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻮﻗﻊ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺗﺼﺒﺢ ﻗﻄﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺃﺱ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﻣﺼﺪﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﺯ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺎﻝ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻳﺐ )ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻭﺑﻚ‪ .(٢٠٠٦ ،‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺷﻤﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺘﻠﻚ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ‬
‫ﺃﻛﺒﺮ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻃﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻂ ﺣﻴﺚ ُﻗﺪﺭ ﺑـ ‪ ٩٨‬ﻣﻠﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻣﻴﻞ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ،٢٠٠٥‬ﺃﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻀﻤﻦ ﺇﻧﺘﺎﺝ‬
‫‪ ١٠٠‬ﻋﺎﻡ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒًﺎ ﺑﻤﻌﺪﻻﺕ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻳُﺸﺎﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺇﻧﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻂ ﻳﺒﻠﻎ ‪ ٢٫٣٧٨‬ﻣﻠﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻣﻴﻞ‪/‬ﻳﻮﻣﻴًﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻳﺒﻠﻎ ﺇﻧﺘﺎﺟﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﺯ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﻲ ‪ ٤٦٫٦‬ﻣﻠﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﺮ‬
‫ﻣﻜﻌﺐ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻤﺘﻠﻚ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻃﻴًﺎ ﻣﺆﻛ ًﺪﺍ ﻳﺒﻠﻎ ‪ ٦‬ﺗﺮﻳﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺘﺮ ﻣﻜﻌﺐ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﺸﻴﺮ ﺗﻘﺎﺭﻳﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﺑﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ٢٠٠٤‬ﺷﻜﻞ ﺇﻧﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻂ ﻭﺍﻟﻐﺎﺯ‬
‫ﻛﺒﻴﺮﺍ )ﻳﺒﻠﻎ ‪ ٣٠‬ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺎﺋﺔ( ﻣﻦ ﺇﺟﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺗﺞ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻲ ﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﻫﻤﺎ ﺟﺰءًﺍ ً‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﺎ ﺟﻌﻞ ﺃﺑﻮ ﻇﺒﻲ )ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺨﺮﺝ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺎﺝ( ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺔ ﺃﻗﻮﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺪ ﺃﻥ ﻗﻄﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﻨﻴﻊ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺸﻴﻴﺪ ﺍﻵﺧﺬﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮ ﻓﻲ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺜﻞ‬
‫ﺇﻣﺎﺭﺓ ﺩﺑﻲ ﺑﺪﺃﺕ ﺗﺸﺎﺭﻙ ﺑﻨﺼﻴﺐ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ )ﺑﻨﺴﺐ ‪ ١٤‬ﻭ ‪ ٨‬ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺎﺋﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫‪٢‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﻟﻲ( )ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﺑﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ‪.(٢٠٠٦ ،‬‬
‫ﻳﻤﻜﻦ ﻭﺻﻒ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻗﻄﺮ ﻭﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﺑﺄﻧﻬﻤﺎ "ﺑﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻔﻄﻴﺔ" ﺣﻴﺚ‬
‫ﻳﻌﺪ ﺑﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻂ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﻳﻦ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺪﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﻟﺪ ﻟﺜﺮﻭﺓ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺎﺟﻴﺔ ﻟﺴﻜﺎﻧﻬﺎ‬
‫)ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‪ .(٢٠٠٣ ،‬ﻭﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻫﺬﺍ‪ ،‬ﺇﻟﻰ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺿﺮﺍﺋﺐ ﻣﺤﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺜﺮﻭﺓ ﻻ ﺗﺘﺠﻪ‬
‫ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ )ﺑﺒﻼﻭﻱ ﻭﻟﻮﺗﺸﻴﺎﻧﻲ‪ .(١٩٨٧ ،‬ﺇﻥ ﻟﻼﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬
‫ﻛﺒﻴﺮﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎﻻﺕ‬‫ﺃﺛﺮﺍ ً‬‫ﺑﺪﻻ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ ﻛﻤﺼﺪﺭ ﻟﻠﺜﺮﻭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻱ ﺑﻠﺪ ً‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ ً‬
‫ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺛﺔ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺨﻄﻂ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﻨﻴﻒ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻗﻤﻨﺎ ﺑﺈﻋﺪﺍﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻓﻌﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺗﻢ ﺍﻛﺘﺸﺎﻑ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻂ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﺍﻷﺳﺮ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻛﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺟﻮﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻠﻘﻲ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻲ ﻟﻠﺪﺧﻞ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻓﻲ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﺎﻡ ﻣﺒﺎﻟﻎ ﻃﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺪﺧﻞ ﻟﻤﺸﺮﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﺴﺮﻳﻌًﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺩﻋﻤﺖ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻣﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻬﺎ ﻋﺒﺮ ﺗﻮﻇﻴﻔﻬﻢ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﻋﺒﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺮﻋﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺘﺮﺑﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ ﺳﺪ ﺃﻱ ﻋﺠﺰ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﻜﺲ ﻣﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻟﻢ ﻳﻜﻦ ﺑﻤﻘﺪﻭﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺃﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻛﻤﺼﺪﺭ ﻟﺜﺮﻭﺍﺗﻬﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺇﻧﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻂ ﻭﺑﻴﻌﻪ ﻳﺴﻬﻤﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺇﺟﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺗﺞ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ ﻟﻌُﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ً‬
‫ﺗﻨﻮﻋﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻜﺒﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺘﺠﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﻔﻂ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻗﻄﺮ ﻭﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺮﺟﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﺐ ﻓﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﻫﺬﺍ‬
‫ﺃﻭﻻ ﺍﻻﻛﺘﺸﺎﻑ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺄﺧﺮ ﻧﺴﺒﻴًﺎ ﻟﻠﻨﻔﻂ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ )‪ (١٩٦٤‬ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻧﺔ ﺑﺠﻴﺮﺍﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻣﺮﻳﻦ‪ً :‬‬
‫‪ ٢‬ﻳﺸﻜﻞ ﻗﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺨﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺘﻀﻤﻦ ﺍﻟﺨﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺃﺭﺑﻌﺔ ﻭﺃﺭﺑﻌﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺎﺋﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺇﺟﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺗﺞ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻲ‬
‫ﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ‪ .‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﺇﺟﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻹﺳﻬﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺗﺒﻄﺔ ﺑﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻂ ﻓﻲ ﺇﺟﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺗﺞ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻲ‬
‫ﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ٢٠٠٤‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺳﺠﻞ ‪ ٢٣٠‬ﻣﻠﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ‪ ٧١‬ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺎﺋﺔ )ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ‪.(٢٠٠٦ ،‬‬
‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺸﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﺨﺺ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬﻱ‬ ‫‪١٦‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﻜﻞ ‪٢٫١‬‬
‫ﺗﺼﻨﻴﻒ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﺧﺬ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺎﻗﺺ ﻓﻲ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻗﻄﺮ )ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻧﺘﺎﺝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻐﺎﺯ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﺤﻮ ﻣﺘﺰﺍﻳﺪ( ﻭﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ )ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺘﺮﻛﺰ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻂ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ‬
‫ﺃﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺑﻮ ﻇﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻻ ﺗﻤﺘﻠﻚ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﺓ ﻓﻘﻂ(‪ .‬ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻗﻄﺮ‪ً ،‬‬
‫ﻭﻓﻘﺎ ﻟﺘﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﺘﺨﻄﻴﻂ ﺑﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻗﻄﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻂ ﻭﺍﻟﻐﺎﺯ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺗﺰﻳﺪ ﻋﻦ ‪ ٦٠‬ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺎﺋﺔ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺇﺟﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺗﺞ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻲ )‪ (GDP‬ﻭﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺗﻘﺎﺭﺏ ‪ ٨٥‬ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺎﺋﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺭﺑﺎﺡ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﺪﻳﺮ ﻭﻧﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫ً‬
‫ﻭﻃﺒﻘﺎ ﻟﻸﺭﻗﺎﻡ‬ ‫‪ ٧٠‬ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺎﺋﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺇﻳﺮﺍﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ )ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﺘﺨﻄﻴﻂ ﺑﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻗﻄﺮ‪٢٠٠٦ ،‬ﺃ(‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺭﺩﺓ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺪﺭﺓ ﻟﻠﺒﺘﺮﻭﻝ )ﺃﻭﺑﻚ( ﻟﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،٢٠٠٥‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﻭﺻﻞ ﺇﻧﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻂ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﻗﻄﺮ ﺇﻟﻰ ‪ ٧٫٦‬ﻣﻼﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻣﻴﻞ ﻳﻮﻣﻴًﺎ )ﺑﺮﻣﻴﻞ‪/‬ﻳﻮﻡ(‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻃﻲ ﻧﻔﻄﻲ ﻣﺆﻛﺪ ﻳﺒﻠﻎ‬
‫‪ ١٥٫٢‬ﻣﻠﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﻣﻴﻞ ﻭﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻩ ﻟﻤﺪﺓ ‪ ٢٣‬ﻋﺎﻣًﺎ )ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﺑﻚ‪.(٢٠٠٦ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﺻﻞ ﺇﻧﺘﺎﺝ ﻗﻄﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﺯ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺇﻟﻰ ‪ ٤٣٫٥‬ﻣﻠﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﺮ ﻣﻜﻌﺐ ﻗﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻃﻴﻬﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ‪ ٢٥‬ﺗﺮﻳﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺘﺮ ﻣﻜﻌﺐ‪ ،‬ﻋﻦ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ‪ ٥‬ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺎﺋﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺇﺟﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻻﺣﺘﻴﺎﻃﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻷﺭﺑﻌﺔ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‬
‫ﻗﻤﻨﺎ ﺑﺘﺼﻨﻴﻒ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺳﺎﺱ ﺃﺭﺑﻊ ﺧﺼﺎﺋﺺ‪ :‬ﻣﺼﺪﺭ ﺍﻟﺜﺮﻭﺓ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫‪١‬‬
‫ﻭﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﺔ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ً‬
‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎ ﺟﻮﻫﺮﻳًﺎ‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻌﺘﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺗﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺨﺼﺎﺋﺺ ﺍﻷﺭﺑﻊ ﺑﺒﻌﻀﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﺾ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺛﺮﻭﺍﺗﻬﺎ ﺗﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺑﺄﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻣﺘﺸﺎﺑﻬﺔ ﻭﻳﺸﻐﻞ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﺑﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺣﻴﺰﺍ ﺿﺨﻤًﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﻌﺪ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻬﻴﻤﻦ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ‬ ‫ً‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﺘﺎﺝ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﺮﺍﺩ ﻋﻤﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﻐﺘﺮﺑﺔ )ﺫﺍﺕ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺎﻫﺮﺓ( ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﻟﺴﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﺠﺰ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ ﻟﺪﻳﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﻴﺾ ﻣﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻧﺠﺪ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺗﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺑﻤﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﺜﺮﻭﺓ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻳﺠﻤﻊ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻃﻮﻳﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﺶ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻇﻞ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺤﻈﻰ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻋﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ‬
‫ﺃﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﺃﻗﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺘﺮﺑﺔ‪ .‬ﻳﻮﺿﺢ ﺍﻟﺸﻜﻞ ‪ ٢٫١‬ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻼﺋﻢ ﻣﺨﻄﻂ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺼﻨﻴﻒ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻗﻤﻨﺎ ﺑﻮﺿﻌﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻛﻤﺼﺪﺭ ﻟﻠﺜﺮﻭﺓ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‬

‫ﻣﺜﻠﻤﺎ ﻫﻮ ﻣﻮﺿﺢ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺸﻜﻞ ‪ ،٢٫١‬ﺗﻢ ﺗﺼﻨﻴﻒ ﺑﻠﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻤﺎ ﻗﻄﺮ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻛﺒُﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﻏﻨﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻳﻘﻊ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻵﺧﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻧﺐ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻛﺲ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺴﺘﻤﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺛﺮﻭﺍﺗﻬﻤﺎ ﺇﻣﺎ ﺿﺌﻴﻠﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻓﻘﻴﺮﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﻗﻄﺮ ﻭﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻂ ﻛﻤﺼﺪﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻲ ﻟﻠﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻣﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﺗﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻌﺾ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺨﺼﺎﺋﺺ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﻟﺘﺼﻨﻴﻒ ﺑﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ‪ .‬ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻗﺴﻢ‬ ‫‪١‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﻨﻚ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺳﻂ ﻭﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺇﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴﺎ )‪ (MENA‬ﺇﻟﻰ ﺑﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﻏﻨﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺑﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﻘﻴﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺑﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﻭﻓﻴﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ ﻭﺑﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺪﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ )ﺍﻟﺒﻨﻚ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻲ‪ .(٢٠٠٤ ،‬ﻫﺬﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗُﺼﻨﻒ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ ﺑﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺭﺑﻌﺔ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ‪ -‬ﻭﻫﻲ ُﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﻄﺮ ﻭﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ ‪ -‬ﻛﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﻏﻨﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺗﻌﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺪﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻳُﺼﻨﻒ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻊ ﻭﻫﻮ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﺒﻠﺪ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻭﻓﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ‪.‬‬
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‫‪١٣‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ‬
‫ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺛﻴﻘﺔ‬

‫ﻳﺘﻨﺎﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﺸﺮﺡ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻠﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻷﺭﺑﻌﺔ‬
‫ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ .‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ ﻓﻴﺮﻛﺰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﻄﺒﻘﺔ‬
‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﻴًﺎ ً‬
‫ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻘﺎ ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻫﻲ ﻗﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺛﻢ ﻳﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﻗﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻷﺭﺑﻌﺔ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻭﻳﻨﺎﻗﺶ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺭﺃﺱ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻧﺤﺎء ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺸﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﺨﺺ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬﻱ‬ ‫‪١٢‬‬
‫ﻟﻠﺰﻳﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﺻﻮﻝ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﻭﺟﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬

‫ﻭﻣﻼﺣﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻛﻞ ﺑﻠﺪ‪ .‬ﺛﺎﻧﻴًﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﻴﻦ‬
‫ﻛﺒﻴﺮﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﺼﻮﻝ‬‫ﺗﺄﺧﺮﺍ ً‬
‫ﺭﻓﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻟﺨﺼﻮﺹ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﻛﻨﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﻗﻊ ﺃﻥ ﻧﻮﺍﺟﻪ ً‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﻋﻴﺪ ﻟﻤﻘﺎﺑﻠﺔ ﻫﺆﻻء ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﻮﻻ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﻋﻴﺪ ﻟﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﺑﻬﺆﻻء‬
‫ﺃﻣﺮﺍ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻝ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ‪ ،‬ﻗﻤﻨﺎ ﺑﺎﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﺩﻑ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﻑ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﻢ ً‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺭﺑﻤﺎ ﺗﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺑﺴﻬﻮﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺻﻮﻝ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ‪ :‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺑﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﻳﺒﺔ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺔ ﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺣﺔ ﺑﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻗﻄﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﺠﻤﻌﻨﺎ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻟﻜﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺟﻮﺩﺓ ﺑﺪﺍﺧﻠﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﺗﺎﺣﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﻗﻄﺮ ﻓﺮﺻﺔ ﻓﺮﻳﺪﺓ ﺳﺎﻋﺪﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻟﻬﺎ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺔ ﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻓﻲ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻭﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ‬
‫ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺭﻳﺎﺽ ﺍﻷﻃﻔﺎﻝ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻟﺼﻒ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ ﻋﺸﺮ ﻭﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻗﻄﺮ ‪ -‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺒﻠﺪ ‪ -‬ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺮﺓ ﻣﻦ ‪ ٢٠٠١‬ﺇﻟﻰ‬
‫‪ .٢٠٠٦‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻛﻨﺎ ﻧﻨﻮﻱ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﺭﺩﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻜﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﺠﺰء ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﺗﻢ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﺅﻫﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺎﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﺒﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻸﺭﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺑﺎﺕ ﺟﻠﻴًﺎ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻻ ﺗﺘﻮﺍﻓﺮ ﻟﺪﻳﻨﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻄﻠﻮﺑﺔ ﻟﺴﺮﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺻﻮﻝ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﺷﺨﺎﺹ‪ .‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻜﻮﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺒﻌﺪ ﺃﻥ ﺃﺟﺮﻳﻨﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﺑﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺪﺋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﺥ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻠﺒﻠﺪ‪ :‬ﺣﻴﺚ‬
‫ﻗﺎﻡ ﺍﻷﻣﻴﺮ ﺑﺤﻞ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻢ ﺇﻏﻼﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺆﻗﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﻌﺪ ﻓﺘﺮﺓ‬
‫ﻗﺼﻴﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻓﻲ ﺍﻷﻣﻴﺮ ﻭﻟﻢ ﺗﻨﺠﺢ ﻣﺤﺎﻭﻻﺗﻨﺎ ﻹﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﻋﻴﺪ ﻟﻠﻤﻘﺎﺑﻼﺕ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻮﻗﻊ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍء‪.‬‬
‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻬﻢ ﺃﻥ ﻧﻀﻊ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻧﺠﺮﻳﻪ‪ً .‬‬
‫ﺃﻭﻻ‪ ،‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﻗﺪﻣﻨﺎ‬
‫ً‬
‫ﻭﺻﻔﺎ ﻟﻠﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻭﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﻄﺒﻘﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻛﻞ ﺑﻠﺪ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﻨﻘﺼﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻴﻴﻢ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﺳﻤﻲ ﻟﻤﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻭﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻓﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺟﻮﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺮﺟﻊ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﻧﺸﺄﺗﻬﺎ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﻣﻦ ﺛﻢ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ ﻷﻭﺍﻧﻪ‬
‫ﺗﻘﻴﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺤﺪﺛﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺻﻠﺔ ﺑﻬﺬﺍ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﻭﻫﻲ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻼﺯﻣﺔ ﻟﺘﻘﻴﻴﻢ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻏﻠﺐ ﺍﻷﺣﻴﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻊ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻧﻨﺎ ﻧﺸﻴﺮ‬
‫ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻷﺩﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺭﺑﻤﺎ ﺗﻮﺣﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻰ ﻟﺠﻬﻮﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﺤﺪﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻤﺎ ﺃﻣﻜﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ‪.‬‬
‫ﺛﺎﻧﻴًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ ﻣﺮﺍﻋﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻢ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭﺍﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺮﻛﻴﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻧﻨﺎ ﻟﻢ ﻧﻜﻦ ﻧﺴﻌﻰ ﻟﺘﻌﻤﻴﻢ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺟﻬﻮﺩ‬
‫ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻋﺎﻳﺸﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻷﺭﺑﻌﺔ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻟﺘﻄﺒﻖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺗﻮﺛﻴﻖ ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﺳﺘﺠﺎﺑﺔ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻷﺭﺑﻌﺔ ﻟﻨﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﻊ ﺑﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻻﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻧﻨﺎ ﻧﻘﺪﻡ ﺑﻴﺎًﻧﺎ ﺑﻤﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭﺳﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺭﺑﻤﺎ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﺑﻤﺜﺎﺑﺔ ﺃﻣﺜﻠﺔ ﻳُﺤﺘﺬﻯ ﺑﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺑﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺃﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﻧﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻠﺪﺭﻭﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻔﺎﺩﺓ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﻷﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﺛﺒﺘﺖ ﺟﺪﻭﺍﻫﺎ ﻭﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻟﻢ ﺗﺜﺒﺖ ﺟﺪﻭﺍﻫﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ً‬
‫‪١١‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻟﺬﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻟﻢ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﻌﻴﻨﻬﻢ ﻣﻤﻦ‬
‫ﺗﺤﺪﺛﻨﺎ ﻣﻌﻬﻢ ﻛﻤﺮﺟﻊ ﻟﻨﺎ ﻭﻟﻢ ﻧﺴﺘﺸﻬﺪ ﺑﻜﻼﻣﻬﻢ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺭﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻟﺔ‪ .‬ﺑﻞ‬
‫ﻋﻮﺿﺎ ﻋﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﻣﻨﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻘﺎﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﺑﻼﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺻﻒ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‬ ‫ً‬
‫ﻟﺠﻬﻮﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺬﻭﻟﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻛﻞ ﺑﻠﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺗﻤﺪﻧﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﺑﻤﺼﺪﺭ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺠﻮﺍﻧﺐ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﺴﻴﺘﻢ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺸﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﻬﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻓﻲ ﻇﻞ ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﺘﺸﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﺪﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻤﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻔﺘﺮﺽ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺪﺭ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻢ ﺟﻤﻌﻬﺎ ﺃﺛﻨﺎء ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﺑﻼﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻷﺳﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻣﻨﺔ ﻭﺭﺍء ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ‬

‫ﻳﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺞ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺒﻊ ﻓﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ — ﻭﻫﻲ ُﻋﻤﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻭﻗﻄﺮ ﻭﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ — ﻭﺑﻠﺪ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺧﻠﻴﺠﻲ — ﻭﻫﻮ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ —‬
‫ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﻻﺳﺘﻌﺮﺍﺽ ﺃﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﻪ ﻭﺍﻻﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻓﻲ ﺇﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﻴﺠﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺘﻢ‬
‫ﺗﻮﻇﻴﻔﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﺗﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻗﻄﺮ ﻭﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺨﺼﺎﺋﺺ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻧﻈﺮﺍ ﻟﻠﺘﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻢ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﻤﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺠﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺭﻭﺛﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ‪ً ،‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﺸﺎﺑﻬﺔ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻫﻤﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻓﺪﺓ ﻟﺴﺪ ﻓﺠﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﺋﻨﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻌُﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺘﺸﺘﺮﻙ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺃﻭﺟﻪ ﺷﺒﻪ ﻗﻮﻳﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺣﻴﺘﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺭﻓﻴﻘﺎﺗﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻷﻋﻀﺎء ﺑﻤﺠﻠﺲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺠﻲ )‪ ٥،(GCC‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﺃﻗﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻛﻤﺼﺪﺭ‬
‫ﻟﺜﺮﻭﺗﻬﺎ ﺟﻌﻞ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺑﻬﺎ ﺗﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻋﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻧﻮﺍﺡ ﻣﻬﻤﺔ‪ .‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﺄﺗﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﺍﻷﻋﻀﺎء ﺑﻤﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺠﻲ ﻓﻲ ٍ‬
‫ﻧﻈﺮﺍ ﻟﻜﻮﻧﻪ ﺃﺣﺪ ﻛﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺪﺭﺓ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻳﻤﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻘﻴﺾ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻡ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺠﻴﺔ ً‬
‫ﺑﻤﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﻋﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺣﺮﺏ ﺃﻫﻠﻴﺔ ﻣﻄﻮﻟﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻭﻗﻊ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﻧﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ‬
‫ﻟﺘﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺘﻢ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺍﺳﻄﺔ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺭﺑﻤﺎ ﻳﻌﺘﺒﺮﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﻜﺜﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﺘﺠﺎﻧﺴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﻀﻼ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻷﺧﺬ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺨﺼﺎﺋﺺ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺟﻮﺩﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﻛﻞ ﺑﻠﺪ ﺃﺛﻨﺎء‬ ‫ً‬
‫ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﻧﺎ ﻟﻠﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﺠﺮﻳﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﻗﻤﻨﺎ ﺑﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﻠﻮﺟﺴﺘﻴﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ‬
‫ﺃﻭﻻ‪ ،‬ﻗﻤﻨﺎ ﺑﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺮﺓ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﻱ ﻳﻨﺎﻳﺮ ﻭﺃﻏﺴﻄﺲ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪.٢٠٠٦‬‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ‪ً .‬‬
‫ﻭﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻟﻬﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻴﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺰﻣﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﻢ ﻳﻜﻦ ﺃﻣﺎﻣﻨﺎ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻓﺘﺮﺓ ﺯﻣﻨﻴﺔ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﺓ ﻟﻨﻘﻮﻡ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺮﺗﻴﺐ‬
‫ﺗﺄﺳﺲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺠﻲ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ١٩٨١‬ﺑﻐﻴﺔ ﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﻭﺗﻘﻮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ‪ .‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪٥‬‬
‫ﻭﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﻄﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻋﻀﺎء ﺑﻬﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ ﻓﻬﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻟﻜﻮﻳﺖ ُ‬
‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺸﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﺨﺺ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬﻱ‬ ‫‪١٠‬‬
‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ‪١٫٢‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﺑﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻢ ﺇﺟﺮﺍﺅﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﺐ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ‬
‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺘﻮﻓﺮ‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺐ ﺍﻟﻤﻬﻨﻲ‬
‫‪9‬‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻻﺑﺘﺪﺍﺋﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻲ‬
‫‪9‬‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺨﺪﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺪﻧﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬
‫‪9‬‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺨﻄﻴﻂ‬
‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺘﻮﻓﺮ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺘﻮﻓﺮ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺘﻮﻓﺮ‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﺍﻹﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‬
‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‬
‫‪9‬‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺨﺘﻠﻂ‬
‫ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺔ‪ :‬ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﺘﻮﻓﺮ = )ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ(‪.‬‬
‫ﺧﺼﻴﺼﺎ ﺑﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻣﻊ ﻛﻞ ﻗﻄﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻧﻪ ﺗﻢ ﺇﻋﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﺑﻼﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺳﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻄﺮﻭﺣﺔ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﺘﻄﻠﺐ ﻣﻤﻦ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺇﺟﺮﺍء ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﺑﻠﺔ ﻣﻌﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﻜﻴﺮ ﻣﻠﻴًﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻛﺜﺮ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺘﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻱ ﻭﺗﻨﻤﻴﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﻓﺴﺄﻟﻨﺎ ﻋﻤﺎ‬
‫ﺇﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺆﻭﻟﻮﻥ ﻳﻌﺘﺒﺮﻭﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﺒﻠﺪ ﺃﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ ﻭﻣﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﻝ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭﺳﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺗﺒﻄﺔ ﺑﻪ ﺃﻫﻢ ﺃﻭﻟﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﺒﺐ ﻭﺭﺍء ﺫﻟﻚ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﺭﺩﻧﺎ ً‬
‫ﺃﻳﻀﺎ‬
‫ﻓﻬﻢ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻮﻁ ﺑﺎﻟﻮﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻨﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺻﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﻓﺎء ﺑﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻓﻄﻠﺒﻨﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺇﻃﻼﻋﻨﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺃﻭ ﺟﻬﻮﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﻬﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺗﺒﻄﺔ ﺑﺮﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻱ ﺃﻭ ﺗﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻢ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺨﻤﺲ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻘﻀﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺳﺄﻟﻨﺎ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﻋﺚ ﻭﺭﺍء ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ‬
‫ﻓﻀﻼ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ‬‫ً‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺘﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻟﻬﺎ ﺻﻴﺎﻏﺔ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬﻫﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺃﺧﻴﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺳﺄﻟﻨﺎ ﻋﻦ ﺃﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺍﻵﻟﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ً‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﺟﻬﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪ ﻟﻀﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺑﻨﺠﺎﺡ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻄﺒﻘﺔ )ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻟﺠﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺬﻭﻟﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻴﻴﻢ( ﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﻴﻨﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻛﺬﺍ ﺳﺄﻟﻨﺎ ﻋﻤﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺃﻳﺔ ﺁﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻟﻤﺴﺎﻋﺪﺓ ﻭﺍﺿﻌﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻌﺎﺏ ﻧﺠﺎﺡ‬
‫ﺃﻭ ﺇﺧﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﺠﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺬﻭﻟﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺃﻓﻀﻞ‪ .‬ﻳُﺬﻛﺮ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻭﺗﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻤﻘﺎﺑﻼﺕ ﻣﺮﻓﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﻠﺤﻖ ﺏ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻟﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻨﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺄﺧﻮﺫﺓ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﺑﻼﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻧﻈﺮﺓ ﻋﺎﻣﺔ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻣﻮﺍﻃﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺠﺰ ﻓﻲ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻱ ﻓﻲ ﻛﻞ ﺑﻠﺪ ﻭﺃﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﻗﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ‬
‫ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻷﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺜﻮﺭ ﺑﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺸﻮﺭﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﻌﺪ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪﻧﺎ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﺛﺎﺋﻖ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺸﻮﺭﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺃﺟﺰﺍء ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬
‫‪٩‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ‬
‫ﺃﻣﺎ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺪﺭ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ ﻟﻠﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻓﻴﺘﻤﺜﻞ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﺑﻼﺕ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺇﺟﺮﺍﺅﻫﺎ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻄﻠﻌﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ ﻓﻲ ﻛﻞ ﺑﻠﺪ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺘﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﺟﻪ‬
‫ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﻗﻄﺮ ﻭﺟﻬﻮﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺬﻭﻟﺔ ﺣﺎﻟﻴًﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﻗﻤﻨﺎ ﺑﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﻼﺣﻈﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺭﺩﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﺑﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺔ ﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺈﺟﺮﺍﺋﻬﺎ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺮﺓ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ٢٠٠١‬ﻭﺣﺘﻰ‬
‫ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ٢٠٠٦‬ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﺑﺘﻘﻴﻴﻢ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻻﺑﺘﺪﺍﺋﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻱ )ﺃﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﺮ‬
‫ﻭﺁﺧﺮﻭﻥ‪ (٢٠٠٧ ،‬ﻭﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻱ )ﺍﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﺘﺎﺯ ﻭﺁﺧﺮﻭﻥ‪ (٢٠٠٧ ،‬ﻭﺳﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺨﺪﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺪﻧﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺐ ﻭﺍﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻟﻬﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎ ًﺩﺍ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﻓﺮﻫﺎ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻨﻴﺔ ﺑﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻗﻄﺮ‪ ،‬ﻗﻤﻨﺎ‬
‫ﺑﻮﺿﻊ ﺑﺮﻭﺗﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﻟﻠﻤﻘﺎﺑﻠﺔ ﺷﺒﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻈﻤﺔﻹﺗﺒﺎﻋﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﺑﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﺠﺮﻳﻬﺎ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻷﺷﺨﺎﺹ‬
‫ﻣﺼﺪﺭﺍ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻴًﺎ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻋﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺛﺔ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﺪﻭﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﻗﻤﻨﺎ ﺑﺈﺟﺮﺍء ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻼﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺮﺓ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻳﻨﺎﻳﺮ ﻭﺃﻏﺴﻄﺲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ .٢٠٠٦‬ﻓﺄﺛﻨﺎء ﺍﻟﺰﻳﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻗﻤﻨﺎ ﺑﻬﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺗﻠﻚ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﺪﻧﺎ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻊ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﻋﺒﺮ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺫﻟﻚ ﻗﻄﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﺨﺪﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺪﻧﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺐ ﺍﻟﻤﻬﻨﻲ ﻭﺟﻤﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺨﻄﻴﻂ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻔﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﻜﻴﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺘﻠﻘﻰ ﺑﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﻭﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﻣﺎ‬
‫ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﺑﻘﻴﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻈﻤﺎﺕ‬‫ﺇﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺟﻬﻮﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻓﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺟﻮﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻴﻨﺎ ً‬
‫ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ ﻭﺷﺒﻪ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻨﻈﻤﺎﺕ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ )‪ (NGOs‬ﻭﺍﻟﺸﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺜﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻳﺴﺮﺩ ﺍﻟﺠﺪﻭﻝ ‪ - ١٫٢‬ﺣﺴﺐ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﺟﺮﻳﻨﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻼﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻛﻞ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ؛ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻗﻤﻨﺎ ﺑﺠﻤﻊ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺣﻮﻟﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻨﻴﺔ ﺑﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻗﻄﺮ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺪﻓﻨﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺇﺟﺮﺍء ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻼﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻛﺎﻓﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻛﻞ ﺑﻠﺪ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻧﻨﺎ ﻟﻢ ﻧﺴﺘﻄﻊ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻮﺻﻮﻝ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﻟﺘﻘﺎء ﺑﻬﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑـ "ﺍﻹﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ"‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﻮ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻟﺪﻳﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﻣﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﻟﻬﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ‪ .‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ "ﻟﻠﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺐ‬
‫ﻓﺒﺪﻻ ﻣﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻳﻘﻮﻡ ﻗﻄﺎﻉ‬‫ﺍﻟﻤﻬﻨﻲ"‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﻴﺲ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﻗﻄﺮ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﻣﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﻟﻬﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ‪ً .‬‬
‫"ﺍﻟﺨﺪﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺪﻧﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ" ﺑﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﻠﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺸﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﺨﺺ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬﻱ‬ ‫‪٨‬‬
‫ﺗﻮﺍﻓﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﻼﺯﻣﺔ ﻟﺘﻘﻴﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻵﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺿﻮﻋﺔ ﻟﺘﻘﻴﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ؟‬
‫ﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺍﻟﺪﻗﻴﻖ ﻹﺣﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭﺻﻴﺎﻏﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﺮ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ‬
‫ﻳﻤﻜﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻟﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺞ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﺳﺐ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻳﺠﺐ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺑﻤﻘﺪﻭﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪ ﺗﺘﺒﻊ ﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺮﺯ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺪﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻋﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﺭﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺬﻟﻚ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻛﺠﺰء ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺞ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺒﻊ ﻟﺪﻳﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﻤﻨﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺛﻴﻖ ﻣﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻷﺭﺑﻌﺔ ﻣﺤﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻗﺪ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺑﺘﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﺁﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻟﺘﻘﻴﻴﻢ ﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺮﺯ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻧﺠﺎﺯ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺘﻀﻤﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻘﻴﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻌﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﺑﺘﺘﺒﻊ ﻭﺗﺴﺠﻴﻞ ﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺪﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺮﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻄﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺭﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻘﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ‬
‫ﻓﻀﻼ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﻗﻴﻘﺔ ﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻘﻴﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻄﻼﺏ ﻭﺟﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺆﺷﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺄﺗﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻟﻠﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻢ ﺟﻤﻌﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺇﻋﺪﺍﺩ ﺗﻘﺎﺭﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺗﺘﺴﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﻮﺿﻮﺡ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﻔﺎﻓﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ‬
‫ﻳﻌﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻢ ﺗﻌﻠﻤﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺎﻳﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻔﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺍﺿﻌﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻭﺃﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺍﻵﺧﺮﻳﻦ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻔﻌﺎﻝ ﻟﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭﺗﻘﻴﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﺿﻌﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺠﺪﻭﻯ ﺇﺣﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺘﺮﺣﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺪﻣﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺟﺪﻭﺍﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺗﻮﺿﺢ ﺍﻷﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻬﺎ ﻛﻲ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺟﻮﺓ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﺠﺪ ًﺩﺍ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎ ًﺩﺍ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻢ ﺍﻟﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﺑﻼﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻳﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻓﺈﻧﻨﺎ ﻗﻤﻨﺎ ﺑﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻣﺪﻯ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻵﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﻛﻞ ﺑﻠﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺞ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺒﻊ ﻓﻲ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭﺇﺟﺮﺍء ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﺑﻼﺕ‬

‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﻫﻮ ﻣﺸﺎﺭ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻨﺎ ﺑﻤﺼﺪﺭﻳﻦ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻟﺠﻤﻊ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺠﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺬﻭﻟﺔ ﺣﺎﻟﻴًﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻭﻗﻊ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻮﻓﺮﺓ ﻟﺘﻘﻴﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﺘﻀﻤﻦ ﺃﺣﺪ‬
‫ً‬
‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻼ ﻟﻠﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺑﺴﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﺍﺭﺩﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻈﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﻤﺄﺧﻮﺫﺓ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﻮﻓﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺞ ﺍﻷﻣﻢ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﺍﻹﻧﻤﺎﺋﻲ ﻭﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻧﺴﻜﻮ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻨﻚ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻲ ﻭﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺪ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻲ )‪ .(IMF‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﻮﻓﺮ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻳﺔ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﻕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻼﺯﻡ ﻟﻔﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺮﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﺟﻬﻬﺎ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻞ‬
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‫ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﺘﺒﻊ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺎﻳﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺒﻌﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﺃﺧﺬ ﻋﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪٤‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻬﺪﻓﻴﻦ ﻭﺇﺩﺍﺭﺗﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﺳﻮﻑ ﻧﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻟﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺤﺘﻮﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻟﻠﻘﺮﺍء ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻳﺮﻏﺒﻮﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﺔ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﺮﻫﺎ‪.‬‬
‫‪٧‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ‬
‫ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﻌﺪﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﺎ ﻳﺴﺎﻫﻢ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﻜﺘﺴﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻄﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻨﻘﻞ ﺍﻟﻄﻼﺏ ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ً‬
‫ﻭﻓﻘﺎ‬
‫ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻬﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺟﺎءﺕ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺴﺘﻬﺪﻑ‬
‫ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺐ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺍ ًء‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺻﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻨﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺸﺘﺮﻛﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺠﺪﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺃﻭ ﺑﺈﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺐ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺠﺎﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎﻻﺕ‪ ،‬ﻳﻤﻜﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺴﺘﻬﺪﻑ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ‬
‫ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﺃﻭ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ ﺃﻭ ﻛﻠﺘﻴﻬﻤﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻢ ﺇﻋﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﺃﺧﺬﻧﺎ ﺑﻌﻴﻦ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ً‬
‫ﻟﺘﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ ﻋﺒﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻷﻋﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﺴﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺒﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﺴﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪ ﺗﺸﺘﻤﻞ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺆﺛﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻇﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺃﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬
‫ﺳﻮﺍء ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ ﺑﺘﻮﻓﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻘﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﻇﻔﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻠﻌﺒﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺘﺮﺑﻮﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ .‬ﻫﺬﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺇﻋﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﻟﺘﺆﺛﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺻﻨﺎﻋﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﻘﻮﻡ ﺑﻬﺎ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺟﻮﺩﻭﻥ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻧﻄﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻬﺎ )ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﻣﻌﺪﻻﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺟﻌﻞ ﻗﻄﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺃﻭ ﺃﻗﻞ‬
‫ﺟﺎﺫﺑﻴﺔ ﻟﺘﻮﻇﻴﻒ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ ﺑﻬﺎ(‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﻘﻮﻡ ﺑﻬﺎ ﺃﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ )ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺟﻌﻞ‬
‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﻝ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺃﻭ ﺃﻗﻞ ﺟﺎﺫﺑﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻮﻇﻴﻒ(‪ .‬ﻭﻛﺬﺍ ﻳﻤﻜﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﻧﻄﺎﻗﺎ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻱ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﻫﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﺳﻊ ً‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺭﻛﺰﻧﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻢ ﺇﻋﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﻟﺘﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ )ﻭﻫﻲ‬
‫ﻛﺒﻴﺮﺍ‬
‫ﺣﻴﺰﺍ ً‬‫ﻭﺛﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﻠﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻟﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﺘﻠﻚ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺸﻐﻞ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ً‬
‫ﻣﻨﻬﺎ( ﺃﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻮﻳﻊ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ )ﻭﻫﻲ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻐﻨﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺼﺪﺭ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺘﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﺮﻭﻟﻴﺔ(‪ .‬ﻭﻳُﺸﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﺩﻓﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺨﺼﺨﺼﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻨﻮﻳﻊ ﺗﺤﺘﻮﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺗﻢ‬
‫ﺇﻋﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﻟﺘﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺟﻬﺔ ﻧﺤﻮ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺳﻊ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻨﻄﺎﻕ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺿﺤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﺪﻭﻝ ‪ ،١٫١‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺑﺤﺜﻨﺎ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻕ‬
‫ﺗﻜﻤﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻟﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺠﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺬﻭﻟﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺑﻌﻀﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﺾ ﺃﻭ ﻗﺪ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﻟﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺃﻏﺮﺍﺽ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﺔ ﻛﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻟﺬﻟﻚ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﺫﺍﺗﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻄﻲ ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺭﻛﺰﻧﺎ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﺠﺮﺩ ﺟﺰء ﻣﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﺳﻊ ً‬
‫ﻧﻄﺎﻗﺎ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻢ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬﻫﺎ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻫﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﺨﻄﻴﻄﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻷﺭﺑﻌﺔ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻋﺎﻡ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻟﻢ ﻧﺮﻛﺰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺆﺛﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺳﻮﺍﻕ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ )ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺮﻋﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻴﺔ( ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﺓ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻣﺎ ﻟﻢ ﺗﻜﻦ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺘﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻱ ﺃﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻣﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺸﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﺨﺺ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬﻱ‬ ‫‪٦‬‬
‫ﻟﻔﻬﻢ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻷﻛﺜﺮ ً‬

‫ﺑﺮﻭﺯﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻓﺈﻧﻨﺎ ﻗﻤﻨﺎ ﺑﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺎﺣﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪ ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻃﻼﻉ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﺭﻳﺮ ﻭﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻢ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺼﻪ ﻛﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻣﻬﻤﺔ‬
‫ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻛﻞ ﺑﻠﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﻢ ﺇﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻼﺕ ﺑﻌﻘﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻼﺕ ﻣﻊ ﺻﻨﺎﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴﻴﻦ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻟﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﻟﻤﺴﺎﻋﺪﺗﻨﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻌﺎﺏ‬
‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻬﻢ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﻭﺇﻋﻼﻧﻬﻢ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ُ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺞ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺒﻌﺔ ﻟﻤﻌﺎﻟﺠﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻢ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫﻫﺎ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻫﻲ ﻗﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬ؟‬
‫ﻟﻠﺘﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻤﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﺟﺮﻳﻨﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻗﺪ ﻧﺠﺤﺖ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﺎﺑﻬﺔ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬
‫ﻣﺼﺪﺭﺍ‬
‫ً‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻗﻤﻨﺎ ‪ -‬ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﺑﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﺟﺮﻳﻨﺎﻫﺎ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻷﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﺪﻭﻥ‬
‫ﻓﻀﻼ ﻋﻦ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺎﺣﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﺎﻣﺔ ‪ -‬ﺑﺠﻤﻊ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻴًﺎ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ‪،‬‬
‫ﺣﻮﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﻔﻌﻠﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻫﻲ ﻗﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻢ ﺇﻋﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ‬
‫ﺧﺼﻴﺼﺎ ﻟﺘﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻱ ﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻟﺘﻴﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﻇﻴﻒ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ً‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻱ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻄﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻋﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻌﺮﺽ ﺍﻟﺠﺪﻭﻝ ‪ ١٫١‬ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺃﺧﺬﻧﺎﻫﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎﺕ ً‬
‫ﻭﻓﻘﺎ ﻟﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺐ ﻭﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺄﺳﻮﺍﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ‪١٫١‬‬
‫ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻱ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻤﺖ‬
‫ﺗﻐﻄﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺐ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺨﺼﺨﺼﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻮﻳﻊ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬
‫ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺐ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻧﻨﺎ ﺭﻛﺰﻧﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻢ‬
‫ﺇﻋﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﻐﺮﺽ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻻﺑﺘﺪﺍﺋﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﺃﻭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺟﻮﺩﺗﻪ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ‬
‫ﺷﻐﻞ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﻨﺎ ً‬
‫ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺴﺘﻬﺪﻑ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺘﻤﺜﻞ ﺃﻫﺪﺍﻓﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ‬
‫‪٥‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ‬
‫ﻣﺎ ﻫﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻱ ﻭﺳﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻢ‬ ‫•‬
‫ﻣﺆﺧﺮﺍ ﺃﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻫﻲ ﻗﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﺑﻐﺮﺽ ﻣﺠﺎﺑﻬﺔ ﺗﻠﻚ‬
‫ً‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬﻫﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ؟‬
‫ﻣﺎ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻵﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﺔ ﻟﺘﻘﻴﻴﻢ ﻣﺪﻯ ﻓﺎﻋﻠﻴﺔ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫•‬
‫ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺃﻏﺮﺍﺿﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻞ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﺠﺎﺡ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ؟‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺞ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺃﺟﺮﻳﻨﺎﻫﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻻﻓﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﺄﻥ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺃﻱ ﺑﻠﺪ ﻳﺠﺐ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺗﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺘﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻣﻊ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﺴﻌﻰ ﻟﺘﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﻟﺤﻮﺍﻓﺰ ﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﺃﻳﺔ ﺣﺎﻻﺕ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﺓ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﻫﺪﻓﻨﺎ ﻫﻮ‬
‫ً‬
‫ﻓﻀﻼ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻄﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﻋﻦ ﻭﺻﻒ ﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﻔﺬﺗﻬﺎ ﻛﻞ ﺑﻠﺪ ﻟﻤﺠﺎﺑﻬﺔ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﻮﺿﻊ‬
‫ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻬﺪﻑ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺻﻠﻨﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺇﻃﺎﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﻣﻜﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ ﺃﺟﺰﺍء ﻳﺴﻴﺮ ً‬
‫ﻭﻓﻘﺎ ﻷﺳﺌﻠﺔ‬
‫ﺇﻟﺤﺎﺣﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻜﻞ‬
‫ً‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺚ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻃﺮﺣﻨﺎﻫﺎ‪ :‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﻗﻤﻨﺎ ً‬
‫ﺃﻭﻻ ﺑﺘﺤﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻷﻛﺜﺮ‬
‫ﺑﻠﺪ؛ ﺛﻢ ﻗﻤﻨﺎ ﺑﺴﺮﺩ ﻧُﻬﺞ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺒﻌﺔ ﻟﻤﻌﺎﻟﺠﺔ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺎﻳﺔ‬
‫ﺗﻔﻘﺪﻧﺎ ﺇﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﻼﺯﻣﺔ ﻟﺘﻘﻴﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺑﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﻤﺎ ﺳﻨﺘﻨﺎﻭﻝ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﻨﺎﻗﺸﺔ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺴﻢ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺭﻛﻨﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺞ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺒﻊ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻭﺟﻬﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﻓﻲ ﻛﻞ ﺑﻠﺪ ﺧﻀﻌﺖ ﻟﻠﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ‬
‫ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﺭﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻗﻤﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻨﻮﻋﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻧﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﻵﻥ‬
‫ﺇﻟﻰ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻜﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻜﻮﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺞ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺍﺗﺒﻌﻨﺎﻩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﻭﺻﻴﺎﻏﺘﻬﺎ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻲ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﺟﻬﻬﺎ ﻛﻞ ﺑﻠﺪ؟‬
‫ﻳﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﻮﺻﻮﻝ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺐ ﻭﻣﺆﺷﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬
‫ﺟﺰءًﺍ ﺣﻴﻮﻳًﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺃﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻗﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﺟﻬﻬﺎ ﺇﺣﺪﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻹﻋﻼﻥ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺠﺐ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺘﻮﺍﻓﺮ ﺑﺴﻬﻮﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ‬
‫)ﻣﺼﻨﻔﺔ ﺣﺴﺐ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻤﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻮﻉ( ؛ ﻭﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻻﺑﺘﺪﺍﺋﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﻭﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺆﺷﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻭﻣﻌﺪﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﻄﺎﻟﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺮﻛﻴﺐ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﻇﻴﻔﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺴﻢ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻗﻄﺎﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻞ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻟﻠﻤﺸﻜﻼﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺸﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﺨﺺ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬﻱ‬ ‫‪٤‬‬
‫ﻫﺬﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺤﺪﻳًﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﻮﻓﻘﺎ‬
‫ﻟﻤﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻧﺴﻜﻮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻢ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﻌﺪﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻮﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺮﺓ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻲ ‪٢٠٠٠‬‬
‫ﻭ‪ ٢٠١٠‬ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ ‪ ١٫٢‬ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺎﺋﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ‪ ١٫٥‬ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺎﺋﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻣﻴﺔ ﻭ‪ ٢٫٥‬ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺎﺋﺔ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ )ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻧﺴﻜﻮ‪ ٢٠٠٠ ،‬ﺃ(‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺼﻞ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺳﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺗﺘﺮﺍﻭﺡ ﺃﻋﻤﺎﺭﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﻦ ‪ ٥‬ﻭ‪ ١٨‬ﻋﺎﻣًﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ‪ ١١٠‬ﻣﻼﻳﻴﻦ ﻧﺴﻤﺔ ﺑﺤﻠﻮﻝ ﻋﺎﻡ‬
‫‪ .٢٠١٠‬ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﺠﻴﻞ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ٨٠‬ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺎﺋﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺴﻴﺘﻌﻴﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺿﻤﺎﻥ ﺇﺗﺎﺣﺔ ﻓﺮﺹ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻟـ ‪ ٨٨‬ﻣﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﺤﻠﻮﻝ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪) ٢٠١٠‬ﺗﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺍﻷﺭﻗﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺿﻐﻄﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ‬‫ً‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻋﻨﺪ ‪ ٥٩‬ﻣﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻃﺎﻟﺐ(‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻮﻗﻊ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻔﻘﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﻭﺇﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺆﻫﻠﻴﻦ ﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻫﺆﻻء ﺍﻷﻃﻔﺎﻝ )ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻧﺴﻜﻮ‪٢٠٠٠ ،‬ﺃ(‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﻼﻭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﺗﻤﺘﺪ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻮ ﺃﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﻟﻤﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺑﻠﺪﺍﻥ‬
‫ً‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﺎﺏ‪ .‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ‪-‬‬
‫ﻧﺎﺗﺠﺎ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻹﻋﺪﺍﺩ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻓﻲ ﻟﻤﺼﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺠﺰﺍ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ ً‬‫ً‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﻷﻛﺜﺮ ﺛﺮﺍ ًء ‪-‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺗﺤﻈﻰ ﺑﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ ﻭ‪/‬ﺃﻭ ﺧﺒﺮﺓ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﺓ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﺎﻝ ﺍﻷﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺤﺮﺓ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﻹﻧﺎﺙ‬
‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺘﻬﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﺘﻌﺮﺿﻦ ﻟﻠﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﻬﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻭﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﺔ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻼءﻣﺔ ﻟﻺﻧﺎﺙ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻛﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻧﻈﺮﺍ ﻟﻌﺪﻡ ﻗﺪﺭﺓ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻌﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻉ ﻣﻌﺪﻝ ﺍﻟﻬﺠﺮﺓ ﻟﻠﺨﺎﺭﺝ ً‬
‫ﺍﻟﺨﺮﻳﺠﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺠﺪﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﺛﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻮﻟﻲ ﻭﺍﺿﻌﻮ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺔ ﻓﺎﺋﻘﺔ ﻟﻨﻘﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﻀﻌﻒ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﺋﻨﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﻟﻤﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺳﻮﺍﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻭﺍﻟﺤﺎﺟﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺗﺒﻄﺔ ﺑﺘﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺟﻮﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﻃﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺠﺰ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺎﻻﺕ ﺗﻬﺪﻳ ًﺪﺍ ﺑﺘﻘﻮﻳﺾ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻧﺤﻮ‬
‫ﺇﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﻧﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ‪-‬ﺍﻟﻤﻄﻠﻮﺑﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﺎﻟﺠﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻌﺎﻟﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺰﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﻌﻘﻴ ًﺪﺍ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺴﻼﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﺗﻨﻤﻴﺘﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﺳﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺚ‬
‫ﻭﻟﻘﺪ ﻗﻤﻨﺎ ﺑﺘﻮﺛﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﺘﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻢ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫﻫﺎ ﻟﻤﻌﺎﻟﺠﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﺳﻮﻕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﺟﻬﻬﺎ ﺃﺭﺑﻌﺔ ﺑﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻋﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺪﺧﻮﻝ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺸﺮﻳﻦ‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻷﺭﺑﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻭﻗﻊ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﻧﺎ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬﻩ‬
‫ﻭﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﻄﺮ ﻭﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ — ﺗﻀﺮﺏ ﺃﻣﺜﻠﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ — ﻭﻫﻲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ُ‬
‫ﺃﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺳﺘﺠﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻟﺘﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﻃﺮﺣﻨﺎ ﺍﻷﺳﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪:‬‬
‫ﻣﺎ ﻫﻲ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﺟﻬﻬﺎ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ؟‬ ‫•‬

‫‪٣‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻘﺪ ﺃﺩﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﻟﻤﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺗﺰﺍﻳﺪ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺗﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻱ‬
‫ﻹﺣﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻷﻱ ﺑﻠﺪ )ﻛﻮﺭﺑﻲ ﻭﺗﺎﻫﻠﻴﻦ‪ .(٢٠٠٦ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﺃﺳﻮﺍﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺷﺘﻰ ﺃﻧﺤﺎء ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ ﺗﻤﺘﺪ ﻟﺘﺘﺨﻄﻰ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﻭﺗﺪﻋﻮ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻠﺢ ﺑﻤﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﺎﺻﺔ‬
‫ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺻﻠﺖ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﺪﻳﺜﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﺷﺨﺎﺹ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺗﻠﻘﻮﺍ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤﻬﻢ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻳﻔﺘﻘﺪﻭﻥ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻹﻋﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺠﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺆﻫﻠﻬﻢ ﻟﻠﺪﺧﻮﻝ‬
‫ﻓﻮﻓﻘﺎ ﻟﻤﺎ ﺟﺎء ﻓﻲ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻹﻧﺠﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺇﻟﻰ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﻷﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻲ‪ً .‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺮﺯ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ )‪ (Monitoring Learning Achievement project‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ‬
‫ﺃﻗﺎﻣﺘﻪ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻧﺴﻜﻮ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻣﻊ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻷﻣﻢ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﻟﻠﻄﻔﻮﻟﺔ )ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻧﻴﺴﻒ( ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺮﺓ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻲ ‪ ١٩٩٣‬ﻭ‪ ،١٩٩٨‬ﻳﺘﻀﺢ ﺃﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻻﺑﺘﺪﺍﺋﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻣﺘﺪﻥ ﻭﻳﺨﻔﻖ ﻓﻲ ﺇﻣﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﻄﻼﺏ ﺑﺎﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ )ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻧﺴﻜﻮ‪٢٠٠٠ ،‬ﺃ(‪ .‬ﻓﻌﻠﻰ‬ ‫ٍ‬
‫ﺳﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺻﻠﺖ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻨﺎﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﺍﻹﻧﺠﻠﻴﺰﻳﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﺍﻹﻧﺠﻠﻴﺰﻳﺔ ﺗﻌﺪ ﻟﻐﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻄﻼﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻟﻢ ﻳﺘﻠﻘﻮﺍ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻓﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﺳﺒﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﺍﻹﻧﺠﻠﻴﺰﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻤﻜﻨﻬﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺻﻞ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ‬
‫ﻭﻣﺴﺎﻳﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺩﺛﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﺎﻝ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻊ ﺍﻷﺧﺬ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻱ ﺗﺘﻐﻴﺮ ﺑﻤﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﻭﻣﻊ ﻗﺪﻭﻡ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﻓﺈﻥ ﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺟﻮﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻵﻥ ﺗﺤﺪﻳًﺎ ﺃﺳﺎﺳﻴًﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﺠﺪﺭ ﺍﻹﺷﺎﺭﺓ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻄﻠﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺷﺌﺔ‬
‫‪٣‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺘﻨﺎﻣﻴﺔ ﻳﻔﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺽ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻮﻓﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻬﺎﺭﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﻠﻴﻴﻦ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻤﻜﻦ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺆﺩﻱ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﻟﻤﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺇﻣﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻧﺨﻔﺎﺽ ﺍﻷﺟﻮﺭ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﻄﺎﻟﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﺘﺒﻴﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻷﺑﺤﺎﺙ ﺃﻥ ﺣﺎﻻﺕ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺽ ﻭﺍﻟﻄﻠﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ‬
‫)ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﻟﻤﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ( ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻟﻬﺎ ﺃﺑﻠﻎ ﺍﻷﺛﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻻ ﺗﻨﺘﻈﺮﻫﻢ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺃﺳﻮﺃ‬
‫ﺃﺳﻮﺍﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ )ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺃﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺪﻧﻴﺔ( ﺇﻧﻤﺎ ﺗﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺗﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﻷﺩﺍء ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﻣﻌﺪﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﻄﺎﻟﺔ )ﻣﺎﻧﺎﻛﻮﺭﺩﺍ ﻭﺑﻴﺘﺮﻭﻧﺠﻮﻟﻮ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻧﻈﺮﺍ ﻟﻤﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺔ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺟﻮﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺘﻠﻘﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﻄﻼﺏ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ً‬ ‫‪.(١٩٩٩‬‬
‫ﻓﺈﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻓﺠﻮﺓ ﻛﺒﻴﺮﺓ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻄﻠﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺮﺽ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻮﻓﺮ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻤﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﻷﺻﻠﻴﻴﻦ )ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺞ ﺍﻷﻣﻢ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻧﻤﺎﺋﻲ‪ .(٢٠٠٣ ،‬ﻋﻼﻭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺬﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﻚ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻲ ﻟﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ٢٠٠٨‬ﺣﻮﻝ ﺇﺻﻼﺡ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺳﻂ ﻭﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺤﻤﻞ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻠﻮﻙ‪ :‬ﺇﺻﻼﺡ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻓﻲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺳﻂ ﻭﺇﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺃﻥ ﺑﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺳﻂ ﻟﻢ ﺗﺘﻤﻜﻦ ﻣﻦ "ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﺓ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺮﺯ ﻓﻲ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﺑﻤﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ"‬
‫)ﺍﻟﺒﻨﻚ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻲ‪ ،٢٠٠٨ ،‬ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ‪ .(٢٩٦‬ﻓﺎﺭﺗﻔﺎﻉ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﻄﺎﻟﺔ ﻳﺤﻤﻞ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺃﻥ ﻋﺪ ًﺩﺍ‬
‫ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﺫﺍﺗﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺃﻗﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺑﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ً‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺔ ﻧﺴﺒﻴًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﻟﻲ ﻳﺘﻔﺎﻗﻢ ﺑﻂء ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﺋﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﻨﻄﻘﺔ‪) .‬ﺍﻟﺒﻨﻚ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻲ‪.(٢٠٠٨ ،‬‬
‫‪ ٣‬ﺍﻟﺮﺟﺎء ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﺔ ﺃﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺃﻭﺗﻮﺭ ﻭﻛﺎﺗﺰ ﻭﻛﻴﺮﻧﻲ‪ ، ٢٠٠٦ ،‬ﻟﻼﻃﻼﻉ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻮﺛﺎﺋﻖ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺿﺢ ﺍﻻﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻢ ﺑﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺳﻊ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻄﻠﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺸﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﺨﺺ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬﻱ‬ ‫‪٢‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﻈﻤﻰ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺇﻣﺎ ﺗﻔﺘﻘﺮ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻄﻠﻮﺑﺔ ﻟﻘﻄﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺃﻭ ﻻ ﺗﻤﺘﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻤﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻀﺮﻭﺭﻳﺔ ﻟﺪﻋﻢ ﺍﻷﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺤﺮﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻓﻊ ﺑﻌﺠﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻣﺠﺎﻻﺕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﺯﺍﺧﺮﺓ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﺮﺹ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺛﻢ ﻳﻠﺰﻡ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﻟﺴﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻐﻴﺔ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻮﻁ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ ﻭﺗﻨﻮﻳﻊ ﺍﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ )ﺑﻌﻴ ًﺪﺍ ﻋﻦ‬
‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻦ‬
‫ً‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﻗﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻂ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻟﺨﺼﻮﺹ( ﻭﺧﻔﺾ ﻣﻌﺪﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﻄﺎﻟﺔ‪،‬‬
‫‪٢‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﺒﺎﺏ‪) .‬ﺍﻟﺒﻨﻚ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻲ‪.(٢٠٠٤ ،‬‬
‫ﻳُﺬﻛﺮ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻟﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ،٢٠٠٣‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺣﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻋﻲ "ﺑﻨﺎء ﻣﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﻗﺎﺋﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺮﻓﺔ"‪ ،‬ﻗﺪ ﺃﻭﺭﺩ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﻓﺘﻘﺎﺭ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻫﻮ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ ﺍﻷﻣﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ ﻭﺍﻋﺘﺒﺮ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺪﻧﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺟﻮﺩﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺪﻱ ﺍﻷﻛﺜﺮ ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ )ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺞ ﺍﻷﻣﻢ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﺍﻹﻧﻤﺎﺋﻲ ]‪ ،[UNDP‬ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ (٢٠٠٣‬ﻭﻳﺘﻤﺜﻞ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺍﻟﻤﻜﻮﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻢ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺮﻓﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺮﻓﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻘﻮﻯ‬
‫ﻋﻮﺿﺎ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺘﺠﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ )ﺑﻮﻳﻞ ﻭﺳﻨﻴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ‬
‫‪ (٢٠٠٤‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ٢٠٠٣‬ﺃﻥ ﻓﺠﻮﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺮﻓﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻴﺲ ﻓﺠﻮﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﺧﻞ‪ ،‬ﻫﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻲ "ﺗﺤﺪﺩ ﺁﻓﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺮﻳﻄﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻲ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ" )ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺞ ﺍﻷﻣﻢ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﺍﻹﻧﻤﺎﺋﻲ‪ ،٢٠٠٣ ،‬ﺻﻔﺤﺔ ‪(٣٥‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻱ –ﺃﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺤﻈﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭﻗﺪﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﻭﻣﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ – ﻓﻲ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻛﺸﻜﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﺔ )ﺃﻭ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ( ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺘﻢ‬
‫ﻣﺆﺷﺮﺍ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻴًﺎ‬
‫ً‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻳﻀﺘﻬﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻷﺟﻮﺭ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﻜﺎﺳﺐ‪ .‬ﻓﻐﺎﻟﺒًﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻌﺪ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻱ‬
‫ﻟﺘﻮﻇﻴﻒ ﺍﻷﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﻭﺗﺤﺪﻳﺪ ﺃﺟﻮﺭﻫﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﺬﻫﺐ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻱ )ﺑﻴﻜﺮ‪،‬‬
‫‪ (١٩٦٤‬ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻳﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻬﺠﻲ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﻤﻲ‬
‫ﺃﻭ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺐ ﺃﺛﻨﺎء ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﻌﻤﻞ ﻛﻼﻫﻤﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺇﻧﺘﺎﺟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﻝ ﻭﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺛﻢ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺓ ﺃﺟﻮﺭﻫﻢ ﺃﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﺳﺒﻬﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﻮﺿﺢ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻬﺠﻲ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﻤﻲ ﻳﺸﻜﻞ‬
‫ﻋﺎﻣﻼ ﻣﻬﻤًﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺮﻭﺍﺗﺐ ﻭﺍﻷﺟﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻷﻛﺜﺮ ﺗﻘﺪﻣًﺎ )ﻛﻮﻥ‬ ‫ً‬
‫ﻭﺃﺩﻳﺴﻮﻥ‪ (١٩٩٨ ،‬ﻭﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻷﻗﻞ ﺗﻘﺪﻣًﺎ )ﺳﺎﻛﺎﺭﻭﺑﻮﻟﻮﺱ‪.(١٩٩٤ ،١٩٨٥ ،‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﺄﺗﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻗﻌﺎﺕ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺳﻊ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺓ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻫﻲ ﺭﻛﻴﺰﺓ ﺃﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻻ ﻏﻨﻰ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ ﻟﻠﻨﻤﻮ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻷﻱ ﺑﻠﺪ‪.‬‬
‫‪ ٢‬ﻧﺴﺘﺨﺪﻡ ﻣﺼﻄﻠﺢ ﻣﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻦ ﻟﻺﺷﺎﺭﺓ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﻃﻨﻲ ﺃﻱ ﺑﻠﺪ‪ .‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺘﺮﺑﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻣﻦ ﻻ ﻳﺤﻤﻠﻮﻥ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻢ‬
‫ﺃﻋﻀﺎء ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻬﺎﺟﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﻴﻤﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺑﻠﺪ ﻭﻟﻴﺴﻮﺍ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻓﻔﻲ ﺑﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻏﺎﻟﺒًﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺘﺄﻟﻒ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻐﺘﺮﺑﻴﻦ‬
‫ﻣﻤﻦ ﻻ ﻳﺤﻤﻠﻮﻥ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﻝ ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺨﻔﻀﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﻇﻔﻴﻦ ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﻘﻴﻤﻮﻥ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﺒﻠﺪ ﻟﻔﺘﺮﺓ ﻣﺤﺪﺩﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻢ ﺃﺷﺒﻪ "ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﺋﺮﻳﻦ" ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﻦ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﺃﻭ ﺃﻭﺭﻭﺑﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‪:‬‬
‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ‬
‫ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭﻓﻘﺎ ﻹﻃﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﻡ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺆﺗﻤﺮ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ ﻟﻠﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻴﻊ‬‫ً‬
‫ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻋﻘﺪ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪) ٢٠٠٠‬ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻷﻣﻢ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﻟﻠﺘﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻠﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ]ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻧﺴﻜﻮ[‪٢٠٠٠ ،‬ﺏ(‪،‬‬
‫ﻓﺈﻥ ﻣﻼﻳﻴﻦ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ١‬ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻣﻼﻳﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻳﺘﻠﻘﻮﻥ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤًﺎ ﻣﺘﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺘﻮﻯ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺃﻭﻟﺌﻚ ﺍﻷﺷﺨﺎﺹ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﺘﻠﻘﻮﻥ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤًﺎ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻣﻌﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻟﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻟﺪﺧﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﺼﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻟﻴﺲ‬
‫ﺃﻣﺎﻣﻬﻢ ﻓﺮﺻﺔ ﻟﺨﻮﺽ ﻏﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺎﻓﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻴﺔ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻷﻟﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺠﺪﻳﺪﺓ‪ .‬ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﺠﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻻﺑﺘﺪﺍﺋﻲ ﻣﺮﺗﻔﻌﺔ ﻧﺴﺒﻴًﺎ )ﺗﺒﻠﻎ ‪ ٩٠‬ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺎﺋﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ(‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻘﻰ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ‬
‫ﻣﺤﻴﺮﺍ ﻟﻐﺎﻟﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺪ‬
‫ً‬ ‫ﺃﻣﺮﺍ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺴﺠﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﻭﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻱ ً‬
‫ﻣﻌﺪﻻﺕ ﺍﻷﻣﻴﺔ ﻣﺮﺗﻔﻌﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﻨﻄﻘﺔ — ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﻮﺟﺪ ‪ ٦٨‬ﻣﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺃﻣﻲ‪ ٦٣ ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺎﺋﺔ ﻣﻨﻬﻢ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻹﻧﺎﺙ ‪ -‬ﻭﻳﺮﺟﻊ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﻡ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻧﻘﺺ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻮﻓﺮ ﻟﻤﺠﻤﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻛﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻦ‪.‬‬
‫ﻫﺬﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻤﺜﻞ ﺍﻷﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺪﻱ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻄﻘﺔ )ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻮﺩﺍﻥ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺏ ﻭﻣﻮﺭﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﻤﻦ ﻭﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻭﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﺋﺮ ﻭﺟﻴﺒﻮﺗﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻕ ﻭﻋﻤﺎﻥ(‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻴﺪ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﻧﺠﺤﺖ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﺴﻜﺎﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻐﻠﺒﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﻷﻣﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺳﺘﻄﺎﻋﺖ ﺳﺪ ﺍﻟﻔﺠﻮﺓ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﺠﻨﺴﻴﻦ‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺸﺄﻥ )ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﻤﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻷﺭﺩﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻜﻮﻳﺖ‬
‫ﻭﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺠﻤﺎﻫﻴﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻠﻴﺒﻴﺔ ﻭﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭﻗﻄﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺠﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺭﻳﺔ( ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻧﺴﻜﻮ‪٢٠٠٠) ،‬ﺏ(‪ .‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺮﻏﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﻟﺒﻴﺔ‬
‫ً‬
‫ﻭﻓﻘﺎ ﻟﻤﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻧﺴﻜﻮ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺑﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﺋﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻴﺒﻮﺗﻲ ﻭﻣﺼﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻕ ﻭﺍﻷﺭﺩﻥ‬ ‫‪١‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻜﻮﻳﺖ ﻭﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭﻟﻴﺒﻴﺎ ﻭﻣﺎﻟﻄﺎ ﻭﻣﻮﺭﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻐﺮﺏ ﻭﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﻄﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﻮﻣﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭﺳﻮﺭﻳﺎ ﻭﺗﻮﻧﺲ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﻤﻦ‪.‬‬
‫‪١‬‬
‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺸﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﺨﺺ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬﻱ‬ ‫‪xii‬‬
‫ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻧﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺑﺎﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻟﻮﺭﺍﻧﺲ ﺗﻨﺠﺴﻮﻥ ﻭﺭﻳﻬﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻟﻤﺎ ﻗﺪﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻋﻢ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬
‫ﻭﻟﻮﺟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻭﺑﺤﺜﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻊ ﻫﺬﺍ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻧﻨﺎ ﻧﻌﻠﻦ ﺃﻧﻨﺎ ﻧﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﻭﺣﺪﻧﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺃﻳﺔ ﺃﺧﻄﺎء‬
‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺓ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻘﺮﻳﺮ‪.‬‬
‫ﺷﻜﺮ ﻭﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻧﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﺨﺎﻟﺺ ﺍﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﻭﺍﻻﻣﺘﻨﺎﻥ ﻟﻌﺪﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻵﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ‬
‫ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺘﻬﻢ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﻠﻢ ﻳﺒﺨﻞ ﻫﺆﻻء ﺍﻷﺷﺨﺎﺹ‬
‫ﺑﻮﻗﺘﻬﻢ ﻟﻤﺴﺎﻋﺪﺗﻨﺎ ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻧﻬﻢ ﺣﺮﺻﻮﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺗﺎﺣﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﻼﺯﻣﺔ ﻟﺘﻴﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ‬
‫ﻧﻘﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻗﺎﻣﻮﺍ ﺑﻤﺮﺍﺟﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺴﻮﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻰ ﻟﻠﻔﺼﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺘﻨﺎﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪ ﻟﻠﺘﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺪﻡ‬
‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺃﺧﻄﺎء ﺑﺎﻟﺤﻘﺎﺋﻖ ﺍﻟﻤﺬﻛﻮﺭﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻫﺆﻻء ﺍﻷﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻟﻮﻥ ﻣﻤﺜﻠﻮﻥ ﻋﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ )ﻋﻤﺎﻥ( ﻭﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺑﻲ ﻟﻠﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ )ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ( ﻭﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻲ )ﻋﻤﺎﻥ( ﻭﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ )ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﻄﺮ( ﻭﻗﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺮﻓﺔ )ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ( ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﻴﺔ )ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ( ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻷﻋﻠﻰ ﻟﻠﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ‬
‫)ﻗﻄﺮ( ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ )ﻗﻄﺮ( ﻭﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺨﺪﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺪﻧﻴﺔ )ﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﻄﺮ( ﻭﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬
‫)ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ( ﻭﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ )ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ( ﻭﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻲ )ﻋﻤﺎﻥ( ﻭﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺨﻄﻴﻂ )ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﻭﻗﻄﺮ( ﻭﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﺻﻼﺡ )ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ( ﻭﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ )ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ( ﻭﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺠﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ‬
‫ﻭﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍء )ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ( ﻭﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﻟﻸﺑﺤﺎﺙ )ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ(‬
‫ﻭﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻗﻄﺮ ﻭﻣﻤﺜﻠﻮﻥ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﺮﻭﻟﻴﺔ )ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﻭﻗﻄﺮ(‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻳﻀﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺗﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺍﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺰﻣﻼء ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﻴﻦ ﺑﻤﺆﺳﺴﺔ ﺭﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻧﺤﻦ ﻧﺮﻏﺐ ً‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺃﻣﺪﻭﻧﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻋﻢ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻲ ﻭﻗﺎﻣﻮﺍ ﺑﺈﺭﺷﺎﺩﻧﺎ ﺇﻟﻰ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ‪.‬‬
‫ﻫﺆﻻء ﺍﻟﺰﻣﻼء ﻫﻢ ﻛﻠﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺮﻳﺒﻲ ﻭﻛﻴﺚ ﻛﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻛﺎﺳﺎﻧﺪﺭﺍ ﺟﻮﺍﺭﻳﻨﻮ ﻭﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻴﺴﻜﻮ ﻣﺎﺭﺗﻮﺭﻳﻞ‬
‫ﻭﺳﻲ ﺭﻳﺘﺸﺎﺭﺩ ﻧﻴﻮ ﻭﻛﺎﺛﻠﻴﻦ ﺳﺘﺎﺯ ﻭﺟﻴﻞ ﺯﻳﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻧﻨﺎ ﻧﻜﻦ ﺃﺳﻤﻰ ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﻟﻠﺘﻌﻠﻴﻘﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺮﺍﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻘﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﻬﺎ ﺳﻮ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻠﻲ ﻭﺑﺮﻳﻨﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﻟﻲ ﻭﻣﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﺭﻳﺘﺶ ﻭﺟﻴﻤﺲ ﺗﻮﻣﺴﻮﻥ‬
‫ً‬
‫ﻓﻀﻼ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻧﺸﺄﺕ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻠﺨﺺ ﻷﺣﺪ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺮﻭﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺆﻗﺘﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺑﺮﻳﻞ ‪،٢٠٠٦‬‬
‫ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺮﺍﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻠﻘﻴﻨﺎﻫﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻋﻀﺎء ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺑﻤﻌﻬﺪ ﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪-‬ﻗﻄﺮ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺓ ﻣﻠﺨﺺ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻓﻲ ﻣﺎﻳﻮ ‪ .٢٠٠٧‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻗﺎﻡ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻛﺎﺛﺮﻳﻦ ﺃﻭﺟﺴﺘﻴﻦ‬
‫ﻭﺩﻭﻣﻴﻨﻴﻚ ﺑﺮﻳﻮﺭ ﻭﺇﻟﻴﻦ ﺭﻳﺮﺩﻭﻥ ﺑﻤﺮﺍﺟﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﻭﺗﻘﺪﻣﻮﺍ ﺑﺘﻌﻠﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻣﻔﻴﺪﺓ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺇﻃﺎﺭﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺟﻴﻬﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻧﺤﻦ ﻧﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺑﺎﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻘﺎﺗﻬﻢ‪.‬‬
‫‪xi‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺠﺪﺍﻭﻝ‬
‫ﻓﺌﺎﺕ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻱ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻤﺖ ﺗﻐﻄﻴﺘﻬﺎ‬ ‫‪١٫١‬‬
‫ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ‪٦..............................................................................‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﺑﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻢ ﺇﺟﺮﺍﺅﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﺐ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪ ‪١٠....................................‬‬ ‫‪١٫٢‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺆﺷﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪١٩...................... ٢٠٠٤ ،‬‬ ‫‪٢٫١‬‬
‫ﻧﻤﺎﺫﺝ ﺍﻟﺤﻜﻢ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ‪٢٠................................................‬‬ ‫‪٢٫٢‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺆﺷﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪٢٥......................... ٢٠٠٤ ،‬‬ ‫‪٢٫٣‬‬
‫ﻣﺆﺷﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪٢٦.................. ٢٠٠٤ ،‬‬ ‫‪٢٫٤‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺆﺷﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ‪٢٨................................‬‬ ‫‪٢٫٥‬‬
‫ﻣﻠﺨﺺ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭﺳﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻄﺮ ‪٣٢.....................‬‬ ‫‪٣٫١‬‬
‫ﻣﻠﺨﺺ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭﺳﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ‬ ‫‪٣٫٢‬‬
‫ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ‪٣٦..............................................................‬‬
‫ﻣﻠﺨﺺ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭﺳﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ُﻋﻤﺎﻥ ‪٤٠....................‬‬ ‫‪٣٫٣‬‬
‫ﻣﻠﺨﺺ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ‪٤٣........................‬‬ ‫‪٣٫٤‬‬
‫ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺆﺛﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ‪٤٧......................‬‬ ‫‪٤٫١‬‬
‫ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺐ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ‪٥٠.........................‬‬ ‫‪٤٫٢‬‬
‫ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻭﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪٤٫٣‬‬
‫ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ‪٥٣..........................................................................‬‬
‫ﺍﻹﺣﺼﺎءﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺳﺘﻄﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪٤٫٤‬‬
‫ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ‪٥٧..........................................................................‬‬
‫‪ix‬‬
‫ﺍﻷﺷﻜﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺗﺼﻨﻴﻒ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ‪١٦.........................................................‬‬ ‫‪٢٫١‬‬

‫ﺭﺳﻢ ﺗﺨﻄﻴﻄﻲ ﻟﻠﺘﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﺟﻬﻬﺎ ﻗﻄﺮ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺟﺔ ﻟﻤﺠﺎﺑﻬﺔ‬ ‫‪٣٫١‬‬
‫ﻣﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﺆﻫﻠﺔ ﻭﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺪﺓ ‪٣٠............................‬‬
‫ﺭﺳﻢ ﺗﺨﻄﻴﻄﻲ ﻟﻠﺘﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﺟﻬﻬﺎ ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺟﺔ‬ ‫‪٣٫٢‬‬
‫ﻟﻤﻮﺍﺯﻧﺔ ﺟﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﻣﻴﻢ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺰﺯ ﻟﻠﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ‪٣٤......................‬‬
‫ﺭﺳﻢ ﺗﺨﻄﻴﻄﻲ ﻟﻠﺘﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﺟﻬﻬﺎ ُﻋﻤﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺟﺔ ﻟﻤﺠﺎﺑﻬﺔ‬ ‫‪٣٫٣‬‬
‫ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻐﻴﺮ ‪٣٨.............................................................‬‬
‫ﺭﺳﻢ ﺗﺨﻄﻴﻄﻲ ﻟﻠﺘﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﻮﺍﺟﻬﻬﺎ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺟﺔ‬ ‫‪٣٫٤‬‬
‫ﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻊ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ ‪٤١..........‬‬
‫‪vii‬‬
‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺸﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﺨﺺ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬﻱ‬ ‫‪vi‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﻕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻷﺭﺑﻌﺔ‬
‫ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ‪١٥......................................................................................‬‬
‫ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﻴﺔ ﻛﻤﺼﺪﺭ ﻟﻠﺜﺮﻭﺓ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ‪١٥........................................‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ :‬ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻤﻘﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ‪١٩...........................‬‬
‫ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ‪٢٢.........................................................................‬‬
‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﺔ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ ‪٢٤............................................................................‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺞ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺒﻊ ﻓﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻟﺔ ‪٢٨.....................................................................‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ‬
‫ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﺟﻬﻮﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻄﺮ ﻭﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ‬
‫ﻭﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ‪٢٩.....................................................................................‬‬‫ُ‬
‫ﻗﻄﺮ ‪٢٩................................................................................................‬‬
‫ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ ‪٢٩........................................................................‬‬
‫ﺟﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﺭﻳﺔ ‪٣١..........................................................................‬‬
‫ﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ ‪٣٣.........................................................................‬‬
‫ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ ‪٣٣........................................................................‬‬
‫ﺟﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﺭﻳﺔ ‪٣٥..........................................................................‬‬
‫ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺔ ُﻋﻤﺎﻥ ‪٣٨.......................................................................................‬‬
‫ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ ‪٣٨........................................................................‬‬
‫ﺟﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﺭﻳﺔ ‪٣٩..........................................................................‬‬
‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ‪٤١................................................................................................‬‬
‫ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ ‪٤١........................................................................‬‬
‫ﺟﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﺭﻳﺔ ‪٤٢..........................................................................‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻨﺘﺎﺟﺎﺕ ‪٤٥........................................................................................‬‬
‫ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻣﺔ ‪٤٥...................................................................‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﻄﺔ ﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺃﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺐ‬
‫ﻭﺃﺳﻮﺍﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ‪٤٩.........................................................................‬‬
‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺐ ‪٤٩.................................................................‬‬
‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ‪٥٣...........................................................‬‬
‫ﻧﻘﺺ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺠﻮﺩﺓ ﻭﺃﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻴﻴﻢ ‪٥٥.......................................................‬‬
‫ﺃﻫﻤﻴﺔ ﺗﻘﻴﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ‪٥٨..............................................................................‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺤﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺗﺼﺪﻳﺮ ‪iii...............................................................................................‬‬
‫ﺍﻷﺷﻜﺎﻝ ‪vii.............................................................................................‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺠﺪﺍﻭﻝ ‪ix.............................................................................................‬‬
‫ﺷﻜﺮ ﻭﻋﺮﻓﺎﻥ ‪xi.......................................................................................‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‬
‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ ‪١................................................................................................‬‬
‫ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﺟﻬﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ‪١...........................................‬‬
‫ﺃﺳﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺚ ‪٤.........................................................................................‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺞ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ‪٥.......................................................................................‬‬
‫ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﻭﺻﻴﺎﻏﺘﻬﺎ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻲ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﻮﺍﺟﻬﻬﺎ ﻛﻞ ﺑﻠﺪ؟ ‪٥...........................................................................‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨُﻬﺞ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺒﻌﺔ ﻟﻤﻌﺎﻟﺠﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺸﻜﻠﺔ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻢ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫﻫﺎ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻫﻲ ﻗﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬ؟ ‪٦.......................................................‬‬
‫ﺗﻮﺍﻓﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﻼﺯﻣﺔ ﻟﺘﻘﻴﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻵﻟﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺿﻮﻋﺔ ﻟﺘﻘﻴﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ؟ ‪٨...................................................................‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺞ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺒﻊ ﻓﻲ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭﺇﺟﺮﺍء ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺎﺑﻼﺕ ‪٨..................................................‬‬
‫ﺍﻷﺳﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻣﻨﺔ ﻭﺭﺍء ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ‪١١..............................................................‬‬
‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪١٢.......................................................................................‬‬
‫ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺛﻴﻘﺔ ‪١٣..................................................................................‬‬
‫‪V‬‬
‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺸﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﺨﺺ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬﻱ‬ ‫‪iv‬‬
‫ﺑﻨﺼﻮﺻﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺍﻟﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ ﺑﻤﺆﺳﺴﺔ ﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ .www.rand.org :‬ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺤﻈﻰ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﺨﺺ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﻟﻠﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺑﺎﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﺿﻌﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﺮﻏﺒﻮﻥ ﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻌﺎﺏ ﻧﺸﺄﺓ ﻭﺗﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ‬
‫ﻭﺳﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻢ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻬﺎ ﺑﻐﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺭﺗﻘﺎء ﺑﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺗﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻱ ﻭﺗﻌﺰﻳﺰ‬
‫ﺗﻨﺎﻓﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻤﻲ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺸﺮﻳﻦ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻠﻚ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﺛﺎﺋﻖ ﺳﺘﻜﻮﻥ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻊ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﻟﻠﻘﺮﺍء ﺍﻟﻤﻬﺘﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺟﻪ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻱ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﺠﺪﺭ ﺍﻹﺷﺎﺭﺓ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻗﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻰ ﺇﺟﺮﺍء ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺑﺎﺣﺜﻮﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺣﺪﺗﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﺘﻴﻦ ﻟﻤﺆﺳﺴﺔ‬
‫ﺭﺍﻧﺪ — ‪) RAND Education and RAND Labor and Population‬ﺭﺍﻧﺪ‬
‫ﻓﻀﻼ ﻋﻦ ﻣﻌﻬﺪ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ(— ﻭﻛﻠﺘﺎﻫﻤﺎ ﺗﻘﻌﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪-‬ﻗﻄﺮ ﻟﻠﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ )‪ (RQPI‬ﺍﻟﻜﺎﺋﻦ ﺑﺎﻟﺪﻭﺣﺔ ﺑﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻗﻄﺮ‪ .‬ﻭﺟﺎءﺕ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻛﻨﺘﺎﺝ‬
‫ﻟﺒﺮﻧﺎﻣﺞ ﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻮﺍﺻﻞ ﻟﻸﺑﺤﺎﺙ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﺗﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺘﻠﻘﻰ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﻢ –‬
‫ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺔ – ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺒﺮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﺨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺠﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻧﺤﺔ ﻟﻤﺆﺳﺴﺔ ﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﺼﺪﻳﺮ‬
‫ﺗﺒﺬﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﻬﻮ ًﺩﺍ ﻟﻤﺠﺎﺑﻬﺔ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺗﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﺃﻱ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺪﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻢ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﺮﻳﺠﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﻭﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻱ ﻭﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻬﻢ‬
‫ﻣﺆﺧﺮﺍ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺠﻬﻮﺩ ﻓﻲ ﺃﺭﺑﻌﺔ ﺑﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻤﻨﻄﻘﺔ‬
‫ً‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺗﻔﻘﺪﺕ ﺭﺍﻧﺪ‬
‫ﻭﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﻄﺮ ﻭﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ‪ .‬ﻫﺬﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺭﻛﺰﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺳﻂ ﻭﻫﻲ‪ :‬ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ُ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﻔﻌﻠﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻗﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻢ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻬﺎ ﻟﺘﺤﺴﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻱ ﻟﻠﺒﻠﺪ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻤﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﻤﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻨﻴﺔ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺳﻜﺎﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻟﺘﻴﺴﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﻇﻴﻒ‬
‫ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻱ ﻓﻲ ﻗﻄﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻨﻮﻋﺔ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺞ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺒﻊ‬
‫)ﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﻄﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﻟﺔ ﺑﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺞ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺛﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺟﻮﺩﺓ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻭﻫﻲ ُ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ( ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﺨﻠﻴﺠﻲ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ )ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ( ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻧﺔ ﻻﺳﺘﻌﺮﺍﺽ ﺃﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﻪ ﻭﺍﻻﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻓﻲ ﺇﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﻴﺠﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻮﻇﻔﻬﺎ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪ ٢٠٠٦.‬ﻭﺗﻢ ﻋﻘﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻧﺔ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﻭﺍﺟﻬﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻢ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺠﻬﻮﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺬﻭﻟﺔ ﻟﺘﻘﻴﻴﻢ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﻌﺪ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﺨﺺ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬﻱ ﺛﻨﺎﺋﻲ ﺍﻟﻠﻐﺎﺕ )ﺍﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﻧﺠﻠﻴﺰﻳﺔ( ﺑﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ‬
‫ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺃﻋﺪﺗﻪ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺔ ﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ‪Facing Human Capital‬‬
‫‪Challenges of the 21st Century: Education and Labor Market‬‬
‫‪Initiatives in Lebanon, Oman, Qatar, and the United Arab‬‬
‫‪) Emirates‬ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺸﺮﻳﻦ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭﺳﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻓﻲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﻄﺮ ﻭﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ( )ﺟﺎﺑﺮﻳﻴﻼ‬
‫ﺟﻮﻧﺰﺍﻟﻴﺰ ﻭﺁﺧﺮﻭﻥ ‪ (MG-786-RC, 2008‬ﻫﺬﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺘﻮﺍﻓﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﻠﻐﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻧﺠﻠﻴﺰﻳﺔ ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻮﺍﻓﺮ ﻣﻮﺟﺰ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻟﻬﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ "ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻱ‪:‬‬
‫ﺗﻘﻴﻴﻢ ﺧﺒﺮﺍﺕ ﺃﺭﺑﻌﺔ ﺩﻭﻝ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ )‪ (RB-9383-RC‬ﺑﺎﻟﻠﻐﺘﻴﻦ ﺍﻹﻧﺠﻠﻴﺰﻳﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺘﻀﻤﻦ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺮﻳﺮ ‪ MG-786-RC‬ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﻛﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻤﺮﺍﺟﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺗﻢ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺸﻬﺎﺩ‬
‫ﺑﺒﻌﺾ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻓﻲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﺨﺺ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬﻱ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﻻﻃﻼﻉ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﺎﻓﺔ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﺛﺎﺋﻖ‬
‫‪iii‬‬
‫ﺗﻮﻟﻰ ﺇﺟﺮﺍء ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺑﺎﺣﺜﻮﻥ ﻓﻲ ﻭﺣﺪﺗﻲ ‪RAND Education and RAND Labor‬‬
‫‪) and Population‬ﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻟﻠﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﺎﻟﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ( ﺑﺎﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﻭﻣﻌﻬﺪ ﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪-‬ﻗﻄﺮ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ )‪ (RQPI‬ﺍﻟﻜﺎﺋﻦ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺣﺔ ﺑﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻗﻄﺮ‪ .‬ﻭﺟﺎءﺕ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻛﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﻟﺒﺮﻧﺎﻣﺞ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺔ‬
‫ﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻮﺍﺻﻞ ﻟﻸﺑﺤﺎﺙ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﺗﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﺘﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﺑﺤﺎﺙ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﻢ ‪ -‬ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺔ ‪ -‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺒﺮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﺨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺠﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻧﺤﺔ ﻟﻤﺆﺳﺴﺔ ﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻛﺬﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻢ‬
‫ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﺑﺤﺎﺙ ﺍﻟﻤﻤﻮﻟﺔ ﻣﻦ ِﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻼء‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻬﺮﺳﺔ ﺃﺛﻨﺎء ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺮ ﺍﻟﺨﺎﺻﺔ ﺑﻤﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﻮﻧﺠﺮﺱ‬
‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻱ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺸﺮﻳﻦ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭﺳﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﻄﺮ ﻭﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ‪ :‬ﻣﻠﺨﺺ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬﻱ ‪ /‬ﺟﺎﺑﺮﻳﻼ ﺟﻮﻧﺰﺍﻟﻴﺰ ‪] ...‬ﻭﺁﺧﺮﻭﻥ[‪.‬‬
‫ﺹ‪ .‬ﺳﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﻗﻢ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻮﺣﺪ ﻟﻠﻜﺘﺎﺏ )‪978-0-8330-4568-3 (pbk. : alk. paper) :(ISBN‬‬
‫‪ .١‬ﺳﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ — ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ .٢ .‬ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻱ — ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .٣‬ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪ .٤ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ — ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫‪ .٥‬ﺗﺨﻄﻴﻂ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ — ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ .١ .‬ﺟﺎﺑﺮﻳﻼ ﺟﻮﻧﺰﺍﻟﻴﺰ‪–١٩٧٢ ،‬‬
‫‪ .٢‬ﺟﺎﺑﺮﻳﻼ ﺟﻮﻧﺰﺍﻟﻴﺰ‪ .٣ ،‬ﺍﻟﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭﺳﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻓﻲ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﻄﺮ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻹﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ‪ :‬ﻣﻠﺨﺺ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬﻱ‪.‬‬
‫‪HD5812.3.A6F332 2008‬‬
‫‪331.10917’4927—dc22‬‬
‫‪2008038526‬‬
‫ً‬
‫ﻭﺣﻠﻮﻻ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﺔ ﺗﺠﺎﺑﻪ‬ ‫ً‬
‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻼ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴًﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺔ ﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻲ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺔ ﺑﺤﺜﻴﺔ ﻻ ﺗﻬﺪﻑ ﺇﻟﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﺑﺢ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻋﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﺨﺎﺹ ﻓﻲ ﺟﻤﻴﻊ ﺃﻧﺤﺎء ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻻ ﺗﻌﻜﺲ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺔ ﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻟﻀﺮﻭﺭﺓ ﺁﺭﺍء ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻼء ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﻟﻬﻢ ﺍﻷﺑﺤﺎﺙ ﺃﻭ ﺭﻋﺎﺗﻬﺎ‪.‬‬
‫®‪ RAND‬ﻫﻲ ﻋﻼﻣﺔ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﻣﺴﺠﻠﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻗﺎﻡ ﺑﺘﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻐﻼﻑ ﺑﻴﺘﺮ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﺎﻧﻮ‬
‫© ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺮ ﻟﻌﺎﻡ ‪ ٢٠٠٨‬ﻟﻤﺆﺳﺴﺔ ﺭﺍﻧﺪ‬

‫ﻛﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺤﻔﻮﻇﺔ‪ .‬ﻻ ﻳﺠﻮﺯ ﻧﺴﺦ ﺃﻱ ﺟﺰء ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺪﻟﻴﻞ ﻓﻲ ﺃﻳﺔ ﺻﻮﺭﺓ ﻭﺑﺄﻳﺔ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﺳﻮﺍ ًء‬
‫ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺇﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻣﻴﻜﺎﻧﻴﻜﻴﺔ )ﺑﻤﺎ ﻓﻲ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺦ ﺍﻟﻀﻮﺋﻲ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﺠﻴﻞ ﺃﻭ ﺗﺨﺰﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺍﺳﺘﺮﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎ( ﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺫﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻧﺸﺮﺗﻪ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺔ ﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻋﺎﻡ ‪٢٠٠٨‬‬

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‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ‪ URL‬ﻟﻤﺆﺳﺴﺔ ﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪http://www.rand.org/ :‬‬
‫ﻟﻄﻠﺐ ﻭﺛﺎﺋﻖ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺔ ﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺇﺿﺎﻓﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳُﺮﺟﻰ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺑﺨﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ‪ :‬ﻫﺎﺗﻒ‪(٣١٠) ٤٥١-٧٠٠٢ :‬؛‬
‫ﻓﺎﻛﺲ‪(٣١٠) ٤٥١-٦٩١٥ :‬؛ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﻹﻟﻜﺘﺮﻭﻧﻲ‪[email protected] :‬‬
‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺗﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﻤﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻱ ﻓﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﻟﺤﺎﺩﻱ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺸﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻤﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭﺳﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬
‫ﻓﻰ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻗﻄﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻻﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻤﺘﺤﺪﺓ‬
‫ﻣﻠﺨﺺ ﺗﻨﻔﻴﺬﻯ‬
‫ﺟﺎﺑﺮﻳﻼ ﺟﻮﻧﺰﺍﻟﻴﺰ ‪ /‬ﻟﻴﻦ ﺇﻳﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﻟﻰ ‪ /‬ﻟﺆﻱ ﻛﻮﻧﺴﺘﺎﻧﺖ‬

‫ﺣﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ‪ /‬ﺗﺸﺎﺭﻟﺰ ﺇﻳﻪ ﺟﻮﻟﺪﻣﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻣﻌﻬﺪ ﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪-‬ﻗﻄﺮ ﻟﻠﺴﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ‬

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Facing Human

Gabriella Gonzalez | Lynn A. Karoly | Louay Constant

R AND- QATA R POLI C Y I NS TI TU TE

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

The RAND Corporation is a nonprofit research organization providing

© Copyright 2008 RAND Corporation

Many nations are making eﬀorts to address human resource devel-

Sociopolitical System: The Role of Participatory Democracy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19

2.1 Classiﬁcation of Study Countries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16

1.1 Categories of Human Capital Reforms Covered in Study . . . . . . . . 7

We gratefully acknowledge the participation of a number of oﬃcials

Board of Overseers of the RAND-Qatar Policy Institute at a brief-

Human Resource Challenges Faced by the Arab Region

Kuwait, Lebanon, Libya, Palestine, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and Syria)

We documented measures that have been taken to address the human

t What are the human resource challenges that these countries

Diagnosis and Articulation of the Problem: What Are the Human

Approaches to Addressing the Problem: What Reforms Have Been

Reform Categories and Subcategories

Education and training

Primary and secondary education

Post-secondary and post-graduate education

Labor market and economy

Labor market reforms

in terms of ﬁelds of study or professional specialties. Reforms targeting

highly dependent on income from a speciﬁc source, such as petroleum

Availability of Resources for Policy Evaluation: What Mechanisms

Approach to Data Collection and Interviews

As previously indicated, we used two sources of data to collect timely

Table 1.2 lists, by country, the sectors in which we conducted

Sector Lebanon Oman Qatar UAE

Manpower and vocational training √ N/A √

Primary, secondary, and higher education √ √ √ √

Civil service and labor √ √

Economy, ﬁnance, and planning √ √ √ √

Administrative reform and social affairs √ N/A N/A N/A

Private and mixed sector √ √

NOTE: N/A = not applicable (ministry or sector does not exist).

Rationale for Country Selection

Our study approach juxtaposes three Gulf countries—Oman, Qatar,

major exporter of labor and is undergoing signiﬁcant rebuilding after

Limitations of the Study

It is important to keep in mind several limitations of our analysis. First,

Organization of This Document

Chapter Two describes the economic and sociopolitical histories of

Economic and Sociopolitical Context for Reform

We classiﬁed the countries in our study on the basis of four characteris-

Reliance on Natural Resources for National Wealth

Reliance on natural resources for national wealth

Composition of labor pool

Lebanon, fall at the opposite extreme, that of having poor or dwin-

ported their citizenry through public-sector employment or social

GNI per Real GDP GDP Contribution

Lebanon 6,040 6.3 Industry: 22 0.774

Oman 9,070 3.1 Industry: 56 0.810

Qatar n.a. 9.9 Industry: 76 0.844

UAE 23,770 8.5 Industry: 55 0.839

percent real growth rate. Using a broader measure of development

Sociopolitical System: The Role of Participatory