Race (human classification)

Race is a social concept used to categorize humans argue that racial categories obviously correlate with bi-
into large and distinct populations or groups by ological traits (e.g., phenotype) to some degree, and that
anatomical, cultural, ethnic, genetic, geographical, his- certain genetic markers have varying frequencies among
torical, linguistic, religious, and/or social affiliation. First human populations, some of which correspond more or
used to refer to speakers of a common language and then less to traditional racial groupings. For this reason, there
to denote national affiliations, in the 17th century, peo- is no current consensus about whether racial categories
ple began to use the term to relate to observable phys- can be considered to have significance for understanding
ical traits. Such use promoted hierarchies favorable to human genetic variation.[23]
differing ethnic groups. Starting from the 19th century, When people define and talk about a particular concep-
the term was often used, in a taxonomic sense, to denote tion of race, they create a social reality through which
genetically differentiated human populations defined by social categorization is achieved.[24] In this sense, races
phenotype.[1][2][3] are said to be social constructs.[25] These constructs de-
Social conceptions and groupings of races vary over time, velop within various legal, economic, and sociopolitical
involving folk taxonomies[4] that define essential types of contexts, and may be the effect, rather than the cause,
individuals based on perceived traits. Scientists consider of major social situations.[26] While race is understood
biological essentialism obsolete,[5] and generally discour- to be a social construct by many, most scholars agree
age racial explanations for collective differentiation in that race has real material effects in the lives of peo-
both physical and behavioral traits.[6][7][8][9][10] ple through institutionalized practices of preference and
Even though there is a broad scientific agreement that es- discrimination.
sentialist and typological conceptualizations of race are Socioeconomic factors, in combination with early but en-
untenable, scientists around the world continue to con- during views of race, have led to considerable suffering
ceptualize race in widely differing ways, some of which within disadvantaged racial groups.[27] Racial discrimi-
have essentialist implications.[11] While some researchers nation often coincides with racist mindsets, whereby the
sometimes use the concept of race to make distinctions individuals and ideologies of one group come to perceive
among fuzzy sets of traits, others in the scientific com- the members of an outgroup as both racially defined and
munity suggest that the idea of race often is used in a morally inferior.[28] As a result, racial groups possessing
naive[6] or simplistic way,[12] and argue that, among hu- relatively little power often find themselves excluded or
mans, race has no taxonomic significance by pointing out oppressed, while hegemonic individuals and institutions
that all living humans belong to the same species, Homo are charged with holding racist attitudes.[29] Racism has
sapiens, and subspecies, Homo sapiens sapiens.[13][14] led to many instances of tragedy, including slavery and
[30]
Since the second half of the 20th century, the associations genocide.
of race with the ideologies and theories that grew out of In some countries, law enforcement uses race to profile
the work of 19th-century anthropologists and physiolo- suspects. This use of racial categories is frequently crit-
gists has led to the use of the word race itself becoming icized for perpetuating an outmoded understanding of
problematic. Although still used in general contexts, race human biological variation, and promoting stereotypes.
has often been replaced by other words which are less Because in some societies racial groupings correspond
ambiguous and emotionally charged, such as populations, closely with patterns of social stratification, for social sci-
people(s), ethnic groups, or communities, depending on entists studying social inequality, race can be a significant
context.[15][16] variable. As sociological factors, racial categories may in
part reflect subjective attributions, self-identities, and so-
cial institutions.[31][32]
1 Complications and various defi- Scholars continue to debate the degrees to which racial
categories are biologically warranted and socially con-
nitions of the concept structed, as well as the extent to which the realities of race
must be acknowledged in order for society to compre-
There is a wide consensus that the racial categories hend and address racism adequately.[33] Accordingly, the
that are common in everyday usage are socially con- racial paradigms employed in different disciplines vary in
structed, and that racial groups cannot be biologically their emphasis on biological reduction as contrasted with
defined.[17][18][19][20][21][22] Nonetheless, some scholars

1
2 2 HISTORICAL ORIGINS OF RACIAL CLASSIFICATION

societal construction.
In the social sciences, theoretical frameworks such as
racial formation theory and critical race theory investigate
implications of race as social construction by exploring
how the images, ideas and assumptions of race are ex-
pressed in everyday life. A large body of scholarship has
traced the relationships between the historical, social pro-
duction of race in legal and criminal language, and their
effects on the policing and disproportionate incarceration
of certain groups.

The racial diversity of Asia's peoples, Nordisk familjebok (1904)

2 Historical origins of racial classi-
fication
2.1 Race and colonialism

See also: Historical definitions of race The European concept of “race,” along with many of the
Groups of humans have always identified themselves as ideas now associated with the term, arose at the time
of the scientific revolution, which introduced and privi-
leged the study of natural kinds, and the age of European
imperialism and colonization which established political
relations between Europeans and peoples with distinct
cultural and political traditions.[34][35] As Europeans en-
countered people from different parts of the world, they
speculated about the physical, social, and cultural dif-
ferences among various human groups. The rise of the
Atlantic slave trade, which gradually displaced an ear-
lier trade in slaves from throughout the world, created a
further incentive to categorize human groups in order to
justify the subordination of African slaves.[36] Drawing
on Classical sources and upon their own internal interac-
tions — for example, the hostility between the English
and Irish powerfully influenced early European thinking
about the differences between people[37] — Europeans
began to sort themselves and others into groups based on
The three great races according to Meyers Konversations- physical appearance, and to attribute to individuals be-
Lexikon of 1885-90. The subtypes of the Mongoloid race are longing to these groups behaviors and capacities which
shown in yellow and orange tones, those of the Caucasoid race were claimed to be deeply ingrained. A set of folk beliefs
in light and medium grayish spring green-cyan tones and those of took hold that linked inherited physical differences be-
the Negroid race in brown tones. Dravidians and Sinhalese are
tween groups to inherited intellectual, behavioral, and
in olive green and their classification is described as uncertain.
moral qualities.[38] Similar ideas can be found in other
The Mongoloid race sees the widest geographic distribution, in- [39]
cluding all of the Americas, North Asia, East Asia, and Southeast cultures, for example in China, where a concept often
Asia, the entire inhabited Arctic while they form most of Central translated as “race” was associated with supposed com-
Asia and the Pacific Islands. mon descent from the Yellow Emperor, and used to stress
the unity of ethnic groups in China. Brutal conflicts be-
tween ethnic groups have existed throughout history and
[40]
distinct from neighboring groups, but such differences across the world.
have not always been understood to be natural, immutable
and global. These features are the distinguishing features
of how the concept of race is used today. In this way the 2.2 Early taxonomic models
idea of race as we understand it today came about during
the historical process of exploration and conquest which The first post-Classical published classification of humans
brought Europeans into contact with groups from differ- into distinct races seems to be François Bernier's Nouvelle
ent continents, and of the ideology of classification and division de la terre par les différents espèces ou races qui
typology found in the natural sciences.[34] l'habitent (“New division of Earth by the different species
 3

or races which inhabit it”), published in 1684.[41] In the London (1863) during the period of the American Civil
18th century the differences among human groups be- War, in opposition to the Ethnological Society, which had
came a focus of scientific investigation. But the scientific abolitionist sympathies.[48]
classification of phenotypic variation was frequently cou-
pled with racist ideas about innate predispositions of dif-
ferent groups, always attributing the most desirable fea- 3 Modern debate
tures to the White, European race and arranging the other
races along a continuum of progressively undesirable at-
tributes. The 1735 classification of Carolus Linnaeus, in- 3.1 Models of human evolution
ventor of zoological taxonomy, divided the human race
Homo Sapiens into continental varieties of Europaeus, See also: Multiregional hypothesis and Recent single
Asiaticus, Americanus and Afer, each associated with a origin hypothesis
different humour: sanguine, melancholic, choleric and
phlegmatic respectively.[42][43] Homo Sapiens Europaeus Today, all humans are classified as belonging to the
was described as active, acute, and adventurous whereas species Homo sapiens and sub-species Homo sapiens sapi-
Homo Sapiens Afer was crafty, lazy, and careless.[44] ens. However, this is not the first species of homininae:
The 1775 treatise “The Natural Varieties of Mankind,” the first species of genus Homo, Homo habilis, are the-
by Johann Friedrich Blumenbach proposed five major di- orized to have evolved in East Africa at least 2 million
visions: the Caucasoid race, Mongoloid race, Ethiopian years ago, and members of this species populated differ-
race (later termed the Negroid race), American Indian ent parts of Africa in a relatively short time. Homo erectus
race, and Malayan race, but he did not propose any hi- is theorized to have evolved more than 1.8 million years
erarchy among the races.[44] Blumenbach also noted the ago, and by 1.5 million years ago had spread throughout
graded transition in appearances from one group to adja- Europe and Asia. Virtually all physical anthropologists
cent groups and suggested that “one variety of mankind agree that Archaic Homo sapiens (A group including the
does so sensibly pass into the other, that you cannot mark possible species H. heidelbergensis, H. rhodesiensis and
out the limits between them”.[45] H. neanderthalensis) evolved out of African Homo erectus
((sensu lato) or Homo ergaster).[49][50]
From the 17th through the 19th centuries, the merging of
folk beliefs about group differences with scientific expla- Today anthropologists increasingly believe that
nations of those differences produced what one scholar anatomically modern humans (Homo sapiens sapiens)
has called an "ideology of race”.[35] According to this ide- evolved in North or East Africa from H. heidelbergensis
ology, races are primordial, natural, enduring and dis- and then migrated out of Africa, mixing with and
tinct. It was further argued that some groups may be replacing H. heidelbergensis and H. neanderthalensis
the result of mixture between formerly distinct popula- populations throughout Europe and Asia, and H. rhode-
tions, but that careful study could distinguish the ancestral siensis populations in Sub-Saharan Africa (a combination
races that had combined to produce admixed groups.[40] of the Out of Africa and Multiregional models).[51]
Subsequent influential classifications by Georges Buffon,
Petrus Camper and Christoph Meiners all classified “Ne-
gros” as inferior to Europeans.[44] In the United States 3.2 Biological classification
the racial theories of Thomas Jefferson were influential.
He saw Africans as inferior to Whites especially in re- Further information: Race (biology), Species,
gards to their intellect, and imbued with unnatural sexual Subspecies, Systematics, Phylogenetics, and Cladistics.
appetites, but described Native Americans as equals to
whites.[46] In the early 20th century, many anthropologists accepted
and taught the belief that biologically distinct races were
isomorphic with distinct linguistic, cultural, and social
2.3 Race and polygenism
groups, while popularly applying that belief to the field of
In the last two decades of the 18th century, the the- eugenics, in conjunction with a practice that is now called
ory of polygenism, the belief that different races had scientific racism.[52] After the Nazi eugenics program,
evolved separately in each continent and shared no com- racial essentialism lost widespread popularity. Race an-
mon ancestor,[47] was advocated in England by historian thropologists were pressured to acknowledge findings
Edward Long and anatomist Charles White, in Germany coming from studies of culture and population genetics,
by ethnographers Christoph Meiners and Georg Forster, and to revise their conclusions about the sources of phe-
and in France by Julien-Joseph Virey. In the US, Samuel notypic variation.[53] A significant number of modern
George Morton, Josiah Nott and Louis Agassiz promoted anthropologists and biologists in the West came to view
this theory in the late 19th century. Polygenism was pop- race as an invalid genetic or biological designation.[54]
ular and most widespread in the 19th century, culminat- The first to challenge the concept of race on empiri-
ing in the founding of the Anthropological Society of cal grounds were the anthropologists Franz Boas, who
4 3 MODERN DEBATE

demonstrated phenotypic plasticity due to environmental is, “the designation 'subspecies’ is used to indicate an ob-
factors,[55] and Ashley Montagu who relied on evidence jective degree of microevolutionary divergence”[13] One
from genetics.[56] E. O. Wilson then challenged the con- objection to this idea is that it does not specify what de-
cept from the perspective of general animal systematics, gree of differentiation is required. Therefore, any pop-
and further rejected the claim that “races” were equiva- ulation that is somewhat biologically different could be
lent to “subspecies”.[57] considered a subspecies, even to the level of a local pop-
According to Jonathan Marks,[45] ulation. As a result, Templeton has argued that it is
necessary to impose a threshold on the level of differ-
ence that is required for a population to be designated a
By the 1970s, it had become clear that (1) subspecies.[61]
most human differences were cultural; (2) what
was not cultural was principally polymorphic – This effectively means that populations of organisms
that is to say, found in diverse groups of peo- must have reached a certain measurable level of differ-
ple at different frequencies; (3) what was not ence to be recognised as subspecies. Dean Amadon pro-
cultural or polymorphic was principally clinal posed in 1949 that subspecies would be defined according
– that is to say, gradually variable over geog- to the seventy-five percent rule which means that 75% of
raphy; and (4) what was left – the component a population must lie outside 99% of the range of other
of human diversity that was not cultural, poly- populations for a given defining morphological character
morphic, or clinal – was very small. or a set of characters. The seventy-five percent rule still
A consensus consequently developed has defenders but other scholars argue that it should be
among anthropologists and geneticists that replaced with ninety or ninety-five percent rule.[62]
race as the previous generation had known it In 1978, Sewall Wright suggested that human popula-
– as largely discrete, geographically distinct, tions that have long inhabited separated parts of the world
gene pools – did not exist. should, in general, be considered different subspecies by
the usual criterion that most individuals of such popu-
In biology the term “race” is used with caution because it lations can be allocated correctly by inspection. Wright
can be ambiguous. Generally when it is used it is synony- argued that it does not require a trained anthropologist to
mous with subspecies.[58] For mammals, the taxonomic classify an array of Englishmen, West Africans, and Chi-
unit below the species level is usually the subspecies.[59] nese with 100% accuracy by features, skin color, and type
of hair despite so much variability within each of these
Population geneticists have debated whether the concept groups that every individual can easily be distinguished
of population can provide a basis for a new conception of from every other. However, it is customary to use the
race. In order to do this, a working definition of popu- term race rather than subspecies for the major subdivi-
lation must be found. Surprisingly, there is no generally sions of the human species as well as for minor ones.[63]
accepted concept of population that biologists use. Al-
though the concept of population is central to ecology, On the other hand in practice subspecies are often de-
evolutionary biology and conservation biology, most def- fined by easily observable physical appearance, but there
initions of population rely on qualitative descriptions such is not necessarily any evolutionary significance to these
as “a group of organisms of the same species occupying a observed differences, so this form of classification has be-
particular space at a particular time”[60] Waples and Gag- come less acceptable to evolutionary biologists.[64] Like-
giotti identify two broad types of definitions for popu- wise this typological approach to race is generally re-
lations; those that fall into an ecological paradigm, and garded as discredited by biologists and anthropologists.
those that fall into an evolutionary paradigm. Examples Because of the difficulty in classifying subspecies mor-
of such definitions are: phologically, many biologists have found the concept
problematic, citing issues such as:[13]
• Ecological paradigm: A group of individuals of the
same species that co-occur in space and time and • Visible physical differences do not always correlate
have an opportunity to interact with each other. with one another, leading to the possibility of differ-
ent classifications for the same individual organisms.
• Evolutionary paradigm: A group of individuals of
the same species living in close-enough proximity • Parallel evolution can lead to the existence of the
that any member of the group can potentially mate appearance of similarities between groups of organ-
with any other member.[60] isms that are not part of the same species.

• Isolated populations within previously designated

3.2.1 Morphologically differentiated populations subspecies have been found to exist.

Traditionally, subspecies are seen as geographically iso- • The criteria for classification may be arbitrary if they
lated and genetically differentiated populations.[61] That ignore gradual variation in traits.
3.2 Biological classification 5

Sesardic argues that when several traits are analyzed at their DNA variation. This is claimed to limit and skew in-
the same time, forensic anthropologists can classify a per- terpretations, obscure other lineage relationships, deem-
son’s race with an accuracy of close to 100% based on phasize the impact of more immediate clinal environ-
only skeletal remains.[65] This is discussed in a later sec- mental factors on genomic diversity, and can cloud our
tion. understanding of the true patterns of affinity. They ar-
gue that however significant the empirical research, these
studies use the term race in conceptually imprecise and
3.2.2 Ancestrally differentiated populations careless ways. They suggest that the authors of these stud-
ies find support for racial distinctions only because they
Cladistics is another method of classification. A clade is a began by assuming the validity of race. “For empirical
taxonomic group of organisms consisting of a single com- reasons we prefer to place emphasis on clinal variation,
mon ancestor and all the descendants of that ancestor. which recognizes the existence of adaptive human hered-
Every creature produced by sexual reproduction has two itary variation and simultaneously stresses that such varia-
immediate lineages, one maternal and one paternal.[66] tion is not found in packages that can be labeled races.”[67]
Whereas Carolus Linnaeus established a taxonomy of liv-
ing organisms based on anatomical similarities and dif- These scientists do not dispute the importance of cladistic
ferences, cladistics seeks to establish a taxonomy—the research, only its retention of the word race, when refer-
phylogenetic tree—based on genetic similarities and dif- ence to populations and clinal gradations are more than
ferences and tracing the process of acquisition of multi- adequate to describe the results.
ple characteristics by single organisms. Some researchers
have tried to clarify the idea of race by equating it to the
biological idea of the clade. Often mitochondrial DNA Clines One crucial innovation in reconceptualizing
or Y chromosome sequences are used to study ancient hu- genotypic and phenotypic variation was the anthropolo-
man migration paths. These single-locus sources of DNA gist C. Loring Brace’s observation that such variations, in-
do not recombine and are inherited from a single parent. sofar as it is affected by natural selection, slow migration,
Individuals from the various continental groups tend to or genetic drift, are distributed along geographic grada-
be more similar to one another than to people from other tions or clines.[68] In part this is due to isolation by dis-
continents, and tracing either mitochondrial DNA or non- tance. This point called attention to a problem common
recombinant Y-chromosome DNA explains how people to phenotype-based descriptions of races (for example,
in one place may be largely derived from people in some those based on hair texture and skin color): they ignore
remote location. a host of other similarities and differences (for example,
Often taxonomists prefer to use phylogenetic analysis to blood type) that do not correlate highly with the markers
determine whether a population can be considered a sub- for race. Thus, anthropologist Frank Livingstone’s con-
species. Phylogenetic analysis relies on the concept of de- clusion, that since clines [69]
cross racial boundaries, “there
rived characteristics that are not shared between groups, are no races, only clines”.
usually applying to populations that are allopatric (geo- In a response to Livingstone, Theodore Dobzhansky ar-
graphically separated) and therefore discretely bounded. gued that when talking about race one must be attentive
This would make a subspecies, evolutionarily speaking, to how the term is being used: “I agree with Dr. Living-
a clade – a group with a common evolutionary ancestor stone that if races have to be 'discrete units,' then there
population.[61] The smooth gradation of human genetic are no races, and if 'race' is used as an 'explanation' of
variation in general tends to rule out any idea that hu- the human variability, rather than vice versa, then the ex-
man population groups can be considered monophyletic planation is invalid.” He further argued that one could use
(cleanly divided), as there appears to always have been the term race if one distinguished between “race differ-
considerable gene flow between human populations.[61] ences” and “the race concept.” The former refers to any
Rachel Caspari (2003) have argued that clades are by def- distinction in gene frequencies between populations; the
inition monophyletic groups (a taxon that includes all de- latter is “a matter of judgment.” He further observed that
scendants of a given ancestor) and since no groups cur- even when there is clinal variation, “Race differences are
rently regarded as races are monophyletic, none of those objectively ascertainable biological phenomena… but it
groups can be clades. does not follow that racially distinct populations must be
For the anthropologists Lieberman and Jackson (1995), given racial (or subspecific) labels.”[69] In short, Living-
however, there are more profound methodological and stone and Dobzhansky agree that there are genetic differ-
conceptual problems with using cladistics to support con- ences among human beings; they also agree that the use
cepts of race. They claim that “the molecular and bio- of the race concept to classify people, and how the race
chemical proponents of this model explicitly use racial concept is used, is a matter of social convention. They
categories in their initial grouping of samples". For ex- differ on whether the race concept remains a meaningful
ample, the large and highly diverse macroethnic groups and useful social convention.
of East Indians, North Africans, and Europeans are pre- In 1964, the biologists Paul Ehrlich and Holm pointed
sumptively grouped as Caucasians prior to the analysis of out cases where two or more clines are distributed
6 3 MODERN DEBATE

discordantly—for example, melanin is distributed in a de- Serre & Pääbo (2004) argued for smooth, clinal genetic
creasing pattern from the equator north and south; fre- variation in ancestral populations even in regions previ-
quencies for the haplotype for beta-S hemoglobin, on the ously considered racially homogeneous, with the apparent
other hand, radiate out of specific geographical points gaps turning out to be artifacts of sampling techniques.
in Africa.[70] As the anthropologists Leonard Lieberman Rosenberg et al. (2005) disputed this and argued that
and Fatimah Linda Jackson observed, “Discordant pat- using more data showed that there were small disconti-
terns of heterogeneity falsify any description of a popu- nuities in the smooth genetic variation for ancestral pop-
lation as if it were genotypically or even phenotypically ulations at the location of geographic barriers such as the
homogeneous”.[67] Sahara, the Oceans, and the Himalayas.
Patterns such as those seen in human physical and genetic Coop et al. (2009) found “a selected allele that strongly
variation as described above, have led to the consequence differentiates the French from both the Yoruba and Han
that the number and geographic location of any described could be strongly clinal across Europe, or at high fre-
races is highly dependent on the importance attributed to, quency in Europe and absent elsewhere, or follow any
and quantity of, the traits considered. Scientists discov- other distribution according to the geographic nature of
ered a skin-lighting mutation that partially accounts for the selective pressure. However, we see that the global
the appearance of Light skin in humans (people who mi- geographic distributions of these putatively selected alle-
grated out of Africa northward into what is now Europe) les are largely determined simply by their frequencies in
which they estimate occurred 20,000 to 50,000 years ago. Yoruba, French and Han (Figure 3). The global distribu-
The East Asians owe their relatively light skin to different tions fall into three major geographic patterns that we in-
mutations.[71] On the other hand, the greater the number terpret as non-African sweeps, west Eurasian sweeps and
of traits (or alleles) considered, the more subdivisions of East Asian sweeps, respectively.”
humanity are detected, since traits and gene frequencies
do not always correspond to the same geographical loca-
tion. Or as Ossorio & Duster (2005) put it: 3.2.3 Genetically differentiated populations

Main article: Race and genetics

Anthropologists long ago discovered that
humans’ physical traits vary gradually, with
groups that are close geographic neighbors be- Another way to look at differences between populations
ing more similar than groups that are geograph- is to measure genetic differences rather than physical dif-
ically separated. This pattern of variation, ferences between groups. The mid-20th-century anthro-
known as clinal variation, is also observed for pologist William C. Boyd defined race as: “A popula-
many alleles that vary from one human group tion which differs significantly from other populations
to another. Another observation is that traits in regard to the frequency of one or more of the genes
or alleles that vary from one group to another it possesses. It is an arbitrary matter which, and how
do not vary at the same rate. This pattern is many, gene loci we choose to consider as a significant
referred to as nonconcordant variation. Be- 'constellation'".[75] Leonard Lieberman and Rodney Kirk
cause the variation of physical traits is clinal have pointed out that “the paramount weakness of this
and nonconcordant, anthropologists of the late statement is that if one gene can distinguish races then
19th and early 20th centuries discovered that the number of races is as numerous as the number of hu-
the more traits and the more human groups man couples reproducing.”[76] Moreover, the anthropol-
they measured, the fewer discrete differences ogist Stephen Molnar has suggested that the discordance
they observed among races and the more cate- of clines inevitably results in a multiplication of races
gories they had to create to classify human be- that renders the concept itself useless.[77] The Human
ings. The number of races observed expanded Genome Project states “People who have lived in the
to the 1930s and 1950s, and eventually anthro- same geographic region for many generations may have
pologists concluded that there were no discrete some alleles in common, but no allele will be found in all
races.[72] Twentieth and 21st century biomedi- members of one population and in no members of any
cal researchers have discovered this same fea- other.”[78]
ture when evaluating human variation at the
level of alleles and allele frequencies. Nature
Fixation index The population geneticist Sewall
has not created four or five distinct, nonover-
Wright developed one way of measuring genetic differ-
lapping genetic groups of people.
ences between populations known as the Fixation index,
which is often abbreviated to FST. This statistic is often
More recent genetic studies indicate that skin color used in taxonomy to compare differences between any
may change radically over as few as 100 genera- two given populations by measuring the genetic differ-
tions, or about 2,500 years, given the influence of the ences among and between populations for individual
environment.[73][74] genes, or for many genes simultaneously.[79] It is often
3.2 Biological classification 7

stated that the fixation index for humans is about 0.15. produces a version of human population movements that
This translates to an estimated 85% of the variation do not result in all human populations being independent;
measured in the overall human population is found but rather, produces a series of dilutions of diversity the
within individuals of the same population, and about further from Africa any population lives, each founding
15% of the variation occurs between populations. These event representing a genetic subset of its parental popu-
estimates imply that any two individuals from different lation. Long and Kittles find that rather than 85% of hu-
populations are almost as likely to be more similar to man genetic diversity existing in all human populations,
each other than either is to a member of their own about 100% of human diversity exists in a single African
group.[13][61][80] Richard Lewontin, who affirmed these population, whereas only about 70% of human genetic di-
ratios, thus concluded neither “race” nor “subspecies” versity exists in a population derived from New Guinea.
were appropriate or useful ways to describe human Long and Kittles argued that this still produces a global
populations.[81] However, others have noticed that group human population that is genetically homogeneous com-
variation was relatively similar to the variation observed pared to other mammalian populations.[87]
in other mammalian species.[82][83]
Wright himself believed that values >0.25 represent very
great genetic variation and that an FST of 0.15–0.25 rep-
resented great variation. However, about 5% of human
variation occurs between populations within continents,
therefore FST values between continental groups of hu-
mans (or races) of as low as 0.1 (or possibly lower) have
been found in some studies, suggesting more moderate
levels of genetic variation.[79] Graves (1996) has coun-
tered that FST should not be used as a marker of sub-
species status, as the statistic is used to measure the de-
gree of differentiation between populations,[79] although
see also Wright (1978).[63] World map based on a genetic principal component analysis of
human populations from Luigi Luca Cavalli-Sforza's book The
In an ongoing debate, some geneticists argue that race History and Geography of Human Genes (1994).[88]
is neither a meaningful concept nor a useful heuristic
device,[84] and even that genetic differences among Cluster analysis In his 2003 paper, "Human Genetic
groups are biologically meaningless,[85] because more Diversity: Lewontin’s Fallacy", A. W. F. Edwards ar-
genetic variation exists within such races than among gued that rather than using a locus-by-locus analysis of
them, and that racial traits overlap without discrete variation to derive taxonomy, it is possible to construct
boundaries.[86] a human classification system based on characteristic ge-
Jeffrey Long and Rick Kittles give a long critique of the netic patterns, or clusters inferred from multilocus genetic
application of FST to human populations in their 2003 data.[89][90] Geographically based human studies since
paper “Human Genetic Diversity and the Nonexistence have shown that such genetic clusters can be derived from
of Biological Races”. They find that the figure of 85% is analyzing of a large number of loci which can assort in-
misleading because it implies that all human populations dividuals sampled into groups analogous to traditional
contain on average 85% of all genetic diversity. They continental racial groups.[91] Joanna Mountain and Neil
claim that this does not correctly reflect human popu- Risch cautioned that while genetic clusters may one day
lation history, because it treats all human groups as in- be shown to correspond to phenotypic variations between
dependent. A more realistic portrayal of the way hu- groups, such assumptions were premature as the relation-
man groups are related is to understand that some human ship between genes and complex traits remains poorly
groups are parental to other groups and that these groups understood.[92] However, Risch denied such limitations
represent paraphyletic groups to their descent groups. For render the analysis useless: “Perhaps just using someone’s
example, under the recent African origin theory the hu- actual birth year is not a very good way of measuring age.
man population in Africa is paraphyletic to all other hu- Does that mean we should throw it out? ... Any cate-
man groups because it represents the ancestral group from gory you come up with is going to be imperfect, but that
which all non-African populations derive, but more than doesn't preclude you from using it or the fact that it has
that, non-African groups only derive from a small non- utility.”[93]
representative sample of this African population. This Early human genetic cluster analysis studies were con-
means that all non-African groups are more closely re- ducted with samples taken from ancestral population
lated to each other and to some African groups (probably groups living at extreme geographic distances from each
east Africans) than they are to others, and further that the other. It was thought that such large geographic distances
migration out of Africa represented a genetic bottleneck, would maximize the genetic variation between the groups
with much of the diversity that existed in Africa not being sampled in the analysis and thus maximize the proba-
carried out of Africa by the emigrating groups. This view bility of finding cluster patterns unique to each group.
8 3 MODERN DEBATE

In light of the historically recent acceleration of human and Mayan genetic materials.[102] Kaplan and Winther
migration (and correspondingly, human gene flow) on a therefore argue that, seen in this way, both Lewontin and
global scale, further studies were conducted to judge the Edwards are right in their arguments. They conclude that
degree to which genetic cluster analysis can pattern an- while racial groups are characterized by different allele
cestrally identified groups as well as geographically sepa- frequencies, this does not mean that racial classification
rated groups. One such study looked at a large multieth- is a natural taxonomy of the human species, because
nic population in the United States, and “detected only multiple other genetic patterns can be found in human
modest genetic differentiation between different cur- populations that crosscut racial distinctions. Moreover,
rent geographic locales within each race/ethnicity group. the genomic data underdetermines whether one wishes
Thus, ancient geographic ancestry, which is highly cor- to see subdivisions (i.e., splitters) or a continuum (i.e.,
related with self-identified race/ethnicity—as opposed to lumpers). Under Kaplan and Winther’s view, racial
current residence—is the major determinant of genetic groupings are objective social constructions (see Mills
structure in the U.S. population.” (Tang et al. (2005)) 1998 [103] ) that have conventional biological reality only
Witherspoon et al. (2007) have argued that even when insofar as the categories are chosen and constructed for
pragmatic scientific reasons. In earlier work, Winther
individuals can be reliably assigned to specific popula-
tion groups, it may still be possible for two randomly had identified “diversity partitioning” and “clustering
chosen individuals from different populations/clusters to analysis” as two separate methodologies, with distinct
be more similar to each other than to a randomly chosen questions, assumptions, and protocols. Each is also
member of their own cluster. They found that many thou- associated with opposing ontological consequences
sands of genetic markers had to be used in order for the vis-a-vis the metaphysics of race.[104]
answer to the question “How often is a pair of individuals
from one population genetically more dissimilar than two
individuals chosen from two different populations?" to be 3.3 Social constructions
“never”. This assumed three population groups separated
by large geographic ranges (European, African and East Main articles: Race and society and Racialism
Asian). The entire world population is much more com-
plex and studying an increasing number of groups would As anthropologists and other evolutionary scientists have
require an increasing number of markers for the same an- shifted away from the language of race to the term
swer. The authors conclude that “caution should be used population to talk about genetic differences, historians,
when using geographic or genetic ancestry to make in- cultural anthropologists and other social scientists re-
ferences about individual phenotypes.”[94] Witherspoon conceptualized the term “race” as a cultural category or
et al. concluded that, “The fact that, given enough ge- social construct—a particular way that some people talk
netic data, individuals can be correctly assigned to their about themselves and others.
populations of origin is compatible with the observation
that most human genetic variation is found within popu- Many social scientists have replaced the word race with
lations, not between them. It is also compatible with our the word "ethnicity" to refer to self-identifying groups
finding that, even when the most distinct populations are based on beliefs concerning shared culture, ancestry and
considered and hundreds of loci are used, individuals are history. Alongside empirical and conceptual problems
frequently more similar to members of other populations with “race,” following the Second World War, evolu-
than to members of their own population.”[95] tionary and social scientists were acutely aware of how
beliefs about race had been used to justify discrimina-
Anthropologists such as C. Loring Brace,[96] tion, apartheid, slavery, and genocide. This question-
the philosophers Jonathan Kaplan and Rasmus ing gained momentum in the 1960s during the U.S. civil
Winther,[97][98][99][100] and the geneticist Joseph rights movement and the emergence of numerous anti-
Graves,[101] have argued that while there it is certainly colonial movements worldwide. They thus came to be-
possible to find biological and genetic variation that lieve that race itself is a social construct, a concept that
corresponds roughly to the groupings normally defined was believed to correspond to an objective reality but
as “continental races”, this is true for almost all geo- which was believed in because of its social functions.[105]
graphically distinct populations. The cluster structure
of the genetic data is therefore dependent on the initial Craig Venter and Francis Collins of the National Institute
hypotheses of the researcher and the populations sam- of Health jointly made the announcement of the mapping
pled. When one samples continental groups, the clusters of the human genome in 2000. Upon examining the data
become continental; if one had chosen other sampling from the genome mapping, Venter realized that although
patterns, the clustering would be different. Weiss and the genetic variation within the human species is on the
Fullerton have noted that if one sampled only Icelanders, order of 1–3% (instead of the previously assumed 1%),
Mayans and Maoris, three distinct clusters would form the types of variations do not support notion of geneti-
and all other populations could be described as being cally defined races. Venter said, “Race is a social con-
clinally composed of admixtures of Maori, Icelandic cept. It’s not a scientific one. There are no bright lines
(that would stand out), if we could compare all the se-
3.3 Social constructions 9

quenced genomes of everyone on the planet.” “When we

try to apply science to try to sort out these social differ-
ences, it all falls apart.”[106]
Stephan Palmié asserted that race “is not a thing but a so-
cial relation";[107] or, in the words of Katya Gibel Mevo-
rach, “a metonym,” “a human invention whose criteria for
differentiation are neither universal nor fixed but have al-
ways been used to manage difference.”[108] As such, the
use of the term “race” itself must be analyzed. Moreover,
they argue that biology will not explain why or how peo-
ple use the idea of race: History and social relationships
will.
Imani Perry, a professor in the Center for African Ameri-
can Studies at Princeton University, has made significant
contributions to how we define race in America today.
Perry’s work focuses on how race is experienced. Perry
tells us that race “is produced by social arrangements and
political decision making.”[109] Perry explains race more
in stating, “race is something that happens, rather than
something that is. It is dynamic, but it holds no objective
truth.”[110]
Portrait “Redenção do Can” (1895), showing a Brazilian family
The theory that race is merely a social construct has been each generation becoming “whiter”.
challenged by the findings of researchers at the Stan-
ford University School of Medicine, published in the
American Journal of Human Genetics as “Genetic Struc-
ture, Self-Identified Race/Ethnicity, and Confounding in Over a dozen racial categories would be recognized in
Case-Control Association Studies”.[111] One of the re- conformity with all the possible combinations of hair
searchers, Neil Risch, noted: “we looked at the corre- color, hair texture, eye color, and skin color. These types
lation between genetic structure [based on microsatellite grade into each other like the colors of the spectrum, and
markers] versus self-description, we found 99.9% con- not one category stands significantly isolated from the
cordance between the two. We actually had a higher dis- rest. That is, race referred preferentially to appearance,
cordance rate between self-reported sex and markers on not heredity, and appearance is a poor indication of an-
the X chromosome! So you could argue that sex is also a cestry, because only a few genes are responsible for some-
problematic category. And there are differences between one’s skin color and traits: a person who is considered
sex and gender; self-identification may not be correlated white may have more African ancestry than a person who
with biology perfectly. And there is sexism.”[112] is considered black, and the reverse can be also true about
European ancestry.[115] The complexity of racial classifi-
cations in Brazil reflects the extent of miscegenation in
Brazilian society, a society that remains highly, but not
3.3.1 Brazil strictly, stratified along color lines. These socioeconomic
factors are also significant to the limits of racial lines, be-
Main article: Race in Brazil cause a minority of pardos, or brown people, are likely
Compared to 19th-century United States, 20th-century to start declaring themselves white or black if socially
Brazil was characterized by a perceived relative absence upward,[116] and being seen as relatively “whiter” as their
of sharply defined racial groups. According to anthro- perceived social status increases (much as in other regions
pologist Marvin Harris, this pattern reflects a different of Latin America).[117]
history and different social relations. Fluidity of racial categories apart, the “biologification”
Basically, race in Brazil was “biologized,” but in a way of race in Brazil referred above would match contempo-
that recognized the difference between ancestry (which rary concepts of race in the United States quite closely,
determines genotype) and phenotypic differences. There, though, if Brazilians are supposed to choose their race
racial identity was not governed by rigid descent rule, such as one among, Asian and Indigenous apart, three IBGE’s
as the one-drop rule, as it was in the United States. A census categories. While assimilated Amerindians and
Brazilian child was never automatically identified with the people with very high quantities of Amerindian ances-
racial type of one or both parents, nor were there only a try are usually grouped as caboclos, a subgroup of pardos
very limited number of categories to choose from,[113] to which roughly translates as both mestizo and hillbilly, for
the extent that full siblings can pertain to different racial those of lower quantity of Amerindian descent a higher
groups.[114] European genetic contribution is expected to be grouped
10 3 MODERN DEBATE

as a pardo. In several genetic tests, people with less than its problematic nature. In some states, it is strongly as-
60-65% of European descent and 5-10% of Amerindian sociated with laws promulgated by the Nazi and Fascist
descent usually cluster with Afro-Brazilians (as reported governments in Europe during the 1930s and 1940s. In-
by the individuals), or 6.9% of the population, and those deed, in 1996, the European Parliament adopted a reso-
with about 45% or more of Subsaharan contribution most lution stating that “the term should therefore be avoided
times do so (in average, Afro-Brazilian DNA was re- in all official texts”.[132]
ported to be about 50% Subsaharan African, 37% Eu- The concept of racial origin relies on the notion that
ropean and 13% Amerindian).[119][120][121][122] human beings can be separated into biologically dis-
If a more consistent report with the genetic groups in tinct “races”, an idea generally rejected by the scien-
the gradation of miscegenation is to be considered (e.g. tific community. Since all human beings belong to the
that would not cluster people with a balanced degree of same species, the ECRI (European Commission against
African and non-African ancestry in the black group in- Racism and Intolerance) rejects theories based on the
stead of the multiracial one, unlike elsewhere in Latin existence of different “races”. However, in its Recom-
America where people of high quantity of African de- mendation ECRI uses this term in order to ensure that
scent tend to classify themselves as mixed), more peo- those persons who are generally and erroneously per-
ple would report themselves as white and pardo in Brazil ceived as belonging to “another race” are not excluded
(47.7% and 42.4% of the population as of 2010, respec- from the protection provided for by the legislation. The
tively), because by research its population is believed to law claims to reject the existence of “race”, yet penalize
have between 65 and 80% of autosomal European an- situations where someone is treated less favourably on this
cestry, in average (also >35% of European mt-DNA and ground.[132]
>95% of European Y-DNA).[119][123][124][125]
This is not surprising, though: While the greatest number
3.3.3 France
of slaves imported from Africa were sent to Brazil, total-
izing roughly 3.5 million people, they lived in such miser-
Since the end of the Second World War, France has
able conditions that male African Y-DNA there is signif-
become an ethnically diverse country. Today, ap-
icantly rare due to the lack of resources and time involved
proximately five percent of the French population is
with raising of children, so that most African descent
non-European and non-white. This does not approach
originarily came from relations between white masters
the number of non-white citizens in the United States
and female slaves. From the last decades of the Empire
(roughly 28–37%, depending on how Latinos are classi-
until the 1950s, the proportion of the white population
fied; see Demographics of the United States). Neverthe-
increased significantly while Brazil welcomed 5.5 million
less, it amounts to at least three million people, and has
immigrants between 1821 and 1932, not much behind its
forced the issues of ethnic diversity onto the French pol-
neighbor Argentina with 6.4 million,[128] and it received
icy agenda. France has developed an approach to deal-
more European immigrants in its colonial history than the
ing with ethnic problems that stands in contrast to that
United States. Between 1500 and 1760, 700.000 Euro-
of many advanced, industrialized countries. Unlike the
peans settled in Brazil, while 530.000 Europeans settled
United States, Britain, or even the Netherlands, France
in the United States for the same given time.[129] Thus, the
maintains a "color-blind" model of public policy. This
historical construction of race in Brazilian society dealt
means that it targets virtually no policies directly at racial
primarily with gradations between persons of majoritar-
or ethnic groups. Instead, it uses geographic or class cri-
ily European ancestry and little minority groups with oth-
teria to address issues of social inequalities. It has, how-
erwise lower quantity therefrom in recent times.
ever, developed an extensive anti-racist policy repertoire
since the early 1970s. Until recently, French policies fo-
cused primarily on issues of hate speech—going much
3.3.2 European Union further than their American counterparts-and relatively
less on issues of discrimination in jobs, housing, and in
According to European Union Council Directive, provision of goods and services.[133]
The European Union uses the terms racial origin and eth-
nic origin synonymously in its documents and accord-
3.3.4 United States
ing to it “the use of the term 'racial origin' in this di-
rective does not imply an acceptance of such [racial]
theories”.[130][131] Haney López warns that using “race” Main article: Race and ethnicity in the United States
as a category within the law tends to legitimize its ex- See also: Admixture in the United States
istence in the popular imagination. In the diverse ge- See also: Historical racial and ethnic demographics of
ographic context of Europe, ethnicity and ethnic origin the United States
are arguably more resonant and are less encumbered by
the ideological baggage associated with “race”. In Euro- In the United States, views of race that see racial groups as
pean context, historical resonance of “race” underscores defined genetically are common in the biological sciences
4.1 United States 11

although controversial, whereas the social constructionist thropologists, Polish anthropologists tend to regard race
view is dominant in the social sciences.[134] as a term without taxonomic value, often as a substitute
[139]
The immigrants to the Americas came from every re- for population.”
gion of Europe, Africa, and Asia. They mixed among Wang, Štrkalj et al. (2003) examined the use of race as a
themselves and with the indigenous inhabitants of the biological concept in research papers published in China’s
continent. In the United States most people who self- only biological anthropology journal, Acta Anthropolog-
identify as African–American have some European an- ica Sinica. The study showed that the race concept was
cestors, while many people who identify as European widely used among Chinese anthropologists.[140][141] In a
American have some African or Amerindian ancestors. 2007 review paper, Štrkalj suggested that the stark con-
Since the early history of the United States, Amerindi- trast of the racial approach between the United States and
ans, African–Americans, and European Americans have China was due to the fact that race is a factor for social
been classified as belonging to different races. Efforts cohesion among the ethnically diverse people of China,
to track mixing between groups led to a proliferation whereas “race” is a very sensitive issue in America and the
of categories, such as mulatto and octoroon. The cri- racial approach is considered to undermine social cohe-
teria for membership in these races diverged in the late sion - with the result that in the socio-political context of
19th century. During Reconstruction, increasing num- US academics scientists are encouraged not to use racial
bers of Americans began to consider anyone with "one categories, whereas in China they are encouraged to use
drop" of known “Black blood” to be Black, regardless of them.[142]
appearance.3 By the early 20th century, this notion was Lieberman et al. in a 2004 study researched the accep-
made statutory in many states.4 Amerindians continue tance of race as a concept among anthropologists in the
to be defined by a certain percentage of “Indian blood” United States, Canada, the Spanish speaking areas, Eu-
(called blood quantum). To be White one had to have per- rope, Russia and China. Rejection of race ranged from
ceived “pure” White ancestry. The one-drop rule or hy- high to low, with the highest rejection rate in the United
podescent rule refers to the convention of defining a per- States and Canada, a moderate rejection rate in Europe,
son as racially black if he or she has any known African and the lowest rejection rate in Russia and China. Meth-
ancestry. This rule meant that those that were mixed race ods used in the studies reported included questionnaires
but with some discernible African ancestry were defined and content analysis.[11]
as black. The one-drop rule is specific to not only those
Kaszycka et al. (2009) in 2002–2003 surveyed Euro-
with African ancestry but to the United States, making it pean anthropologists’ opinions toward the biological race
a particularly African-American experience.[135] concept. Three factors, country of academic educa-
The decennial censuses conducted since 1790 in the tion, discipline, and age, were found to be significant
United States created an incentive to establish racial cat- in differentiating the replies. Those educated in West-
egories and fit people into these categories.[136] ern Europe, physical anthropologists, and middle-aged
The term "Hispanic" as an ethnonym emerged in the 20th persons rejected race more frequently than those edu-
century with the rise of migration of laborers from Amer- cated in Eastern Europe, people in other branches of
ican Spanish-speaking countries to the United States. To- science, and those from both younger and older gener-
day, the word “Latino” is often used as a synonym for ations.” The survey shows that the views on race are so-
“Hispanic”. The definitions of both terms are non-race ciopolitically (ideologically) influenced and highly depen-
specific, and include people who consider themselves to dent on education.”[143]
be of distinct races (Black, White, Amerindian, Asian,
and mixed groups).[137] However, there is a common mis-
4.1 United States
conception in the US that Hispanic/Latino is a race[138]
or sometimes even that national origins such as Mexican,
One result of debates over the meaning and validity
Cuban, Colombian, Salvadoran, etc. are races. In con-
of the concept of race is that the current literature
trast to “Latino” or “Hispanic”, "Anglo" refers to non-
across different disciplines regarding human variation
Hispanic White Americans or non-Hispanic European
lacks consensus, though within some fields, such as some
Americans, most of whom speak the English language
branches of anthropology, there is strong consensus.
but are not necessarily of English descent.
Some studies use the word race in its early essentialist
taxonomic sense. Many others still use the term race, but
use it to mean a population, clade, or haplogroup. Others
eschew the concept of race altogether, and use the con-
4 Views across disciplines over cept of population as a less problematic unit of analysis.
time Eduardo Bonilla-Silva, Sociology professor at Duke Uni-
versity, remarks,[144] “I contend that racism is, more than
In Poland, the race concept was rejected by 25 percent of anything else, a matter of group power; it is about a dom-
anthropologists in 2001, although: “Unlike the U.S. an- inant racial group (whites) striving to maintain its sys-
12 4 VIEWS ACROSS DISCIPLINES OVER TIME

temic advantages and minorities fighting to subvert the “With the vast expansion of scientific
racial status quo.” [145] The types of practices that take knowledge in this century, ... it has become
place under this new color-blind racism is subtle, institu- clear that human populations are not unam-
tionalized, and supposedly not racial. Color-blind racism biguous, clearly demarcated, biologically dis-
thrives on the idea that race is no longer an issue in the tinct groups. [...] Given what we know about
United States.[145] There are contradictions between the the capacity of normal humans to achieve
alleged color-blindness of most whites and the persistence and function within any culture, we conclude
of a color-coded system of inequality. that present-day inequalities between so-called
“racial” groups are not consequences of their
biological inheritance but products of histori-
4.1.1 U.S. anthropology cal and contemporary social, economic, edu-
cational, and political circumstances.”
The concept of biological race has declined significantly
in frequency of use in physical anthropology in the United A survey, taken in 1985 (Lieberman et al. 1992), asked
States during the 20th century. A majority of physical an- 1,200 American scientists how many disagree with the
thropologists in the United States have rejected the con- following proposition: “There are biological races in the
cept of biological races.[146] Since 1932, an increasing species Homo sapiens.” The responses were for anthro-
number of college textbooks introducing physical anthro- pologists:
pology have rejected race as a valid concept: from 1932
to 1976, only seven out of thirty-two rejected race; from • physical anthropologists 41%
1975 to 1984, thirteen out of thirty-three rejected race;
from 1985 to 1993, thirteen out of nineteen rejected race. • cultural anthropologists 53%[149]
According to one academic journal entry, where 78 per-
cent of the articles in the 1931 Journal of Physical An- The figure for physical anthropologists at PhD granting
thropology employed these or nearly synonymous terms departments was slightly higher, rising from 41% to 42%,
reflecting a bio-race paradigm, only 36 percent did so in with 50% agreeing. Lieberman’s study also showed that
1965, and just 28 percent did in 1996.[147] more women reject the concept of race than men.[150]
The “Statement on 'Race'" (1998) composed by a select This survey, however, did not specify any particular def-
committee of anthropologists and issued by the executive inition of race (although it did clearly specify biological
board of the American Anthropological Association as a race within the species Homo sapiens); it is difficult to
statement they “believe [...] represents generally the con- say whether those who supported the statement thought
temporary thinking and scholarly positions of a majority of race in taxonomic or population terms.
of anthropologists”, declares:[148] The same survey, taken in 1999,[151] showed the following
changing results for anthropologists:
“In the United States both scholars and the
general public have been conditioned to view- • physical anthropologists 69%
ing human races as natural and separate divi- • cultural anthropologists 80%
sions within the human species based on vis-
ible physical differences. With the vast ex-
pansion of scientific knowledge in this cen- However, a line of research conducted by Cartmill (1998)
tury, however, it has become clear that human seemed to limit the scope of Lieberman’s finding that
populations are not unambiguous, clearly de- there was “a significant degree of change in the status of
marcated, biologically distinct groups. Evi- the race concept”. Goran Štrkalj has argued that this may
dence from the analysis of genetics (e.g., DNA) be because Lieberman and collaborators had looked at all
indicates that most physical variation, about the members of the American Anthropological Associa-
94%, lies within so-called racial groups. Con- tion irrespective of their field of research interest, while
ventional geographic “racial” groupings differ Cartmill had looked specifically at biological anthropol-
from one another only in about 6% of their ogists interested in human variation.[152]
genes. This means that there is greater varia- According to the 2000 edition of a popular physical an-
tion within “racial” groups than between them. thropology textbook, forensic anthropologists are over-
In neighboring populations there is much over- whelmingly in support of the idea of the basic biological
lapping of genes and their phenotypic (phys- reality of human races.[153] Forensic physical anthropol-
ical) expressions. Throughout history when- ogist and professor George W. Gill has said that the idea
ever different groups have come into contact, that race is only skin deep “is simply not true, as any ex-
they have interbred. The continued sharing perienced forensic anthropologist will affirm” and “Many
of genetic materials has maintained all of hu- morphological features tend to follow geographic bound-
mankind as a single species.” aries coinciding often with climatic zones. This is not
4.1 United States 13

surprising since the selective forces of climate are prob- developmental psychologists disagreed with the propo-
ably the primary forces of nature that have shaped hu- sition: “There are biological races in the species Homo
man races with regard not only to skin color and hair sapiens.”
form but also the underlying bony structures of the nose, The authors of the study also examined 77 college text-
cheekbones, etc. (For example, more prominent noses books in biology and 69 in physical anthropology pub-
humidify air better.)" While he can see good arguments lished between 1932 and 1989. Physical anthropology
for both sides, the complete denial of the opposing evi- texts argued that biological races exist until the 1970s,
dence “seems to stem largely from socio-political motiva- when they began to argue that races do not exist. In con-
tion and not science at all”. He also states that many bio-
trast, biology textbooks did not undergo such a reversal
logical anthropologists see races as real yet “not one intro- but many instead dropped their discussion of race alto-
ductory textbook of physical anthropology even presents
gether. The authors attributed this to biologists trying to
that perspective as a possibility. In a case as flagrant as avoid discussing the political implications of racial classi-
this, we are not dealing with science but rather with bla-
fications, instead of discussing them, and to the ongoing
tant, politically motivated censorship”.[153] discussions in biology about the validity of the concept
In partial response to Gill’s statement, Professor of Bio- “subspecies”. The authors also noted that some widely
logical Anthropology C. Loring Brace argues that the rea- used textbooks in biology such as Douglas J. Futuyama's
son laymen and biological anthropologists can determine 1986 “Evolutionary Biology” had abandoned the race
the geographic ancestry of an individual can be explained concept, “The concept of race, masking the overwhelm-
by the fact that biological characteristics are clinally dis- ing genetic similarity of all peoples and the mosaic pat-
tributed across the planet, and that does not translate into terns of variation that do not correspond to racial divi-
the concept of race. He states that “Well, you may ask, sions, is not only socially dysfunctional but is biologically
why can't we call those regional patterns “races"? In fact, indefensible as well (pp. 5 18-5 19).” (Lieberman et al.
we can and do, but it does not make them coherent biolog- 1992, pp. 316–17)
ical entities. “Races” defined in such a way are products A 1994 examination of 32 English sport/exercise science
of our perceptions. ... We realize that in the extremes textbooks found that 7 (21.9%) claimed that there are bio-
of our transit—Moscow to Nairobi, perhaps—there is a physical differences due to race that might explain differ-
major but gradual change in skin color from what we eu- ences in sports performance, 24 (75%) did not mention
phemistically call white to black, and that this is related to nor refute the concept, and 1 (3.12%) expressed caution
the latitudinal difference in the intensity of the ultravio- with the idea.[157]
let component of sunlight. What we do not see, however,
is the myriad other traits that are distributed in a fashion In February 2001, the editors of Archives of Pediatrics
quite unrelated to the intensity of ultraviolet radiation. and Adolescent Medicine asked “authors to not use race
Where skin color is concerned, all the northern popula- and ethnicity when there is no biological, scientific, or
tions of the Old World are lighter than the long-term in- sociological reason for doing so.”[158] The editors also
habitants near the equator. Although Europeans and Chi- stated that “analysis by race and ethnicity has become
nese are obviously different, in skin color they are closer an analytical knee-jerk reflex.”[159] Nature Genetics now
to each other than either is to equatorial Africans. But if ask authors to “explain why they make use of particular
we test the distribution of the widely known ABO blood- ethnic groups or populations, and how classification was
group system, then Europeans and Africans are closer to achieved.”[160]
each other than either is to Chinese.”[154] “Race” is still Morning (2008) looked at high school biology textbooks
sometimes used within forensic anthropology (when an- during the 1952-2002 period and initially found a simi-
alyzing skeletal remains), biomedical research, and race- lar pattern with only 35% directly discussing race in the
based medicine.[155] Brace has criticized this, the prac- 1983–92 period from initially 92% doing so. However,
tice of forensic anthropologists for using the controversial this has increased somewhat after this to 43%. More indi-
concept “race” out of convention when they in fact should rect and brief discussions of race in the context of medical
be talking about regional ancestry. He argues that while a disorders have increased from none to 93% of textbooks.
forensic anthropologists can determine that a skeletal re- In general, the material on race has moved from surface
main comes from a person with ancestors in a specific re- traits to genetics and evolutionary history. The study ar-
gion of Africa, categorizing that skeletal as being “black” gues that the textbooks’ fundamental message about the
is a socially constructed category that is only meaningful existence of races has changed little.[161]
in the particular context of the United States, and which
is not itself scientifically valid.[156] Gissis (2008) examined several important American and
British journals in genetics, epidemiology and medicine
for their content during the 1946-2003 period. He wrote
4.1.2 Other fields that “Based upon my findings I argue that the category of
race only seemingly disappeared from scientific discourse
after World War II and has had a fluctuating yet contin-
In the same 1985 survey (Lieberman et al. 1992),
uous use during the time span from 1946 to 2003, and
16% of the surveyed biologists and 36% of the surveyed
14 5 POLITICAL AND PRACTICAL USES

has even become more pronounced from the early 1970s even for diseases that have “race-specific” treatments.[172]
on".[162] Some studies have found that patients are reluctant to ac-
[173]
33 health services researchers from differing geographic cept racial categorization in medical practice.
regions were interviewed in a 2008 study. The re-
searchers recognized the problems with racial and eth-
nic variables but the majority still believed these variables 5.2 Law enforcement
were necessary and useful.[163]
Main article: Racial profiling
A 2010 examination of 18 widely used English anatomy
See also: Race and crime in the United Kingdom and
textbooks found that they all represented human bio-
Race and crime in the United States
logical variation in superficial and outdated ways, many
of them making use of the race concept in ways that
were current in 1950s anthropology. The authors rec- In an attempt to provide general descriptions that may
ommended that anatomical education should describe hu- facilitate the job of law enforcement officers seeking to
man anatomical variation in more detail and rely on newer apprehend suspects, the United States FBI employs the
research that demonstrates the inadequacies of simple term “race” to summarize the general appearance (skin
racial typologies.[164] color, hair texture, eye shape, and other such easily no-
ticed characteristics) of individuals whom they are at-
tempting to apprehend. From the perspective of law en-
forcement officers, it is generally more important to ar-
5 Political and practical uses rive at a description that will readily suggest the general
appearance of an individual than to make a scientifically
5.1 Biomedicine valid categorization by DNA or other such means. Thus,
in addition to assigning a wanted individual to a racial
Main article: Race and health category, such a description will include: height, weight,
See also: Pharmacogenomics and Ethnicity and health eye color, scars and other distinguishing characteristics.
Criminal justice agencies in England and Wales use
In the United States, federal government policy promotes at least two separate racial/ethnic classification systems
the use of racially categorized data to identify and address when reporting crime, as of 2010. One is the sys-
health disparities between racial or ethnic groups.[165] In tem used in the 2001 Census when individuals iden-
clinical settings, race has sometimes been considered in tify themselves as belonging to a particular ethnic group:
the diagnosis and treatment of medical conditions. Doc- W1 (White-British), W2 (White-Irish), W9 (Any other
tors have noted that some medical conditions are more white background); M1 (White and black Caribbean),
prevalent in certain racial or ethnic groups than in oth- M2 (White and black African), M3 (White and Asian),
ers, without being sure of the cause of those differences. M9 (Any other mixed background); A1 (Asian-Indian),
Recent interest in race-based medicine, or race-targeted A2 (Asian-Pakistani), A3 (Asian-Bangladeshi), A9 (Any
pharmacogenomics, has been fueled by the proliferation other Asian background); B1 (Black Caribbean), B2
of human genetic data which followed the decoding of (Black African), B3 (Any other black background); O1
the human genome in the first decade of the twenty-first (Chinese), O9 (Any other). The other is categories used
century. There is an active debate among biomedical re- by the police when they visually identify someone as be-
searchers about the meaning and importance of race in longing to an ethnic group, e.g. at the time of a stop
their research. Proponents of the use of racial categories and search or an arrest: White – North European (IC1),
in biomedicine argue that continued use of racial cate- White – South European (IC2), Black (IC3), Asian (IC4),
gorizations in biomedical research and clinical practice Chinese, Japanese, or South East Asian (IC5), Middle
makes possible the application of new genetic findings, Eastern (IC6), and Unknown (IC0). “IC” stands for
and provides a clue to diagnosis.[166][167] “Identification Code;" these items are also referred to
Other researchers point out that finding a difference in as Phoenix classifications.[174] Officers are instructed to
disease prevalence between two socially defined groups “record the response that has been given” even if the per-
does not necessarily imply genetic causation of the son gives an answer which may be incorrect; their own
difference.[168][169] They suggest that medical practices perception of the person’s ethnic background is recorded
should maintain their focus on the individual rather than separately.[175] Comparability of the information being
an individual’s membership to any group.[170] They argue recorded by officers was brought into question by the
that overemphasizing genetic contributions to health dis- Office for National Statistics (ONS) in September 2007,
parities carries various risks such as reinforcing stereo- as part of its Equality Data Review; one problem cited
types, promoting racism or ignoring the contribution of was the number of reports that contained an ethnicity of
non-genetic factors to health disparities.[171] International “Not Stated.”[176]
epidemiological data show that living conditions rather In many countries, such as France, the state is legally
than race make the biggest difference in health outcomes banned from maintaining data based on race, which often
5.3 Commercial determination of ancestry 15

makes the police issue wanted notices to the public that skeletal specimen is not a vindication of the
include labels like “dark skin complexion”, etc. race concept, but rather a prediction that an
In the United States, the practice of racial profiling has individual, while alive was assigned to a par-
been ruled to be both unconstitutional and a violation of ticular socially constructed “racial” category.
civil rights. There is active debate regarding the cause A specimen may display features that point to
of a marked correlation between the recorded crimes, African ancestry. In this country that person
punishments meted out, and the country’s populations. is likely to have been labeled Black regardless
Many consider de facto racial profiling an example of of whether or not such a race actually exists in
nature.[181]
institutional racism in law enforcement. The history of
misuse of racial categories to impact adversely one or
more groups and/or to offer protection and advantage to In a different approach, anthropologist C. Loring Brace
another has a clear impact on debate of the legitimate use said:
of known phenotypical or genotypical characteristics tied
to the presumed race of both victims and perpetrators by The simple answer is that, as members of
the government. the society that poses the question, they are in-
Mass incarceration in the United States disproportion- culcated into the social conventions that deter-
ately impacts African American and Latino communi- mine the expected answer. They should also be
ties. Michelle Alexander, author of The New Jim Crow: aware of the biological inaccuracies contained
Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness (2010), in that “politically correct” answer. Skeletal
argues that mass incarceration is best understood as not analysis provides no direct assessment of skin
only a system of overcrowded prisons. Mass incarcera- color, but it does allow an accurate estimate
tion is also, “the larger web of laws, rules, policies, and of original geographical origins. African, east-
customs that control those labeled criminals both in and ern Asian, and European ancestry can be spec-
out of prison.” [177]
She defines it further as “a system that ified with a high degree of accuracy. Africa of
locks people not only behind actual bars in actual pris- course entails “black”, but “black” does not en-
ons, but also behind virtual bars and virtual walls,” illus- tail African.[182]
trating the second-class citizenship that is imposed on a
disproportionate number of people of color, specifically In association with a NOVA program in 2000 about race,
African-Americans. She compares mass incarceration he wrote an essay opposing use of the term.
to Jim Crow laws, stating that both work as racial caste
systems.[178]
5.3 Commercial determination of ancestry
Recent work using DNA cluster analysis to determine
race background has been used by some criminal inves- New research in molecular genetics, and the marketing of
tigators to narrow their search for the identity of both genetic identities through the analysis of one’s Y chromo-
suspects and victims.[179] Proponents of DNA profiling some, mtDNA, or autosomal DNA to the general public
in criminal investigations cite cases where leads based in the form of “Personalized Genetic Histories” (PGH)
on DNA analysis proved useful, but the practice remains has caused debate. Typically, a consumer of a commer-
controversial among medical ethicists, defense lawyers cial PGH service sends in a sample of DNA, which is
and some in law enforcement.[180] analyzed by molecular biologists, and receives a report
on ancestry. Shriver and Kittles remarked:
5.2.1 Forensic anthropology
For many customers of lineage-based tests,
Main article: Forensic anthropology there is a lack of understanding that their ma-
ternal and paternal lineages do not necessar-
ily represent their entire genetic make-up. For
Similarly, forensic anthropologists draw on highly herita-
example, an individual might have more than
ble morphological features of human remains (e.g. cra-
85% Western European 'genomic' ancestry but
nial measurements) to aid in the identification of the
still have a West African mtDNA or NRY
body, including in terms of race. In a 1992 article,
lineage.[183]
anthropologist Norman Sauer noted that anthropologists
had generally abandoned the concept of race as a valid
representation of human biological diversity, except for They noted that the general public was increasingly in-
forensic anthropologists. He asked, “If races don't exist, terested in such tests despite their lack of knowledge in
why are forensic anthropologists so good at identifying some cases of what the results represent.[183]
them?"[181] He concluded: Through these reports, advances in molecular genetics are
used to create or confirm stories individuals have about
[T]he successful assignment of race to a social identities. Abu el-Haj argued that genetic lineages,
16 5 POLITICAL AND PRACTICAL USES

like older notions of race, suggest some idea of biological Stephan Palmié has responded to Abu el-Haj’s claim that
relatedness. But, unlike older notions of race, they are genetic lineages make possible a new, politically, eco-
not directly connected to claims about human behaviour nomically, and socially benign notion of race and racial
or character. She said that “postgenomics does seem to difference by suggesting that efforts to link genetic his-
be giving race a new lease on life.” tory and personal identity will inevitably “ground present
social arrangements in a time-hallowed past,” that is,
Race science was never just about clas- use biology to explain cultural differences and social
sification. It presupposed a distinctive rela- inequalities.[187]
tionship between “nature” and “culture,” un- One problem with these assignments is admixture. Many
derstanding the differences in the former to people have a highly varied ancestry. For example, in
ground and to generate the different kinds of the United States, colonial and early federal history were
persons (“natural kinds”) and the distinctive periods of numerous interracial relationships, both out-
stages of cultures and civilizations that inhabit side and inside slavery. This has resulted in a majority of
the world. people who identify as African American having some
European ancestors. Similarly, many people who iden-
Abu el-Haj argues that genomics and the mapping of tify as white have some African ancestors. In a survey
lineages and clusters liberates “the new racial science in a northeastern U.S. university of college students who
from the older one by disentangling ancestry from cul- identified as “white”, about 30% were estimated to have
ture and capacity.” As an example, she refers to recent up to 10% African ancestry.[40]
work by Hammer et al., which aimed to test the claim that
present-day Jews are more closely related to one another On the other hand, there are tests that rely on correlations
than to neighbouring non-Jewish populations. Hammer between allele frequencies; often when allele frequen-
et al. found that the degree of genetic similarity among cies correlate, these are called clusters. These sorts of
Jews shifted depending on the locus investigated, and sug- tests use informative alleles called Ancestry-informative
gested that this was the result of natural selection acting marker (AIM). These tests use contemporary people
on particular loci. They focused on the non-recombining sampled from certain parts of the world as references to
Y-chromosome to “circumvent some of the complica- determine the likely proportion of ancestry for any given
tions associated with selection”.[184] individual.

As another example, she points to work by Thomas et al., In a recent Public Broadcasting Service (PBS) pro-
who sought to distinguish between the Y chromosomes gramme on the subject of genetic ancestry testing, the
of Jewish priests (Kohanim), (in Judaism, membership in academic Henry Louis Gates, who identifies as African
the priesthood is passed on through the father’s line) and American, said that he “wasn't thrilled with the AIM re-
the Y chromosomes of non-Jews.[185] Abu el-Haj con- sults (it turns out that 50 percent of his ancestors are likely
cluded that this new “race science” calls attention to the European).”[188] He said there had been family stories of
importance of “ancestry” (narrowly defined, as it does not white ancestors, but this was a higher proportion than he
include all ancestors) in some religions and in popular cul- expected.[188]
ture, and people’s desire to use science to confirm their In 2003, Charles Rotimi, of Howard University's Na-
claims about ancestry; this “race science,” she argues, is tional Human Genome Center, argued that “the nature or
fundamentally different from older notions of race that appearance of genetic clustering (grouping) of people is a
were used to explain differences in human behaviour or function of how populations are sampled, of how criteria
social status: for boundaries between clusters are set, and of the level
of resolution used.” As these decisions may each bias the
As neutral markers, junk DNA cannot gen- results, he concluded that people should be very cautious
erate cultural, behavioural, or, for that matter, about relating genetic lineages or clusters to their personal
truly biological differences between groups ... sense of identity.[189]
mtDNA and Y-chromosome markers relied on
On the other hand, Rosenberg (2005) argued that if
in such work are not “traits” or “qualities” in the
enough genetic markers and subjects are analyzed, then
old racial sense. They do not render some pop-
the clusters found are consistent.[190] How many genetic
ulations more prone to violence, more likely to
markers a commercial service uses likely varies, although
suffer psychiatric disorders, or for that matter,
new technology has continually allowed increasing num-
incapable of being fully integrated – because
bers to be analyzed. In the end, people usually base their
of their lower evolutionary development – into
individual identity more on family and personal relation-
a European cultural world. Instead, they are
ships of community than data.
“marks,” signs of religious beliefs and prac-
tices… it is via biological noncoding genetic
evidence that one can demonstrate that history
itself is shared, that historical traditions are (or
might well be) true.”[186]
 17

6 See also [9] Harrison, Guy (2010). Race and Reality. Amherst:
Prometheus Books. Race is a poor empirical description
of the patterns of difference that we encounter within our
7 References species. The billions of humans alive today simply do not
fit into neat and tidy biological boxes called races. Science
has proven this conclusively. The concept of race (...) is
[1] See:
not scientific and goes against what is known about our
• Lie 2004 ever-changing and complex biological diversity.

• Thompson & Hickey 2005 [10] Roberts, Dorothy (2011). Fatal Invention. London, New
• Gordon 1964 York: The New Press. The genetic differences that exist
among populations are characterized by gradual changes
• AAA 1998 across geographic regions, not sharp, categorical distinc-
• Palmié 2007 tions. Groups of people across the globe have varying
frequencies of polymorphic genes, which are genes with
• Mevorach 2007 any of several differing nucleotide sequences. There is
• Segal 1991 no such thing as a set of genes that belongs exclusively
to one group and not to another. The clinal, gradually
• Bindon 2005
changing nature of geographic genetic difference is com-
[2] “Definition of race – ethnic group, anthropology, personal plicated further by the migration and mixing that human
attribute”. Oxford Dictionaries. Oxford University Press. groups have engaged in since prehistory. Human beings
Retrieved 5 October 2012. a group of people sharing the do not fit the zoological definition of race. A mountain
same culture, history, language, etc. of evidence assembled by historians, anthropologists, and
biologists proves that race is not and cannot be a natural
[3] Keita, S O Y; Kittles, Royal, Bonney, Furbert-Harris, division of human beings.
Dunston, Rotimi; Royal, C D M; Bonney, G E;
Furbert-Harris, P; Dunston, G M; Rotimi, C N (2004). [11] Lieberman L, Kaszycka KA, Martinez Fuentes AJ,
“Conceptualizing human variation”. Nature 36 (11s): Yablonsky L, Kirk RC, Strkalj G, Wang Q, Sun L (De-
S17–S20. doi:10.1038/ng1455. PMID 15507998. Reli- cember 2004). “The race concept in six regions: variation
gious, cultural, social, national, ethnic, linguistic, genetic, without consensus”. Coll Antropol 28 (2): 907–21. PMID
geographical and anatomical groups have been and some- 15666627.
times still are called 'races’
[12] Graves 2001
[4] See:
[13] Keita et al. 2004
• Montagu 1962
[14] AAPA 1996 Pure races, in the sense of genetically homoge-
• Bamshad & Olson 2003 neous populations, do not exist in the human species today,
nor is there any evidence that they have ever existed in the
[5] Sober 2000 past.-p.714

[6] Lee et al. 2008: “We caution against making the naive [15] “race”. Oxford Dictionaries. April 2010. Oxford Uni-
leap to a genetic explanation for group differences in com- versity Press. http://oxforddictionaries.com/definition/
plex traits, especially for human behavioral traits such as english/race-$-$2 (accessed July 31, 2012).
IQ scores”
[16] Keita, S O Y; Kittles, Royal, Bonney, Furbert-Harris,
[7] AAA 1998: For example, “Evidence from the analysis of Dunston, Rotimi; Royal, C D M; Bonney, G E;
genetics (e.g., DNA) indicates that most physical variation, Furbert-Harris, P; Dunston, G M; Rotimi, C N (2004).
about 94%, lies within so-called racial groups. Conven- “Conceptualizing human variation”. Nature 36 (11s):
tional geographic 'racial' groupings differ from one an- S17–S20. doi:10.1038/ng1455. PMID 15507998. Many
other only in about 6% of their genes. This means that terms requiring definition for use describe demographic
there is greater variation within 'racial' groups than be- population groups better than the term 'race' because they
tween them.” invite examination of the criteria for classification.
[8] Keita, S O Y; Kittles, Royal, Bonney, Furbert-Harris, [17] Marks, Jonathan (2003). What it means to be 98% chim-
Dunston, Rotimi; Royal, C D M; Bonney, G E; panzee apes, people, and their genes. Berkeley: University
Furbert-Harris, P; Dunston, G M; Rotimi, C N (2004). of California Press. ISBN 9780520930766.
“Conceptualizing human variation”. Nature 36 (11s):
S17–S20. doi:10.1038/ng1455. PMID 15507998. Mod- [18] Templeton, A. R. (1998). “Human Races: A Genetic and
ern human biological variation is not structured into phy- Evolutionary Perspective”. American Anthropologist 100
logenetic subspecies ('races’), nor are the taxa of the stan- (3): 632–650. doi:10.1525/aa.1998.100.3.632.
dard anthropological 'racial' classifications breeding pop-
ulations. The 'racial taxa' do not meet the phylogenetic [19] Williams, S. M.; Templeton, A. R. (2003). “Race and
criteria. 'Race' denotes socially constructed units as a Genomics”. New England Journal of Medicine 348 (25):
function of the incorrect usage of the term. 2581–2582. doi:10.1056/nejm200306193482521.
18 7 REFERENCES

[20] Templeton, A. R. “The genetic and evolutionary signifi- [32] Schaefer 2008: “In many parts of Latin America, racial
cance of human races”. In: Race and Intelligence: Sep- groupings are based less on the biological physical features
arating Science From Myth. J. M. Fish, ed. Pp. 31- and more on an intersection between physical features and
56. Mahwah, New Jersey, Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, social features such as economic class, dress, education,
2002. and context. Thus, a more fluid treatment allows for the
construction of race as an achieved status rather than an
[21] American; Anthropological, Physical. “Statement on Bio- ascribed status as is the case in the United States”
logical Aspects of Race”. American Journal Physical An-
thropology 569: 1996. [33] See:

• Brace 2000
[22] Steve Olson, Mapping Human History: Discovering the
Past Through Our Genes, Boston, 2002 • Gill 2000
• Lee 1997: “The very naturalness of 'reality' is itself
[23] Bamshad, M.; Wooding, S.; Salisbury, B. A.; Stephens, the effect of a particular set of discursive construc-
J. C. (2004). “Deconstructing the relationship between tions. In this way, discourse does not simply reflect
genetics and race”. Nature Reviews Genetics 5 (8): 598– reality, but actually participates in its construction”
609. doi:10.1038/nrg1401. PMID 15266342.
[34] Marks 2008, p. 28
[24] Lee 1997
[35] Smedley 1999
[25] See: [36] Meltzer 1993

• Blank, Dabady & Citro 2004 [37] Takaki 1993

• Smaje 1997 [38] Banton 1977

[26] See: [39] For examples see:

• Lewis 1990
• Lee 1997
• Dikötter 1992
• Nobles 2000
• Morgan 1975 as cited in Lee 1997, p. 407 [40] Race, Ethnicity, and Genetics Working Group (October
2005). “The use of racial, ethnic, and ancestral categories
[27] See: in human genetics research”. American Journal of Human
Genetics 77 (4): 519–32. doi:10.1086/491747. PMC
• Morgan 1975 as cited in Lee 1997, p. 407 1275602. PMID 16175499.

• Smedley 2007 [41] Todorov 1993

• Sivanandan 2000 [42] Brace 2005, p. 27

• Crenshaw 1988 [43] Slotkin (1965), p. 177.
• Conley 2007
[44] Graves 2001, p. 39
• Winfield 2007: “It was Aristotle who first arranged
all animals into a single, graded scale that placed [45] Marks 1995
humans at the top as the most perfect iteration. By [46] Graves 2001, pp. 42–43
the late 19th century, the idea that inequality was
the basis of natural order, known as the great chain [47] Stocking 1968, pp. 38–40
of being, was part of the common lexicon.”
[48] Desmond & Moore 2009, pp. 332–341
[28] Lee 1997 citing Morgan 1975 and Appiah 1992
[49] Camilo J. Cela-Conde and Francisco J. Ayala. 2007. Hu-
man Evolution Trails from the Past Oxford University
[29] See: *Sivanandan 2000 *Muffoletto 2003 *McNeilly et
Press p. 195
al. 1996: psychiatric instrument called the “Perceived
Racism Scale” “provides a measure of the frequency of [50] Lewin, Roger. 2005. Human Evolution an illustrated in-
exposure to many manifestations of racism ... including troduction. Fifth edition. p. 159. Blackwell
individual and institutional”; also assesses motional and
behavioral coping responses to racism.” *Miles 2000 [51] Chris Stringer (2012). Lone Survivors: How We Came to
Be the Only Humans on Earth. London: Times Books.
[30] Owens & King 1999 ISBN 978-0805088915.

[31] King 2007: For example, “the association of blacks with [52] Currell & Cogdell 2006
poverty and welfare ... is due, not to race per se, but to the [53] Cravens 2010
link that race has with poverty and its associated disadvan-
tages”–p.75. [54] See:
 19

• Cravens 2010 [79] Graves 2006

• Angier 2000 [80] Hawks 2013, p. 438 “The shared evolutionary history of
• Amundson 2005 living humans has resulted in a high relatedness among all
• Reardon 2005 living people, as indicated for example by the very low
fixation index (FST) among living human populations.”
[55] See: *Smedley 2002 *Boas 1912
[81] Lewontin 1972
[56] See:
[82] Woodley, Michael A (19 August 2009). “Is Homo
• Marks 2002 sapiens polytypic? Human taxonomic diversity and its
• Montagu 1941 implications.”. Med. Hypotheses 74 (1): 195–201.
doi:10.1016/j.mehy.2009.07.046. PMID 19695787.
• Montagu 1942
[83] “Demographic history and genetic differentiation in
[57] Wilson & Brown 1953 apes”. Curr. Biol. 16 (11): 1133–8. June 2006.
doi:10.1016/j.cub.2006.04.033. PMID 16753568.
[58] See:

• Keita et al. 2004 [84] Wilson et al. 2001, Cooper, Kaufman & Ward 2003
(given in summary by Bamshad et al. 2004, p. 599)
• Templeton 1998
• Long & Kittles 2003 [85] (Schwartz 2001), (Stephens 2003) (given in summary by
Bamshad et al. 2004, p. 599)
[59] Haig et al. 2006
[86] Smedley & Smedley 2005, (Helms et al. 2005), . Lewon-
[60] Waples & Gaggiotti 2006 tin, for example argues that there is no biological basis
for race on the basis of research indicating that more ge-
[61] Templeton 1998 netic variation exists within such races than among them
(Lewontin 1972).
[62] See: *Amadon 1949 *Mayr 1969 *Patten & Unitt 2002
[87] Long & Kittles 2003
[63] Wright 1978
[88] Cavalli-Sforza, Luigi Luca (1994). The History and Ge-
[64] See:
ography of Human Genes. Princeton University Press. p.
• Keita et al. 2004 136. ISBN 0691087504.
• Templeton 1998 [89] Edwards 2003
[65] Sesardic 2010 [90] Dawkins, Richard; Wong, Yan (2005). The Ancestor’s
Tale: A Pilgrimage to the Dawn of Evolution. Houghton
[66] “Understanding Race and Human Variation: A Public Ed-
Mifflin Harcourt. pp. 406–407. (Summarizing Edwards’
ucation Program”. Anthropology News 47 (2): 7. 2006.
thesis): We can all happily agree that human racial classi-
doi:10.1525/an.2006.47.2.7.
fication is of no social value and is positively destructive of
[67] Lieberman & Jackson 1995 social and human relations. That is one reason why I ob-
ject to ticking boxes on forms and why I object to positive
[68] Brace 1964 discrimination in job selection. But that doesn't mean that
race is of “virtually no genetic or taxonomic significance.”
[69] Livingstone & Dobzhansky 1962 This is Edwards’s point, and he reasons as follows. How-
[70] Ehrlich & Holm 1964 ever small the racial partition of total variation may be,
if such racial characteristics as there are highly correlated
[71] Weiss 2005 with other racial characteristics, they are by definition in-
formative, and therefore of taxonomic significance.
[72] Marks 2002
[91] See:
[73] “The Human Family Tree Facts”. National Geographic.
Retrieved 3 August 2013. • Cavalli-Sforza, Menozzi & Piazza 1994

[74] Krulwich, Robert (2009-02-02). “Your Family May Once • Bamshad et al. 2004, p. 599
Have Been A Different Color”. Morning Edition, National • Tang et al. 2004
Public Radio. • Rosenberg et al. 2005: “If enough markers are
[75] Boyd 1950 used... individuals can be partitioned into genetic
clusters that match major geographic subdivisions of
[76] Lieberman & Kirk 1997, p. 195 the globe.”

[77] Molnar 1992 [92] Mountain & Risch 2004

[78] Human Genome Project 2003 [93] Gitschier 2005

 20 7 REFERENCES

[94] Witherspoon et al. 2007 [110] Imani Perry, More Beautiful and More Terrible: The
Embrace and Transcendence of Racial Inequality in the
[95] Witherspoon DJ, Wooding S, Rogers AR, et al. United States (New York, NY: New York University
(May 2007). “Genetic Similarities Within and Be- Press, 2011), 24.
tween Human Populations”. Genetics 176 (1): 358.
doi:10.1534/genetics.106.067355. PMC 1893020. [111] Tang H, Quertermous T, Rodriguez B, et al. (Febru-
PMID 17339205. ary 2005). “Genetic Structure, Self-Identified
Race/Ethnicity, and Confounding in Case-Control
[96] Loring Brace, C. 2005. Race is a four letter word. Oxford Association Studies”. American Journal of Human
University Press. Genetics 76 (2): 268–75. doi:10.1086/427888. PMC
1196372. PMID 15625622.
[97] Kaplan, Jonathan Michael (January 2011) "'Race': What
Biology Can Tell Us about a Social Construct”. In: Ency- [112] Risch N (July 2005). “The whole side of it--an inter-
clopedia of Life Sciences (ELS). John Wiley & Sons, Ltd: view with Neil Risch by Jane Gitschier”. PLoS Genetics
Chichester 1 (1): e14. doi:10.1371/journal.pgen.0010014. PMID
17411332.
[98] Kaplan, Jonathan Michael Winther, Rasmus Grønfeldt
[113] Harris 1980
(2014). 'Realism, Antirealism, and Conventionalism
About Race' Philosophy of Science http://philpapers.org/ [114] Parra et alli, Color and genomic ancestry in Brazilians.
rec/KAPRAA http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC140919/
#id2601616
[99] Winther, Rasmus Grønfeldt (2011) ¿La cosificación
genética de la 'raza'? Un análisis crítico in C López- [115] BBC delves into Brazilians’ roots accessed July 13, 2009
Beltrán (ed.) Genes (&) Mestizos. Genómica y raza
[116] RIBEIRO, Darcy. O Povo Brasileiro, Companhia de
en la biomedicina mexicana. Ficticia editorial http://
Bolso, fourth reprint, 2008 (2008).
philpapers.org/archive/WINLCG.1.pdf
[117] Levine-Rasky, Cynthia. 2002. “Working through white-
[100] Kaplan, Jonathan Michael, Winther, Rasmus Grønfeldt ness: international perspectives. SUNY Press (p. 73)
(2012). Prisoners of Abstraction? The Theory and “Money whitens” If any phrase encapsulates the associ-
Measure of Genetic Variation, and the Very Concept ation of whiteness and the modern in Latin America, this
of 'Race' Biological Theory http://philpapers.org/archive/ is it. It is a cliché formulated and reformulated throughout
KAPPOA.14.pdf the region, a truism dependant upon the social experience
that wealth is associated with whiteness, and that in ob-
[101] Graves, Joseph. 2001. The Emperor’s New Clothes. Rut- taining the former one may become aligned with the latter
gers University Press (and vice versa)".”
[102] Weiss, KM; Fullerton, SM (2005). “Racing around, get- [118] Edward Eric Telles (2004). “Racial Classification”. Race
ting nowhere”. Evolutionary Anthropology 14: 165–169. in Another America: the significance of skin color in Brazil.
doi:10.1002/evan.20079. Princeton University Press. pp. 81–84. ISBN 0-691-
11866-3.
[103] Mills CW (1988) “But What Are You Really? The Meta-
physics of Race” in Blackness visible: essays on philosophy [119] Pena, Sérgio D. J.; Di Pietro, Giuliano; Fuchshuber-
and race, pp. 41-66. Cornell University Press, Ithaca, NY Moraes, Mateus; Genro, Julia Pasqualini; Hutz, Mara H.;
Kehdy, Fernanda de Souza Gomes; Kohlrausch, Fabiana;
[104] Winther, Rasmus Grønfeldt (2014/2011). The Genetic Magno, Luiz Alexandre Viana; Montenegro, Raquel Car-
Reification of Race? A Story of Two Mathematical Meth- valho; Moraes, Manoel Odorico; de Moraes, Maria Elis-
ods. Critical Philosophy of Race http://philpapers.org/ abete Amaral; de Moraes, Milene Raiol; Ojopi, Élida B.;
archive/WINTGR.pdf Perini, Jamila A.; Racciopi, Clarice; Ribeiro-dos-Santos,
Ândrea Kely Campos; Rios-Santos, Fabrício; Romano-
[105] Gordon 1964 Silva, Marco A.; Sortica, Vinicius A.; Suarez-Kurtz, Guil-
herme (2011). Harpending, Henry, ed. “The Genomic
[106] “New Ideas, New Fuels: Craig Venter at the Oxonian”. Ancestry of Individuals from Different Geographical Re-
FORA.tv. 2008-11-03. Retrieved 2009-04-18. gions of Brazil Is More Uniform Than Expected”. PLoS
ONE 6 (2): e17063. Bibcode:2011PLoSO...617063P.
[107] Palmié, Stephan (May 2007). “Genomics, divina-
doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0017063. PMC 3040205.
tion, 'racecraft'". American Ethnologist 34: 205–22.
PMID 21359226.
doi:10.1525/ae.2007.34.2.205.
[120] Negros de origem européia. afrobras.org.br
[108] Mevorach, Katya Gibel (2007). “Race, racism, and
academic complicity”. American Ethnologist 34: 238. [121] Guerreiro-Junior, Vanderlei; Bisso-Machado, Rafael;
doi:10.1525/ae.2007.34.2.238. Marrero, Andrea; Hünemeier, Tábita; Salzano, Fran-
cisco M.; Bortolini, Maria Cátira (2009). “Genetic sig-
[109] Imani Perry, More Beautiful and More Terrible: The natures of parental contribution in black and white popu-
Embrace and Transcendence of Racial Inequality in the lations in Brazil”. Genetics and Molecular Biology 32 (1):
United States (New York, NY: New York University 1–11. doi:10.1590/S1415-47572009005000001. PMC
Press, 2011), 23. 3032968. PMID 21637639.
 21

[122] Pena, S.D.J.; Bastos-Rodrigues, L.; Pimenta, J.R.; Byd- [138] Horsman, Reginald, Race and Manifest Destiny: The Ori-
lowski, S.P. (2009). “Genetic heritage variability of gins of American Radial Anglo-Saxonism, Harvard Uni-
Brazilians in even regional averages, 2009 study”. Brazil- versity Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1981 p. 210.
ian Journal of Medical and Biological Research 42 This reference is speaking in historic terms bt there is not
(10): 870–6. doi:10.1590/S0100-879X2009005000026. reason to think that this perception has altered much
PMID 19738982.
[139] Kaszycka, Katarzyna A.; Strziko, January (2003).
[123] De Assis Poiares, Lilian; De Sá Osorio, Paulo; Spanhol, "'Race' Still an Issue for Physical Anthropology? Re-
Fábio Alexandre; Coltre, Sidnei César; Rodenbusch, Ro- sults of Polish Studies Seen in the Light of the U.S.
drigo; Gusmão, Leonor; Largura, Alvaro; Sandrini, Fabi- Findings”. American Anthropologist 105: 116–24.
ano; Da Silva, Cláudia Maria Dornelles (2010). “Allele doi:10.1525/aa.2003.105.1.116.
frequencies of 15 STRs in a representative sample of the
Brazilian population”. Forensic Science International: Ge- [140] Štrkalj, Goran; Wang, Qian (2003). “On the Concept
netics 4 (2): e61. doi:10.1016/j.fsigen.2009.05.006. of Race in Chinese Biological Anthropology: Alive and
Well”. Current Anthropology (The University of Chicago
[124] Brazilian DNA is nearly 80% European, indicates study. Press) 44 (3): 403. doi:10.1086/374899.
[125] NMO Godinho O impacto das migrações na constituição [141] Black, Sue; Ferguson, Elidh (2011). Forensic Anthropol-
genética de populações latino-americanas. PhD Thesis, ogy: 2000 to 2010. Taylor & Francis. p. 125. ISBN
Universidade de Brasília (2008). 1-439-84588-3.
[126] “IBGE teen”. Ibge.gov.br. Retrieved 2011-12-29.
[142] Štrkalj, Goran (2007). “The Status of the Race Concept
[127] Ramos, Arthur (2003). A mestiçagem no Brasil (in Por- in Contemporary Biological Anthropology: A Review”.
tuguese). Maceió: EDUFAL. ISBN 978-85-7177-181-9.. Anthropologist (Kamla-Raj) 9 (1).
Page 82.
[143] Current Views of European Anthropologists on Race:
[128] Argentina. by Arthur P. Whitaker. New Jersey: Prentice Influence of Educational and Ideological Background,
Hall Inc, 1984. Cited in Yale immigration study Katarzyna A. Kaszycka, Goran Štrkalj, Jan Strzalko,
American Anthropologist Volume 111, Issue 1, pages 43–
[129] Renato Pinto Venâncio, “Presença portuguesa: de colo- 56, March 2009, doi:10.1111/j.1548-1433.2009.01076.x
nizadores a imigrantes” i.e. Portuguese presence: from
colonizers to immigrants, chap. 3 of Brasil: 500 anos de [144] Race, Class, and Gender in the United States (text only)
povoamento (IBGE). Relevant extract available here 7th (Seventh) edition by P. S. Rothenberg p131

[130] The Council of the European Union Council Directive [145] Eduardo Bonilla-Silva, Racism Without Racists (Second
2000/43/EC of 29 June 2000 implementing the principle Edition) (2006), Rowman and Littlefield
of equal treatment between persons irrespective of racial
or ethnic origin [146] The decline of race in American physical anthropology
Leonard Lieberman, Rodney C. Kirk, Michael Corcoran.
[131] European Union Directives on the Prohibition of Discrim- 2003. Department of Sociology and Anthropology, Cen-
ination Icelandic Human Rights Centre tral Michigan University, Mt. Pleasant, MI. 48859, USA

[132] Mark Bell Racism and Equality in the European [147] Lieberman, Leonard; Kirk, Rodney C.; Lit-
Union Oxford University Press, publication date: 2009, tlefield, Alice (2003). “Perishing Paradigm:
Print ISBN 9780199297849, DOI:10.1093/acprof:oso/ Race1931-99”. American Anthropologist 105: 110.
9780199297849.001.0001 doi:10.1525/aa.2003.105.1.110.
A following article in the same issue questions the precise
[133] Race Policy in France by Erik Bleich, Middlebury Col-
rate of decline, but from their opposing perspective
lege, 2012-05-01
agrees that the Negroid/Caucasoid/Mongoloid paradigm
[134] Morning, Ann (2011). How Scientists Think and Teach has fallen into near-total disfavor: Cartmill, Matt; Brown,
about Human Difference. University of California Press. Kaye (2003). “Surveying the Race Concept: A Reply to
p. 47. ISBN 9780520950146. Lieberman, Kirk, and Littlefield”. American Anthropolo-
gist 105: 114. doi:10.1525/aa.2003.105.1.114.
[135] Sexton, Jared (2008). Amalgamation Schemes. Univ of
Minnesota Press. [148] “American Anthropological Association Statement on
“Race"". Aaanet.org. 1998-05-17. Retrieved 2009-04-
[136] Nobles 2000 18.

[137] “Revisions to the Standards for the Classification of Fed- [149] Bindon, Jim. University of Alabama. "Post World War
eral Data on Race and Ethnicity”. Office of Manage- II”. 2005. August 28, 2006.
ment and Budget. 1997-10-30. Retrieved 2009-03-19.
Also: U.S. Census Bureau Guidance on the Presentation [150] Reynolds, Larry T.; Lieberman, Leonard (1996). Race
and Comparison of Race and Hispanic Origin Data and and Other Misadventures: Essays in Honor of Ashley Mon-
B03002. HISPANIC OR LATINO ORIGIN BY RACE; tagu in His Ninetieth Year. Altamira Press. p. 159. ISBN
2007 American Community Survey 1-Year Estimates 1-882-28935-8.
 22 7 REFERENCES

[151] Lieberman, L (February 2001). “How “Caucasoids” got [163] The conceptualization and operationalization of race and
such big crania and why they shrank. From Morton to ethnicity by health services researchers, Susan Moscou,
Rushton.” (PDF). Current anthropology 42 (1): 69–95. Nursing Inquiry, Volume 15, Issue 2, pages 94–105, June
doi:10.1086/318434. PMID 14992214. 2008
[152] Štrkalj, Goran (2007). “The Status of the Race Concept [164] Štrkalj, Goran; Solyali, Veli (2010). “Human Biological
in Contemporary Biological Anthropology: A Review” Variation in Anatomy Textbooks: The Role of Ancestry”.
(PDF). Anthropologist. Studies on Ethno-Medicine 4 (3): 157–161.
[153] Does race exist? A proponent’s perspective. Gill [165] “Office of Minority Health”. Minorityhealth.hhs.gov.
GW. (2000) PBS. http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/nova/first/ 2011-08-16. Retrieved 2012-12-30.
gill.html
[166] Risch et al. 2002
[154] “NOVA | Does Race Exist?". Pbs.org. Retrieved 2012-
12-30. [167] In summary, Condit et al. (2003) argues that, in order
[155] See: to predict the clinical success of pharmacogenomic re-
search, scholars must conduct subsidiary research on two
• Gill 2000 fronts: Science, wherein the degree of correspondence be-
• Armelagos & Smay 2000 tween popular and professional racial categories can be as-
• Risch et al. 2002 sessed; and society at large, through which attitudinal fac-
tors moderate the relationship between scientific sound-
• Bloche 2004
ness and societal acceptance. To accept race-as-proxy,
[156] Brace, C. Loring (1995). “Region Does not Mean “Race"- then, may be necessary but insufficient to solidify the fu-
-Reality Versus Convention in Forensic Anthropology”. ture of race-based pharmacogenomics.
Journal of Forensic Sciences 40 (2): 29–33.
[168] Graves 2011
[157] The presentation of human biological diversity in sport
and exercise science textbooks: the example of “race.”, [169] Fullwiley 2011
Christopher J. Hallinan, Journal of Sport Behavior, March
[170] Harpending 2006, p. 458 “On the other hand, informa-
1994
tion about the race of patients will be useless as soon as
[158] Frederick P. Rivara and Laurence Finberg, (2001) “Use we discover and can type cheaply the underlying genes that
of the Terms Race and Ethnicity,” Archives of Pediatrics are responsible for the associations. Can races be enumer-
& Adolescent Medicine 155, no. 2 119. “In future is- ated in any unambiguous way? Of course not, and this is
sues of the ARCHIVES, we ask authors to not use race well known not only to scientists but also to anyone on the
and ethnicity when there is no biological, scientific, or so- street.”
ciological reason for doing so. Race or ethnicity should
not be used as explanatory variables, when the underlying [171] Lee et al. 2008
constructs are variables that can, and should, be measured
[172] Kahn 2011, p. 132 “For example, what are we to make
directly (eg, educational level of subjects, household in-
of the fact that African Americans suffer from dispropor-
come of the families, single vs 2-parent households, em-
tionately high rates of hypertension, but Africans in Nige-
ployment of parents, owning vs renting one’s home, and
ria have among the world’s lowest rates of hypertension,
other measures of socioeconomic status). In contrast, the
far lower than the overwhelmingly white population of
recent attention on decreasing health disparities uses race
Germany? Genetics certainly plays a role in hypertension.
and ethnicity not as explanatory variables but as ways of
But any role it plays in explaining such differences must
examining the underlying sociocultural reasons for these
surely be vanishingly small. (citing Richard Cooper et al.,
disparities and appropriately targeting attention and re-
'An International Comparative Study of Blood Pressure
sources on children and adolescents with poorer health.
in Populations of European vs. African Descent,' BMC
In select issues and questions such as these, use of race
Medicine 3 (January 5, 2005): 2, www.biomedcentral.
and ethnicity is appropriate.”
com/1741-7015/3/2 (accessed March 9, 2010).)"
[159] See program announcement and requests for grant appli-
cations at the NIH website, at nih.gov. [173] Condit et al. 2003

[160] Robert S. Schwartz, “Racial Profiling in Medical Re- [174] “Statistics on Race and the Criminal Justice System 2010,
search,” The New England Journal of Medicine, 344 (no, Appendix C: Classifications of ethnicity ". BBC News. 15
18, May 3, 2001) June 2007. Retrieved 24 September 2014.

[161] Reconstructing Race in Science and Society:Biology [175] “Suffolk Constabulary Policies & Procedures: Encounter
Textbooks, 1952–2002, Ann Morning, American Journal and Stop and Search” Retrieved 24 September 2014.
of Sociology. 2008;114 Suppl:S106-37.
[176] “Office of National Statistics: Review of equality data: au-
[162] Gissis, S (2008). “When is ‘race’ a race? 1946– dit report” Retrieved 24 September 2014.
2003☆". Studies in History and Philosophy of Sci-
ence Part C: Studies in History and Philosophy of Bi- [177] Michelle Alexander, The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarcer-
ological and Biomedical Sciences 39 (4): 437–450. ation in the Age of Colorblindness (New York, NY: The
doi:10.1016/j.shpsc.2008.09.006. PMID 19026975. New Press, 2010), 13.
 23

[178] Michelle Alexander, The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarcer- • AAPA (1996). “AAPA statement on biological as-
ation in the Age of Colorblindness (New York, NY: The pects of race”. Am J Phys Anthropol 101: 569–570.
New Press, 2010), 12. doi:10.1002/ajpa.1331010408.
[179] Abraham 2009
• Amadon, D. (1949). “The seventy-five percent
[180] Willing 2005 rule for subspecies”. Condor 51 (6): 250–258.
doi:10.2307/1364805. JSTOR 1364805.
[181] Sauer 1992

[182] Brace CL. 1995. J Forensic Sci. Mar;40(2) 171-5. Re- • Amundson, Ron (2005). “Disability, Ideology, and
gion does not mean “race"--reality versus convention in Quality of Life: A Bias in Biomedical Ethics”. In
forensic anthropology. David T. Wasserman, Robert Samuel Wachbroit,
Jerome Edmund Bickenbach. Quality of life and hu-
[183] Shriver & Kittles 2004
man difference: genetic testing, health care, and dis-
[184] Hammer MF, Redd AJ, Wood ET, et al. (June ability. Cambridge University Press. pp. 101–24.
2000). “Jewish and Middle Eastern non-Jewish pop- ISBN 9780521832014.
ulations share a common pool of Y-chromosome
biallelic haplotypes”. Proceedings of the National • Angier, Natalie (2000-08-22). “Do Races Differ?
Academy of Sciences of the United States of America Not Really, DNA Shows”. The New York Times.
97 (12): 6769–74. Bibcode:2000PNAS...97.6769H. Retrieved 9 August 2010.
doi:10.1073/pnas.100115997. PMC 18733. PMID
10801975. • Appiah, Kwame Anthony (1992). In My Father’s
House: Africa in the Philosophy of Culture. Oxford
[185] Thomas MG, Skorecki K, Ben-Ami H, Parfitt T, Brad-
man N, Goldstein DB (July 1998). “Origins of
University Press. ISBN 9780195068528.
Old Testament priests”. Nature 394 (6689): 138–
40. Bibcode:1998Natur.394..138T. doi:10.1038/28083.
• Armelagos, George; Smay, Diana (2000). “Galileo
PMID 9671297. wept: A critical assessment of the use of race in
forensic anthropolopy”. Transforming Anthropol-
[186] El-Haj, Nadia ABU (2007). “Rethinking genetic geneal- ogy 9: 19–29. doi:10.1525/tran.2000.9.2.19.
ogy: A response to Stephan Palmié". American Ethnolo-
gist 34: 223. doi:10.1525/ae.2007.34.2.223. • Bamshad, Michael; Olson, Steve E (2003-11-10).
[187] Palmié, Stephan (2007). “Rejoinder: Genomic moon-
“Does Race Exist?". Scientific American Magazine.
lighting, Jewish cyborgs, and Peircian abduction”. Amer-
• Bamshad, M; Wooding, S; Salisbury, BA; Stephens
ican Ethnologist 34: 245. doi:10.1525/ae.2007.34.2.245.
(August 2004). “Deconstructing the relationship be-
[188] Frank, Reanne. “Back with a Vengeance: the Reemer- tween genetics and race”. Nat. Rev. Genet. 5 (8):
gence of a Biological Conceptualization of Race in Re- 598–609. doi:10.1038/nrg1401. PMID 15266342.
search on Race/Ethnic Disparities in Health”. Retrieved
2009-04-18. • Banton, Michael (1977). The idea of race (pa-
[189] Rotimi CN (December 2003). “Genetic ancestry tracing
perback). Boulder: Westview Press. ISBN
and the African identity: a double-edged sword?". Devel- 0891587195.
oping World Bioethics 3 (2): 151–8. doi:10.1046/j.1471-
8731.2003.00071.x. PMID 14768647. • Blank, Rebecca M.; Dabady, Marilyn; Citro, Con-
stance Forbes (2004). “Chapter 2”. Measuring
[190] Rosenberg NA, Mahajan S, Ramachandran S, Zhao C, racial discrimination. National Research Council
Pritchard JK, Feldman MW (December 2005). “Clines, (U.S.). Panel on Methods for Assessing Discrimi-
clusters, and the effect of study design on the inference nation. National Adademies Press. p. 317. ISBN
of human population structure”. PLoS Genetics 1 (6):
9780309091268.
e70. doi:10.1371/journal.pgen.0010070. PMC 1310579.
PMID 16355252. • Bloche, Gregg M. (2004). “Race-Based Therapeu-
tics”. New England Journal of Medicine 351 (20):
2035–2037. doi:10.1056/NEJMp048271. PMID
8 Bibliography 15533852.

• Abraham, Carolyn (2009). “Molecular eyewitness: • Boas, Franz (1912). “Change in Bod-
DNA gets a human face”. The Globe and Mail ily Form of Descendants of Immigrants”.
(date=2009-04-07: Phillip Crawley). Retrieved American Anthropologist 14: 530–562.
2011-02-04. doi:10.1525/aa.1912.14.3.02a00080.

• AAA (1998-05-17). “American Anthropological • Boyd, William C. (1950). Genetics and the races of
Association Statement on “Race"". Aaanet.org. Re- man: an introduction to modern physical anthropol-
trieved 2009-04-18. ogy. Boston: Little, Brown and Company. p. 207.
24 8 BIBLIOGRAPHY

• Brace, CL (2000). “Does race exist? An antago- • Fullwiley, Duana (2011). “Chapter 6: Can DNA
nist’s perspective”. Pbs.org. Retrieved 2010-10-11. “Witness” Race?". In Krimsky, Sheldon; Sloan,
Kathleen. Race and the Genetic Revolution: Sci-
• Brace, CL (2005). Race is a four letter word. ence, Myth, and Culture. Columbia University Press.
Oxford University Press. p. 326. ISBN ISBN 978-0-231-52769-9. Retrieved 31 August
9780195173512. 2013. Lay summary (31 August 2013).
• Conley, D (2007). “Being black, living in the red"". • Gill, G (2000). “Does Race Exist? A proponent’s
In PS Rothenberg. Race, Class, and Gender in the perspective”. Pbs.org. Retrieved 2009-04-18.
United States (7th ed.). New York: Worth Publish-
ers. pp. 350–358. • Gitschier, Jane (2005). “The Whole Side of It—
An Interview with Neil Risch”. PLoS Genet 1 (1):
• Coop, G.; Pickrell, J. K.; Novembre, J.; Kudar- e14. doi:10.1371/journal.pgen.0010014. PMID
avalli, S.; Li, J. (2009). “The Role of Geography 17411332.
in Human Adaptation”. PLoS Genetics 5 (6):
e1000500. doi:10.1371/journal.pgen.1000500. • Gordon, Milton Myron (1964). Assimilation in
PMC 2685456. PMID 19503611. American life: the role of race, religion, and national
origins. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN
• Cravens, Hamilton (2010). “What’s New in Sci- 978-0-19-500896-8.
ence and Race since the 1930s?: Anthropologists
and Racial Essentialism”. The Historian 72 (2): 299. • Graves, Joseph L (2001). The Emperor’s New
doi:10.1111/j.1540-6563.2010.00263.x. Clothes: Biological Theories of Race at the Millen-
nium. Rutgers University Press.
• Crenshaw, KW (1988). “Race, reform, and re-
trenchment: Transformation and legitimation in an- • Graves, Joseph L. (2006). “What We Know and
tidiscrimination law”. Harvard Law Review 101 What We Don't Know: Human Genetic Variation
(7): 1331–1337. doi:10.2307/1341398. JSTOR and the Social Construction of Race”. Social Sci-
1341398. ence Research Council (SSRC). Retrieved 2011-01-
22.
• Cooper, RS; Kaufman, JS; Ward, R (2003). “Race
and genomics”. N Engl J Med 348 (12): 1166–1170. • Graves, Joseph L. (2011). “Chapter 8: Evolution-
doi:10.1056/NEJMsb022863. PMID 12646675. ary Versus Racial Medicine”. In Krimsky, Sheldon;
Sloan, Kathleen. Race and the Genetic Revolution:
• Currell, Susan; Cogdell, Christina (2006). Popular Science, Myth, and Culture. Columbia University
Eugenics: National Efficiency and American Mass Press. ISBN 978-0-231-52769-9. Retrieved 31 Au-
Culture in The 1930s. Athens, OH: Ohio University gust 2013. Lay summary (31 August 2013).
Press. p. 203. ISBN 082141691X.
• Haig, SM; Beever, EA; Chambers, SM; Draheim,
• Desmond, Adrian; Moore, James (2009), Darwin’s HM; et al. (December 2006). “Taxonomic consid-
sacred cause: how a hatred of slavery shaped Dar- erations in listing subspecies under the U.S. Endan-
win’s views on human evolution, Allen Lane, Pen- gered Species Act”. Conservation Biology 20 (6):
guin Books, p. 484, ISBN 9781846140358 1584–94. doi:10.1111/j.1523-1739.2006.00530.x.
• Dikötter, Frank (1992). The discourse of race in PMID 17181793.
modern China. Stanford: Stanford University Press.
• Harpending, Henry (2006). “Chapter 16: Anthro-
ISBN 9780804719940.
pological Genetics: Present and Future”. In Craw-
• Dobzhansky, T. (1970). Genetics of the Evolution- ford, Michael. Anthropological Genetics: Theory,
ary Process. New York, NY: Columbia University Methods and Applications. Cambridge: Cambridge
Press. ISBN 0231028377. University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-54697-3. Lay
summary (4 December 2013).
• Duster, T. (2005). “Race and reification in
science”. Science 307 (5712): 1050–1051. • Harris, Marvin (1980). Patterns of race in the Amer-
doi:10.1126/science.1110303. PMID 15718453. icas. Westport, Conn: Greenwood Press. ISBN 0-
313-22359-9.
• Edwards, AW (August 2003). “Human genetic di-
versity: Lewontin’s fallacy”. BioEssays 25 (8): 798– • Hawks, John (2013). “Significance of Neander-
801. doi:10.1002/bies.10315. PMID 12879450. tal and Denisovan Genomes in Human Evolu-
tion”. Annual Review of Anthropology (Annual Re-
• Ehrlich, Paul; Holm, Richard W. (1964). “A Bi- views) 42: 433–449. doi:10.1146/annurev-anthro-
ological View of Race”. In Ashley Montagu. The 092412-155548. ISBN 978-0-8243-1942-7. ISSN
Concept of Race. Collier Books. pp. 153–179. 0084-6570. Retrieved 4 January 2014.
 25

• Hooton, Earnest A (22 January 1926). • Lewis, B (1990). Race and slavery in the Middle
“Methods of Racial Analysis”. Science 63 East. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN
(1621): 75–81. Bibcode:1926Sci....63...75H. 0195062833.
doi:10.1126/science.63.1621.75.
• Lie, John (2004). Modern Peoplehood. Cam-
• Human Genome Project (2003). “Human Genome bridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press. ISBN
Project Information: Minorities, Race, and Ge- 0674013271.
nomics”. U.S. Department of Energy(DOE)-
Human Genome Program. • Lieberman, L (2001). “How “Caucasoids” got
such big crania and why they shrank: from Mor-
• Kahn, Jonathan (2011). “Chapter 7: Bidil and ton to Rushton”. Curr Anthropol 42 (1): 69–95.
Racialized Medicine”. In Krimsky, Sheldon; Sloan, doi:10.1086/318434. PMID 14992214.
Kathleen. Race and the Genetic Revolution: Science,
Myth, and Culture. Columbia University Press. p. • Lieberman, Leonard; Kirk, Rodney (1997).
132. ISBN 978-0-231-52769-9. Retrieved 31 Au- “Teaching About Human Variation: An Anthro-
gust 2013. Lay summary (31 August 2013). pological Tradition for the Twenty-first Century”.
In Rice, Patricia; Kottak, Conrad Phillip; White,
• Kaplan, JM; Winther, RG. “Prisoners of Abstrac- Jane G.; Richard H. Furlow. The Teaching of
tion? The Theory and Measure of Genetic Varia- Anthropology: Problems, Issues, and Decisions.
tion, and the Very Concept of 'Race'". Biological Mayfield Pub. p. 381. ISBN 1-55934-711-2.
Theory 7.
• Lieberman, Leonard; Jackson, Fatimah Linda C.
• Keita, SOY; Kittles, RA (1997). “The per-
(1995). “Race and Three Models of Human Ori-
sistence of racial thinking and the myth of
gins”. American Anthropologist 97 (2): 231–242.
racial divergence”. Am Anthropol 99: 534–544.
doi:10.1525/aa.1995.97.2.02a00030.
doi:10.1525/aa.1997.99.3.534.
• Keita, SOY; Kittles, RA; Royal, CDM; Bon- • Lieberman, Leonard; Hampton, Raymond
ney, GM; Furbert-Harris, P; Dunston, GM; Ro- E.; Littlefield, Alice; Hallead, Glen (1992).
timi, CM (2004). “Conceptualizing human vari- “Race in Biology and Anthropology: A Study
ation”. Nature Genetics 36 (S17–S20): S17–20. of College Texts and Professors”. Jour-
doi:10.1038/ng1455. PMID 15507998. nal of Research in Science Teaching 29:
301–321. Bibcode:1992JRScT..29..301L.
• King, Desmond (2007). “Making people work: doi:10.1002/tea.3660290308.
Democratic consequences of workfare”. In Beem,
Christopher; Mead, Lawrence M. Welfare Reform • Lewontin, Richard C. (1972). “The Apportionment
and Political Theory. New York: Russell Sage of Human Diversity”. Evolutionary Biology 6: 381–
Foundation Publications. pp. 65–81. ISBN 0- 397. doi:10.1007/978-1-4684-9063-3_14.
87154-588-8.
• Livingstone, Frank B.; Dobzhansky, Theodo-
• Krimsky, Sheldon; Sloan, Kathleen, eds. (2011). sius (1962). “On the Non-Existence of Hu-
Race and the Genetic Revolution: Science, Myth, and man Races”. Current Anthropology 3: 279–281.
Culture. Columbia University Press. ISBN 978-0- doi:10.1086/200290. JSTOR 2739576.
231-52769-9. Lay summary (31 August 2013).
• Long, JC; Kittles, RA (August 2003). “Human
• Krulwich, Robert (2009-02-02). “Your Family May genetic diversity and the nonexistence of biolog-
Once Have Been A Different Color”. Morning Edi- ical races”. Human Biology 75 (4): 449–71.
tion, National Public Radio. doi:10.1353/hub.2003.0058. PMID 14655871.
Retrieved 2009-04-18.
• Lee, Jayne Chong-Soon (1997). “Review essay:
Navigating the topology of race"". In Gates, E. • Marks, J (1995). Human biodiversity: genes, race,
Nathaniel. Critical Race Theory: Essays on the So- and history. New York: Aldine de Gruyter. ISBN
cial Construction and Reproduction of Race. 4:The 0-585-39559-4.
Judicial Isolation of the “Racially” Oppressed. New
York: Garland Pub. pp. 393–426. ISBN • Marks, Jonathan (2002). “Folk Heredity”. In Jef-
9780815326038. ferson M. Fish. Race and Intelligence: Separating
Science from Myth. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erl-
• Lee, Sandra SJ; Mountain, Joanna; Koenig, Bar- baum Associates. p. 98. ISBN 0805837574.
bara; Altman, Russ (2008). “The ethics of char-
acterizing difference: guiding principles on using • Marks, Jonathan (2008). “Race: Past, present and
racial categories in human genetics”. Genome Biol. future. Chapter 1”. In Barbara Koenig, Sandra Soo-
9 (7): 404. doi:10.1186/gb-2008-9-7-404. PMC Jin Lee & Sarah S. Richardson. Revisiting Race in a
2530857. PMID 18638359. Genomic Age. Rutgers University Press.
26 8 BIBLIOGRAPHY

• Mayr, E. (1969). Principles of Systematic Zoology. • Ossorio, P; Duster, T (2005). “Controversies

New York, NY: McGraw-Hill. ISBN 0070411433. in biomedical, behavioral, and forensic sciences”.
Am Psychol 60 (1): 115–128. doi:10.1037/0003-
• Mayr, Ernst (Winter 2002). “The Biology of Race 066X.60.1.115. PMID 15641926.
and the Concept of Equality”. Daedalus (MIT Press
on behalf of American Academy of Arts & Sci- • Owens, K.; King, MC (1999). “Genomic Views
ences) 31 (1): 89–94. JSTOR 20027740. of Human History”. Science 286 (5439): 451–
453. doi:10.1126/science.286.5439.451. PMID
• McNeilly, MD; Anderson, MB; Armstead, CA; 10521333.
Clark, R; Corbett, M; Robinson, EL (1996). “The
• Palmié, Stephan (May 2007). “Genomics, divina-
perceived racism scale: A multidimensional assess-
tion, 'racecraft'". American Ethnologist 34: 205–22.
ment of the experience of white racism among
doi:10.1525/ae.2007.34.2.205.
African Americans” 6 (1–2). Ethnicity & Disease.
pp. 154–166. • Patten, MA; Unitt, P. (2002). “Diagnosabil-
ity versus mean differences of sage sparrow sub-
• Meltzer, M (1993). Slavery: a world history (re- species”. Auk 119 (1): 26–35. doi:10.1642/0004-
vised ed.). Cambridge, MA: DaCapo Press. ISBN 8038(2002)119[0026:DVMDOS]2.0.CO;2.
0306805367.
• Reardon, Jenny (2005). “Post World-War II Expert
• Mevorach, Katya Gibel (2007). “Race, racism, and Discourses on Race”. Race to the finish: identity and
academic complicity”. American Ethnologist 34: governance in an age of genomics. Princeton UP. pp.
238. doi:10.1525/ae.2007.34.2.238. 17ff. ISBN 9780691118574.

• Miles, Robert (2000). “Apropos the idea of race ... • Rosenberg, N. A.; Mahajan, S.; Ramachan-
again”. In Les Back, John Solomos. Theories of race dran, S.; Zhao, C.; Pritchard, J. K.; Feldman,
and racism. Psychology Press. pp. 125–143. ISBN M. W. (2005). “Clines, Clusters, and the Ef-
9780415156721. fect of Study Design on the Inference of Hu-
man Population Structure”. PLoS Genetics 1 (6):
• Molnar, Stephen (1992). Human variation: races, e70. doi:10.1371/journal.pgen.0010070. PMC
types, and ethnic groups. Englewood Cliffs, N.J: 1310579. PMID 16355252.
Prentice Hall. ISBN 0-13-446162-2.
• Sauer, Norman J. (1992). “Forensic Anthropology
• Montagu, Ashley (1941). “The Concept of Race and the Concept of Race: If Races Don't Exist, Why
in The Human Species in the Light of Genetics” are Forensic Anthropologists So Good at Identifying
(PDF). Journal of Heredity 32 (8): 243–248. them”. Social Science and Medicine 34 (2): 107–
111. doi:10.1016/0277-9536(92)90086-6. PMID
• Montagu, Ashley (1997) [1942]. Man’s Most Dan- 1738862.
gerous Myth: The Fallacy of Race (paperback). Al-
taMira Press. ISBN 0803946481. • Sesardic, Neven (2010). “Race: A Social Destruc-
tion of a Biological Concept” 25 (143). Biology &
• Montagu, Ashley (1962). “The Concept of Race”. Philosophy. doi:10.1007/s10539-009-9193-7.
American Ethnography Quasimonthly. Retrieved 26
• Segal, Daniel A (1991). "'The European'_ Al-
January 2009.
legories of Racial Purity”. Anthropology Today
• Morgan, Edmund S. (1975). American Slavery, (Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain
American Freedom: The Ordeal of Colonial Vir- and Ireland) 7 (5): 7–9. doi:10.2307/3032780.
ginia. W. W. Norton and Company, Inc. JSTOR 3032780.
• Serre, D; Pääbo, S (September 2004). “Evidence
• Mountain, Joanna L.; Risch, Neil (2004).
for gradients of human genetic diversity within and
“Assessing genetic contributions to phenotypic
among continents”. Genome Res. 14 (9): 1679–
differences among 'racial' and 'ethnic' groups”
85. doi:10.1101/gr.2529604. PMC 515312. PMID
(pdf) 36 (11 Suppl). Nature:Genetics. pp. S48–53.
15342553.
doi:10.1038/ng1456. PMID 15508003.
• Schaefer, Richard T. (ed.) (2008). Encyclopedia of
• Muffoletto, Robert (2003). “Ethics: A discourse Race, Ethnicity and Society. Sage. p. 1096. ISBN
of power” 47 (6). TechTrends. pp. 62–66. 9781412926942.
doi:10.1007/BF02763286.
• Shriver, M. D.; Kittles, R. A. (2004). “Opinion:
• Nobles, Melissa (2000). Shades of citizenship: race Genetic ancestry and the search for personalized
and the census in modern politics. Stanford, Calif: genetic histories”. Nature Reviews Genetics 5 (8):
Stanford University Press. ISBN 0-8047-4059-3. 611–8. doi:10.1038/nrg1405. PMID 15266343.
 27

• Sivanandan, A (2000). “Apropos the idea of 'race' • Thompson, William; Hickey, = Joseph (2005). So-
... again"". In L Black; J Solomos. Theories of Race ciety in Focus. Boston, MA: Pearson. ISBN 0-205-
and Racism. London: Routledge. pp. 125–143. 41365-X.

• Slotkin, J. S. (1965). “The Eighteenth Century”. • Tishkoff, Sarah A; Kidd, Kenneth K (2004). “Im-
Readings in early Anthropology. Methuen Publish- plications of biogeography of human populations for
ing. pp. 175–243. 'race' and medicine”. Nature Genetics 36 (11 Suppl):
S21. doi:10.1038/ng1438. PMID 15507999.
• Smaje, Chris (1997). “Not just a social construct: • Todorov, T (1993). On human diversity. Cam-
Theorising race and ethnicity”. Sociology 31 (2): bridge, MA: Harvard University Press,. ISBN
307–327. doi:10.1177/0038038597031002007. 0674634381.
• Smedley, A (1999). Race in North America: origin • Joseph, Celucien L. Race, Religion, and The Haitian
and evolution of a worldview (2nd ed.). Boulder: Revolution: Essays on Faith, Freedom, and Decolo-
Westview Press. ISBN 0813334489. nization (CreateSpace Independent Publishing Plat-
form, 2012)
• Smedley, Audrey (2002). “Science and the Idea of
Race: A Brief History”. In Jefferson M. Fish. Race • Joseph, Celucien L. From Toussaint to Price-
and Intelligence: Separating Science from Myth. Mars: Rhetoric, Race, and Religion in Haitian
Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. p. Thought (CreateSpace Independent Publishing Plat-
172. ISBN 0805837574. form, 2013)
• Waples, Robin S.; Gaggiotti, Oscar (2006). “What
• Smedley, A; Smedley, BD (January 2005). “Race is a population? An empirical evaluation of some
as biology is fiction, racism as a social problem is genetic methods for identifying the number of gene
real: Anthropological and historical perspectives on pools and their degree of connectivity”. Molecu-
the social construction of race”. Am Psychol 60 (1): lar Ecology 15 (6): 1419–39. doi:10.1111/j.1365-
16–26. doi:10.1037/0003-066X.60.1.16. PMID 294X.2006.02890.x. PMID 16629801.
15641918.
• Weiss, Rick (2005-12-16). “Scientists Find A DNA
• Sober, Elliott (2000). Philosophy of biology (2nd Change That Accounts For Light Skin”. The Wash-
ed.). Boulder, CO: Westview Press. ISBN 978- ington Post.
0813391267.
• Willing, Richard (2005-08-16). “DNA tests offer
• Stanton, W (1982) [1960]. The leopard’s spots: sci- clues to suspect’s race”. USA Today.
entific attitudes toward race in America, 1815–1859. • Wilson, E. O; Brown, W. L. (1953). “The
University of Chicago Press. ISBN 0226771229. Subspecies Concept and Its Taxonomic Appli-
cation”. Systematic Zoology 2 (3): 97–110.
• Stocking, George W. (1968). Race, Culture and
doi:10.2307/2411818. JSTOR 2411818.
Evolution: Essays in the History of Anthropology.
University of Chicago Press. p. 380. ISBN • Wilson, JF; Weale, ME; Smith, AC; Gratrix, F;
9780226774947. Fletcher, B; Thomas, MG; Bradman, N; Goldstein,
DB (2001). “Population genetic structure of vari-
• Takaki, R (1993). A different mirror: a history of able drug response”. Nat Genet 29 (3): 265–269.
multicultural America (paperback). Boston: Little, doi:10.1038/ng761. PMID 11685208.
Brown. ISBN 0316831123.
• Winfield, AG (2007). Eugenics and education in
• Tang, Hua; Quertermous, Tom; Rodriguez, Beat- America: Institutionalized racism and the implica-
riz; Kardia, Sharon L.R.; Zhu, Xiaofeng; Brown, tions of history, ideology, and memory. New York:
Andrew; Pankow, James S.; Province, Michael Peter Lang Publishing, Inc. pp. 45–46.
A.; Hunt, Steven C.; Boerwinkle, Eric; Schork, • Witherspoon, D. J.; Wooding, S.; Rogers, A. R.;
Nicholas J.; Risch, Neil J. (2005). “Genetic Struc- Marchani, E. E.; Watkins, W. S.; Batzer, M.
ture, Self-Identified Race/Ethnicity, and Confound- A.; Jorde, L. B. (2007). “Genetic Similarities
ing in Case-Control Association Studies”. The Within and Between Human Populations”. Genetics
American Journal of Human Genetics 76 (2): 268– 176 (1): 351–9. doi:10.1534/genetics.106.067355.
75. doi:10.1086/427888. PMC 1196372. PMID PMC 1893020. PMID 17339205.
15625622.
• Wright, Sewall (1978). Evolution and the Ge-
• Templeton, AR (1998). “Human races: a genetic netics of Populations. 4, Variability Within and
and evolutionary perspective”. Am Anthropol 100: Among Natural Populations. Chicago, Illinois:
632–650. doi:10.1525/aa.1998.100.3.632. Univ. Chicago Press. p. 438.
28 10 EXTERNAL LINKS

• von Vacano, Diego. “The Color of Citizenship: • US Census Bureau: Definition of Race
Race, Modernity and Latin American/Hispanic Po-
litical Thought”. Oxford: Oxford University Press, • “Statement on Biological Aspects of Race”, Ameri-
2011. can Association of Physical Anthropologists

• “Standards for Maintaining, Collecting, and Pre-

senting Federal Data on Race and Ethnicity”, Fed-
9 Further reading eral Register, 1997, Department of Interior
• RACE: Are we so different?, a public education pro-
• Jorde, LB; Wooding, SP (November 2004). “Ge-
gram by the American Anthropological Associa-
netic variation, classification and 'race'". Nat. Genet.
tion.
36 (11 Suppl): S28–33. doi:10.1038/ng1435.
PMID 15508000.

• Race, Ethnicity, and Genetics Working Group

10.2 Popular press
(2005). “The Use of Racial, Ethnic, and An-
• “Race (human)", Encyclopædia Britannica Online.
cestral Categories in Human Genetics Research”.
American Journal of Human Genetics 77 (4): 519– • “The Myth of Race”, Medicine Magazine, 2007.
32. doi:10.1086/491747. PMC 1275602. PMID
16175499. Retrieved 23 September 2013. • Is Race “Real"?, forum by Social Science Research
Council, includes A.M. Leroi, 2005 op-ed article,
• Smedley, Audrey (March 14, 2007). “The His- New York Times, advocating biological conceptions
tory of the Idea of Race... and Why It Matters”. of race; responses from scholars in various fields
presented at the conference “Race, Human Varia- More from Leori with responses
tion and Disease: Consensus and Frontiers” spon-
sored by the American Anthropological Association • Richard Dawkins: “Race and creation”, (extract
(AAA). from The Ancestor’s Tale: A Pilgrimage to the Dawn
of Life), in Prospect Magazine, October 2004
• Whitmarsh, Ian; Jones, David S., eds. (2010).
What’s the Use of Race?: Modern Governance and
the Biology of Difference. Cambridge (MA): MIT
Press. ISBN 978-0-262-51424-8. Lay summary
(28 April 2013). This review of current research in-
cludes chapters by Ian Whitmarsh, David S. Jones,
Jonathan Kahn, Pamela Sankar, Steven Epstein, Si-
mon M. Outram, George T. H. Ellison, Richard Tut-
ton, Andrew Smart, Richard Ashcroft, Paul Mar-
tin, George T. H. Ellison, Amy Hinterberger, Joan
H. Fujimura, Ramya Rajagopalan, Pilar N. Osso-
rio, Kjell A. Doksum, Jay S. Kaufman, Richard
S. Cooper, Angela C. Jenks, Nancy Krieger, and
Dorothy Roberts.

10 External links
• Race: the Power of an Illusion companion website to
California Newsreel feature, 2003, PBS

• James, Michael (2008) “Race”, Stanford Encyclope-

dia of Philosophy.

• “Understanding Race”, American Anthropological

Association’s educational website, with links for pri-
mary school educators and researchers

10.1 Official statements and standards

• “The Race Question”, UNESCO, 1950
 29

11 Text and image sources, contributors, and licenses

11.1 Text
• Race (human classification) Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Race%20(human%20classification)?oldid=634480949 Contributors:
Damian Yerrick, AxelBoldt, Tobias Hoevekamp, Chenyu, The Cunctator, Eloquence, Mav, Bryan Derksen, Zundark, Szopen, The Anome,
Taw, Slrubenstein, Jeronimo, Ed Poor, RK, Amillar, Trimalchio, Andre Engels, Danny, Rmhermen, PierreAbbat, SimonP, AdamRetch-
less, Heron, Jaknouse, JDG, Olivier, Ericd, Moravice, Stevertigo, Patrick, Infrogmation, Boud, Michael Hardy, Paul Barlow, Modster,
Lexor, Norm, Kku, Liftarn, Tannin, Ixfd64, Dcljr, 172, Sannse, Karada, Snoyes, CatherineMunro, TUF-KAT, Glenn, H7asan, Susurrus,
Rotem Dan, Andres, Evercat, Genie, Quizkajer, Jengod, Charles Matthews, Timwi, JeffTL, Reddi, Rednblu, Patrick0Moran, Tpbradbury,
Nv8200p, Tempshill, Lkesteloot, VeryVerily, Populus, Samsara, Shizhao, Joy, HarryHenryGebel, Fvw, Raul654, AnonMoos, Matthewsta-
pleton, Bcorr, Pollinator, Jeffq, Rogper, Branddobbe, Robbot, Fredrik, Korath, Chris 73, Donreed, Altenmann, Peak, Seglea, Sam Spade,
Lowellian, Mirv, Rfc1394, Rorro, Jim Kalb, Ojigiri, Hadal, Millosh, UtherSRG, Saforrest, Demerzel, ElBenevolente, Casito, JerryFried-
man, Guy Peters, BovineBeast, David Gerard, Snobot, Psb777, Nikodemos, Nat Krause, Lethe, Meursault2004, Lupin, Timpo, Fastfission,
Spencer195, Obli, Curps, Arnejohs, Nomad, FriedMilk, Avsa, Jason Quinn, Nathan Hamblen, Darrien, Jalnet2, Jabowery, SWAdair,
Bobblewik, Golbez, Perstar, James Crippen, Utcursch, Pgan002, CryptoDerk, Quadell, Ran, Antandrus, Beland, Evertype, J3ff, Piotrus,
Oscar, Quickwik, Kiteinthewind, Phil Sandifer, Rdsmith4, Al-Andalus, Jokestress, Poddster, Pmanderson, Zfr, Karl-Henner, Sam Hoce-
var, Creidieki, RickScott, Joyous!, VarzaViezureMinz, Deeceevoice, Trevor MacInnis, JamesTeterenko, Thorwald, Kate, Alsocal, Mike
Rosoft, Silly Dan, Jayjg, NightMonkey, Freakofnurture, Heegoop, Monkeyman, Wdarling, Discospinster, Rich Farmbrough, Rhobite,
Guanabot, Hydrox, Wclark, Florian Blaschke, Crxssi, User2004, Carptrash, Dbachmann, Harriv, Paul August, SpaceFrog, SamEV, Ben-
der235, ESkog, Mateo SA, FrankCostanza, Bourbon King, Ben Standeven, Violetriga, Pedant, Wolfman, Livajo, Sfahey, Szyslak, Lankiveil,
Vecrumba, Summer Song, Susvolans, Guettarda, Bobo192, Cretog8, Touriste, Yonghokim, Johnkarp, Euniana, Zoggie50, Nectarflowed,
Wipe, Adraeus, Enric Naval, Viriditas, Cmdrjameson, Brim, Johnteslade, Jjk, Gjl, La goutte de pluie, Rje, Vanished user 19794758563875,
Silverback, Pharos, Pearle, Jonathunder, Stephen Bain, Orangemarlin, Ranveig, B.F. Lawrence, Alansohn, Anthony Appleyard, DimaY2K,
Walter Görlitz, Zik-Zak, Eric Kvaalen, Arthena, Borisblue, Hipocrite, CheeseDreams, Davenbelle, Wouterstomp, SlimVirgin, Schaefer,
Wtmitchell, Orionix, Yuckfoo, Jrleighton, LFaraone, Macgruder, Alai, Mattbrundage, Dd2, Voldemort, Drummond, Oleg Alexandrov,
Velho, Kelly Martin, OwenX, Woohookitty, Antares33712, Jamieli, Uncle G, Hippalus, Acidmonkey, Queerudite, WadeSimMiser, BRU,
MONGO, -Ril-, Dfb, Torqueing, Eras-mus, Skywriter, Wayward, Essjay, Silverwood, Halcatalyst, Neutra¦ity, Red carpet, Srubensten is
a bender, Tydaj, Marudubshinki, Mandarax, Their bowels, His Own Rectum, SqueakBox, Ashmoo, Graham87, Marskell, Xenoncloud,
Ryoung122, Deltabeignet, Magister Mathematicae, Cuchullain, Qwertyus, RxS, Icey, Ketiltrout, Sjö, Rjwilmsi, Mayumashu, Hitssquad,
Eyu100, Tangotango, Bruce1ee, Tawker, SpNeo, Oblivious, DonSiano, Ligulem, Arbor, The wub, Dolphonia, Fred Bradstadt, Maxim
Razin, Yamamoto Ichiro, Wobble, Titoxd, Ud terrorist, Ian Pitchford, Deceased, PlatypeanArchcow, Crazycomputers, Kerowyn, RexNL,
Gurch, BradBeattie, BMF81, CJLL Wright, Bgwhite, Gwernol, EamonnPKeane, Roboto de Ajvol, Satanael, Wavelength, Peregrine Fisher,
DavidSaintloth, JWB, Sceptre, RussBot, Tjss, Jtkiefer, Pigman, Chris Capoccia, Elrith, Manop, Gaius Cornelius, Pseudomonas, Wimt,
Herbertxu, Shanel, Muntuwandi, SEWilcoBot, Dysmorodrepanis, Wiki alf, The Ogre, Jaxl, Nick, Brandon, Cholmes75, Rmky87, Vancou-
veriensis, SM, Cljose01, Jalabi99, Romarin, Pym98, Wangi, DeadEyeArrow, Maunus, Dv82matt, Ms2ger, Igiffin, Crisco 1492, Georgewil-
liamherbert, Paul Magnussen, Citynoise, Deville, Zzuuzz, Andrew Lancaster, Mike Dillon, Terry Longbaugh, Chase me ladies, I'm the Cav-
alry, Jwissick, WayeMason, Dark Tichondrias, Black-Velvet, GraemeL, Chrishmt0423, Shawnc, Fram, Hayden120, Mitchellanderson, Al-
lens, Kungfuadam, Snaxe920, Ove, RG2, Tallard, Crystallina, Yakudza, Laurence Boyce, SmackBot, Amcbride, WilliamThweatt, Yellow-
Monkey, Elonka, Harlanpaine, Lestrade, Brya, TestPilot, Stev0, Pavlovič, NZUlysses, Darkstar1st, C.Fred, Ramdrake, Iopq, Wegesrand,
Weatherman90, Jagged 85, Lengis, Jab843, Veesicle, Josephprymak, LuisVilla, Auton1, Srnec, IstvanWolf, Xaosflux, Gilliam, Gelingvis-
toj, Ohnoitsjamie, Denisa, Hmains, Eug, Rmosler2100, Vercalos, David Ludwig, Aucaman, TimBentley, Full Shunyata, Trebor, NCurse,
Justforasecond, Elohimgenius, Parableman, Silly rabbit, BrendelSignature, J. Spencer, Baa, [email protected], William Allen Simp-
son, Yakuman, Gerkinstock, Fraser Chapman, SecurID, FrankWSweet, Jukrat, Pevarnj, RedHillian, Phaedriel, Jinw91, Khoikhoi, Krich,
Auno3, BesselDekker, MureninC, Makemi, Hoof Hearted, Infovoria, Cordless Larry, Iblardi, Pwjb, RandomP, Hgilbert, Mitchumch, Epf,
Jugbo, Curly Turkey, Rockpocket, The Fwanksta, DCB4W, Will Beback, Thejerm, The Ungovernable Force, G-Bot, Rory096, Harry-
boyles, Kuru, Khazar, Ergative rlt, Lapaz, Dejudicibus, Dialecticas, Ishmaelblues, NRCP, Digitalseal, Atoll, Reid1867, Defyn, JHunterJ,
Grumpyyoungman01, Learning1, Slakr, Beetstra, Ka34, Mathsci, Ryulong, Paukrus, Lucid, Nonexistant User, Iridescent, JMK, POND-
HEEPANKAR, Mikemikev, Joseph Solis in Australia, NativeForeigner, Sander Säde, Cbrown1023, Elliott Small, Tawkerbot2, George100,
Chris55, IronChris, Zenjin, Turelio, Wolfdog, CmdrObot, Van helsing, Agathman, Crownjewel82, Morganfitzp, Mystylplx, Jamoche,
R9tgokunks, Byronpascoe, Rabid Lemur, Neelix, Iokseng, Longshot.222, Tim1988, Colorfulharp233, FilipeS, Jac16888, Cydebot, Lord
Loxley, Future Perfect at Sunrise, Sperera, MC10, Grammargeek, Gogo Dodo, 01011000, Hughdbrown, Dougweller, Lord of the Isles,
Walter Humala, DumbBOT, Bumba claat, Expertist, Hontogaichiban, NMChico24, Pustelnik, Why bother, TSBoncompte, Epbr123, Bar-
ticus88, NeutralPoint, Rhodog, Keraunos, Steve Dufour, Al Lemos, Louis Waweru, Nadav1, John254, Ackees, Itsmejudith, The Proffesor,
Dmitri Lytov, EdJohnston, Dawnseeker2000, Futurebird, MattTweedell, Mentifisto, Ju66l3r, David D., Truchses, AntiVandalBot, Mil-
ton Stanley, Luna Santin, Blue Tie, Coolguy1368, Suncrafter, Prolog, Tangerines, Adell, Pwhitwor, Harmodios, Modernist, Farbotron,
Danny lost, Spencer, L0b0t, Alphachimpbot, Mutt Lunker, Ephery, Qwerty Binary, Myanw, Yalens, Res2216firestar, JAnDbot, Cali567,
MER-C, Jonspon, Andonic, 100110100, Tstrobaugh, Knowledgge, TheEditrix2, Dar book, Shaul1, Yahel Guhan, Coffee2theorems, Jk-
bell, ZPM, VoABot II, Professor marginalia, Wikipurdy, Swpb, Psychohistorian, Rich257, Avicennasis, L Trezise, Snowded, Indon, Jlan-
drith, Edmundwoods, Elinruby, Zepheriah, David Eppstein, Markovich292, Gottoupload, DerHexer, Louddavenport, Pax:Vobiscum, Xtifr,
Chimpanzee, Algebraic, Atessalev, MartinBot, Serkul, Mike8848, R'n'B, CommonsDelinker, Nono64, Mausy5043, AlphaEta, J.delanoy,
Lloannna, Trusilver, Fred.e, Smartcookie510, Altes, Adavidb, Hodja Nasreddin, Paul A. Newman, Mikihiko, Stan J Klimas, Clerks,
Ben robbins, P4k, StephenML, Thulean, HiLo48, Captain Occam, Ferahgo the Assassin, 83d40m, Olegwiki, Qwerty6533, Achilloba-
tor, AdrianChadd, Jamesontai, Cshavercicis, Lukas19, Dsarker, Scott Illini, Chris Pickett, IceDragon64, Andy Marchbanks, Idioma-bot,
Echosmoke, Signalhead, Alfietucker, Davacano, Fences and windows, Bsroiaadn, Arnie Gov, Tholzel, Cid Campeador, Philip Trueman,
Zidonuke, Cosmic Latte, Davehi1, Red Act, ChadR, Planetary Chaos, Delgadoloayza, Jpower3, Qxz, Someguy1221, B-Mack415, Nuke-
mason4, Voorlandt, C.Kent87, Johnraciti, Seb az86556, Kiyabg, Sushiya, Varoon Arya, Christopher Connor, Jeeny, Alborz Fallah, Lark-
light, Dark Tea, RaseaC, Sevela.p, H230, The Devil’s Advocate, Insanity Incarnate, Pan-ethnic, VinceBrewster, Stephanieslma, CMBJ,
Prophetess mar, GirasoleDE, Tiongxinyu, AngChenrui, StAnselm, G51, Calliopejen1, Jess0875, Dawn Bard, REBHUDSON1, Revent,
JabbaTheBot, Eyedubya, FunkMonk, Flyer22, Stefan197, Istaro, Oxymoron83, YellowFlag, Techman224, PalaceGuard008, Hqda, Jimt-
pat, Maelgwnbot, StaticGull, Nefariousski, Dcattell, Mygerardromance, Paulinho28, MoritzB, Bumphois, W.M. O'Quinlan, JasonSpa-
tola, Datta-ray, Twinsday, Martarius, Deep1979, ClueBot, Victor Chmara, Binksternet, Snigbrook, Weiner2952, Plastikspork, EoGuy,
RashersTierney, Cygnis insignis, Francislholland, Drmies, User11111, Parkwells, Leadwind, Boneyard90, Pumpernickelmalice, Laos-
30 11 TEXT AND IMAGE SOURCES, CONTRIBUTORS, AND LICENSES

Los, Nagika, Abrech, Esdraelon, Muhandes, Sun Creator, Ice Cold Beer, Arjayay, Singhalawap, Brokenwindows, SchreiberBike, Ja-
sonAQuest, Aprock, Thingg, Aitias, Rjbesquire, Belchfire, Tezero, CWS800, Johnuniq, Editor2020, DumZiBoT, Steveozone, Internet-
Meme, XLinkBot, Pichpich, Fercho85, NellieBly, Fwapper, FEVER04, Maijinsan, TravisAF, Marchije, Truthwillprevail12, Ejosse1,
Gameplaya007, Ikzing, Addbot, Proofreader77, Paper Luigi, Whazstak, Betterusername, Captain-tucker, Friginator, Trasman, Elsendero,
Laurinavicius, Fluffernutter, Download, Rosenkohl, Favonian, Tobus, Soupforone, Tide rolls, Lightbot, Festerius2008, Osado, Sadie82,
Wireless friend, Jarble, Ben Ben, Legobot, Yobot, Legobot II, Halojoe94, Rushlow, Gongshow, Maxí, Bryan.Wade, Mdw0, AnomieBOT,
Jim1138, Klimenok, Glagolev, T34CH, Citation bot, Ultimateidiot, LilHelpa, RachoCEGA, Ulysses elias, Shojim, Jambornik, Srich32977,
Skarl the Drummer, Selbstbildung, Barrie415, J04n, Omnipaedista, NadiaF7, Wet dog fur, Philip72, INeverCry, Philipp Steuer, Shadow-
jams, Godisfirst, 07michaelg, GESICC, Haz evans, MayFlowerNorth, FrescoBot, Xhaterx, Xstophatex, Tobby72, AlexanderKaras, Nat-
evelar, Markellion, Boricuamm, Panehesy, Jamesooders, Gweorth, Citation bot 2, Citation bot 1, Winterst, Saul Greenberg, I dream
of horses, Elockid, Jonesey95, Hamtechperson, Casimirpo, FormerIP, BlackHades, Jauhienij, Gocalifornia, Trappist the monk, Viet-
skoolboi1023, Stdundon, Lotje, Tofalutoi-corf-astad, Seahorseruler, Motech, Jakestew, The cuhjnts jot., 564dude, Peacedance, Rjtprnyc,
Grow60, Tbhotch, Stroppolo, Koozedine, Runcero, Obsidian Soul, RjwilmsiBot, IANVS, Mikery77, Eadomi, Crackhuggy, Salvio giu-
liano, John of Reading, AngryAryan1488, Qweevox, Dewritech, Giornorosso, GoingBatty, DancingHorses, Hanxu9, Moswento, My-
moosey521, The Mysterious El Willstro, Ecko1o1, Malcolm77, WeijiBaikeBianji, Millstoner, Semmler, Electrion20, Mucklert, Ocaasi,
L Kensington, Adhan24, AndyTheGrump, Axe84, Targaryen, Lguipontes, LikeLakers2, GrayFullbuster, ResidentAnthropologist, Terra
Novus, DemonicPartyHat, Boothello, Miradre, ClueBot NG, Mansourmo, Tube4335porch, Gilderien, Zeldafan3242, Phillyphan1111,
Bebg313, Frostbite Alan, In with the old, Sensitive editor, Frostbite Alan2, Iritakamas, BT35, QuintupleTwist, Jcgoble3, Liveintheforests,
Snotbot, Cannshan, Dazza1983, Mesoderm, Widr, TheWilliamson, Problematic construct, MerlIwBot, Helpful Pixie Bot, Sceptic1954,
Dchene50, Curb Chain, Bibcode Bot, Theoldsparkle, Carlodellora, Lowercase sigmabot, ArtifexMayhem, Aannoonn, ISTB351, Frze,
Wingroras, Jimmythekillerprawn, Mark Arsten, For objectivity, Tomfbake, Joydeep, CrnoKrno, P'tit Pierre, Nick5150, Arty.Maj, En-
cyclotadd, Hippofrank, Hamish59, Onthispage, Go ahead punk, 220 of Borg, Shirudo, TrollHunterEX20, Ble7, Kmaga, , BattyBot,
Axel Stone, Wscott4, SuperFacts, Dannyboy9777, Michael Isaiah Schmidt, Lucy126, CarrieVS, Garryee5, Khazar2, DunningKruger, Ice-
Brotherhood, Futurist110, Juliaharperozq, Justinbieber999, Claygreen, Hmainsbot1, Mogism, Inayity, Korean girl8888, FonsScientiae,
SusanKravitz, Terrabyte666, GeorgeHouse19, Zyma, Kobayashi245, Beezle24, Goat64gal, WolfgangAzureus, Mors Martell, Jaivanth,
Schrauwers, CR.ROWAN, BreakfastJr, BanjoBruce, Cgayhea, FoxyOrange, Rybec, UltimateBoss, Anrnusna, StephanieKIP, Supreme-
beanie, Monkbot, Peasant in Suit and Anonymous: 850

11.2 Images
• File:Asiatiska_folk,_Nordisk_familjebok.jpg Source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/9/98/Asiatiska_folk%2C_
Nordisk_familjebok.jpg License: Public domain Contributors: Nordisk familjebok (1904), vol.2, Asiatiska folk [1] (the colour version
is available in this zip-archive).
Original artist: G. Mülzel
• File:Commons-logo.svg Source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/en/4/4a/Commons-logo.svg License: ? Contributors: ? Original
artist: ?
• File:Meyers_b11_s0476a.jpg Source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/2/25/Meyers_b11_s0476a.jpg License: Public
domain Contributors: [1] Original artist: Hermann Rudi Julius, son of Joseph Meyer
• File:Moai_Easter_Island_InvMH-35-61-1.jpg Source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/d/da/Moai_Easter_Island_
InvMH-35-61-1.jpg License: Public domain Contributors: Jastrow (2006) Original artist: Unknown
• File:Padlock-silver.svg Source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/f/fc/Padlock-silver.svg License: CC0 Contributors:
http://openclipart.org/people/Anonymous/padlock_aj_ashton_01.svg Original artist: This image file was created by AJ Ashton. Uploaded
from English WP by User:Eleassar. Converted by User:AzaToth to a silver color.
• File:Question_book-new.svg Source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/en/9/99/Question_book-new.svg License: Cc-by-sa-3.0
Contributors:
Created from scratch in Adobe Illustrator. Based on Image:Question book.png created by User:Equazcion Original artist:
Tkgd2007
• File:Redenção.jpg Source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/d/d3/Reden%C3%A7%C3%A3o.jpg License: Public do-
main Contributors: Own work Original artist: Modesto Brocos
• File:The_history_and_geography_of_human_genes_Luigi_Luca_Cavalli-Sforza_map_genetic.png Source: http://upload.
wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/9/95/The_history_and_geography_of_human_genes_Luigi_Luca_Cavalli-Sforza_map_genetic.png
License: CC-BY-SA-3.0 Contributors:
• Blank_map_of_world_no_country_borders.PNG Original artist: Blank_map_of_world_no_country_borders.PNG: Ephert (<a
href='//commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/User_talk:Ephert' title='User talk:Ephert'>talk</a>)
• File:Wikiquote-logo.svg Source: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/f/fa/Wikiquote-logo.svg License: Public domain
Contributors: ? Original artist: ?

11.3 Content license

• Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 3.0