Estrada vs. Arroyo
Estrada vs. Arroyo
Estrada vs. Arroyo
Respondents contend that the cases at bar pose a political question. Gloria Macapagal Arroyo became a
President through the People power revolution. Her legitimacy as president was also accepted by other
nations. Thus, they conclude that the following shall serve as political thicket which the Court cannot
enter.
The Court rules otherwise. A political question has been defined by our Court as “those questions which,
under the Constitution, are to be decided by the people in their sovereign capacity, or in regard to
which full discretionary authority has been delegated to the legislative or executive branch of the
government. It is concerned with issues dependent upon the wisdom, not legality of a particular
measure.”
Respondents allege that the legality of the Arroyo administration should be treated similarly with the
Aquino administration. Respondents propose that the situation of the Arroyo and Aquino
administrations are similar. However, the Court finds otherwise. The Court has made substantial
distinctions which are the following:
Aquino Arroyo
Government was a result of a successful revolution Government was a result of a peaceful revolution
In the Freedom constitution, it was stated that the Arroyo took the oath of the 1987 Constitution. She
Aquino government was instilled directly by the is discharging the authority of the president under
people in defiance of the 1973 Constitution as the 1987 constitution.
amended.
It is a well settled rule that the legitimacy of a government sired by a successful revolution by people
power is beyond judicial scrutiny for that government automatically orbits out of the constitutional loop.
But this would not apply as the Court finds substantial difference between the 2 EDSA Revolutions. It
would show that there are differences between the 2 governments set up by EDSA I and II. This was
further explained by the Court by comparing the 2 EDSA Revolutions.
EDSA I EDSA II
Extra-constitutional. Hence, “Xxx IN DEFIANCE OF Intra-Constitutional. Hence, the oath of the
THE 1973 CONSTITUTION, AS AMENDED”—cannot respondent as President includes the protection
be subject of judicial review and upholding of the 1987 Constitution.—
resignation of the President makes it subject to
judicial review
exercise of the people power of exercise of people power of freedom of speech
revolution which overthrew the whole and freedom of assembly to petition the
government government for redress of grievances which only
affected the office of the President
Political question Legal Question
In this issue, the Court holds that the issue is legal and not political.
This issue arose from the January 20 letter which was addressed to then Speaker Fuentebella and then
Senate President Pimentel. Petitioner’s contention is that he is a president on leave and that the
respondent is an acting president. This contention is the centerpiece of petitioner’s stance that he is
a President on leave and respondent Arroyo is only an Acting President.
An examination of section 11, Article VII is in order. It provides:
“SEC. 11. Whenever the President transmit to the President of the Senate and the Speaker of the House
of Representatives his written declaration that he is unable to discharge the powers and duties of his
office, and until he transmits to them a written declaration to the contrary, such powers and duties shall
be discharged by the Vice-President as Acting President.
Whenever a majority of all the Members of the Cabinet transmit to the President of the Senate and to
the Speaker of the House of Representatives their written declaration that the President is unable to
discharge the powers and duties of his office, the Vice-President shall immediately assume the powers
and duties of the office as Acting President.
Thereafter, when the President transmits to the President of the Senate and to the Speaker of the
House of Representatives his written declaration that no inability exists, he shall reassume the powers
and duties of his office. Meanwhile, should a majority of all the Members of the Cabinet transmit within
five days to the President of the Senate and to the Speaker of the House of Representatives their written
declaration that the President is unable to discharge the powers and duties of his office, the Congress
shall decide the issue. For that purpose, the Congress shall convene, if it is not in session, within forty-
eight hours, in accordance with its rules and without need of call.
If the Congress, within ten days after receipt of the last written declaration, or, if not in session within
twelve days after it is required to assemble, determines by a two-thirds vote of both Houses, voting
separately, that the President is unable to discharge the powers and duties of his office, the Vice-
President shall act as President; otherwise, the President shall continue exercising the powers and duties
of his office."
After studying in-depth the series of events that happened after petitioner left Malacanang, it is very
clear that the inability of the petitioner as president is not temporary. The question is whether this
Court has jurisdiction to review the claim of temporary inability of petitioner Estrada and
thereafter revise the decision of both Houses of Congress recognizing respondent Arroyo as President
of the Philippines. The Court says that they cannot, for such is an example of a political question, in
which the matter has solely been left to the legislative,
1. IV. Whether or not the petitioner enjoys immunity from suit. If yes, what is the extent of the
immunity
Petitioner Estrada makes two submissions: first, the cases filed against him before the respondent
Ombudsman should be prohibited because he has not been convicted in the impeachment proceedings
against him; and second, he enjoys immunity from all kinds of suit, whether criminal or civil. The
“immunity” the petitioner points to is the principle of non-liability.
The principle of non-liability simply states that a chief executive may not be personally mulcted in civil
damages for the consequences of an act executed in the performance of his official duties. He is liable
when he acts in a case so plainly outside of his power and authority that he cannot be said to have
exercise discretion in determining whether or not he had the right to act. What is held here is that he
will be protected from personal liability for damages not only when he acts within his authority, but also
when he is without authority, provided he actually used discretion and judgment, that is, the judicial
faculty, in determining whether he had authority to act or not. In other words, he is entitled to
protection in determining the question of his authority. If he decide wrongly, he is still protected
provided the question of his authority was one over which two men, reasonably qualified for that
position, might honestly differ; but he is not protected if the lack of authority to act is so plain that two
such men could not honestly differ over its determination.
The Court rejects the petitioner’s argument that before he could be prosecuted, he should be first
convicted of impeachment proceedings. The impeachment proceeding was already aborted because of
the walking out of the prosecutors. This was then formalized by a Senate resolution (Resolution #83)
which declared the proceeding functus officio. According to the debates in the Constitutional
Convention, when an impeachment proceeding have become moot due to the resignation of the
President, proper civil and criminal cases may be filed against him.
We now come to the scope of immunity that can be claimed by petitioner as a non-sitting President.
The cases filed against petitioner Estrada are criminal in character. They involve plunder, bribery and
graft and corruption. By no stretch of the imagination can these crimes, especially plunder which
carries the death penalty, be covered by the allege mantle of immunity of a non-sitting president.
Petitioner cannot cite any decision of this Court licensing the President to commit criminal acts and
wrapping him with post-tenure immunity from liability. It will be anomalous to hold that immunity is
an inoculation from liability for unlawful acts and omissions. As for civil immunity, it means immunity
from civil damages only covers “official acts”.
Petitioner contends that the respondent Ombudsman should be stopped from conducting an
investigation of the cases filed against him for he has already developed a bias against the petitioner. He
submits that it is a violation of due process. There are two (2) principal legal and philosophical schools of
thought on how to deal with the rain of unrestrained publicity during the investigation and trial of high
profile cases. The British approach the problem with the presumption that publicity will prejudice a
jury. Thus, English courts readily stay and stop criminal trials when the right of an accused to fair trial
suffers a threat. The American approach is different. US courts assume a skeptical approach about the
potential effect of pervasive publicity on the right of an accused to a fair trial. During cases like such, the
test of actual prejudice shall be applied. The test shows that there must be allegation and proof that the
judges have been unduly influenced, not simply that they might be, by the barrage of publicity. The
Court rules that there is not enough evidence to warrant this Court to enjoin the preliminary
investigation of the petitioner by the respondent Ombudsman. Petitioner needs to offer more than
hostile headlines to discharge his burden of proof.
According to the records, it was the petitioner who assailed the biasness of the Ombudsman. The
petitioner alleges that there were news reports which said that the Ombudsman had already prejudged
the cases against him. The Court rules that the evidence presented is insufficient. The Court also
cannot adopt the theory of derivative prejudice of petitioner, i.e., that the prejudice of respondent
Ombudsman flows to his subordinates. Investigating prosecutors should not be treated like unthinking
slot machines. Moreover, if the respondent Ombudsman resolves to file the cases against the petitioner
and the latter believes that the finding of probable cause against him is the result of bias, he still has the
remedy of assailing it before the proper court.