A Multitask Theory of Enterprise Reform
A Multitask Theory of Enterprise Reform
A Multitask Theory of Enterprise Reform
Chong-En Bai
The University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, and WDI
David D. Li
Hong Kong University of Science and Technology, Hong Kong, and WDI
Zhigang Tao
The University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong
and
Yijiang Wang
University of Minnesota, Minneapolis, Minnesota 55455, CEPR, and WDI
E-mail: [email protected]
Bai, Chong-En, Li, David D., Tao, Zhigang, and Wang, Yijiang—A Multitask Theory
of State Enterprise Reform
During transition, maintaining employment and providing a social safety net to the
unemployed are important to social stability, which in turn is crucial for the productivity
of the whole economy. Because independent institutions for social safety are lacking and
firms with strong profit incentives have little incentive to promote social stability due to
its public good nature, state-owned enterprises (SOEs) are needed to continue their role in
providing social welfare. Charged with the multitasks of efficient production as well as
1
This is a revised version of our earlier working paper titled “State Enterprises in Transition: A
Multi-Task Perspective.” We thank John Bonin, two anonymous referees, and participants of the
William Davidson Institute’s 1997 Workshop and the 1997 AEA Meetings for their many helpful
comments. We also thank Roger Gordon, Yingyi Qian, Gérard Roland, Jan Svejnar, and Chenggang
Xu for earlier discussions on the topic. Partial financial support from the URC research grant of HKU
(Chong-En Bai), DAG99/00/BM24 and the Chinese SOE project of the HLCOR of the HKUST
(David Li), the Research Grants Council of Hong Kong (Zhigang Tao), and the Graduate School’s
Grant-in-Aid, University of Minnesota (Yijiang Wang) are gratefully acknowledged.
social welfare provision, SOEs continue to be given low profit incentives, and conse-
quently their financial performance continues to be poor. J. Comp. Econ., December 2000,
28(4), pp. 716 –738. The University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, and WDI; Hong Kong
University of Science and Technology, Hong Kong, CEPR, and WDI; The University of
Hong Kong, Hong Kong; University of Minnesota, Minneapolis, Minnesota 55455,
CEPR, and WDI. © 2000 Academic Press
Key Words: dual-track reform; multitask; social stability; unemployment.
Journal of Economic Literature Classification Numbers: P31, P23, P20, D21, J23, L20.
1. INTRODUCTION
This paper presents a theory to explain why in almost all transition economies,
reforms of state-owned enterprises (SOEs) have been slow and SOEs continue to
have poor financial performance. The theory starts with the observation that, during
transition, a social safety net has to be established in order to achieve social stability.
Otherwise, social instability caused by mass unemployment would create an unde-
sirable general environment for business and thereby lower the overall efficiency in
the economy. However, at the start of reform, independent agencies specializing in
providing a social safety net are missing because, before transition, SOEs functioned
as the main social welfare providers. It is very difficult to establish quickly an
institution independent of the SOEs to provide the safety net even if the funding is
available. Therefore, during transition, the government chooses to slow down SOE
reform and to keep a certain number of SOEs in order to maintain social stability.
The remaining SOEs continue to be charged with multiple tasks, i.e., the task of
production and that of social welfare provision.
In Section 2, we use a stylized model to illustrate this theory. There are three
groups of results. First, if the existing level of social stability is low, the reformist
government should maintain a certain proportion of SOEs during transition; i.e.,
a complete privatization of SOEs should be delayed. The rationale is that, by
delaying privatization, the multitasked SOEs continue to face low profit incen-
tives and, therefore, have little incentive to divert unobservable effort from social
welfare provision to production. Meanwhile, with profit as their sole objective,
private firms have little incentive to spend resources on social stability due to its
public good nature. Second, as a result of multitasking, SOEs’ financial perfor-
mance is inevitably poor during reform. In particular, the profitability of an SOE
is lower than that of a private firm. This is not only because SOEs have to spend
resources on maintaining social stability but also because they are given low
profit incentive by the government. Third, when the existing level of social
stability is higher or the total factor productivity of an SOE is low relative to that
of a private firm, the reformist government should reduce the proportion of
SOEs, i.e., the process of privatization should speed up.
After illustrating the key insights with a stylized model, we extend our analysis to
two important cases. The first is a reformist government at the beginning of transition
that can directly enhance social stability at a cost, e.g., by using tax revenue collected
718 BAI ET AL.
with a social cost. We show that, when the cost is very high, the government chooses
not to spend sufficient resources itself on social stability. As a result, SOEs are relied
upon to provide needed social stability in transition. Conversely, when the cost is
very low, the government chooses to spend sufficient resources itself on social
stability so that SOEs are not relied upon to maintain stability. Hence, they are
reformed at the beginning of the transition. The other extension is a consideration of
unemployment in the labor market as a source of social instability. All the main
results carry over to the extended models.2
After the theory sections, empirical evidence from China’s reform experience
is presented in Section 5. We argue that the basic premise and predictions of the
theory are supported by evidence from the experience of China’s state enterprise
reform. Although we feel that the theory is also relevant to other transition
economies, future empirical work is needed to confirm this conjecture.
Our theory of SOE reform is based on a second-best argument. The conclusion
that a certain proportion of SOEs should continue to exist during reform is driven
by the condition that the government cannot find other means to provide a social
safety net for unemployed workers. The first-best solution is achievable if an
independent social security system can be established so that this task can be
separated from the SOEs. Then the government can provide strong profit incen-
tives for SOEs, including possibly outright privatization, and thereby improve
their performance. The key reason for this last result is that the poor financial
performance of the SOEs is not simply a reflection of the direct financial
resources that the SOEs spend for social security and welfare purposes. In other
words, it is not simply a result of the redistribution of economic benefits
produced by SOEs. Instead, it reflects also the lower overall efficiency in SOEs
due to weak profit incentives applied to induce them to carry out the multiple
tasks. However, given that an independent institution to provide the public good
does not exist and can not be established quickly, the second-best social optimum
is to keep a fraction of the firms in the economy state-owned and charge them
with the task of producing the public good.
Our theory is not simply one of government intervention to deal with an
externality. Although the externality is a critical element in our theory, at the
center of our work are the questions of how private incentives affect the private
supply of a public good and how the government should design incentives to
achieve the best balance between private profit incentives and the private supply
of public goods. 3 To answer these questions, we derive our results on the optimal
speed of privatization.
2
An extension to incorporate product market competition can also be made. For details, please see
an earlier version of this paper (Bai et al., 1999).
3
Bai and Tao (2000) take a similar perspective to explain the coexistence of company owned and
independently owned branches in franchising. Their model pays close attention to the context of
franchising and is very different from the one in this paper.
MULTITASKS AND STATE ENTERPRISES 719
Several important observations are critical for our theory. The first is based on
how social stability is maintained in transition. Unlike most mature market
economies, there are no independent establishments specializing in providing
social services and a social safety net in a transition economy. Moreover, in the
short run, it is very difficult and costly, if not impossible, for the government to
establish such institutions. Existing bureaucracies, e.g., ministries of labor,
finance, and civil welfare, may compete to obtain control rights of the new
institution. Also, due to the stretched political capacity of the reformist govern-
ment, monitoring such new institutions is difficult. Therefore, SOEs should
continue to play the role of providing such services. A typical SOE in transition
economies was established as a minicommunity with all social service facilities,
such as a canteen, a medical clinic, a beauty saloon, a theatre, and shuttle buses.
It is very costly for the government to use tax revenue to replace such functions
of SOEs. 4 Our observation is that SOEs represent the dominant channel through
which social services and the social safety net are provided in transition.
The second observation is that the efforts of SOE managers to provide social
services and to maintain social stability are not observable. Although the gov-
ernment can instruct an SOE to keep a certain number of workers on its payroll,
which indeed has been the case in reality, it cannot observe directly how well an
SOE provides social services to its employees. Therefore, SOE managers must
not face high-powered profit incentives that induce them to cut costs by not
treating surplus workers properly. Similarly, a tax on SOEs for laying off
workers, the so-called unemployment tax, cannot induce SOE managers to
provide social services, since this can at most prevent the SOE from laying off
workers. In China, a well-known tendency is that SOEs treat surplus or unpro-
ductive workers as second-class citizens by depriving them of many benefits,
e.g., denying them health care benefits and delaying the repair work for the
broken windows of their company-provided apartment. This tendency threatens
to stir popular resentment against reform. Based on this observation, our assump-
tion is that an SOE manager can escape government monitoring and divert efforts
from providing social services to employees to seeking higher profits. This is the
basis of our multitask theory.
The third important observation is that obstacles exist in the labor market that
prevent it from clearing during transition. Should the labor market clear, the
social welfare problem on which this paper is based would not exist. Then all
4
In the context of dealing with the problem of social instability associated with unemployment, it
is often suggested that a payroll-type tax be levied so that the employed pay taxes to be used to
subsidize the unemployed as an insurance device. Such a scheme can not substitute for the role of
SOEs because without the social services of SOEs, it is very costly to compensate an unemployed
worker. Given the high cost, we show in Section 3 that the government is likely not to rely on such
taxes. Furthermore, with the incidence of the tax born partly by the enterprise, this actually induces
more unemployment and is counterproductive. Hence, despite such insurance schemes, reforms of
SOEs are still slow in reality.
720 BAI ET AL.
SOEs could be made single-task agents. The government’s concern for income
distribution and its wage regulation to address this concern are a plausible reason
for labor market imperfection in a transitional economy (see Gordon and Li,
1999).
Our analysis of the social safety net departs from those in the traditional
literature that emphasize the trade-off between incentives and insurance for those
covered by a social safety net. 5 A social safety net provides insurance to
economic agents but takes away their work incentives at the same time. This
concern relates to the principal-agent relationship between workers and employ-
ers. Although the trade-off is an important issue, there is another issue that is
unique in a transition economy and is more urgent. This issue involves the
principal-agent relationship between the state and the SOE managers and how to
provide incentives for SOE managers to continue those social services that were
traditionally supported by SOEs if independent institutions providing a social
safety net cannot be established quickly enough. Since social stability is a public
good, the efficiency of the whole economy is affected. This issue becomes
critical to strategies of SOE reform. In this paper, we focus on the public goods
nature of the safety net and show that this factor slows down SOE reform. 6
Our paper is embedded in a lively literature on strategies of economic transi-
tion. 7 Taking a political economy perspective, Dewatripont and Roland (1992a,b)
argue that, when the reformer has to compensate the losers of reform, a gradualist
reform is likely to be optimal because it can isolate the losers at each stage and
minimize government expenditure. Murrell and Wang (1993) discuss how insti-
tutional resources and structural legacies of a communist economy may lead to
a delay in the privatization process. Qian and Xu (1993) provide insights into the
effect of an economy’s prereform organizational structure on the path of reform.
Most closely related to our work are Castanheira and Roland (1996, 2000), Qian
(1996), Li (1997), and Roland and Verdier (1999). In a dynamic neoclassical
Ramsey model of investment, Castanheira and Roland (1996, 2000) show that
too fast closure of SOEs reduces income and savings so that less investment can
be made in non-SOEs. To explain the slow pace of SOE reforms, Qian (1996)
and Li (1997) argue that the lack of large investors or institutions for corporate
governance require continued government control of SOEs in order to curb the
agency costs associated with excessive insider control. Finally, Roland and
Verdier (1999) argue that high unemployment leads to congestion in the labor
market and excessive search costs for new jobs.
Our paper adds to these existing works by providing a new dimension to the
relationship between SOEs and non-SOEs, i.e., the issue of social stability. We
5
We acknowledge an anonymous referee for pointing this out to us.
6
In other words, we discuss the incentives of the providers rather than the recipients of social
welfare.
7
Two excellent surveys on transition are Dewatripont and Roland (1997) and McMillan (1997).
MULTITASKS AND STATE ENTERPRISES 721
2. THEORETICAL ANALYSIS
In this section, we set up a highly stylized model to illustrate the main
arguments of the paper. In the model, a reformist government decides on the pace
of SOE reform by choosing a certain proportion of SOEs not to be reformed
during the period. There are three main predictions of this model. First, if the
initial level of social stability is low, the government chooses to keep some
SOEs; these are given low profit incentives and are instructed to devote efforts
to maintaining social stability. Second, as a result, these SOEs are less profitable
than private firms. Third, when either the initial level of social stability is higher
or the total factor productivity of SOEs is lower, the government should choose
to keep fewer SOEs; i.e., the government should speed up reform.
To illustrate the key insights, the stylized model assumes a fixed product price
and does not explicitly consider the labor market. However, the main results
remain unchanged quantitatively when these assumptions are dropped. 8 As an
illustration, in Section 4, we include the labor market by considering employment
as a proxy for social stability. The extension of the basic model to include
product market competition can be found in an earlier version of the paper (Bai
et al., 1999). 9
8
We thank an anonymous referee for suggesting the extension.
9
In that paper, we incorporate the interaction between the SOEs and private enterprises via product
market competition. The introduction of private enterprises in transition economies increases product
market competition and thereby affects adversely the performance of state-owned enterprises. The
ensuing question is whether the government should keep any state-owned enterprises in these
circumstances. Presumably, the provision of social stability by SOEs enhances the incentive for effort
of private enterprises due to the complementarity between social stability effort and production effort.
Meanwhile, due to product market competition, the financial performance of the SOEs deteriorates.
We show that, under reasonable conditions, the former dominates the latter and, hence, it is optimal
to keep some SOEs in transition economies.
722 BAI ET AL.
prises (SOEs), the managers of which are paid fixed wages. We use j to denote
a private firm and i to denote an SOE. The proportion of SOEs is p 僆 [0, 1].
The manager of each firm performs two tasks, s and g. Task s is a specific
effort that affects only the revenue of the firm, and g is a general effort that
increases the revenue of all firms of the economy. Here s and g are called
production effort and stability maintenance effort, respectively. The total cost of
the efforts is born by the manager and is given by
c ⫽ s ⫹ g.
We assume that the levels of the two efforts are not verifiable and hence can
not be the basis of a contract. However, through direct monitoring of managerial
effort, the government can ensure a level of total effort of at least T from each
manager. Given the incentive contracts, the managers choose s and g according
to their self-interest and subject to the constraint that
s ⫹ g ⱖ T.
G⫽ 冕 I
g共k兲dk ⫹ G 0 ,
where the first term is the integral of the function g over the interval I, or the
aggregate of the stability maintenance efforts of all enterprises, and G 0 is the
initial level of stability plus the government’s effort in providing social stability.
We assume that G 0 ⬎ 0. In our main case, we also assume that G 0 is largely
determined by history and cannot be changed in the short term.
The revenue of each firm is assumed to be
x共k兲 ⫽ 共k兲 y关s共k兲, G兴 ⫹ ⑀ 共k兲,
where s(k) is firm k’s specific effort, ⑀ (k) is a random variable with mean 0 and
variance 2, ⑀ is independent across firms, and (k) is the coefficient of
efficiency of firm k. For a private firm, ( j) is normalized to be 1. For an SOE,
(i) ⫽ with 0 ⬍ ⱕ 1. Thus, is the total factor productivity of SOEs relative
to private enterprises and is typically less than 1, reflecting lower efficiency of
SOEs even when managerial efforts are the same in the two types of enterprises.
The reason for this lies in various institutional constraints faced by the SOEs. For
example, SOEs are subject to more government intervention than private enter-
prises and this lowers their efficiency. However, the main results of this paper do
not depend on the assumption that ⬍ 1.
The specification of y assumes that g is a pure public good. Although the
essential point is made most clearly by assuming an infinite number of firms and
MULTITASKS AND STATE ENTERPRISES 723
the pure public good nature of g(k), the qualitative features of our main results
remain if the economy has a finite number of firms and stability has local effects;
see Section 4 for examples.
Before proceeding to our analysis, we need to make two assumptions on the
production function y(., .). The first one is rather standard:
Assumption 1. Function y is increasing and concave in s and G, and the cross
partial derivative y sG ⬎ 0.
In order to capture the idea that stability is important for a firm’s production,
we assume that when G is very small, y G is very large. We also assume that y s (T,
G 0 ) ⬎ 1, which implies that monitoring is not very effective so that the effort
enforced by monitoring is lower than that induced by proper incentives; see Eq.
(1) below. For the analysis of the benchmark case, i.e., Proposition 1, we assume
further that y G is small when G is very large. Hence, we have a second
assumption:
Assumption 2. We say that lim G30 y G (s, G) ⫽ ⬁ for s ⬎ 0, lim G3⬁ y G (s,
G) ⫽ 0, and y s (T, G 0 ) ⬎ 1, where y G and y s are the first-order derivatives of
y with respect to G and s, respectively.
We assume that managers are risk-neutral to focus on the main reason for the
existence of SOE’s in the model, i.e., SOEs provide public goods, rather than
reduce the risk for agents. 10 The owner/manager of a private enterprise keeps all
the profit of the firm and his utility is
u共 j兲 ⫽ y共s共 j兲, G兲 ⫺ 共s共 j兲 ⫹ g共 j兲兲.
The manager of an SOE receives a fixed wage w i and his utility is
u共i兲 ⫽ w i ⫺ 共s共i兲 ⫹ g共i兲兲.
The manager of a private firm will make no effort to contribute to the public
good G because the marginal cost of providing g( j) is 1 and the marginal benefit
is y G (s( j), G) multiplied by his marginal contribution to G. Since G ⱖ G 0 ⬎
0, y G (s( j), G) ⬍ ⬁. Hence, the marginal benefit of g( j) is very small because
its marginal contribution to G is negligible. It follows immediately that the
manager of any private enterprise will not put in any stability maintenance effort.
In addition, for any given level of general stability, the manager will choose
production effort to maximize his profit. Because y s (T, G 0 ) ⬎ 1 by Assumption
2, optimal s satisfies the first-order condition
y s 共s, G兲 ⫺ 1 ⫽ 0, (1)
10
We do not assume that the workers are risk-neutral. In fact, we assume implicitly that they are
risk-averse and care about the social safety net. We assume only that managers are risk-neutral. Our
results remain valid even if the managers are risk-averse. The proof is available upon request.
724 BAI ET AL.
11
Notice that T is the effort level that is exerted by managers without incentive contracts.
Therefore, it is not as high as that of the managers of private enterprises who face high-powered
incentives.
MULTITASKS AND STATE ENTERPRISES 725
⭸
⫽ 关 y共T ⫺ g, G兲 ⫺ T ⫺ y共s, G兲 ⫹ s兴
⭸p
⫹ pgy G 共T ⫺ g, G兲 ⫹ 共1 ⫺ p兲 gy G 共s, G兲. (2)
For the main case, we assume that G 0 is determined by history and it is very
costly for the government to change its level in the short term. Furthermore, the
initial level of G 0 is rather low. Then, we show that it is optimal to have some
SOEs in the economy.
726 BAI ET AL.
Proof. We first prove that the optimal g does not go to zero as p approaches
zero. The partial derivative of with respect to g is
1 ⭸
⫽ ⫺ y s 共T ⫺ g, pg ⫹ G 0 兲
p ⭸g
⫹ py G 共T ⫺ g, pg ⫹ G 0 兲 ⫹ 共1 ⫺ p兲 y G 共s, pg ⫹ G 0 兲. (3)
Proof. When p ⫽ 1,
⭸
⫽ 关 y共T ⫺ g, g ⫹ G0 兲 ⫹ gy G 共T ⫺ g, g ⫹ G 0 兲兴 ⫺ T ⫺ 关 y共s, g ⫹ G 0 兲 ⫺ s兴,
⭸p
PROPOSITION 4. For any p and G 0 , an SOE produces less profit than a private
firm.
Proof. A private firm’s profit is
y共s, G兲 ⫺ s,
where s is chosen to maximize the profit. An SOE’s profit is
We note that the basis for Proposition 4 is not the low total factor productivity,
i.e., , of an SOE relative to a private firm. Even if ⫽ 1, Proposition 4 still
holds. Two factors are responsible for the low profitability of an SOE. First,
private firms free-ride on SOEs for G because g ⬎ 0 in an SOE but g ⫽ 0 in
a private firm. Second, SOEs have lower profit incentives and therefore have a
lower effort level, i.e., T ⬍ s. In other words, the poor financial performance of
SOEs is endogenous.
⭸p ⭸p
共1兲 ⬎ 0; 共2兲 ⬍ 0.
⭸ ⭸G 0
Proof. We first show that the optimal p does not go to 1 as goes to zero. For
p ⱖ 1 ⫺ ␦ and ␦ ⬎ 0, because y GG ⬍ 0, the last term in Eq. (2) is
small, the third term of the right-hand side of Eq. (3) dominates so that ⭸ /⭸g is
positive for all g. Therefore, the optimal g ⫽ T.
From Propositions 2 and 3, Eq. (2) holds at the optimal p. Since g ⫽ T is a
constant, the optimal p is determined by Eq. (2) only. Checking the Milgrom–
Wilson condition, we have
⭸ 2
⫽ y共T ⫺ g, G兲 ⫹ pgy G 共T ⫺ g, G兲 ⬎ 0. (4)
⭸p⭸
Therefore, ⭸p/⭸ ⬎ 0. Also,
⭸ 2
⫽ y G 共T ⫺ g, G兲 ⫺ y G 共s, G兲
⭸p⭸G 0
⫹ pgy GG 共T ⫺ g, G兲 ⫹ 共1 ⫺ p兲 gy GG 共s, G兲, (5)
where the last two terms are negative by assumption; y G (T ⫺ g, G) ⫺ y G (s,
G) ⬍ 0 because y sG ⬎ 0. Therefore, ⭸ 2 /⭸p⭸G 0 ⬍ 0. This implies that
⭸p/⭸G 0 ⬍ 0. QED
3. GOVERNMENT PROVISION OF G
Our analysis has assumed a fixed level of G 0 . In this section, we extend the
model by endogenizing the government’s choice of G 0 . We show that, if the cost
to the government for providing G directly is high, as it might be in the initial
stages of transition, the government will not provide sufficient G and, as a result,
SOEs are maintained to provide G. However, if the cost to the government for
providing G is sufficiently low, it is efficient for the government to be the only
provider of G and SOEs are not needed.
Denote G 0 ⫽ G 1 ⫹ G 2 , where G 1 is the initial level of stability and G 2 is the
government’s effort to augment stability. Assume that the cost of government
effort is (G 2 ), where is a strictly increasing and convex function. Incor-
porating the government’s choice of G 2 into consideration, the optimization
problem becomes
max ⬅ p关 y共T ⫺ g, G兲 ⫺ T兴 ⫹ 共1 ⫺ p兲关 y共s, G兲 ⫺ s兴 ⫺ 共G 2 兲
p,g,G 2
s.t. G ⫽ G 1 ⫹ G 2 ⫹ pg
s ⫽ arg max关 y共s, G兲 ⫺ s兴.
The following proposition characterizes the optimal solution:
PROPOSITION 6. Suppose G 1 is positive but sufficiently small. (1) If is
sufficiently large, the optimal p ⬎ 0. (2) If is sufficiently small, the optimal
p ⫽ 0.
Proof. The government’s maximization problem can be divided into two steps.
In step 1, for a given value of G 2 , choose ( p, g) optimally subject to the
MULTITASKS AND STATE ENTERPRISES 729
In the model analyzed in Section 2, g is the effort of a firm that increases the
revenue of all firms in the economy and it is called the stability maintenance
effort. We gave several examples of this effort, including employment. When
severe unemployment threatens social stability, increasing employment helps to
maintain social stability and, therefore, has a positive effect on all firms in the
economy. In this section, we consider a variation of this model to reflect better
this interpretation of g. For simplicity, we abstract from any direct government
provision of G.
730 BAI ET AL.
where l(k) is the labor input of the firm, w is the market wage, G ⫽ 兰 k l(k)dk
is the total level of employment in the economy, and all other variables are the
same as those in the previous model. The function y is assumed concave in (s,
l, G) and s, l, G are pairwise complementary. The economy we consider is one
with significant excess labor supply. The wage does not clear the labor market
and is not affected significantly by labor demand. Therefore, we assume that the
wage w does not depend on G.
In the basic model, a firm’s effort g has the same effect on its own revenue as
it does on other firms’ revenue. In contrast, under the current setup, a firm’s labor
input l has a stronger effect on the firm’s own revenue than on other firms’
revenue; that is, l has a positive local effect. This difference between the previous
model and the current model makes the analysis sufficiently different to warrant
separate treatment.
The manager of an SOE is paid a fixed wage and the wage for employees does
not affect the manager’s payoff. Therefore, the manager chooses s ⫽ T and is
indifferent about the choice of l(k). Then, the manager will choose the labor
input following the government’s instruction. Denote by L the level of labor
input that the government instructs the manager to choose.
The owner/manager of a private firm maximizes profit. We assume that the
government cannot subsidize employment in private firms or force these firms
to keep a certain level of employment. If the government did subsidize
employment or had an employment quota, the firms would have incentives to
create false employment to get the subsidy or to fulfill the quota. Further-
more, rules against the firing of workers do not work because the firm could
make an unwanted worker’s life in the firm so unpleasant that he would quit
instead of waiting for the firm to fire him. Given this assumption, the labor
input l( j) and the effort level s( j) are chosen by the owner/manager to
maximize
y s 关s, l, pL ⫹ 共1 ⫺ p兲l e兴 ⫽ 1
y l 关s, l, pL ⫹ 共1 ⫺ p兲l e兴 ⫽ w
l ⫽ l e. (6)
MULTITASKS AND STATE ENTERPRISES 731
⫽ p关 y共T, L, G兲 ⫺ T ⫺ wL兴
⫹ 共1 ⫺ p兲关 y共s共 p, L兲, l共 p, L兲, G兲 ⫺ wl共 p, L兲 ⫺ s共 p, L兲兴,
共0兲 ⫽ V共G 0 兲,
12
The notation G 0 here has a slightly different meaning from that in Section 2. In both places, G 0
is the level of stability when p ⫽ 0, but here it is not the initial level of stability as defined in
Section 2.
732 BAI ET AL.
5. EMPIRICAL EVIDENCE
Since our research is motivated by China’s experience of state enterprise
reform, our empirical evidence comes from China. Future empirical research on
other transition economies is needed in order to confirm the more general
relevance of our theoretical analysis. Some of the evidence presented below
MULTITASKS AND STATE ENTERPRISES 733
TABLE 1
Note. The table is based on answers to the survey question “why do you produce money-losing
products?” The survey was conducted with 769 SOEs from 1980 to 1989. See Li (1997) for details.
The choices are “Forced” ⫽ “forced by the government,” “Lack of tech.” ⫽ “lack of technology,”
“Subsidy” ⫽ “according to current government policies, we benefit from producing these products,”
“Employment” ⫽ “in order to provide jobs for surplus workers.” Enterprises directors were asked to
evaluate each choice (“Forced” etc.) by using a mark, such as “Not important.” The score is defined
as each choice’s weighted average mark across all enterprises, with the reported weight in the table.
The ranking is the frequency with which an enterprise director chose this option as the highest mark
among all choices, although ties were possible.
TABLE 2
Source. China Statistic Year Book 1995 and China Statistic Year Book 1998.
6. CONCLUDING REMARKS
This paper presents a multitask theory of state enterprise reform. SOEs are
charged with not only the task of efficient production but also the task of
social welfare provision. The theory starts with the observation that, during
transition, maintaining employment and providing a social safety net to the
unemployed are important to social stability, which in turn is crucial for the
productivity of the whole economy. However, independent institutions for a
social safety net are lacking and firms with strong profit incentives have little
reason to promote social stability due to its public good nature. Therefore, it
is inevitable that SOEs continue to play their multitask role during the
transition. Accompanying the multitask objectives of SOEs, low-powered
profit incentives continue to be imposed on the SOEs so that SOE restruc-
turing is delayed.
The multitask theory has two simple implications. First, it implies that SOE
reform and the economic performance of the SOEs cannot be satisfactory unless
their social welfare task is taken over by independent social welfare institutions. 14
Second, the desirable pace of SOE reform has to take into account the speed of
emergence of supporting institutions, in particular, those replacing the functions
of the SOEs that are unrelated to efficient production. 15
13
Another interesting episode occurred in the early 1980’s when tens of millions of urban high
school graduates who had been sent to the countryside during the Cultural Revolution returned to the
cities, waiting for urban employment. The mounting potential for social instability prevented any
major SOE reform from being implemented. Indeed, large-scale SOE reform started only after the
mid-1980’s, when this social stability issue subdued.
14
This view predicts poor economic performance of SOEs during reform, contrary to what
Jefferson and Rawski (1994) have argued. For the debate on China’s SOE reform, see Woo et al.
(1993), Woo et al. (1994), and Bai et al. (1997).
15
See Kornai (1992) for a philosophical discussion of this view. Murrell and Wang (1993) provide
a general analysis.
MULTITASKS AND STATE ENTERPRISES 737
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