Classical Political Economy: Heinz D. Kurz

Munich Social Science Review, New Series, vol.
2 (2019)
Classical Political Economy
Heinz D. Kurz
Department of Economics and Graz Schumpeter Centre, University of Graz, 8010 Graz,
Austria. [email protected]
Abstract: The paper discusses the approach to political economy of the classical
economists from Adam Smith to David Ricardo; the reasons why it was
prematurely abandoned and replaced by marginalist economics; and why a
logically coherent version of it elaborated by Piero Sraffa puts into sharp relief the
difficulties affecting the latter and especially its concept of capital as a magnitude
that can be ascertained prior to and independently of the rate of profits and relative
prices. It is argued that the classical approach does not stand or fall with the labour
theory of value, which was adopted by classical authors only as a makeshift
solution since they were not possessed of the mathematics of simultaneous
equations needed to deal with an economic system characterised by a social
division of labour. It is shown that the general rate of profits and relative
competitive prices are fully determined in terms of the data of the theory, i.e., the
system of production actually in use and real wages. The paper then deals with the
determination of real wages; the role of natural resources; technical and
organisational progress; money and banking; foreign trade; government and state.
Keywords: Capital accumulation and economic growth; Classical political

economy; commercial society; foreign trade; government and state; long-period
method; market; money and banking; natural resources and rent; Ricardo, David;
Smith, Adam; social classes; social surplus; value and distribution; wages and
profits
JEL Codes: B12, B40, B51, D33, D46, D82, E23, H10, J31, P16
1. The concept of “classical political economy”
Karl Marx coined the concept of “classical political economy” in A

Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy. He related it to the
works of William Petty in Britain and Piere Le Pesant de Boisguilbert in
© 2019 Verlag Holler, München.
ISSN 0170-2521
ISBN 978-3-88278-311-7
www.accedoverlag.de
18 Munich Social Science Review, New Series, vol. 2, 2019
France in the seventeenth century up until to the works of David Ricardo in

Britain and Simonde de Sismondi in France at the beginning of the
nineteenth century (see Marx [1859] 1970: 52). In his Theories of Surplus
Value Marx referred to the classical political economists as including the
Physiocrats, Adam Smith and Ricardo, who sought “to grasp the inner
connection of the phenomena” under consideration ([1861-3] 1988: 358).
In volume I of Capital he contrasted classical political economy and
“vulgar economy”, which is said to deal with “appearances only” (Marx
[1867] 1954: 85 n.). Marx called Ricardo “the last great representative” of
classical political economy, a view Joseph A. Schumpeter ([1912] 1954:
62-7) explicitly shared. Prominent authors including John R. McCulloch
and John Stuart Mill, often regarded as main representatives of British
classical political economy, Marx saw to be part of its decline.
Marx’s concept was not generally accepted. Interpreters from Edwin
Cannan (1893) to Mark Blaug (1987, 2008) and Denis O’Brien (1975,
2004) saw “classical political economy” to refer to pre-marginalist analysis
in the period roughly from the mid eighteenth to the mid nineteenth
century.1 In this view it was an early and rude version of demand-and-
supply analysis, with the focus on production and the supply side and
consumption and the demand side still in their infancy. The alleged
“shortcoming” involved was overcome, it was contended, by the
development of marginal utility theory in the second half of the nineteenth
century. The idea underlying this perspective was that as a scientific
subject the discipline progressed from its early beginnings to its modern
constructions, involving the elaboration of ever more sophisticated, rich
and coherent versions of demand-and-supply theory. In this view there was
only a single kind of economic analysis – demand-and-supply theory –
which provided us with a more and more thorough and correct
understanding of the economic phenomena under consideration. However,
as we shall see, this view cannot be sustained. Classical and marginalist
1 It deserves to be mentioned that marginalist theory is also known under the name
of “neoclassical economics,” a term coined by Thorstein Veblen in 1900. Veblen
responded to Alfred Marshall’s claim that marginalist theory consisted simply in
the further cultivation of the seed planted at the time of the classical authors, thus
the name neoclassical. However, Veblen saw that the neoclassical school had very
little in common with other schools, including the classical one.
Heinz D. Kurz: Classical Political Economy 19
economics differ in important respects – the former is not simply an early

and rude precursor of the latter.
2. Method and content
Clearly, demand and supply play some role in every kind of economic
analysis, classical, marginalist, Marxist, Austrian or other. The question is:
precisely which role? We shall see that in this regard there are fundamental
differences between the classical authors and the marginalists. (See on this
Kurz (2016: chaps 2 and 4).) These differences have their roots in
fundamentally different methodological outlooks on the subject. Most
importantly, the classical economists took the socio-economic system as
they found it, stratified in social classes – workers, landowners and
capitalists – who perform different roles in the process of the production,
distribution and use of commodities and the wealth of a nation. In the
tradition of Aristotle’s zoon politicon (ζώον πολιτικόν), individuals are
seen as social beings whose motivations, aspirations, capabilities and so on
are largely shaped by society or the milieu from which they come.
Another characteristic feature of the classical authors is their objectivist
point of view. This was most effectively expressed by William Petty, who
advocated a “physician’s outlook” on economic problems and decided to
express himself “in terms of Number, Weight, or Measure ... and to
consider only such Cases, as have visible Foundations in Nature, leaving
those that depend upon the mutable Minds, Opinions, Appetites, and
Passions of particular Men, to the Consideration of others.” Interestingly,
the alternative he described fits rather well marginal utility theory and thus
an important pillar of marginalism (the other one being marginal
productivity theory). In a similar vein, James Mill, a friend of Ricardo (and
the father of John Stuart Mill), put forward the remarkable proposition:
“The agents of production are the commodities themselves ... They are the
food of the labourer, the tools and the machines with which he works, and
the raw materials which he works upon” (Mill 1926: 165). Production,
these authors insisted, is a process of “productive consumption,” in which
various commodities (means of production and means of subsistence of
workers) have necessarily to be “destroyed,” in order to get some other
commodities, and the amounts that have to be destroyed reflect the
“difficulty” of getting them.
The focus of attention in classical political economy is on the

coordination of economic activities via interdependent markets within a
system of the social division of labour. Which conditions have to be met
for an economy in order to reproduce itself, when will it develop and grow,
when stagnate or shrink? The issues of socio-economic reproduction and
development assume centre stage in the analysis. The approach is systemic
and general – it looks at the economy as a whole and its interrelated parts
and seeks to understand its “law of motion” (Karl Marx). The main
problem dealt with is the dynamic behaviour of the system: an
investigation of its static properties is only a step towards this goal.
Important elements in this colossal painting of socio-economic life are the
following: the factors affecting the pace at which capital accumulates; the
determinants of the growth of population; the impact of technical change
triggered by competitive conditions on economic growth and income
distribution; the role of the scarcity of renewable and the exhaustion of
depletable resources in all this; the conflict over the distribution of income
between workers and the propertied classes and between capitalists and
landowners; the role of money and the banking sector in easing economic
transactions, but also in endangering the stability of the system; foreign
trade as an important channel to deepen the division of labour and raise
labour productivity; and the means and ways government has to influence
the course of things.
In contrast, marginalist authors start from the behaviour of the needy
individual.2 This leads to the elaboration of Robinsonades, contemplating
the production and consumption of an isolated agent such as Robinson
Crusoe (before he met Friday) in Daniel Defoe’s novel with the same title.
Marginalist economics, as Lionel Robbins (1932) put it, studies “human
behavior as a relationship between ends and scarce means which have
alternative uses.” Homo oeconomicus, economic man, enters and soon
completely occupies the stage. Marginalism endorses methodological
individualism, which does not take society as we encounter it, but seeks to
reconstruct it in terms of the interaction of self-seeking individuals. The
perspective assumed revolves around the concept of the scarcity of goods
and services and the options available to homo oeconomicus to make the
best of it. Within this framework social relations may be relatively
2 For details, see Kurz (2016: chap. 5).

unimportant and economic interaction weak. Depending on the set of

givens or data of the theory – preferences of agents, their initial
endowments of goods and means of production and the set of technical
alternatives from which they can choose to produce the various goods – an
equilibrium may exist in which several agents (in the extreme: all of them)
remain in a state of autarky and only a few (none) get involved in what a
commentator once called “a little trading on the side.” As can be shown,
social cohesion vanishes entirely when one takes the spatial dimension of
economic activity into account in the simplest case possible. Then the
competitive price mechanism can explain neither the emergence of spatial
economic concentration nor extensive trade streams. In fact, with constant
returns to scale, economic activity will be evenly distributed across a
homogeneous plain, carried out by autarkic units of production and
consumption. There is no society in any meaningful sense.
This paper is based analytically on the most advanced form of classical
political economy represented by Sraffa (1951, 1960). Space limitations
prevent me from providing a full exposition of its fascinating details and a
comprehensive treatment of the subject matter. At the same time an
attempt will be made to be faithful to what major classical authors actually
wrote. This applies especially to Ricardo’s writings, because we owe him
important insights into the working of the economic system and corrections
of the doctrine of Adam Smith. While a common core can be discerned in
the economic analyses of the classical authors, which consists essentially in
their explanation of all property incomes (rents, profits and interest) in
terms of the surplus product that obtains for a given system of production
in use and given real wages, differences between them can only be touched
upon in passing. For a discussion of similarities and differences between
them, see, inter alia, Garegnani (1984), Kurz and Salvadori (1995, 1998)
and Kurz (2010, 2015, 2016).
3. Political economy, economics, sociology
The difference between the two kinds of approaches, classical and

marginalist, is well expressed in the distinction between political economy
and economics, the former being used for the classical and the latter for the
marginalist school of thought. Closely related is the fact that at the time of
the classical economists a separate discipline, sociology, did not yet exist.
Sociology is widely seen to go back, in France, to Auguste Comte’s
lectures on positive philosophy in the late 1830s. Conceived as the

investigation of complex social facts, he saw sociology to be the last
discipline in his classification of the sciences after mathematics,
astronomy, physics, chemistry and biology to reach the status of a positive
science. It came last because of the extreme complexity of its
explanandum. Eighteenth century political economy, Comte was
convinced, was still primitive and lacked the necessary precision with
which the phenomena under consideration ought to be determined. He also
insisted that political economy relied too much on egoism, whereas what
was needed in modern industrial societies was to contain it in terms of
altruism. It deserves to be mentioned that especially the German Historical
School was also a movement that found fault with the focus on homo
oeconomicus and a narrow concept of rationality. Sociological inquiry, the
study of social relationships and interaction, clearly predates the proper
foundation of the discipline and was an integral part of classical political
economy. The need for a separate discipline with this name was especially
felt only after marginalism and homo oeconomicus had begun to
disseminate and gain in importance, which implied removing from the
economic discourse sociological themes, concerns and concepts, including
that of social class.
4. Homo mercans, homo laborans and homo inventivus
In order to understand the economic world, one has to understand human

beings, man’s nature and disposition, his innate characteristic features, his
urges and desires, his physical, mental and emotional faculties, and so on.
In A Treatise of Human Nature (1739) David Hume (1711-1776)
developed a naturalistic view of man and opposed philosophical
rationalism by arguing that passion rather than reason governs human
behaviour. Adam Smith in The Theory of Moral Sentiments (1759) took
issue with the moral doctrines of his time and argued that moral judgment
is nothing innate to man but the result of a dynamic interaction of people.
By observing others and the judgments they form of one-self and third
parties, makes one aware of oneself and of how one is perceived by others.
The natural desire to achieve “mutual sympathy of sentiments” with them
shapes peoples’ habits and eventually their norms of behaviour and
conscience, which is the faculty that constrains self-interest. The way this
is effectuated is via an “impartial spectator” – the “man within the breast”
– whose approval individuals seek. While in the Theory of Moral

Sentiments Smith developed a theory of the roots of peoples’ moral
behaviour, in An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of
Nations (1776) he focused attention first and foremost on the economic
sphere and therefore on self-interest. In this work he was especially
concerned with how competition would serve as a device that holds self-
interest in check.3
In order to survive, humans have to consume, and in order to consume
they have to produce. The starting point of Smith’s is an empirical
anthropology. Man has been endowed with faculties and motives that
condition him towards association, cooperation and competition,
development and growth. Smith discerned “a certain propensity in human
nature ... to truck, barter, and exchange one thing for another” (WN I.ii.1).
But man is not only able to communicate, truck, barter and exchange, he is
also in need of it: “In civilized society he stands at all times in need of the
cooperation and assistance of great multitudes, while his whole life is
scarce sufficient to gain the friendship of a few persons” (WN I. ii.2).
From this Smith concluded that:
man has almost constant occasion for the help of his brethren, and it
is in vain for him to expect it from their benevolence only. He will be
more likely to prevail if he can interest their self-love in his favour,
and shew them that it is for their own advantage to do for him what
he requires of them. Whoever offers to another a bargain of any
kind, proposes to do this. Give me that which I want, and you shall
have this which you want, is the meaning of every such offer; and it
is in this manner that we obtain from one another the far greater part
of those good offices which we stand in need of. (WN I.ii.2)
Smith exemplified the double coincidence of wants in one of the best-

known passages of the Wealth of Nations: “It is not from the benevolence
of the butcher, the brewer, or the baker, that we expect our dinner, but
3 There has been a controversy about whether Smith’s two major works are
compatible with one another, known as “Das Adam Smith Problem.” There is now
widespread agreement that they are, with the two works emphasizing different
aspects of human nature and the particular situations in which they come to the
fore.
from their regard to their own interest. We address ourselves, not to their
humanity but to their self-love, and never talk to them of our own
necessities but of their advantages” (WN I.ii.2). Finally, he also saw the
division of labour – which in his view is the main source of material
opulence – rooted in the propensity under consideration: “it is this same
trucking disposition which originally gives occasion to the division of
labour” (WN I.ii.3).
Hence, Smith established two crucial axioms upon which his analytical
edifice rests:
1. The market is a natural form of organising economic affairs,

because it reflects natural faculties of man.
2. Man’s well-being depends on the proper exertion of his trucking
disposition and thus on the functioning of markets, because they lead
to an ever-deeper division of labour, increase labour productivity
and raise income per capita, Smith’s measure of the wealth of a
nation.
Smith’s economic agent is a homo mercans and homo laborans, but she is
also a homo inventivus. Smith emphasized: “the desire of bettering our
condition ... comes with us from the womb, and never leaves us till we go
into the grave” (WN II.iii.28). It prompts people to save and accumulate
capital, expand markets, deepen the division of labour and carry out
“improvements” in each and every sector of the economy. It makes them
invent machines to abbreviate the toil and trouble of work and to increase
the social productivity of labour. In short, it makes them innovate and
revolutionize production processes and economic organisation.
5. Socio-economic classes
The classical economists distinguished between “three grand orders of

men” or social classes – landlords, workers and capitalists. Interestingly,
Smith classified them not only in terms of a single dimension: whether and
which kind of property they possess – land and natural resources, labour
power and industrial, commercial and financial capital. He also saw
another dimension to be of great importance: social classes may be
distinguished according their members’ access to information and
knowledge. Landlords, Smith wrote, receive revenue (rent) that “costs

them neither labour nor care, but comes to them ... independent of any plan
or project of their own.” This makes them indolent and “renders them too
often, not only ignorant, but incapable of that application of mind which is
necessary in order to foresee and understand the consequences of any
publick regulation” (WN I.xi.p.8). Things are worse with respect to the
second order of people: the worker’s “condition leaves him no time to
receive the necessary information, and his education and habits are
commonly such as to render him unfit to judge even though he was fully
informed.” The worker is most in danger of being manipulated: “In the
publick deliberation, therefore, his voice is little heard and less regarded,
except upon some particular occasions, when his clamour is animated, set
on, and supported by his employers, not for his, but their own particular
purposes” (WN I.xi.p.9; emphasis added). The people that are best
informed in economic and political matters are merchants and master
manufacturers, who “during their whole lives ... are engaged in plans and
projects” and who therefore “have frequently more acuteness of
understanding than the greater part of country gentlemen” (WN I.xi.p.10).
These men, possessed of a “superior knowledge of their own interest,” are
on the one hand the source of economic development. Their selfishness
may, however, be detrimental to the interests of the other classes and
society at large, because they are keen “to narrow the competition [in order
to raise] their profits above what they naturally would be, to levy, for their
own benefit, an absurd tax upon the rest of their fellow-citizens.” Smith
added:
The proposal of any new law or regulation of commerce which

comes from this order, ought always to be listened to with great
precaution, and ought never to be adopted till after having been long
and carefully examined, not only with the most scrupulous, but with
the most suspicious attention. It comes from an order of men, whose
interest is never exactly the same with that of the publick, who have
generally an interest to deceive and even to oppress the publick, and
who accordingly have, upon many occasions, both deceived and
oppressed it. (WN I.xi.p.10; emphasis added)
Those who are better informed and capable of interpreting pieces of

information may use their superior knowledge to the detriment of
customers, consumers and, in general, workers: asymmetric information

gives rise to moral hazard. Smith deplored the “wretched spirit of
monopoly” (WN IV.ii.21) that never sleeps and seeks to reap extra profits,
not by “improvements” of technology, that is, innovations, but by
narrowing competition.
6. Information asymmetries and the banking trade
Information asymmetries play a particularly important role in the banking

and financial sector. Bankers, Smith stressed, are often willing to take
risks, knowing that in case of failure the potential costs of their decisions
will be borne by others. Investment projects whose expected profitability is
abnormally high are as a rule also more risky. As the recent financial crisis
illustrated, this important fact has been ignored once again. People fell
victim to “irrational exuberance” (Alan Greenspan). Smith’s respective
observations read like a commentary on the crisis. With the (occasionally
hypertrophic) growth of a bank’s business, Smith emphasized, bankers
“can know very little about [their debtors].” They give credit to
“chimerical projectors,” who would employ the money “in extravagant
undertaking, which … they would probably never be able to compleat, and
which, if they should be compleated, would never repay the expence which
they had really cost” (WN II.ii.77).
The problem, to which Smith pointed here, is that these investors are
willing to offer high rates of interest to banks because they expect very
high profits from their “extravagant” undertakings and, should these fail,
do not intend to pay back the debt. The “sober and frugal debtors,” who
“might have less of the grand and the marvellous, [but] more of the solid
and the profitable,” on the contrary would, after careful calculation, be
prepared to pay only a lower rate of interest. Banks can therefore be
expected to go for the chimerical and not for the sober and frugal. This
leads to an adverse selection, which transfers a great part of the capital of a
country “from prudent and profitable, to imprudent and unprofitable
undertakings” (WN II.ii.77). This is why Smith opted in favour of
regulating the banking trade, because its failures may involve a systemic
risk, and insisted: “The obligation of building party walls, in order to
prevent the communication of fire, is a violation of natural liberty, exactly
of the same kind with the regulations of the banking trade which are here
proposed” (WN II.ii.94). More generally, good government has to control
and retrench the dark sides of selfishness. This will stimulate diligence,
industry and creativity. The “science of the legislator,” Smith elaborated,
was designed to show the way to good government. He left no doubt that
the regulatory task cannot be accomplished once and for all, because self-
seeking agents will always try to find ways to circumvent them. What is at
stake is a race between the cleverness of legislators and the cunning of
business people.
The classical economists were well aware of conflicts of interest
between different classes and groups of people. The view that they saw
society to be harmonious amounts to a travesty of facts. They also
identified the sources of conflict and the potential causes of economic
malfunctioning or crises and proposed policy measures to mitigate their
destructive effects.
7. Money and currency
Ricardo started his professional career as a stockjobber at the London

Exchange and monetary issues therefore played an important role in his
economics. He is typically portrayed as a representative of orthodox
monetary views and a strict advocate of a narrow quantity theory of
money, according to which the price level in an economy is proportional to
the quantity of money in the system. However, this view does not do
justice to Ricardo and ignores the fact that his monetary theory, while
characterised by a remarkable continuity, was not something that stood on
its own feet. It rather developed in close correspondence with the
elaboration of his theory of value. Ricardo’s monetary analysis has to be
seen against the inflationary tendencies in Britain at the time of the
Napoleonic wars.
In February 1816 Ricardo published some proposals for a secure
currency (see Works IV: 43-141), in which he put forward anew his “Ingot
Plan.” The plan suggested a return to the Gold Standard by making bank
notes convertible not into specie (coins), but into bullion (gold ingots),
which implied the demonetization of gold in domestic circulation. This
would have several desirable effects: it would allow Britain to continue to
use paper money as the actual means of payment, which Ricardo endorsed;
it would reduce the need for gold reserves held by the Bank of England
and thus mitigate the upward pressure on the value of gold; and, last but
not least, it would curb the huge profits pocketed by the governors and
directors of the Bank (which remained a private institution until 1946),

who benefited from the appreciation of gold. These profits, Ricardo
insisted, belonged to the public. The House of Commons decided on a plan
for the gradual return to note convertibility in bullion, starting in early
1820 and ending in May 1821 at the pre-1797 parity. During this period
Ricardo’s Ingot Plan was implemented. However, immediately after the
old parity had been restored, the Bank of England decided to return to note
convertibility in coin. This led to huge profits reaped by its directors, who
in anticipation of the move had accumulated large amounts of gold, which
they now sold to their bank at very favourable terms – precisely the kind of
self-enrichment Ricardo had chastised.
In 1823 Ricardo composed a plan for the establishment of a National
Bank, which was published posthumously in February 1824 (see Works
IV: 271–300). His plan had first taken shape in 1815 and was then put
forward in the first edition of the Principles (Works I: 361–3). Of the two
operations that the Bank of England performed – issuing paper currency
and advancing loans to merchants and so on – the former should be taken
away from it and given to independent commissioners, who act as bankers
to the government, but are “totally independent of the control of
ministers”. This would not thwart the provision of the economy with
money, but “in a free country, with an enlightened legislature” (Works I:
362) transfer a part of the profits of the Bank to the national Treasury and
thus to the public.
In the Principles Ricardo had pointed out the important role of a
standard of value, which was supposed to provide a solid basis upon which
to assess the causes of changes in the prices of commodities. After some
deliberation he decided to take gold to be a standard that performed
reasonably well vis-à-vis the requirement of being an “invariable standard
of value” in the sense that it was produced across time with roughly always
the same amount of labour needed directly and indirectly per ounce. On
the one hand, gold was a commodity like any other commodity, and its
value was regulated as that of other commodities by the amount of labour
expended in its production (see below). On the other hand, gold served as
money under the gold standard and as such was not a commodity. The
“only use” of the standard, Ricardo insisted, “is to regulate the quantity,
and by the quantity the value of a currency” (Works IV: 59). If the state
coins money and charges a seignorage for coinage, “the coined piece of
money will generally exceed the value of the uncoined piece of metal by
the whole seignorage charged” (Works I: 353). Hence the value of gold (of
a given weight and fineness) and the value of money will differ and the
difference will depend on the quantity of money provided. Ricardo was
concerned with proposing an ideal monetary system, which he defined in
the following way: “A currency is in its most perfect state when it consists
wholly of paper money, but of paper money of an equal value with the
gold which it professes to represent.” (Works I: 361). Hence the quantity of
paper money in circulation “should be regulated according to the value of
the metal which is declared to be the standard” (Works I: 354). This does
not require that paper money should be payable in specie to secure its
value. It suffices that “paper might be increased with every fall in the value
of gold, or, which is the same thing in its effects, with every rise in the
price of goods” (Works I: 354). According to Ricardo the increase in the
price level during the suspension of the convertibility of bank notes
between 1797 and 1821 was first and foremost the result of printing too
much money and thus of disregarding the role of the monetary standard.
Deleplace (2015: 355) concluded: “Ricardo’s concept of monetary
standard … had a revolutionary content, which put it far ahead of its time.”
According to Bonar (1923: 298), Ricardo’s Ingot Plan “was to be the
euthanasia of metal currency.” This is perhaps expressed too strongly,
because in Ricardo’s view gold was to preserve both its role as domestic
monetary standard and at the same time (as bullion) to serve as the means
of settlement of international debts.
In Ricardo we encounter the purchasing power theory of exchange rates
and the theory of a gold currency including the mechanism that is seen to
bring about an equalisation of the balance of payments. In the Bullion
controversy, which generated important insights into the functioning of a
monetary system without convertibility, Ricardo fought on the side of the
“bullionists” who argued in favour of a swift return to the gold standard.
An increase of the domestic relative to the foreign price level leads via the
flow of commodities and capital to a falling external value of the domestic
currency and thus prompts a tendency towards the parity of its purchasing
power at home and abroad.
8. The classical surplus approach to value and distribution
The litmus test of what is classical political economy is how its

representatives approach the problem of value and distribution, that is,
explain the sharing out of the product amongst the various claimants
(workers, capitalists and landowners) and which system of relative prices
supports this distribution. Notwithstanding important differences between
different authors, close scrutiny shows that the unifying element is that
they all deal with the problem essentially in the same way: they explain the
general rate of profits in the economy, the rents paid to the proprietors of
the different types of land and the ordinary or “natural” prices ruling in
markets at a given time and place in terms of the following givens or
independent variables (see Sraffa 1951, 1960):
1. The total quantities of the various commodities produced during a

year.
2. The set of methods of production actually employed in producing
these quantities, where this set reflects the technological knowledge
available to producers.
3. The real wage rate (or, in the case of heterogeneous labour, the
set of real wage rates) in terms of a given bundle of commodities
workers can afford with their money wage paid per unit of time (hour
or work-day or …).
4. The various qualities of land available in the economy to be used
in production.
We may illustrate the classical surplus approach to value and

distribution in terms of an exceedingly simple example. Assume that there
is only a single commodity, wheat alias corn, that is being produced and
used as a consumption good to feed people and as a production good
needed in the production of itself (as seed). Assume further that there is
only a single quality of land available and that land exists in abundance.
Landowners competing for tenants who cultivate the land bid the rent
down to zero so that in our thought experiment we get rid of the problem
of rent. There is only one kind of labour and the wage rate per unit of it is
given. A numerical example may illustrate the main ideas. Assume that
altogether 100.000 tons of corn are being produced during the year by
200.000 workers, each of which receives a wage in terms of corn at the
beginning of the year to feed himself and his family that amounts to 0.3
tons of corn per year. Total wages paid annually thus equal 200.000 x 0.3
= 60.000 tons of corn. Assume that seed that has to be put up with at the
beginning of the year equals 20.000 tons of corn. Wages and seed are for
simplicity taken to equal total cost of production and thus amount to

60.000 + 20.000 = 80.000 tons of corn. They constitute the physical
capital, consisting of means of production (seed) and means of sustenance
in the support of workers and their families (wages), that has to be
advanced at the beginning of the period or production, which is supposed
to be a year. The surplus product, which in our case will be appropriated
as profits by capital owners, is equal to 20.000 tons of corn. The ratio of
profits and capital invested gives the rate of profits, which in the example
is
Rate of profits = Profits/Capital = 20.000/80.000 = 0.25 or 25 per cent
9. Necessaries vs. luxuries
Corn in our example is what the classical authors called a “necessary”

because it is indispensable in the reproduction of the workforce and, via it,
also in the reproduction of the social product as a whole. Other
commodities that the classical authors considered necessaries include
clothes, dwellings, etc., or “wage goods” more generally, and commodities
needed in their production, such as coal and iron. These commodities were
needed directly or indirectly in each and every line of production, whereas
“luxuries” were not, being pure consumption goods enjoyed by the
propertied classes, capitalists and landowners.
We may illustrate luxuries’ different role in the economic system by
extending our numerical example to include whisky, a good consumed by
the rich, which workers cannot afford. Whisky is produced by means of
corn. Assume that 10.000 tons of the surplus product of corn in the above
numerical example are used to produce 5.000 hectolitres of whisky.
Assume in addition that of the 10.000 tons 6.000 tons are used to pay
20.000 workers, each of which gets the same wage per unit of labour
employed as in corn production, that is 0.3 tons. The remaining 4.000 tons
of corn are processed into whisky.
In conditions of free competition, capital employed in the whisky
industry will yield the same rate of profit as capital employed in corn
production, that is, 25 per cent. This implies that the price per hectolitre of
whisky, pw, has to adjust in such a way relative to the price per ton of corn,
pc, that the capitals advanced in both sectors of the economy yield the
same rate of profits. In corn production the price of the aggregate output
equals
100.000pc = (1 + r) 80.000pc (1)
and in whisky production it equals
5.000pw = (1 + r) 10.000pc. (2)
From equation (1) we get the already known r = 0.25. Plugging this in
equation (2) allows us to determine the price ratio of the two commodities,
pw/pc = 2.5. (3)
That is, one hectolitre of whisky is worth 2.5 tons of corn.

The important message of this little illustration of the classical approach
to value and distribution is this: The set of data or independent variables
1.–4., specified in the above, suffice to determine the general rate of
profits, r, and the relative competitive price of whisky, pw/pc. No other data
are needed. As Sraffa (1960) has shown, this holds true also in more
general cases, with many commodities, several means of production, wage
goods and luxuries, scarce land and so on, on which more below.
10. “Natural” vs. “market price”
The price ratio determined in (3) reflects what Adam Smith and David
Ricardo called “natural”, “normal” or “ordinary prices” and Ricardo,
Robert Torrens and Karl Marx called “prices of production.” The
characteristic feature of these prices is that they reflect the permanent and
systematic forces at work in competitive conditions and cover costs of
production of the various commodities plus a uniform rate of profits on the
capitals invested. “Actual” or “market prices” are in addition subject to a
multiplicity of “accidental” and “temporary” factors interfering with the
fundamental forces. By their very nature, markets prices defy an
explanation that is sufficiently general. The classical economists’ therefore
focused on the determination of prices of production.
The uniformity of the rate of profits reflects the successful working of
competitive forces. The natural price, Smith insisted, is
the central price, to which the prices of all commodities are

continually gravitating. Different accidents may sometimes keep
them suspended a good deal above it, and sometimes force them
down even somewhat below it. But whatever may be the obstacles
which hinder them from settling in this center of repose and
continuance, they are constantly tending towards it. (Smith, WN
I.vii.15)
The “gravitation” of market prices towards prices of production, or

rather their “oscillations” around them, is the result of the behaviour
especially of profit-seeking capitalists. Ricardo explained:
While every man is free to employ his capital where he pleases, he will
naturally seek for it that employment which is most advantageous; he
will naturally be dissatisfied with a profit of 10 per cent, if by removing
his capital he can obtain a profit of 15 per cent. This restless desire on
the part of all the employers of stock [capital], to quit a less profitable
for a more advantageous business, has a strong tendency to equalize the
rate of profits of all, or to fix them in such proportions, as may in the
estimation of the parties, compensate for any advantage which one may
have, or may appear to have over the other. (Ricardo, Works I: 88-9)
Relative changes in the employment of capital across the economy are

taken to bring about a tendency towards a uniform rate of profits. In this
context Ricardo drew the attention to the role of financial capitalists, who
are possessed of “a circulating capital [i.e. liquid funds] of a large amount”
borrowed by industrial capitalists. Because of this “floating capital,”
Ricardo surmised, profit rate deviations are reduced more rapidly. On the
basis of this presumption he felt entitled to abstract altogether from the
“temporary effects” produced by “accidental causes” and to focus on “the
laws which regulate natural prices, natural wages and natural profits,
effects totally independent of these accidental causes” (Works I: 89-92).
11. Quantities of “labour embodied”
Up until now we have not talked about “labour values” or quantities of

“labour embodied” in the different commodities. However, what was later
called the “labour theory of value” is widely, but somewhat erroneously,
considered the linchpin of classical political economy. According to it
commodities exchange in proportion to the amounts of labour needed
directly and indirectly in their production: Expressed in terms of a famous

example adapted from Adam Smith, if altogether 20 units of labour are
needed to catch a beaver and 10 units to hunt a deer, then two deer should
be worth, or exchange for, one beaver. Ricardo is typically seen to have
been the most ardent advocate of the labour theory of value. Alas, he took
the labour embodied principle only as a makeshift solution to a problem,
the complexity of which he could not fully master. He actually spoke “of
labour as being the foundation of all value, and the relative quantity of
labour as almost exclusively determining the relative value of
commodities” (Works I: 20; emphasis added). Quantities of labour
embodied alone, he insisted, do not explain exactly the relative values of
commodities. The reason for this is that not only quantities of labour
matter, but also how they are distributed over time, that is, when they are
spent in the course of the production of the various commodities. Assume
that in order to catch a beaver one has first to produce a trap, which takes
18 units of labour, followed by 2 units to collect the animal. In order to
hunt a deer one has first to produce a spear, which takes 3 units, followed
by 7 units to trace and kill the animal. Beaver production obviously needs
relatively more indirect labour (spent on producing a means of production
or capital good), whereas deer production needs relatively more direct
labour (spent on tracing and culling the beast). In competitive conditions
the wages paid to workers in early periods of time engaged in producing
means of production have to be discounted forward at the ruling rate of
profits. Since in our example beaver production needs not only absolutely
more labour, but also relatively more indirect labour than deer production,
a beaver will be worth more than two deer, as the labour theory of value
implies.
The deviation of relative competitive prices from labour values can also
be illustrated in terms of our corn-whisky example. Let vc be the labour
value of a ton of corn and vw the labour value of a hectolitre of whisky.
Then the following equation describes in labour units corn production:
100.000vc = 2000.000 + 20.000vc (4)
Gross output of corn is possessed of a labour value of 100.000vc, which

is made up of 200.000 units of direct labour and 20.000vc units of indirect
labour “embodied” in the seed capital put up with. Solving the equation
with respect to vc gives
vc = 2.5,
that is, 2.5 man years are needed altogether to produce a ton of corn (2
man years are needed directly and 0.5 years indirectly via the used-up
input of corn in corn production.) As regards whisky production, the
following labour value accounting applies:
5.000vw = 20.000 + 4.000 vc. (5)
Plugging vc = 2.5 into equation (5) and solving it for vw gives
vw = 6.
The ratio of the two labour values equals
vw/vc = 6/2.5 = 2.4. (6)
Comparing equations (3) and (6) shows that relative competitive prices
deviate from relative labour values: In price terms, whisky is more
expensive relatively to corn than in labour value terms, i.e., 2.5 vs. 2.4.
The reason for this is that whisky is produced with relatively more indirect
labour, incorporated in the capital good corn, than corn itself. Put
differently, the ratio of corn input to direct labour input in whisky
production is larger than in corn production: 4.000 corn/20.000 labour =
1/5 > 20.000 corn/200.00 labour = 1/10. The difference between 2.5 and
2.4 expresses the compound interest effect of discounting forward wages
paid in a more or less distant past.
Ricardo was clear that the labour theory of value does not completely
correctly determine relative prices, but he felt that it provided an
approximation that was good enough to adopt it as a simplifying device or
makeshift solution.4 He therefore in the Principles of Political Economy
4Ifcommodities are produced by means of commodities, and if we wish to discuss

a system with numerous commodities, prices (but also labour values) could only
be determined by solving a system of simultaneous equations; see Sraffa (1960)
and Kurz and Salvadori (1995). The mathematics needed were not at the disposal
of the classical economists (and Marx), who therefore attempted to tackle the
problem in terms of the tools available to them and by invoking simplifying
assumptions, such as, in Ricardo, that production is not a circular process, but a
developed his argument as if the theory happened to be strictly true. To be

clear, Ricardo (like Smith) was not of the opinion that labour is the only
source and substance of value, as Marx was later to contend.
12. The “fundamental law of distribution”
According to Ricardo, the “principal problem in Political Economy”

consisted in establishing the “laws” that regulate the distribution of the
product between capitalists, workers and landowners in a dynamic socio-
economic setting. That is, in conditions in which capital accumulates, the
population grows, the scarcity of some natural resources increases, there is
technical progress and there is foreign trade (Works I: 5).
In the above we have assumed that the real wage rate is given. But what
determines its level? Adam Smith had already pointed out that there is a
conflict over the distribution of income. The “common wages of labour,”
he observed, depend “every where upon the contract usually made between
those two parties, whose interests are by no means the same.” In fact, “The
workmen desire to get as much, the masters to give as little as possible.
The former are disposed to combine in order to raise, the latter in order to
lower the wages of labour” (WN I.viii.11; emphasis added). Smith insisted
that
It is not, however, difficult to foresee which of the two parties must,

upon all ordinary occasions, have the advantage in the dispute, and
force the other into compliance with their terms. [1] The masters,
being fewer in number, can combine much more easily; and [2] the
law, besides, authorises, or at least does not prohibit their
combinations, while it prohibits those of the workmen. … [3] In all
such disputes the masters can hold out much longer. A landlord, a
farmer, a master manufacturer, or merchant, though they did not
employ a single workman, could generally live a year or two upon
the stocks which they have already acquired. Many workmen could
not subsist a week, few could subsist a month, and scarce any a year
_______________________
linear one leading from inputs of “unassisted labour,” i.e., labour operating
without any produced means of production, via a finite number of steps on which
intermediate products (means of production and means of subsistence) are
produced, to the final output.
without employment. (WN I.viii.12; emphasis added)

Because of reasons [1]–[3], the bargaining position of the “labouring
poor” is weak and they must typically accept the conditions dictated by
employers in the “dispute” over wages. “Masters,” Smith added, “are
always and every where in a sort of tacit, but constant and uniform
combination, not to raise the wages of labour above their actual rate. To
violate this combination is every where a most unpopular action, and a sort
of reproach to a master among his neighbours and equals.” He went on:
“We seldom, indeed, hear of this combination, because it is the usual, and
one may say, the natural state of things which nobody ever hears of” (WN
I.viii.13). It is only in phases of a rapid accumulation of capital and thus a
swift expansion in the demand for “hands” that masters would break the
combination and bid up wages in order to attract more workers. Ricardo
confirmed Smith’s point of view in terms of his “fundamental law of
distribution.” The law implies that for a given system of production
actually in use there is an inverse relationship between the share of real
wages and the general rate of profits: “The greater the portion of the result
of labour that is given to the labourer, the smaller must be the rate of
profits, and vice versa” (Works VIII: 194). Wages and the rate of profits
could not both rise in technologically stationary conditions, as some
writers had wrongly contended. The harmonious view of society implicit in
their contention was naïve and ignored the constraint binding changes in
the distributive variables.
The law can be exemplified with regard to the above example with two
sectors. Assume that the wage rate per annum happens to be larger, i.e.,
0.32 instead of 0.3 tons, then total wages paid in corn production amount
to 64.000 tons of corn and the sum total of corn capital employed to
84.000 tons. The surplus to be distributed in the form of profits would
correspondingly be smaller and equal 16.000 tons. The rate of profits
would be lower and equal 16.000/84.00, that is, just a little more than 19
per cent instead of the previous 25 per cent. Calculating the price of
whisky in terms of corn in the new situation gives 2.476: whisky would be
relatively cheaper, because due to the lower rate of profits, the compound
interest effect would be smaller.
If wages absorbed the entire surplus, there could be no profits and the
rate of profits would be nil. In this case, the ratio of the two prices would
be equal to the ratio of the two labour values: (pw/pc)|r = 0 = (vw/vc). The
labour theory of value therefore explains relative prices correctly in a
profitless economy (which, however, is of little interest to Ricardo).

Outside it (and putting on one side the extremely special case in which all
commodities exhibit proportional labour input profiles) the labour theory
of value is at best approximately true, as Ricardo in fact assumed.
13. Natural resources and the problem of their scarcity
We now have to bring natural resources and the scarcity of land(s) into the
picture. Smith had argued in accordance with the physiocrats that ground
rent was an expression of the “fertility of nature.” Nature was taken to
cooperate with man for free and increase man’s productivity. This is also
the reason why Smith was of the opinion that agriculture was more
productive than manufacturing. Ricardo strongly opposed this view: rent is
an expression of how nature is “niggardly”! If land of the best quality and
location were available in unlimited quantity, he insisted, there could be no
ground rent, because cost-minimizing producers would be able to meet
society’s need for corn at every level by using only the best kind of land.
But because this kind of land is not available in abundance but becomes
scarce at some point as production increases, it is necessary to meet
effectual demand by also cultivating inferior lands, which exhibits higher
unit costs of production, or by cultivating the best quality of land more
intensively, which is also only possible at rising unit costs. As a result,
returns fall either extensively or intensively, leading to extensive or
intensive rents.
If, for example, demand is large and cultivation is expanded on plots of
inferior land, production costs per quarter of corn will be higher. In order
for the larger quantity to be brought forth the corn price will have to rise.
The higher price for corn enables the owners of the superior quality of land
– who continue to produce at lower unit cost – to collect a rent from their
tenants, which is just large enough to result in equal costs (inclusive of
rent) on both qualities of land. In this new situation, no rent is paid on the
inferior land, which is not scarce and which represents what later was
called “marginal” land in the given situation. Ground rent is therefore a
differential rent attributable to differences in production costs per quarter
of corn. To Ricardo, trained in the financial markets, the connection
between the annual rent per hectare of a piece of land of given quality m,
qm, and the land price per hectare, pm, was clear. If one discounts all future
annual rent payments at the prevailing interest rate i in order to get their
so-called present or capital value, one arrives at the formula for the eternal
rent: pm = qm/i. If the lease is, for example, £100 and the interest rate 5 per
cent (or 0.05), the price per hectare of that land amounts to £2.000.
With society’s growing need for corn, and setting aside technological
progress, the unit cost of corn would rise, as would the price of corn, the
money wage rate (to keep real wages constant) and ground rents on all
cultivated lands. Therefore, for a given real (and rising money) wage rate
and a decreasing fertility of marginal land, there would necessarily ensue a
falling tendency of the rate of profits for producers in agriculture and, via
the mobility of capital, in the economy as a whole. This was Ricardo’s
explanation of the tendency of the rate of profits to fall. Such a tendency
was the logical outcome in the hypothetical case where there was no
technological progress. But since there typically is technological progress,
Ricardo insisted: “it is difficult to say where the limit is at which you
would cease to accumulate wealth, and to derive profit from its
employment” (Works IV: 179). The widespread view (see, for example,
Rostow 1990: 34, 87; Blaug 2009; Solow 2010) that Ricardo saw the
stationary state lurking around the corner therefore cannot be sustained. It
mistakes Ricardo’s method of counterfactual reasoning – What would
happen, if there were no technical progress, but capital accumulated and
the population grew? – for a statement about actual economic
development. Yet Ricardo clearly was no Horseman of the Apocalypse as
his intellectual counterpart Thomas Robert Malthus, who saw mankind
forever exposed to misery and deprivation. Despite clear evidence to the
contrary, Ricardo is frequently taken to share Malthus’ pessimism. Nothing
could be further from the truth. (See also below the section on the “law of
population”.)
Ricardo was able to put this rent theory to lucrative use: he took a large
part of the fortune he had gained at the stock exchange after the defeat of
the Napoleonic troops in the Battle of Waterloo in 1815 to buy land and
become one of England’s wealthiest landowners. He understood: should
the accelerating accumulation of capital and the ensuing shortage of lands
following Waterloo mean that the lease on the land in the above-mentioned
example rose to £180, and the interest rate (as a result of the tendency of
the rate of profits to fall) sink to 3 per cent (or 0.03), the price of land
would treble and rise to £6.000. Not a bad deal at all! While Ricardo
rejected Smith’s theory of rent, he confirmed the latter’s dictum that
landlords “love to reap where they never sowed” (WN I.vi.8): when land is
getting more and more scarce, ground rents and land prices will rise.
Landlords are the lucky beneficiaries of a development of the economy to
which they contributed nothing.
14. Technical and organizational change
If capital accumulates and the population grows, less and less fertile lands
have to be cultivated. With a fairly constant real wage rate, the rate of
profits is bound to fall. Since capital accumulation is closely related to the
rate of profits,5 a fall in the latter entails a fall in the former: the system
tends towards a stationary state, economic growth comes to a standstill.
Ricardo saw technical and organizational change as a factor that
countervails the niggardliness of nature.
For Adam Smith, the division of labour was the most important engine
of economic growth and lever of increases in labour productivity and per
capita income. Initially, he argued, there was a division of labour within
and then between firms and regions in a given country, and finally between
countries. The division of labour (i) yields gains from specialization, (ii)
saves time that is lost in changing from one task or job to another, and
most importantly, (iii) promotes the development of machinery. Labour
power is replaced by machine power, and production is mechanized – a
process for which there is no end in sight.
Interestingly, Smith anticipated the emergence of a sector of the
economy that today is known as research and development (R&D). He
referred to new trades and occupations, including “that of those who are
called philosophers or men of speculation [i.e. scientists], whose trade it is,
not to do any thing, but to observe every thing; and who, upon that
account, are often capable of combining together the powers of the most
distant and dissimilar objects. In the progress of society, philosophy or
speculation becomes, like every other employment, the principal or sole
trade and occupation of a particular class of citizens.” (WN I.i.9) The new
knowledge that is systematically produced enables “improvements” in
production and organization. Two centuries before the emergence of the
concept of a “knowledge society,” Smith had already explicitly identified
the “quantity of science” as the foundation of society’s productive powers.
5 In a fully classical spirit, Karl Marx was to call the rate of profits “the stimulus of
The motor of the wealth-producing machine, Smith insisted, was capital

accumulation. It set in motion a virtuous circle: by enlarging markets,
capital accumulation facilitated a deeper division of labour, which led to
higher productivity and as a consequence to higher profits and incomes
more generally, leading in turn to further capital accumulation, and so on
and so forth. There emerges the picture of an incessant upward spiral:
capital accumulation is both the source and the effect of the continual
transformation to which the market system is subjected – the process is
characterized by circular and cumulative causation: innovation feeds on
itself.
Ricardo deepened substantially the analysis. New methods of
production replace old ones and new commodities and the methods to
produce them enter the system. If technical change affects the production
of wage goods, i.e., “necessaries,” or capital goods needed directly or
indirectly in the production of wage goods, then for a given real wage rate
(a given rate of profits) the rate of profits (the wage rate) will increase. As
early as in the Essay on Profits of 1815, Ricardo stressed that “it is no
longer questioned” that improved machinery “has a decided tendency to
raise the real wage of labour” (Works IV: 35). This is possible without a
fall in the general rate of profits, because improved machinery reduces the
quantity of labour needed directly and indirectly in the production of the
various commodities: it reduces “the sacrifices of labour” (Works IV: 397).
Clearly, to increase real wages was no intention of those who
introduced improved machinery, it is rather the unintended consequence of
their profit seeking efforts: by accelerating capital accumulation, the
growth of the demand for labour power increases, which exerts an upward
pressure on wages. However, if technical change affects only “luxuries,”
consumed by the propertied classes, the general rate of profits will not
change, given the real wage rate; only the prices of luxuries will fall
relative to those of necessaries.
Ricardo was convinced that technical progress typically reduces the
amount of labour needed directly and indirectly to produce the various
commodities. Yet this could be effectuated in numerous ways. We owe
Ricardo a rich typology of different forms of technical progress (direct
labour saving, indirect labour or capital saving, land saving and so on) and
_______________________
capitalist production and condition as well as driver of accumulation.”
the insight that these forms may affect employment, income distribution
and other important economic magnitudes in very different ways. In the
chapter on machinery, added to the third edition of the Principles (1821),
Ricardo discussed a particular form of technical progress, which, he
insisted, “is often very injurious to the interests of the class of labourers”
(Works I: 388). The case under consideration is “the substitution of
machinery for human labour” that reduces the gross product. It is
characterised by an increase both in labour productivity and in the capital-
to-output ratio, and thus a decrease in the maximum rate of profits: it is
both labour saving and (fixed) capital using. The gross-produce reducing
mechanization entails what was later called “technological unemploy-
ment,” which will typically exert a downward pressure on real wages, viz.
its injurious effect on workers.6
Ricardo argued that foreign trade increases the set of commodities and
methods of production to which a country has access via imports bought
with exports, and therefore can be expected to affect income distribution
and relative prices via the channels mentioned above. He also had a clear
understanding of induced technical change: A newly invented machine,
for example, may not be introduced by cost-minimizing producers, because
at the given real wage rate and prices it would not be profitable to do so: it
has been born into an environment that is inimical to it. In Schumpeter’s
words, it would be an “invention,” but would not (immediately) become an
“innovation,” because the new knowledge would not be applied. However,
as capital accumulates and the population grows, wages and prices
typically change, which may eventually render the invention profitable (see
Kurz 2015: section 7).
It is interesting to note that Ricardo even contemplated the limiting case
of a fully automated system of production and pointed out: “If machinery
could do all the work that labour now does, there would be no demand for
labour. Nobody would be entitled to consume any thing who was not a
capitalist, and who could not buy or hire a machine” (Works VIII: 399f).
He thus anticipated in an extreme form the trend towards automation
which advanced economies are currently experiencing. And he saw that
6In Marx we encounter Ricardo’s case as the allegedly dominant form of technical
progress in capitalism, characterized by a growing “organic composition of
capital” and thus a falling maximum rate of profits, which will eventually, Marx
was convinced, also force the actual rate of profits to fall.
this trend poses potentially serious problems as regards employment and

income distribution.
15. The “law of population”
The doctrines of the classical economists are typically associated with

some form or other of the Malthusian “law of population,” according to
which any increase of real wages above bare subsistence spurs population
growth, which counteracts any rise in real wages. Smith anticipated and
Thomas Robert Malthus unswervingly advocated variants of this view. As
regards the long-term trend of the real wage rate, the question then was
whether technical progress would outweigh population growth: while
Malthus was pessimistic, Smith was optimistic.
Ricardo assumed a given subsistence wage in one part of his economic
analysis, but abandoned it in another one. Close scrutiny shows that he
distinguished between the determination of the rate of profits and relative
prices in given economic circumstances, that is, at a given time and place,
and the movement of all distributive variables, including wages, in
changing circumstances, that is, over time. In the former case, Ricardo
insisted, as we have seen, that the rate of profits and relative prices are
fully determined in terms of the given system of production and a given
level of real wages. For an essentially tactical reason he was prepared to
come partly Malthus’ way by assuming the law of population, because then
the real wage rate could be taken as a given (“subsistence”) magnitude.
This rendered the explanation of profits residually in terms of the surplus
product a great deal easier and should have prevented Malthus from
escaping the logic of Ricardo’s reasoning.
When Ricardo in his theory of capital accumulation and economic
development then turned to a system incessantly in movement and
transformation from within, he emphasized that the real wage rate can no
longer be taken as given and constant and explicitly distanced himself from
the Malthusian law of population. He stressed the historical and social
dimensions of the natural wage (Works I: 96–7) and that “population may
be so little stimulated by ample wages as to increase at the slowest rate –
or it may even go in a retrograde direction” (Works I: 169). “Better
education and improved habits” may break the connection between
population and necessaries (Works II: 115). Workers may get “more
liberally rewarded” and thus participate in the sharing out of the surplus
product (Works I: 48). If this were the case for a prolonged period of time,
a sort of ratchet effect may be observed: the higher real wages become
customary and define a new level of “natural” wages. As early as in the
Essay on Profits, Ricardo stressed that “it is no longer questioned” that
improved machinery “has a decided tendency to raise the real wage of
labour” (Works IV: 35; see also VIII: 171).
It follows that the concept of “natural wages” in Ricardo is defined with
reference to the wealth of a society and the growth regime it experiences
and must not be interpreted as indicating a given and constant real wage
rate – nothing of this sort. An implication of this is that Ricardo felt the
need to replace the real (that is, commodity) wage rate by a share concept,
or “proportional wages” (Sraffa 1951: lii), that is, “the proportion of the
annual labour of the country … devoted to the support of the labourers”
(Works I: 49). It was on the basis of this wage concept that he asserted his
fundamental proposition on distribution: the rate of profits depends
inversely on proportional wages (see Gehrke 2011).
To conclude, the classical surplus explanation of profits applies both in
a regime, in which the law of population holds, and in a regime, in which it
doesn’t. Ricardo’s main concern was clearly with the latter.
15. Foreign trade
Smith was convinced that the mercantile system of monopolies, import

restrictions and export promotion led to a misguided allocation of
resources, dampened economic dynamism, and had unwanted
distributional effects. It went against the liberal principles of “equality [in
the sense of equal rights], liberty, and justice.” Smith was especially
critical of the mercantilist promotion of cities (and therewith of industry)
and foreign trade. This went against the “natural course of things,” in
which agriculture is the first sector to develop, followed by industry and
cities in tandem with domestic trade, and foreign commerce only in a final
stage. Agriculture is said to have the highest added value, since in that
sector “nature labours along with man” and “costs no expense.” This
originally physiocratic idea would later be subjected to persuasive critique
by Ricardo. But foreign trade, although it offered opportunities for higher
profits, also harboured higher risks and greater insecurity for capital
investment, according to Smith. The risk-averse capital owner therefore
preferred to invest at home and, in pursuing his own advantage there,
provided for higher domestic employment and income: “He is . . . led by

an invisible hand to promote an end which was no part of his intention.”
Smith was an eloquent advocate of free trade and what today is called
“globalization.” But his advocacy was tied to an important condition: the
advantages of free trade had to accrue to the benfit of all countries and
parties involved, which again points to the importance of good
government.
Ricardo regarded Smith’s explanation of how countries specialize based
on absolute advantages in production costs for goods as incomplete.
Assume, he argued, that the home country can produce all goods at lower
costs than can be done abroad. Then, initially, it is only the home country
that exports goods, which foreign countries import. This leads to an inflow
of gold (the money commodity) at home and to an outflow from abroad
(David Hume’s price-specie flow mechanism). According to the quantity
theory of money, prices rise at home and fall abroad. At some point the
prices of some commodities abroad fall below those at home, so that the
absolute cost advantage reverses itself, and the foreign countries can now
export the commodities under consideration. To which commodities does
this apply?
Ricardo developed the principle of comparative advantage as an
answer and exemplified it in terms of the trade in cloth and wine between
England and Portugal. Assume that, in Portugal, 90 hours of labour are
needed to produce a bale of cloth and 80 hours for a cask of wine. In
England, meanwhile, it takes 100 hours for cloth and 120 hours for wine.
Portugal possesses an absolute advantage with respect to both products,
and with respect to wine also a comparative (relative) advantage: the cost
difference for wine (80/120) is greater than for cloth (90/100).
(Correspondingly England faces an absolute disadvantage with respect to
both products but a comparative advantage with respect to cloth.) For
Portuguese producers, it is worthwhile to specialize in the production and
export of wine while importing cloth from England, where the English
absolute disadvantage is comparatively small.
We may explain Ricardo’s important principle, which Paul A.
Samuelson called both “true” and “nontrivial,” in another way, drawing
attention to the involved possibility of arbitrage, meaning here the
exploitation of price differences in the two countries involved. Assume that
the two countries have their own currencies, which are supposed to be
nonconvertible – Portugal the Portuguese real and England the pound.
Assume that the money prices of the quantities of cloth and wine in the two
countries are proportional to the quantities of labour spent in producing
them, and assume for simplicity that the numbers are the same, the only
difference being that now, instead of Portuguese and English labour, we
have reals and pounds (Table 1).
Table 1:
One can easily see that trade would be favourable to merchants of both
countries. (In the following, for simplicity, we set aside transportation
costs.) Take the case of an English merchant. He may buy for £100 a given
quantity of cloth, ship it to Portugal, and sell it there for 90 reals. With this
sum of money he may then buy wine from a Portuguese wine grower and
get altogether 90/80 = 9/8 units of wine, where one unit costs 80 reals.
This quantity of wine he then ships to England and sells for 9/8 × £120 =
£135. He thus yields a profit of £135 – £100 = £35 or a rate of profit of 35
per cent on an investment of £100 over the time it took to export cloth and
import wine. (It deserves to be noted that the English merchant can use the
same ship to export and import goods from and to England.) A similar
consideration applies to a Portuguese merchant.
The remarkable fact here is (as opposed to the previous explanation
with gold as the universal means of payment) that while commodities are
exported and imported, the currencies of the two countries do not cross
borders: they stay in the countries of origin; there are no flows of money
into and out of a country.
What applies to specialization between countries also applies to trade
between people. The happy message of Ricardo’s finding is this: whoever
is inferior to another person in everything can nonetheless become
involved in a division of labour that is mutually advantageous. In this way,
Ricardo added an important verse to Adam Smith’s hymn of praise on the
beneficent effects of the division of labour.
16. The role of government and the state, and taxation
Smith differentiated, in a new way, between the subareas of economic

activity that should be reserved for the government and state and those that
should be left to the private sector. The government, according to his view,
should only take on tasks that private agents are either incapable of
carrying out or cannot do as well as government can (or can do only at a
higher cost). Once the legitimate tasks of the state are fixed, the means to
finance them must be decided. According to Smith, the maxim to follow is
that the private sector should not be burdened with excessive taxation.
Smith’s remarks on this matter are frequently interpreted as a plea for a
“minimal” or “night watchman state.” This interpretation is untenable. The
Wealth of Nations includes an impressive set of tasks for the state. Smith
was concerned with transforming the old authoritarian state into a modern
constitutional and achievement-oriented state that reacts appropriately to
the changing needs of the day. He recognized, for instance, that the
division of labour could have negative by-products: the devaluation of
artisanal skills and the replacement of adult with child labour. He called
for state-financed elementary school education to cushion the negative
consequences of this development. He listed other responsibilities of the
state, including the administration of justice, policing, and national
defence; the provision of infrastructure to facilitate the movement of
people and commodities; and the organization of large-scale projects in the
general interest. In light of historical experiences – especially the
introduction on a large scale of paper money in France at the beginning of
the eighteenth century and the ensuing Mississippi Bubble – Smith also
advocated, as we have already heard, regulating the unstable banking
sector, since “those exertions of the natural liberty of a few individuals,
which might endanger the security of the whole society, are, and ought to
be, restrained by the laws of all governments.” And while he considered
paper money on a par with technical progress, because it allowed a society
to save on the costly provision of gold and silver, he warned that the
commerce and industry of a country “cannot be altogether so secure, when
they are thus, as it were, suspended upon the Daedalian wings of paper
money.” According to Greek mythology, Daedalus was a gifted craftsman
who built wings of wax and feathers with which he and his son Icarus
escaped from the island of Crete after having been imprisoned by Minos.
But hubris – or was it “irrational exuberance”? – made Icarus ignore his

father’s warnings: he got too close to the sun, which made the wax in his
wings melt, and he fell into the sea and died.
Taxes should be proportionally equal, according to Smith, who thus
addressed both the ability-to-pay principle (that taxation should be based
on income) and the equivalence principle (that taxation should be based on
the benefits experienced as a result of government activity).
In the Principles Ricardo devoted a substantial space and a great deal of
attention to taxation and especially the problem of tax incidence and the
impact of taxes on the pace of capital accumulation and economic growth.
He insisted: “There are no taxes which have not a tendency to lessen the
power to accumulate. All taxes must either fall on capital or revenue”
(Works I: 152). However, he added, the burden of a tax is not necessarily
borne by whoever pays it. This insight is then illustrated in a number of
cases involving both direct and indirect taxes. For example, on the premise
that workers are paid a subsistence wage, a tax on wages could not be
borne by workers: nominal wages would rise leaving real wages constant
and the tax would accordingly be shifted to capitalists. A similar reasoning
applies to the case in which a tax is laid on wage goods or “necessaries.”
The price of the wage goods and as a consequence the nominal wage
would increase. Taxes on “luxuries” on the contrary “fall on those only
who make use of them” (Works I: 205).
In full accordance with his doctrine that rent does not enter the price of
commodities Ricardo insisted that “A tax on rent would affect rent only; it
would fall wholly on landlords, and could not be shifted to any class of
consumers” (Works I: 173). A tax on profits would increase the prices of
the products: “if a tax in proportion to profits were laid on all trades, every
commodity would be raised in price” (Works I: 205). Depending on the
consumption patterns of the different classes of society this would affect
their respective members differently. A rise in the price of wage goods
would again entail a corresponding adjustment of nominal wages:
“Whatever raises the wages of labour, lowers the profits of stock; therefore
every tax on any commodity consumed by the labourer, has a tendency to
lower the rate of profits” (Works I: 205), and, as a consequence, the rate of
capital accumulation.
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Munich Social Science Review, New Series, vol.

Classical Political Economy

Keywords: Capital accumulation and economic growth; Classical political

1. The concept of “classical political economy”

Karl Marx coined the concept of “classical political economy” in A

France in the seventeenth century up until to the works of David Ricardo in

economics differ in important respects – the former is not simply an early

2. Method and content

The focus of attention in classical political economy is on the

2 For details, see Kurz (2016: chap. 5).

unimportant and economic interaction weak. Depending on the set of

3. Political economy, economics, sociology

The difference between the two kinds of approaches, classical and

lectures on positive philosophy in the late 1830s. Conceived as the

4. Homo mercans, homo laborans and homo inventivus

In order to understand the economic world, one has to understand human

– whose approval individuals seek. While in the Theory of Moral

Smith exemplified the double coincidence of wants in one of the best-

1. The market is a natural form of organising economic affairs,

The classical economists distinguished between “three grand orders of

knowledge. Landlords, Smith wrote, receive revenue (rent) that “costs

The proposal of any new law or regulation of commerce which

Those who are better informed and capable of interpreting pieces of

customers, consumers and, in general, workers: asymmetric information

6. Information asymmetries and the banking trade

Information asymmetries play a particularly important role in the banking

7. Money and currency

Ricardo started his professional career as a stockjobber at the London

directors of the Bank (which remained a private institution until 1946),

8. The classical surplus approach to value and distribution

The litmus test of what is classical political economy is how its

1. The total quantities of the various commodities produced during a

We may illustrate the classical surplus approach to value and

simplicity taken to equal total cost of production and thus amount to

9. Necessaries vs. luxuries

Corn in our example is what the classical authors called a “necessary”

100.000pc = (1 + r) 80.000pc (1)

and in whisky production it equals

5.000pw = (1 + r) 10.000pc. (2)

pw/pc = 2.5. (3)

That is, one hectolitre of whisky is worth 2.5 tons of corn.

10. “Natural” vs. “market price”

the central price, to which the prices of all commodities are

The “gravitation” of market prices towards prices of production, or

Relative changes in the employment of capital across the economy are

11. Quantities of “labour embodied”

Up until now we have not talked about “labour values” or quantities of

directly and indirectly in their production: Expressed in terms of a famous

100.000vc = 2000.000 + 20.000vc (4)

Gross output of corn is possessed of a labour value of 100.000vc, which

5.000vw = 20.000 + 4.000 vc. (5)

Plugging vc = 2.5 into equation (5) and solving it for vw gives

The ratio of the two labour values equals

vw/vc = 6/2.5 = 2.4. (6)

4Ifcommodities are produced by means of commodities, and if we wish to discuss

developed his argument as if the theory happened to be strictly true. To be

12. The “fundamental law of distribution”

According to Ricardo, the “principal problem in Political Economy”

It is not, however, difficult to foresee which of the two parties must,