How Does The Constitution Protect Against Tyranny?
How Does The Constitution Protect Against Tyranny?
How Does The Constitution Protect Against Tyranny?
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Student
01/19/19
How Does the Constitution Protect Against Tyranny?
The streets of Philadelphia we’re stinky with sewage and the City was broiling. Our nation
-- the United States of America -- came from not-so-glamorous circumstances. The States got
together in seventeen eighty seven to go to the Constitutional Convention to fix the old Articles
of Confederation. Such Government had no Chief Executive, and most of all: had no judicial
system to review the laws passed by Congress. States were independent, but under one nation.
They had declared independence from the tyrant known as King George the Third. Tyranny1 had
ruled over them for nearly a century and a half, but now: they have the opportunity to form a
nation of laws. Tyranny: how can it prevented as to avoid a repeat of King George the Third?
That is what our Founding Fathers thought when they sat down to hammer out our Constitution.
The Constitution protects against any tyranny being instituted over these States mostly
through the principles of Separation of Powers; Checks and Balances; Popular Sovereignty;
1
For our purposes, tyranny is "the accumulation of all powers, legislative, executive, and judiciary, in the
same hands, whether of one, a few, or many, or whether hereditary, self-appointed, or elective". See
Federalist Paper No. 59 (Hamilton, 329).
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One way the Constitution protects against any tyranny being instituted over these States is
by separating the branches of governments and making sure that they all could not gain too much
power.2 "And I hear Americans saying this nowadays, and there's a lot of it going around. They
talk about a dysfunctional government because there's disagreement, and they -- and the framers
would have said, yes, that's exactly the way we set it up. We wanted this to be contradicting
power because the main ill that beset us, as Hamilton said in The Federalist3 [Papers] when he
talked about a separate Senate -- he said, yes, it seems inconvenient, but inasmuch as the main ill
that besets us is an excess of legislation, it won't be so bad."4 This was specifically implemented
in our Constitution by the express delegation of powers and responsibilities by the Founding
Fathers to the respective branches.5 It was also said by the Founding Fathers that “liberty
requires that the three great [branches] of power should be separate and distinct.”6
2
“We're the power of judgment joined with the legislative, the life and liberty of the subject would be
exposed to arbitrary control, for the judge would then be the legislator. We're it joined to the executive
power, the judge may behave with all the violence of a oppressor." See Federalist Paper No. 47 (Madison,
332); ; "The entire legislature can perform no judicial act, though by a joint act of two of its branches, the
judges may be removed from their offices, and though one of its branches is possessed of the judicial
power in the last resort." Ibid. It is clear that the intent of the Founding Fathers was to make sure (1) no
one person had both a executive position and legislative one and (2) that tyranny could not be easily
achieved, if at all.
3
See Federalist Paper No. 62 (Madison).
4
Scalia, Antonin. Constitutional Role of Judges. C-SPAN. United States Capitol, Washington, D.C. 5
October 2011.
5
See U.S. Const. Art. I, sec. II, cl. I (“All legislative Powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress
of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives.”); See U.S. Const. Art.
II, sec. I, cl. I (“The executive power shall be vested in a President of the United States.”; See U.S. Const.
Art. III, sec. I, cl. I (“The judicial power of the United States shall be vested in one Supreme Court.”)
6
See Federalist Paper No. 47 (Madison, 330).
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For these very reasons, the Supreme Court has struck down delegations of authority from
Another way the Constitution protects against any tyranny being instituted over these
important part of a nation’s government. Without it, the rights and liberties of its citizens are not
fully protected by national or international standards.”9 It is clear that Popular Sovereignty and
Republicanism are key to protect ourselves and our prosperity.10 In our Declaration of
Independence, it declares that "governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers
from the consent of the governed."11 The Founding Fathers, and the people who came after them,
clearly intended for the People to be able to choose their own Representatives as to “provide …
7
See Immigration and Naturalization Service v. Chadha, 462 U.S. 919 (1983) (struck down the one house
veto of executive actions); See Clinton v. City of New York, 524 U.S. 417 (1998) (struck down the one
line veto act).
8
“Congress cannot delegate legislative power to the President is a principle universally recognized as
vital to the integrity and maintenance of the system of government ordained by the Constitution.” See
Mistretta v. United States, 488 U.S. 361, 372 (1989) (citing Field v. Clark, 143 U.S. 649, 692 (1892)),
however the Supreme Court said that “the separation-of-powers principle, and the nondelegation doctrine
in particular, do not prevent Congress from obtaining the assistance of its coordinate Branches … So long
as Congress ‘shall lay down by legislative act an intelligible principle to which the person or body
authorized to [exercise the delegated authority] is directed to conform, such legislative action is not a
forbidden delegation of legislative power.’” Mistretta, 488 U.S., at 372 (citing J.W. Hampton, Jr. & Co. v.
United States, 276 U. S. 394, 409 (1928)).
9
Khan, Aliya. “Popular Sovereignty.” Indiana University,
https://learningtogive.org/resource/popular-sovereignty. Last accessed January 13th, 2019.
10
For example, the Constitution protects against being denied the right to vote generally speaking. See
U.S. Const. amend. XV (on basis of previous servitude); U.S. Const. amend. XIX (on basis of sex); U.S.
Const. amend. XXIV (on basis of ability to pay poll tax); U.S. Const. amend. XXVI (on basis of age).
11
Madison, James. “Declaration of Independence.” National Archives and Records Administration,
www.archives.gov/founding-docs/declaration-transcript. Last accessed January 16th, 2019.
12
Ibid.
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The final way the Constitution protects against any tyranny being instituted over these
States is by Limited Government and Individual Rights. It is a fact that “all men are created
equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights, that among these
are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.” These principles have been adopted within our
Constitution.13 Jefferson wrote in a letter to Madison that he “hope[s] … a bill of rights will be
formed to guard the people against the Federal Government” and that “a bill of rights is what the
In conclusion, the Founding Fathers used these principles in the Constitution to prevent
both a tyranny being instituted over these states but also to give the People the rights of which
they were once deprived of. It is essential that one person or group has too much power, as that
may institute a quiet tyranny. This impacts us today because of the political climate we face as a
nation. The Government has repeatedly tried to violate our rights, but we the People, can defend
ourselves with the laws of which this nation has to ensure freedom and never ever again suffer
under a tyranny.15
13
S ee U.S. Const. amend. I (freedom of speech, press, assembly and right to petition the Government);
Id., at amend. III (prohibiting quartering of soldiers within houses without consent of the owner); Id.,
amend. IV (prohibiting unreasonable searches and seizures and warrants must be issued upon probable
cause); Id., amend. VIII (prohibiting excessive bail and cruel and unusual punishment).
14
Jefferson, Thomas. “Letter to James Madison, 20 December 1787.” Founders Online, National
Archives, last modified June 13, 2018, http://founders.archives.gov/documents/Madison/01-10-02-0210.
Source: The Papers of James Madison, vol. 10, 27 May 1787–3 March 1788, ed. Robert A. Rutland,
Charles F. Hobson, William M. E. Rachal, and Frederika J. Teute. Chicago: The University of Chicago
Press, 1977, pp. 335–339.
15
I’d like to finally conclude this thesis by thanking the Reader for taking the time to read this. Many
citizens lack information about our form of Government and the Constitution, and it is a monument to the
way we live.
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