04 Baynosa, Niel Arts 1 WFW-1 College of Architecture Prof.

Eloisa May Hernandez, PhD

An Analysis of Lino Brocka’s ​Orapronobis

There are immense power and capability embedded in cinema on its roles and responsibility to

society. Its ability to affect and empower not just miniature societal images but holistic social constructs

up until today works its ways. Its freedom to expose any chosen issue (disregarding cultural, political, and

societal bounds) serves as a double-edged sword to the consumers of media – part positive and part

negative on its influences to the viewers. Its capability, as well, to work as a form of art that not just

amuses, but awakens the viewer on the current situations in the society – catalyzing change and leaving a

drastic impact on the viewer – has always been one of the greatest capabilities of film in society. A great

demonstration of these three capabilities of film in influencing society is Lino Brocka’s ​Orapronobis​, a

1989 political thriller film written by Pete Lacaba and directed by Lino Brocka. A thorough analysis of

the film’s significance and contribution to society will be conducted in this essay by selecting various

scenes in the film that are of significance to its essence, and understanding recurring themes and issues

shown in the film through these various scenes.

In order to understand a film thoroughly, however, one must also understand the background of

the film’s director and writer first - this provides a glimpse of the motivations as on what pushed the film

to become what it is on screen.

Catalino “Lino” Ortiz Brocka, more known as ​Lino Brocka​, directed the film. Through his 66

films, he gave utmost focus on the marginalized sectors of the society by undertaking realist themes and
centralizing the storyline on main characters from this sector. He started creating films in 1970, with great

success, until he paused for a period from 1983 to 1985, when he involved himself in militant

organizations - Justice for Aquino, Justice for All (JAJA), National Alliance for Justice, Freedom, and

Democracy (NAJFD), Bagong Alyansang Makabayan (New Nationalist Coalition, BAYAN), and one he

made on his own, the Concerned Artists of the Philippines (CAP) - during an upsurge of protest through

all sectors of the society against the dictatorial regime of Ferdinand Marcos. Through his 20-year career,

he believed that film is, and will always be an instrument of social change. Films of Brocka are

considered as ​realist - based on real-life events, rooted in his own experience; and pushed by his own urge

to develop the Filipino eye for films, with his skill of directing a viewer to create alarming conclusions

about society. The concentration of Brocka on marginalized individuals such as prostitutes, gang

members, construction workers, etc. represented in his films comes more from his individual experiences

in this sector of society.

Meanwhile, Jose "​Pete"​ Lacaba was the writer of the film. He was born in Misamis Oriental in

1945 and came out as one of the most prolific icons in Philippine literature as of today. His areas of

expertise include journalism, creative writing, and scriptwriting. He was recognized before for his

excellent coverage of the First Quarter Storm, a movement against the Marcos Administration, during

1970. He then continued to be against the president during the Martial Law, publishing his famous poem

"Prometheus Unbound" at Focus, a government-approved magazine at that time. He was also imprisoned

during the Martial Law and had his fair share of the horrors of the dictatorship. He worked numerous

times with Lino Brocka and other filmmakers afterward in creating flicks that highlight the lives of

ordinary, unexpected people that have undergone poverty and injustice in society.

From these backgrounds, it can be understood that both Brocka and Lacaba had their first-hand

accounts and experiences with government brutality. This may be why the formula of ​Orapronobis was
created - with the realist eye of Brocka and the prolific mind of Lacaba, one can say that the creation of

Orapronobis​ was definitely inevitable.

The film, as a whole, serves as a cinematic representation of the socio-political climate in the

Post-Martial Law era. It aimed to reveal the then hidden realities of the apparently expected “more

benevolent” administration of Cory Aquino, such as the resumed militarization of rural areas which

resulted in the continued, even worse violation of human rights. According to Brocka himself, the film

was “mainly about human rights violations under the Aquino administration,” (Mongaya) during an

interview during the 1980s. Inspirations for writing the film itself came from a situation both Brocka and

Lacaba experienced. During their time as members of the Constitutional Commission, Brocka and Lacaba

went to Misamis Oriental and passed by a massacre of 18 men, women, and children done by Tadtad (a

paramilitary group) that happened in the town of Gingoog (Mongaya). This incident piqued Brocka’s

interest and started exploring about paramilitary groups around the area. On continuing the whole

storyline, scriptwriter Lacaba used actual events from the 1988 Amnesty International report on Human

Rights Violations as bases for the event that happened in the story (Ora Pro Nobis - Artists' Television

Access). Motivation on continuing the film came from the fact that all events from the story were based

on real-life stories. These were already found in the headlines, and are composed of the undeniable truth.

The stories they were basing on were actually real. As an archetype of the societal climate during the said

time period, it is therefore important to refer to scenes that are derived from real-life icons from the said

era - news, pop culture elements, locations, etc. – and explore their deeper roots.

Icons

The film starts at a time in 1985, when Orapronobis, a cult under the leadership of Kumander

Kontra, kills a priest in the fictional town of Santa Filomena that allegedly gave last rites to a red-tagged

rebel, killed by the same cult group. This very scene corresponds to the killing of Fr. Tullio Favali in
Kidapawan, North Cotabato in April 1985 (Amnesty International). Eight men were sentenced to life

imprisonment for the death of Fr. Favali, and all eight of them were former members of the Integrated

Civilian Home Defense Forces, a paramilitary group managed and supervised by heads of local

government units in our country.

Documentary footage of the 1986 EDSA Revolution then follows. Footage used on the film were

parts of the same footage aired over television during the height of the 1986 Revolution, after its

celebrated success. It is then followed by contrasting footage of Marcos on his last broadcast before the

end of his dictatorship, and lastly followed by the loss of reception of the TV inside a prison cell while the

prisoners inside were watching. After confirming on a radio station that the dictatorship has ended, a

scene of political prisoners rejoicing and celebrating inside and outside the prison cell follows. Jimmy

Cordero, the protagonist, is introduced here through various close-up scenes that other characters did not

have. In a broader sense, the very scene happened in most (if not all) Filipino households during that same

period of the revolution, in a time where freedom is expected to be achieved after a continued national

struggle.

Next, the film then skips several years and jumps to November 1988, back in Santa Filomena.

Nine men were walking down the road. They are then stopped by members of Orapronobis. The nine men

were asked to present their identification documents claimed to be distributed by the paramilitary group.

As they failed to present these said documents, they were gunned down while running into a grass field.

There is a point of contest on which event was this scene based from - a 1982 news of nine youths getting

killed after a basketball game in Cauayan, Negros Occidental or a 1984 “encounter” that resulted to the

massacre of nine men in Langoni, a town in Negros (Santiago). What is chilling for this is that there was

not only one, but two events that might have served as basis, and the fact that there were two real-life

events that closely resembled this scene says a lot about the time period of alleged “benevolent change”.
Jimmy then participates on a fact-finding mission on the town of Santa Filomena, where they interview a

survivor of the said attack. A community immersion session followed while a group of people sang “Wala

Nang Tao sa Santa Filomena”, a rather fit song for the situation of the people on the said town. The song

depicts a rural area whose rice stalks have bent over (a sign of rice not being taken care of), where a

langay-langayan passes by while singing (Remollino). No one heard the bird's song, as the people of

Santa Filomena in the song are - as observed - not in the town. The fictitious town on the song mirrors the

abandonment of the town of Laac in Davao Del Norte due to militarization of the place (Tiu). After the

said gathering, the town of Santa Filomena in the film was then deserted by its people after a threat by

Commander Kontra during an attack the morning after. The song served as a premonition of what will

happen after –a foreshadowing.

On a positive note, the correspondence of these events adds to the aim of the film in becoming as

genuine as possible. However, this realism falls on a downside too. As an inhabitant of the society, it is

the viewer’s responsibility to be alarmed that these events were derived from real-life bases, and to

respond to this alarm in their own ways, in every way possible, because in the context of our

sociopolitical climate today there is a great probability that events similar to these will happen in our

society.

With realism in mind, it is also important to understand the recurring themes, issues, and

symbolisms tackled in the film in relation to the context it pertains to.

Context

Corazon Aquino initiated communication with communist insurgents in hopes of starting a

ceasefire, a hundred days after being proclaimed President of the Philippines (Santiago). With the talks,

she hoped on working towards a tranquil end of armed insurgencies spearheaded by CPP and NDF
through its military and defensive sector, the New People's Army (NPA). A seventeen-year insurgency

campaign has been going on during this time, with a goal of converting the nation into a socialist entity in

an armed manner, following a Maoist strategy of extended warfare in rural areas. In response to this

insurgency campaign, a counter-insurgency strategy was undertaken by the government by training,

handpicking, and arming civilians from the countryside in hopes of supplying assistance in eliminating

communist entities in their own areas. However, massive and numerous reports of human rights violations

were reported and led to the disbandment of these vigilante groups on July 25, 1988 (Santiago). There

were still some, though, who did not follow this order and continued their cause. These clashing of

ideologies and viewpoints still happen up until today. This central theme of insurgency and

counter-insurgency as the main premise of ​Orapronobis​. The film failed to expose this very issue on a

nationwide scale, however, since it was never filmed publicly here in the Philippines due to its subject

matter’s sensitivity and timeliness. However, three major themes under the central theme of insurgency

and counter-insurgency will be discussed in detail here – the legalization of paramilitary groups, the

involvement of the church in state decisions, and struggle in ideology.

Lino Brocka expresses high disbelief to the government in ​Orapronobis​. With counter-insurgency

measures creating more vigilante groups that ended up causing more terror to the countryside, the film

highly represents Brocka’s disappointment to the administration due to its indifference to the real

situation of the rural poor at that time – living in fear, darkness, and poverty. Adding to this was the

depiction of the military arm of the government as tolerating to the horrors these vigilante groups conduct.

Being trained and created by the government itself, these vigilante groups still work hand-in-hand with

the military and wait for orders.

The discussion of religion as an important element for both the revolting and the oppressing side

is a key topic for ​Orapronobis​. Most of the film's religious representation showcases church people being
active in revolutionary activities. Liberation Theology has become a tool for some members of the clergy

to encourage people to fight against oppression, which can be shown by Jimmy Cordero, Sister Marie,

and Bishop Romero. Meanwhile, the church itself assumed a stance to endorse vigilante groups, whom in

their expectations are Christian believers that oppose other groups that teach atheism. Moreover, the silver

lining between upholding Christian-centered values and beliefs and supporting rebels during a heated

conversation between Sister Marie plus the other members of the fact-finding mission and Colonel Mateo,

where Colonel Mateo accuses them of feeding a rebel, and Esper defends that they give food to anyone

who asks food from them, with full disregard in being a rebel or not. Painstakingly, religion also revolves

around the fanatic cult Orapronobis. With its name being a wordplay itself to a Latin phrase that asks the

intercession of the Virgin Mary, their fanatical devotion to being “unkillable” and invincible is also rooted

in religion, as seen in the religious artifacts and icons in Commander Kontra’s hideout.

Ideological struggle was best exhibited by Jimmy Cordero’s moral dilemma all throughout the

film. Jimmy’s married life was also taken into consideration, as the film describes how significant

political decisions greatly affect the lives of ordinary people. Jimmy then sees Esper’s silhouette through

a TV interview for the nine men killed in Santa Filomena, and his reflex was to join the fact-finding

mission in that town in order to not only face the horrors of Orapronobis but also to retract to his past

under the indeterminate state of his life in the present. He discovers he has a son with Esper, and the

struggle inside Jimmy gets even worse. Moreover, Jimmy’s ideological struggle is thereover represented

by Trixie and Esper, the two women greatly involved in his life. Trixie represents the viewpoint of the

bourgeoisie, that in a secured, stable life, one can dive into human rights’ responsibilities. She accepts the

boundaries given by her position in the society by tackling her struggles through “favorable” means, such

as appearing on live TV in hopes of finding a workplace confidante that was kidnapped. On the other end

is Esper that represents the burdened and troubled lower class. She reveals that after the death of her

husband, she lived a normal life for her children. She is the exact embodiment of an independent Filipino
woman, still standing strong and surviving amidst the setbacks of Orapronobis, poverty, and the military.

With this, Jimmy feels held back by the bourgeois nature of Trixie, while he finds his true distinctiveness

with Esper. As a matter of fact, the death of Esper and his son Camino under the hands of Commander

Kontra became a trigger for Jimmy to join his friend Rene in returning to the underground movement

again as a participant of the armed struggle.

In a way, ​Orapronobis serves as a rather astonishing viewpoint negated to the mainstream views

of our society. It presented the events from the rural side, providing a point-of-view from the countryside

wholely, transforming it into a campaign for advocacy at the same time that it negates the ways things are

in the society. As reproach gets accumulated in the film, it serves as a calling to catalyze things up in

starting a change in our society. Despite the mixed-up reactions from viewers, the film’s implications and

consequences to the society will never be filled up if it will not be shown the people it is targeted to – the

public. The documentary style of the film creates a representation of the society in our country from that

time that is a carbon copy of those that can be seen in media and news coverage. It is rather chilling to

think that there has been an existing need to create this kind of film, with this rather serious goal of

instilling change in the minds of the viewers.

With its purpose never been served, watching the film and considering it with today’s context, it

feels horrible to think that what happened more than thirty years ago, still has no difference as to what

happens now. It seems rather horrifying to think that up until now, decades after it was created, this film

is still really relevant. It seems rather disgusting to realize that we thought we have achieved “freedom”

before, but for real, it was just still chaos taking into a rather different yet same form; the oppressors were

just changed.
References

Amnesty International. ​Amnesty International Report 1988.​ Report. London: Amnesty

International, 1988. Document.

Mongaya, Karlo. "Ora pro nobis - Bombard the Headquarters!" 23 September 2008. ​Bombard the

Headquarters!​ Document. 8 November 2019.

Ora Pr Nobis - Artists' Television Access.​ 11 December 2003. 8 November 2018.

<http://www.atasite.org/2003/12/11/ora-pro-nobis-fight-for-us/>.

Remollino, Alexander Martin. "Gov’t Hit for Ignoring UN Call on Human Rights." ​Bulatlat 29

February 2004.

Santiago, Arminda V. ​The Struggle of the Oppressed: Lino Brocka and the New Cinema of the

Philippines​. Thesis. Denton, Texas, 1993. Document.

Tiu, Macario. "O Susana: truly a powerful weapon against deception and forgetting Mac Tiu."

MindaNews​ 18 February 2016.